Podcasts about new deal democratic

Les Leopold's new book, “The Billionaires Have Two Parties – We Need a Party of Our Own,” starts from a simple claim: Republicans and Democrats alike have become instruments of the billionaire class, while working people are left with no real political home. On Coming From Left Field, Leopold walks through the economic history behind that argument, from deindustrialization and NAFTA to Wall Street's “financial strip mining” of communities through mass layoffs and stock buybacks. He highlights places like Mingo County, West Virginia—once a New Deal Democratic and union stronghold—where coal jobs collapsed, no serious public reconstruction ever arrived, and the opioid industry filled the vacuum as the only growth sector. In county after county across the Rust Belt and Appalachia, he and his co‑researchers found that rising mass layoffs map onto falling Democratic vote share; voters blame the party that was supposed to fight for them, not because of “wokeness,” but because Democrats abandoned New Deal‑style job guarantees and embraced a corporate‑first politics. The heart of Leopold's case, though, is that ordinary people are far readier for a bold working‑class program than the political class believes. In a 3,000‑person survey in Ohio, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, he tested a fictional “Independent Workers Political Association” with a radical platform: a right to a job at a living wage (with the public sector stepping in if the private sector fails), a ban on compulsory layoffs at firms receiving government money, a genuinely livable minimum wage, and strong action against price‑gouging by pharmaceutical and food corporations. He expected fringe support; instead, 57% of voters backed the idea, only 18% opposed it, support was consistent across all four states, 40% of Trump voters said yes, and 70% of voters under 30 were on board. The same survey showed the Democratic label itself has become a liability: for identical populist platforms, “independent” candidates started about eight points ahead of “Democrats,” and in Ohio, the penalty for the Democratic label rose to roughly sixteen points. For Leopold, the implication is clear: you cannot build a serious working‑class politics by trying to be “better Democrats” everywhere. Instead, his book calls for building a new “party of our own” from the ground up in deep‑red areas where Democrats barely exist—running independent working‑class candidates, pushing ballot initiatives like banning forced layoffs at firms on the public dime, and using labor‑rooted political education to turn widespread anger and insecurity into a coherent, independent working‑class movement.   About Les Leopold Les Leopold is a longtime labor educator, author, and co‑founder of the Labor Institute, which has been training workers and union activists on economic and environmental issues since the 1970s. Raised in a working‑class family of war refugees, he studied at Oberlin College and earned a master's degree in public affairs from Princeton before working closely with visionary labor leader Tony Mazzocchi, a pioneer of the occupational safety movement and an early advocate of a Labor Party. Leopold is the author of several books, including “Runaway Inequality,” “How to Make a Million Dollars an Hour,” “Wall Street's War on Workers,” and a biography of Mazzocchi, “The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor.” His work combines data‑driven political economy with on‑the‑ground organizing, aimed at helping working people. Order the book: https://www.amazon.com/Billionaires-Have-Parties-Need-Party/dp/B0GX77LK8B/ Website: The Labor Institute Substack: https://lesleopold.substack.com/p/the-billionaires-have-two-parties-f10 Greg's Blog: http://zzs-blg.blogspot.com/ Pat's Substack: https://patcummings.substack.com/  #LesLeopold#TheBillionairesHaveTwoParties#partyofourown#workingclasspolitics#laborpolitics#thirdpartymovement#independentworkingclassparty#deindustrialization#RustBeltworkers#MingoCountyWestVirginia#financialstripmining#stockbuybacks#guaranteedjobs#livingwagejobs#nocompulsorylayoffs#TonyMazzocchi#LaborPartyhistory#politicalrealignment#rightwingpopulism#economicinequality#workingclassvoters#newworkersparty#PatCummings#PatrickCummings#GregGodels#ZZBlog#ComingFromLeftField#Podcast#zzblog#mltoday

PREVIEW: PENNSYLVANIA: ERIE COUNTY: NOVEMBER 5: Conversation with colleague Salena Zito of the Washington Examiner and Wall Street Journal on the trends in PA counties since 2012, and specifically the shift in New Deal Democratic votes since 2016, making Erie the bellwether of the #Keystone State. More tonight. 19th Century Erie Railroad depot

In this episode, historian and author Stacie Taranto tells us about Ellen McCormack. Ellen McCormack ran for president in 1976 as a Democrat with an exclusively pro-life platform. She was creating the single issue voter by being the single issue presidential candidate. What’s interesting about stories like Ellen McCormack is that it shows the power of grass roots organizing and how running for president, even though you know you’re not going to win, is a great marketing tool. In this episode, we learn about how Ellen and other New Deal Democratic women tried to change the Democratic Party but failed. Then they switched to the Republican Party and became a major voice Stacie Taranto just recently released the book “Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920”. #ellenmccormack #womensrights #righttolife #abortion #prolife #prochoice #candidate #democrat #republican #president #historian #podcast #politics #history #stacietaranto #election #equality #women #men #government #campaign #finance #conservative #liberal #newyork #singleissue #voter #grassroots

