Podcasts about Democratic Party

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

September 14, 2025; 7am: On Saturday night, the President took credit for Memphis' reported drop in crime while reiterating the National Guard will be deployed to the city. The Governor of Tennessee supports this decision, but Memphis Mayor Paul Young and some local politicians argue it won't be a long-term fix. Additionally, new reporting outlines the Pentagon's plan to send a thousand troops on a policing mission in Louisiana's “urban centers.” Former Congressman and Commanding General for the Illinois National Guard, Major General William Enyart, and Former Acting Assistant Attorney General for National Security at the U.S. Department of Justice, Mary McCord, join “The Weekend” to discuss.For more, follow us on social media:Bluesky: @theweekendmsnbc.bsky.socialInstagram: @theweekendmsnbcTikTok: @theweekendmsnbcTo listen to this show and other MSNBC podcasts without ads, sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts.

You might know a street hustler; the street-corner, three-card monte, watch-the-pea-under-the-shell kind. The hustle that isn't about building something, but who is about getting over. That kind of hustling is what you do when you know, deep in your gut you don't have skills. And if you have achieved without skills, you know that you don't actually deserve what you have, and you're one wrong move away from everyone else figuring it out.This is the Democratic Party's core operating principle. They've achieved cultural power—a dominance in media, academia, and tech—but they have the nervous energy of an imposter who snuck into a gala and is now desperately trying to mimic the guests, terrified the bouncer will finally check their credentials.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

September 13, 2025; 7am: As the public awaits more information about the motive of Charlie Kirk's murder, Democrats and an increasing number of Republicans are wondering if FBI director Kash Patel is fit for the job. Recent reports say senior DOJ officials think his handling of this case has “eroded public confidence” in the agency. Retired FBI Special Agent Rob D'Amico and Senior Washington Columnist for Politico, Rachael Bade, join “The Weekend” to discuss.For more, follow us on social media:Bluesky: @theweekendmsnbc.bsky.socialInstagram: @theweekendmsnbcTikTok: @theweekendmsnbcTo listen to this show and other MSNBC podcasts without ads, sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts.

This episode dives headfirst into the tumultuous landscape of political discourse and the alarming rise of disinformation and violence in America. Stephanie Miller examines the recent, tragic events surrounding the shooting of Charlie Kirk and the ensuing media firestorm. She focuses on the pivotal role both mainstream and independent media play in shaping public perception and dissects how the rhetoric of political leaders fuels distrust in our institutions and the cascading effects this has on our society. The discussion will be a profound exploration of accountability, the elusive nature of truth, and the urgent necessity for unity during these fraught times. Tune in for a powerful and timely conversation with guests former prosecutor Glenn Kirschner and comedy duo Frangela!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

The left-wing surge of the U.S. working class during the Great Depression of the 1930s compelled the Democratic Party to prioritize serving the working class more than it had before or would again. It was called the New Deal. In response, the US employer class, angry that taxes on corporations and the rich were used to fund government programs for the people, turned to the Republican Party after World War II ended in 1945 and directed it to roll back the New Deal, reducing or eliminating all it had accomplished. Because the New Deal made the great mistake of leaving profits in the hands of employers, the employers used those profits to provide Republicans with the means to defeat the Democrats and roll back the New Deal. In response, the Democrats sought funding, finding it in the hands of many donors who had supported the Republicans. For many years, the U.S. was led by one party or the other: the GOP rolled back the New Deal faster, while the Democrats did so more slowly—one ruling class, two parties to serve it. The 2008 Great Recession ended the cozy system, as both parties had to protect the privileges of the corporations and the rich, even as the US empire and economy declined. As the mass of people suffered and neither the GOP nor the Democrats stopped it, people became desperate and elected Trump out of rage and hysteria. He did not and will not solve the fundamental problems any more than his predecessors did. For that, a genuinely new and different political party is needed — one that puts the American Working People First, the American majority. The program concludes with suggestions on how such a new party could truly transform the country and address its most pressing problems.   The d@w Team Economic Update with Richard D. Wolff is a DemocracyatWork.info Inc. production. We make it a point to provide the show free of ads and rely on viewer support to continue doing so.  You can support our work by joining our Patreon community:  https://www.patreon.com/democracyatwork Or you can go to our website: https://www.democracyatwork.info/donate     Every donation counts and helps us provide a larger audience with the information they need to better understand the events around the world they can't get anywhere else.  We want to thank our devoted community of supporters who help make this show and others we produce possible each week. We kindly ask you to also support the work we do by encouraging others to subscribe to our YouTube channel and website: www.democracyatwork.info

Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin has a plan for the U.S. Democratic Party. She's promoting what she calls a “war plan” to revive the middle class as a way for her party to not only challenge President Donald Trump—and win the future for America. She joins host Ravi Agrawal to game out how to put her vision into action.  Plus, One Thing from Ravi on the Russian drones fired into Polish airspace earlier this week. Council on Foreign Relations: A New Vision for America's National Security Julian E. Zelizer: Why Democrats Should Proceed to the Center With Caution Matthew Duss: Democrats Should Reclaim the Anti-War Mantle From Trump Christian Caryl: Russia Just Attacked NATO. Again. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Unspeakable horror struck on the campus of Utah Valley University in Orem, Utah yesterday. Charlie Kirk, the founder of TurningPoint USA, was murdered by an assassin's rifle shot while he was speaking to a crowd of thousands. Charlie's talent, credibility, intelligence, authenticity, patience, and courage were on display for all to see to the very end of his life. He was a champion of liberty and a tireless patriot whose love of country was deep and heart-felt. More than that, Charlie was a devoted Christian and a loving father and husband. At the age of just 31, he left a legacy greater than many public figures twice his age.The assassination of Charlie Kirk was an act of evil. It was also undoubtedly a political act spawned out of the dark heart of modern leftism. We live in a country in which prominent media outlets suggested Charlie brought his public slaying upon himself. In today's media and political environment, anyone who vigorously differs from leftist ideology and Democratic Party talking points is painted as a fascist, a threat to democracy, a domestic terrorist -- or, as President Biden once put it -- a threat to "the very soul of this nation." This is the political environment in which the killing of Charlie Kirk occurred.In just the past 13 months, radicals have attempted two assassinations on President Trump and killed one of his most-prominent and successful advocates. Earlier than that, an avowed Marxist gunned down a health insurance CEO and was celebrated for it by many on the left. Radical leftists got very close to pulling off assassinations of Supreme Court justices Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett. And let's not forget the radical left Bernie Bro who tried to murder a baseball field full of Republicans just a few years ago.This must stop. And it starts with the Democratic Party putting an end to its eliminationist rhetoric, expelling from its party and offices anyone who encourages or excuses violence, and leading the march back to respectful debate. For a start, they can do away with the "both sides" lie. And they can also stop saying that every election and policy debate they lose is not the dawn of fascism.On Episode #510 of The Heartland Institute's In the Tank Podcast, we will talk about the life and legacy of Charlie Kirk, mourn his loss together, and try to give each other hope that America's tolerance for this madness is soon coming to an end. In The Tank broadcasts LIVE every Thursday at 12pm CT on on The Heartland Institute YouTube channel. Tune in to have your comments addressed live by the In The Tank Crew. Be sure to subscribe and never miss an episode. See you there!Climate Change Roundtable is LIVE every Friday at 12pm CT on The Heartland Institute YouTube channel. Have a topic you want addressed? Join the live show and leave a comment for our panelists and we'll cover it during the live show!

The death of Charlie Kirk and the reaction to it have shaken millions of Americans, at least those who have managed to hold on to their humanity in the past ten years. Even if the prominent Democrats in the party tried to project a uniform message of decency, to condemn the violence and offer condolences to the family, it was increasingly evident that they were no longer in control of their own party. Not even President Barack Obama himself could set the tone for these people, so consumed with hatred are they. Maybe they thought selling fear for ten years and calling Trump and his supporters an existential threat was a good idea because it would motivate their voters to the polls. Instead, they've created a Frankenstein monster that is now roaming the quiet countryside and scaring the crap out of normal Americans.They want all of us in this country to join them, to agree that Charlie Kirk got what he deserved. He supports gun rights, after all. That alone meant they would shed no tears for him, his wife, or his kids. That was the least of it. On TikTok, Blue Sky, and X, they went on and on, plastering the social media apps with negative stories about Kirk to erase any legacy the Right might try to build in his name.And maybe they thought the rest of America would agree that they should close off their hearts and separate themselves from their empathy to serve the greater political cause that has taken the place of just about everything else in their lives. But they miscalculated how normal people view violent death, especially political assassinations.On TikTok, many users were expressing their anger at the Left, and some of them even said this was it; they were no longer a part of the Democratic Party. Here is a video:And Jennifer Sey just registered as a Republican from “unaffiliated.”And Colin Wright redrew his famous chart:This is the last thing the Democrats needed. All they have left is Zohran Mamdani and Gavin Newsom's meme factory of would-be nepo babies of the Lincoln Project. They have no vision, no hope, no policies, no fixes, no solutions - nothing. All they have is this. Their hatred of anyone who doesn't conform and comply. Their approval rating has never been lower. Registrations are down by the millions. They're losing the support of Gen-Z. They have no plan to bring voters in except to draw more militant fanatics, and now, they've once again exposed how lacking in any common decency they have become. Congratulations, Democrats, oops, you did it again.From the New York Post:They're an army of Lord of Flies whose parents coddled them and raised them to believe all of their finger paintings were masterpieces, that their traumas defined them, and were “gentle-parented,” and when that didn't work, were drugged into perfection. They don't seem to understand that no one deserves to die just for having a different opinion.When one person's death means nothing to you and all you do is make a video where you calmly recite the reasons you don't care and why no one else should care? What is left of you?They sound like modern versions of the Stepford Wives who say exactly what they're supposed to say, repeating it almost word for word like robots:There is no one to pull them back from the brink. They collect so many likes that it messes with their heads. Their followers demand more, give us more. They're punished if they dissent, if they disagree, if they do any critical thinking whatsoever. Anyone who uses TikTok and any social media app knows that it's dominated by the Left. We built it, after all, oh so long ago. Even the Democrats themselves are under the control of the fanatics in their party, which is why they all felt emboldened to boo Charlie Kirk's name when they called for a moment of silence. Even if they didn't agree with it, why would they want to show the public just how petty they are?Not that we needed this tragic event to expose that ugly truth. It's been obvious for some time that the Left has been hijacked by the modern equivalent of the Manson Family. Joe Biden was the George Spahn-like figure who presented the mask of normalcy for what was most definitely not normal.All they had to do was the bare minimum, either stay silent or offer condolences and some generic comment on free speech and how political violence is never okay. But they couldn't even do that. Why? Because there is nothing left of them. All they have is this pathological need to control everyone and everything, whether it's destroying the careers of convicted thought criminals or celebrating their assassinations. All they know is they wanted them gone. In all of their lies about Charlie Kirk, their endless posts with hundreds of thousands of likes that prop up their own manufactured goodness as if to say, See, we still have the moral high ground, they came off somehow looking worse than they ever have. Charlie Kirk was a nice guy. They're celebrating his death because they didn't know that. They didn't know that because no one would tell them. Not their own social media feeds, not the legacy media. And when Ezra Klein tried to tell them with a New York Times op-ed, they began attacking him too, because of course they did. The dehumanization is a feature, not a bug. Here is Benny Johnson and Chris Cuomo:The Left so badly wants this to be a “both sides” issue, but it isn't. The Right mourned the death of Congresswoman Melissa Hortman. They did not blanket X or Blue Sky or any other social media site, smearing her. They would not have posted something like this on the Right:But until the people with the real power on the Left condemn them, nothing will change. They can make any false reality they want. They can tell themselves any lies they want. But what we've seen now in how they've responded to something that would shake any normal person out of their partisan stupor could cost them not just for the midterms but for 2028 and beyond.They think they have the narrative well in hand because the media is so supportive of everything they do. But every once in a while, they go too far, and they end up red-pilling Americans who shrink back in horror at who and what they've become and want no part of it.I am not saying “The Left” killed Charlie Kirk. Maybe someone on the Left did. Maybe they didn't. It doesn't really matter because they've shown their true colors in their perilous moment in our history. It's like that scene in The Dead Zone when Martin Sheen picks up the baby to protect himself. There is no unseeing that.They might think the silencing of Charlie Kirk will cripple the MAGA movement and everything he's done to build Turning Point USA and mobilize the young. But because of his death, MAGA will be more energized, not less, more motivated, not less, more determined than ever to save America from this madness. And they must because they are our only hope.Charlie Kirk has left a legacy, whether they realize it or not. It isn't just how psychotic they've become, and how so many of us have fled. But it's all of those young people he inspired who adored him. They will remember the assassination of Charlie Kirk. It will shape their youth the way the killing of Martin Luther King, Jr., RFK, and JFK shaped generations before. They will know that he was killed to silence him, and they will remember how the Left reacted to his death. And they will grow up knowing that it was wrong.Most of all, they will know that he built a movement that would ultimately defeat the most powerful political machine in American history. And if he can do it, so can they./// This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.sashastone.com/subscribe

Welcome to The Georgia Politics Podcast! Democratic Party Chair Charlie Bailey joins the show for a candid conversation about this year's elections and current events. We begin the show by reflecting on the tragic assassination of conservative commentator Charlie Kirk, an event that has sent shockwaves through political circles across the country. We then shift focus to Georgia, where Democrats are facing several critical tests in the near future. Bailey outlines the party's strategy in the upcoming Senate District 21 runoff - a race that could serve as a bellwether for suburban and swing voters. He also talks through the stakes of the Public Service Commission contests, which will determine how Georgia approaches energy costs, infrastructure investment, and regulatory oversight for years to come. Bailey shares what he sees as the opportunities - and challenges - for Democrats as they try to build momentum heading into 2026. Whether you're following these races closely or just trying to understand where Georgia politics is headed, this conversation offers valuable insights straight from the top of the state party. Connect with Charlie and the Democratic Party of Georgia, HERE Connect with The Georgia Politics Podcast on Twitter @gapoliticspod Hans Appen on Twitter @hansappen Craig Kidd on Twitter @CraigKidd1 Lyndsey Coates on Instagram @list_with_lyndsey Proud member of the Appen Podcast Network. #gapol  

VDH and Jack react to the assassination of Charlie Kirk, remember 9/11, look at race and crime, examine the Democratic Party's hatred of capitalism and its shift towards socialism, consider calls to let New York City should be allowed to sink under a prospective Mamdani mayorship, and more.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

James and Al dissect the potential of a government shutdown, weigh its political effects on our economy and politics, and call out the partisanship of the SCOTUS in the wake of Trump's multiple appointees.  Then, they welcome WaPo's David Lynch to break down the pernicious effects of globalization, why it was a good idea, and why it is currently failing our people.  They also explore possible solutions to the decline of manufacturing, emphasize the importance of job training, and look at the role that a new government led by the Democratic Party could pursue to restore hope and jobs while strengthening our international relationships. This episode was recorded before the events at Utah Valley University. Email your questions to James and Al at politicswarroom@gmail.com or tweet them to @politicon.  Make sure to include your city– we love to hear where you're from! Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial  More from James and Al: Get text updates from Politics War Room and Politicon. Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial James Carville & Al Hunt have launched the Politics War Room Substack Get updates and some great behind-the-scenes content from the documentary CARVILLE: WINNING IS EVERYTHING, STUPID by following James on X @jamescarville and his new TikTok @realjamescarville Check Out Andrew Zucker's New Politicon Podcast: The Golden Age Get More From This Week's Guest:  David J. Lynch: Twitter | WaPo | National Press Foundation | Author  Please Support Our Sponsors: Naked Wines: To get 6 bottles of wine for $39.99, head to nakedwines.com/warroom and use code WARROOM for both the code and password.  Zbiotics: Get back into action after a night out with 15% off your first order of Zbiotics when you go to zbiotics.com/pwr and use code: PWR

Air Date 9/11/2025 I've always learned the high-level understanding that the Nazis were partly able to come to power because the opposition at the time was too caught up with infighting to create a coherent resistance. With hindsight, it's easy to lament how badly they miscalculated the circumstances but living through the modern day and watching the Democratic Party struggle gives even more clarity to how that kind of inability to get organized in the face of existential threats to democracy can happen. Be part of the show! Leave us a message or text at 202-999-3991, message us on Signal at the handle bestoftheleft.01, or email Jay@BestOfTheLeft.com Full Show Notes Check out our new show, SOLVED! on YouTube! BestOfTheLeft.com/Support (Members Get Bonus Shows + No Ads!) Join our Discord community! KEY POINTS KP 1: Where Is the Party?: Time for Democratic Leaders to ‘Fight with Both Hands' or ‘Step Aside' - Velshi - Air Date 8-30-25 KP 2: This Guy, This Line - The Rational National - Air Date 9-2-25 KP 3: How Elites Destroyed the Democratic Party in the US and Fuelled Populism | The Bottom Line - Al Jazeera English -Air Date 8-31-25 KP 4: Desperate Kyle Begs and Pleads With Democrats - The Kyle Kulinski Show - Air Date 8-28-25 KP 5: Ritchie Torres Talks Zionism, LGBT, The Bronx - The Adam Friedland Show - Air Date 8-27-25 KP 6: Journalist Exposes Dark Money on the Left - UNFTR Media - Air Date 8-30-25 (00:50:07) NOTE FROM THE EDITOR On the murder of Charlie Kirk DEEPER DIVES (01:04:12) SECTION A: DARK MONEY AND THE INFLUENCER WAR (02:01:36) SECTION B: AIPAC, ISRAEL, AND COMPLICITY (02:46:14) SECTION C: MOSTLY WEAK BUT SIGNS OF LIFE SHOW IMAGE CREDITS Description: A graphic illustration depicting a donkey colored in red and blue, with stars, looking in shock at its shadow on the ground. Credit: “Democratic Donkey Vector and Icon” by Vectorportal.com | CC BY 4.0   Produced by Jay! Tomlinson Visit us at BestOfTheLeft.com Listen Anywhere! BestOfTheLeft.com/Listen Listen Anywhere! Follow BotL: Bluesky | Mastodon | Threads | X Like at Facebook.com/BestOfTheLeft Contact me directly at Jay@BestOfTheLeft.com

Stephanie Miller dives into the recent shooting of Charlie Kirk, exploring how incendiary rhetoric and the growing acceptance of extremism can lead to tragic outcomes. She emphasizes the urgent need for accountability from political leaders and the public. It stresses that regardless of political affiliation, a unified response is essential to combat violence and safeguard American democracy. This isn't just a political discussion; it's a plea for civility and a stark reminder of the devastating human cost of our nation's political divisions. With guests Dr. Redlener and former assistant director for counterintelligence at the FBI Frank Figluzzi.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Subscribe to Bad Faith on Patreon to instantly unlock our full premium episode library: http://patreon.com/badfaithpodcast Minnesota State Senator Omar Fateh made headlines in July after winning the state Democratic Party's endorsement for mayor of Minneapolis as a DSA-backed, millennial Muslim going up against an establishment-backed incumbent. It was giving big Mandani energy until that incumbent, Jacob Frey, challenged the result and got the endorsement revoked. Now, with less than two months until Election Day, Fateh joins Bad Faith to discuss comparisons to Zohran, why Frey has lost the confidence of the party, how DSA candidates can remain accountable to the organization, and how to handle the corporate media's attacks on the defund movement -- especially as a candidate running in the city where George Floyd was killed. Subscribe to Bad Faith on YouTube for video of this episode. Find Bad Faith on Twitter (@badfaithpod) and Instagram (@badfaithpod). Produced by Armand Aviram. Theme by Nick Thorburn (@nickfromislands).

We react to the death of Charlie Kirk and what might happen next as political tensions escalate in these dark times. Donald Trump's irresponsible reaction. Elon Musk, Laura Loomer, Jesse Watters, and other MAGA fire-eaters falsely claim Democrats have incited violence. There's no one in custody and we don't know whether this was political at all. The WSJ's dubious report about engravings on the bullets. Matthew Dowd fired from MSNBC. The school shooting in Evergreen Colorado. Inflation is up, jobless claims are up. National Guard documents show fear and shame over DC occupation. With Jody Hamilton, David Ferguson, music by Rene Trossman, Jesse Terry, and more!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

We've got a lot to talk about! In this episode, Tavis Smiley keeps it real with 5 critical ways the mainstream media, religious influencers, and Democratic Party leaders are getting it wrong about the murder of Charlie Kirk. Tavis cuts through the noise, unpacks the misinformation, and breaks down what's truly at stake in this national conversation.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/tavis-smiley--6286410/support.

The widely reported deal that will hand control of Paramount and its myriad properties — including CBS News — is less about business and more about cementing pro-Israel control over news content in the United States. Jimmy and Americans' Comedian Kurt Metzger discuss how with staunch Zionist Bari Weiss positioned to influence editorial direction, CBS's independence is finished — any critical coverage of Israel will be killed before it airs.  Glenn Greenwald, James Li and others are cited to show how Weiss's Free Press is essentially a Zionist Substack being inflated into a $200M “asset” only because of its ideological value. They connect Larry Ellison's CIA-linked fortune, his massive donations to the IDF, and Netanyahu ties to explain how media consolidation doubles as a foreign policy loyalty pledge. Jimmy also ridicules Weiss's past smears of Tulsi Gabbard, her flimsy “independent” brand, and CBS executives folding after a Gaza segment. Plus segments on Steve Bannon ripping into Trump's recent tech bigwig dinner at the White House and sh*tlib commentator David Pakman's lies, obfuscation and misrepresentations about his payments from Democratic Party-aligned groups, Gaza whitewashing and email collection scams. Also featuring Stef Zamorano and Mike MacRae. And a phone call from Alec Baldwin!

Stephanie Miller dishes out the latest headlines, from John Kennedy's eyebrow-raising remarks to NATO's response to Russia's antics. Expect a rollercoaster of laughs and eye-rolls as they tackle serious topics like racism and political hypocrisy while keeping it light and entertaining. With guests Malcolm Nance and Carlos Alazraqui!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This episode was recorded prior to the shooting of Charlie Kirk in Utah, an act of violence we strongly condemn. Cliff recently launched the Soundcheck fund that offers micro-grants to liberal voices who need a leg-up – funding for liberal media is something Cliff and I have talked about for decades and now it's finally happening. Blueamp.co to support his work. We also talked about the latest Trump-Epstein document dump from the House Oversight Committee and whether the Republicans are deliberately undermining the Trump regime. And more! Meantime, make sure to support this podcast by subscribing at patreon.com/bobcescashow. Music by Hunger Anthem.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit www.politix.fmAnother government shutdown looms, and, thus, so do more angsty struggle sessions over what Democrats should do, and what effective opposition looks like. In this episode, we discuss:* How does mounting bad news for Donald Trump—bad jobs numbers, defeats in court, and revelations about his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein—affect the politics of a shutdown?* Who's got the better bead on how Democrats should proceed, Matt, Brian, or Ezra Klein? * Why there's a hidden danger in Democrats' inclination to demand extraneous concessions—like renewed funding for Obamacare.Then, how might the lessons of a [knocks on wood] successful shutdown fight help ameliorate ongoing fight between different factions of the Democratic Party, including progressives and abundists? Can they find common ground over their shared interest in making the Democratic Party more responsive and faster moving? Or are progressives too suspicious of strange bedfellows to ever support policy-making coalitions with Republicans and business interests?All that, plus the full Politix archive are available to paid subscribers—just upgrade your subscription and pipe full episodes directly to your favorite podcast app via your own private feed.Further reading:* Brian's shutdown piece.* Ezra's shutdown piece* Matt's shutdown piece.* Brian's response to both. * How to understand recent data revisions. * Brian's abundance flowchart for an intra-Democratic truce.

President Trump is escalating the war on drugs, announcing last week a successful U.S. military strike in the Caribbean, taking out a drug trafficking boat near the coast of Venezuela. The following day, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth told FOX & Friends that 11 people on the boat whom he called “terrorists” were eliminated. Often, law enforcement traces how these drug trafficking boats bring dangerous drugs onto America's streets. The Drug Enforcement Administration is on the front lines battling exactly that. Special Agent Frank Tarentino is part of the DEA New York Division and joins the Rundown to explain the latest challenges in the war on drugs. As Democrats wade through dismal poll numbers, different party members are staking out their positions and messaging to Americans about President Trump's latest initiatives on crime, the border, and the economy. Former DNC Press Secretary Jose Aristuimuno says when it comes to the way the President is tackling the issue of crime and public safety, it may be worth Democrats trying to collaborate rather than fight with President Trump. Chief of Staff to the White House Press Office under President Biden and Principal at Podium Strategies Yemisi Egbewole joins the podcast to break down the latest internal divisions and what the future holds for the Democratic Party. Plus, commentary from FOX News Digital columnist David Marcus. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Charlie Kirk Shot; NATO; Stabbing; Abortion in SC; Test Scores | Yaron Brook Show September 10, 2025

Former Rep. Conor Lamb (D-PA) joins the podcast to discuss the first several months of President Donald Trump's second term in office. Conor and Colin also talk about the Epstein files, Trump's effective paramilitary force, the economy, and the path forward for the Democratic Party.

Campaigns for the 2026 midterm elections are officially kicking off and candidates are starting to roll out their intro bios and platforms. One ad in particular, went viral online. It featured Graham Platner, a marine and army veteran and oyster farmer. He's running for U.S. Senate in Maine to unseat five-term Republican Senator Susan Collins. He joins WITHpod to talk about his working class background, fault lines within the Democratic Party and more. This episode was recorded on 8/27/25.

President Trump wants to bring prayer back to U.S. schools. Zohran Mamdani tries to distance himself from his "global intifada" comments as Rev. Al Sharpton powers through. The number of children lost during the Biden administration is staggering. Supreme Court victory for the Trump administration regarding immigration raids in Los Angeles. Did Donald Trump send a birthday message to Jeffrey Epstein? What happened to underwater cables in the Red Sea? Is a cancer vaccine right around the corner? Come on, now! Even the U.K. Guardian admits that the polar ice caps are in much better shape than how it's been reporting for years. Don Lemon vs. Man on the Street. Vaccine mandates: Florida surgeon general vs. Jake Tapper. Gavin Newsom is a very strange man. Rosie O'Donnell is the ultimate conspiracy theorist. CNN's Scott Jennings explains who really runs the Democratic Party. 00:00 Pat Gray UNLEASHED! 00:51 Trump on Prayer in Schools 03:53 Trump on Murder of Iryna Zarutska 05:11 Zohran Mamdani on Defunding the NYPD 06:12 Zohran Mamdani on "Globalize the Intifada" 16:36 SCOTUS Gives Another Win to the Trump Administration 16:48 RFK Jr. on 'Where are the Illegal Immigrant Children?' 21:13 Crime Comes in Any Size! 31:58 Fat Five 51:31 Climate Science is Set 55:51 Rapid Ice Decline is Here? 58:39 Al Gore was So, So Wrong 59:53 Don Lemon gets Schooled 1:06:02 Dr. Joseph Ladapo Defends Florida's Stance on Vaccine Mandates 1:15:39 Pharmacy Won't Prescribe Ivermectin 1:25:12 Gavin Newsom Loves to Talk with his Hands 1:28:07 Rosie O'Donnell Doesn't Believe Trump 1:34:01 Scott Jennings Schools Democrats Again Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Should Democrats shut down the government to stop Trump's authoritarian overreach? Sarah and Beth break down Ezra Klein's New York Times op-ed calling on Democrats to use the September 30th funding deadline to confront Trump's illegal pocket rescissions, growing corruption, and dismantling of congressional oversight, while examining whether traditional bipartisan governance enables authoritarianism. Why has Congress abandoned its constitutional duty to control government spending? They explore how the broken appropriations process—where the last complete budget was passed in 1997—has created a system of continuing resolutions that empowers the executive branch, as Trump's team openly admits they want Congress to "just keep doing what you're doing" while they consolidate power and enrich themselves. When is it okay to sing along at public events, and when should you stay quiet? Outside of Politics, they tackle the etiquette dilemmas of candlelight concerts, Broadway shows, movie sing-alongs, and graduation ceremonies, exploring how our "you owe me perfection and I owe you nothing" culture has broken down basic public courtesy and shared behavioral standards. Ready to go deeper? Visit our website for complete show notes, exclusive premium content, merchandise, chats and more.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This time, Stephanie and crew talk about the mish mash of excuses Trump is trying to fling at the wall about the Epstein Birthday Book. They also discuss the Supreme Court lifting a lower court's restrictions on immigration enforcement tactics in central California, allowing federal agents to make immigration stops more freely, with the potential for more frequent stops targeting individuals based on appearance. Guests Jody Hamilton and Jill Wine-Banks.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

The first episode of Trek Politics 2.0 is out now! John Fugelsang's book “Separation of Church and Hate” is out today! The WSJ released the image of Donald's drawing for Jeffrey Epstein. The White House's response is a nuclear annihilation of the truth. Creepy drawing of Epstein grooming children with balloons. Did Donald buy a "depreciated" woman or girl? Mike Johnson said Donald was an FBI informant. Maxwell's attorney Arthur Aidala admitted there was a quid pro quo with the Trump DOJ. The new O'Keefe video. WTF Did Tom Homan Say? Scott Bessent threatened to punch an administration rival. Heroes of Democracy! With Jody Hamilton, David Ferguson, music by ALEX and Megan McDuffee, Natalie Cortez Band, and more!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This series is sponsored by Mira and Daniel Stokar.In this episode of the 18Forty Podcast, we speak with writer Sarah Hurwitz—author of the new book As a Jew: Reclaiming Our Story from Those Who Blame, Shame, and Try to Erase Us—about what it means to be a “knowing Jew.”In a time when we often feel compelled to justify our Judaism to the world, being Jewishly educated is no longer a luxury but a necessity. In this episode we discuss:What does a proud Jew professionally associated with the Democratic Party make of the state of contemporary politics? Where should one begin in trying to be an educated and involved Jew with a strong Jewish home?How can the mussar literature be a great starting point to people looking to deepen their practice? Tune in to hear a conversation about claiming for ourselves the tradition that so many try to take from us. Interview begins at 11:14.Sarah Hurwitz served as a White House speechwriter from 2009 to 2017, first as a senior speechwriter for President Barack Obama and then as head speechwriter for First Lady Michelle Obama. She is the author of Here All Along: Finding Meaning, Spirituality, and a Deeper Connection to Life – in Judaism (After Finally Choosing to Look There) and As A Jew: Reclaiming Our Story From Those Who Blame, Shame, and Try To Erase Us. References:As a Jew: Reclaiming Our Story from Those Who Blame, Shame, and Try to Erase Us by Sarah HurwitzHere All Along: Finding Meaning, Spirituality, and a Deeper Connection to Life – in Judaism (After Finally Choosing to Look There) by Sarah HurwitzThe Mighty DucksEveryday Holiness: The Jewish Spiritual Path of Mussar by Alan MorinisMesillat Yesharim by Moses Chaim LuzzattoFor more 18Forty:NEWSLETTER: 18forty.org/joinCALL: (212) 582-1840EMAIL: info@18forty.orgWEBSITE: 18forty.orgIG: @18fortyX: @18_fortyWhatsApp: join hereBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/18forty-podcast--4344730/support.

Is President Trump the new leader of the Democratic Party? Republican Curtis Sliwa is the first mayoral candidate in NYC to run a TV ad. 

Is President Trump the new leader of the Democratic Party? Republican Curtis Sliwa is the first mayoral candidate in NYC to run a TV ad. Mark takes your calls! Mark interviews streaming host Bill O' Reilly. Zohran Mamdani doesn't believe in incarceration. Bill has a new book out called "Confronting Evil." Vladimir Putin is one of those individuals who, upon closer examination of his past, appears to be particularly evil. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Is President Trump the new leader of the Democratic Party? Republican Curtis Sliwa is the first mayoral candidate in NYC to run a TV ad. Mark interviews streaming host Bill O' Reilly. Zohran Mamdani doesn't believe in incarceration. Bill has a new book out called "Confronting Evil." Vladimir Putin is one of those individuals who, upon closer examination of his past, appears to be particularly evil. Would you like a casino in NYC? Arguments are currently taking place over whether or not to put one in Times Square. Mark interviews Roger Friedman from Showbiz411.com. Roger recaps the great new "Downton Abbey" movie that he recently saw. Mark and Roger dive into a new show coming out soon called "Boston Blue,” which highlights actor Donny Wahlberg looking to reconnect with his family.

Alleged anti-oligarchy crusader Bernie Sanders is now defending the medical establishment and Big Pharma — or at least that's what he chose to do during a recent Senate hearing on vaccines with RFK Jr.  Jimmy describes Bernie as a "phony" tool of the Democratic Party, Big Pharma, and the corporate oligarchy—accusing him of flipping his own anti-corporate message to attack RFK. Jimmy goes through claims about COVID lies (origins, natural immunity, masks, lockdowns, vaccine transmission), pharma corruption of medical journals and associations, and overcounting of COVID deaths. Along with Americans' Comedian Kurt Metzger, Jimmy's tone is scathing, mocking Bernie as a “garbage person” doing an “Emmy-worthy performance” under pressure, while contrasting him with dissenting doctors like Peter McCullough and Jay Bhattacharya. Plus segments on Mark Zuckerberg's “hot mic” moment at the recent White House gathering of top tech executives and Speaker Mike Johnson alleging that Donald Trump is really the hero in the Jeffrey Epstein scandal. Also featuring Mike MacRae and Stef Zamorano. And a phone call from JD Vance and JB Pritzker!

Stephanie talks about the release of the Jeffrey Epstein Birthday book and the pubescent picture Trump drew for him as a present. She also praises South Park for their brave, continuous satire of Trump. Guest - The Rude Pundit.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.