In this podcast, Dr. Veltmeyer discusses the history of electoral-altering political realignments in the United States, including the post-Civil War period of Republican dominance to the New Deal Democratic majority forged by Franklin Roosevelt to the post-1968 swing back to Republicanism under Nixon and Reagan. He sees a new, different realignment under Donald Trump which is populist and nationalist in makeup and which is scrambling historical voting patterns among traditionally-critical voter blocs.Support the show (http://drveltmeyer.com)

While her platform sounds more like a New Deal Democratic from the 1930s, Beth Bowen is a progressive candidate through and through. She just knows exactly what the people of her Michigan district value because she. is. listening.

Kent State University is associated indelibly with the events of May 4, 1970, when soldiers of the Ohio National Guard shot over a dozen students, killing four of them. In Kent State: Death and Dissent in the Long Sixties (University of Massachusetts Press, 2016), Thomas M. Grace, a historian who was one of the survivors of that day, sets it within the context of an emergent culture of political activism on the camps. That culture had its origins in the broader changes taking place in American society in the late 1950s, with a small but committed group of students at the rapidly expanding university protesting for civil rights for African Americans. Most of these students came from working-class backgrounds and inherited the New Deal Democratic politics of their parents, and often found themselves at odds with the more conservative town and a campus administration reluctant to court controversy. Lyndon Johnson’s decision to commit American troops to the defense of South Vietnam soon brought about a shift in the priorities of these protestors, as antiwar marches soon replaced civil rights activism as their focus. These protests evolved as the war dragged on, with Richard Nixon’s announcement on April 30, 1970 of the invasion of Cambodia sparking demonstrations that led to the destruction of the campus’s ROTC building and the dispatch of the Guard by the states governor in response. As Grace reveals, the strained emotions and frayed nerves of the participants led to a tragedy that shocked a nation and transformed permanently the lives of everyone involved. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Kent State University is associated indelibly with the events of May 4, 1970, when soldiers of the Ohio National Guard shot over a dozen students, killing four of them. In Kent State: Death and Dissent in the Long Sixties (University of Massachusetts Press, 2016), Thomas M. Grace, a historian who was one of the survivors of that day, sets it within the context of an emergent culture of political activism on the camps. That culture had its origins in the broader changes taking place in American society in the late 1950s, with a small but committed group of students at the rapidly expanding university protesting for civil rights for African Americans. Most of these students came from working-class backgrounds and inherited the New Deal Democratic politics of their parents, and often found themselves at odds with the more conservative town and a campus administration reluctant to court controversy. Lyndon Johnson’s decision to commit American troops to the defense of South Vietnam soon brought about a shift in the priorities of these protestors, as antiwar marches soon replaced civil rights activism as their focus. These protests evolved as the war dragged on, with Richard Nixon’s announcement on April 30, 1970 of the invasion of Cambodia sparking demonstrations that led to the destruction of the campus’s ROTC building and the dispatch of the Guard by the states governor in response. As Grace reveals, the strained emotions and frayed nerves of the participants led to a tragedy that shocked a nation and transformed permanently the lives of everyone involved. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Kent State University is associated indelibly with the events of May 4, 1970, when soldiers of the Ohio National Guard shot over a dozen students, killing four of them. In Kent State: Death and Dissent in the Long Sixties (University of Massachusetts Press, 2016), Thomas M. Grace, a historian who was one of the survivors of that day, sets it within the context of an emergent culture of political activism on the camps. That culture had its origins in the broader changes taking place in American society in the late 1950s, with a small but committed group of students at the rapidly expanding university protesting for civil rights for African Americans. Most of these students came from working-class backgrounds and inherited the New Deal Democratic politics of their parents, and often found themselves at odds with the more conservative town and a campus administration reluctant to court controversy. Lyndon Johnson’s decision to commit American troops to the defense of South Vietnam soon brought about a shift in the priorities of these protestors, as antiwar marches soon replaced civil rights activism as their focus. These protests evolved as the war dragged on, with Richard Nixon’s announcement on April 30, 1970 of the invasion of Cambodia sparking demonstrations that led to the destruction of the campus’s ROTC building and the dispatch of the Guard by the states governor in response. As Grace reveals, the strained emotions and frayed nerves of the participants led to a tragedy that shocked a nation and transformed permanently the lives of everyone involved. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices