Podcasts about franklin delano roosevelt

How do you solve a problem like SCOTUS? Kate kicks off our Hot Supreme Court Reform September series with the New York Times' Jamelle Bouie. They dig into the ins and outs of expanding the Court: what the process could look like, the argument for making the entire federal judiciary bigger, and how to avoid an FDR-style fail.Take the Strict Scrutiny survey.New Strict merch available here.You can now listen to Strict Scrutiny for CLE credits in California, New York, Texas, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Washington, and Oregon! More info at crooked.com/strict_cleGet tickets for STRICT SCRUTINY LIVE on November 6th in Washington, DC: Crookedcon.comBuy Melissa's book, The U.S. Constitution: A Comprehensive and Annotated Guide for the Modern ReaderBuy Leah's book, Lawless, now out in paperbackFollow us on Instagram, Threads, and BlueskyFor a transcript of an episode of Strict Scrutiny please email transcripts@crooked.com

At 1:15 p.m. on April 12, 1945, Franklin Roosevelt was sitting for a portrait at his cottage in Warm Springs, Georgia, when his face suddenly fell forward. He raised his left hand to his temple and whispered to his cousin Daisy: "I have a terrific pain in the back of my head." He was dead by 3:35. That evening, Harry Truman, a former farmer and failed haberdasher who had been vice president for eighty-two days and had met with Roosevelt only twice, placed his hand on a Bible and became the thirty-third president of the United States. He had never been briefed on the atomic bomb. Thirteen days later, War Secretary Henry Stimson handed him a three-page memo that began: "Within four months we shall in all probability have completed the most terrible weapon ever known in human history, one bomb of which could destroy a whole city." Today's guest is James M. Scott, author of Empire of Ashes: Truman, Hirohito, and the Descent into Total War. We discuss how a Hungarian physicist who did his thinking in the bathtub tracked down Einstein by asking a boy on a Long Island street corner to launch the Manhattan Project, why Oak Ridge, Tennessee, became a secret city of 75,000 people who had no idea what they were building, and how the firebombing of Tokyo killed 105,000 people in a single night months before the atomic bombs fell. We look at why Groves wanted to destroy Kyoto for its two thousand temples and Stimson stopped him because he had honeymooned there, how Japan's military leaders refused to surrender even after two atomic bombs and forced an unprecedented intervention by an emperor who had spent the war collecting marine specimens in a palace while his cities burned, and why a group of young officers assassinated the commander of the Imperial Guards and seized the palace on the eve of surrender in a coup that came within hours of succeeding. Scott argues that the historical record supports Truman's decision but lets the last word belong to the survivors, and to a war minister who committed seppuku wearing the white shirt the emperor had personally given him, with a photograph of his dead son folded on top of his dress uniform.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

5 Hours and 22 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Here are the first 5 episodes of the World War 2 series with Thomas777 in one audio file.Episode 1: The Rise of the National Socialists in the Weimar Republic/Germany w/ Thomas777Episode 2: The Invasion of Poland and the U.S. Enters the War w/ Thomas777Episode 3: FDR and The New Dealers Push For War w/ Thomas777Episode 4: The Origins and Rise of Winston Churchill Pt. 1 w/ Thomas777Episode 5: The Origin and Rise of Winston Churchill Pt. 2 - The 1930s w/ Thomas777Thomas' SubstackThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

The White House is America's house, but who gets to decide what happens to it? In this episode, the speaker takes us on a journey through the history of presidential renovations, from Theodore Roosevelt's West Wing to Donald Trump's ballroom. We'll explore the fascinating story of how the White House has been remade over the years, and what it means for the separation of powers.The speaker shares a personal anecdote about their own experience visiting the White House, where they met with a friend who was a lawyer and had a unique perspective on the inner workings of the building. They also delve into the history of the White House, highlighting the significant changes made by various presidents, including TR, who built the West Wing, and FDR, who added the East Wing. The speaker argues that the current controversy over the ballroom is not just about aesthetics, but about the fundamental question of who gets to decide what happens to the White House.The Supreme Court's recent decision to clear the way for the ballroom's construction has sparked debate, with some arguing that the president can simply do what he wants with the building. But the speaker makes a compelling case that this is not the case, citing the 1912 statute that requires Congress's approval for any major changes to the White House. They also explore the implications of private funding for the project, which has raised questions about the role of donors and the potential for corruption.In this episode, the speaker takes us on a fascinating journey through the history and politics of the White House, revealing the complex web of power and influence that surrounds this iconic building. If you're interested in learning more about the story behind the ballroom and the implications for our democracy, tune in to this episode to hear the full discussion.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Independent investigative journalism, broadcasting, trouble-making and muckraking with Brad Friedman of BradBlog.com

On this edition of our MoneyTalk Moment in Financial History, Nathan and Daniel explain how FDR used the aftermath of the Great Depression to pass the most progressive and influential package of political and social reforms in our nation's history: the New Deal. Also on MoneyTalk, how advisors use the Monte Carlo simulation in the retirement planning process. Host: Nathan Beauvais, CFP®, CIMA®, CPWA®; Guest Host: Daniel Sowa; Air Date: 8/26/2026; Original Air Dates: 4/5/2023 & 7/12/2024. Have a question for the hosts? Leave a message on the MoneyTalk Hotline at (401) 587-SOWA and have your voice heard live on the air!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Arthur Herman, Part Two: This segment spans the 20th and 21st centuries, examining how the bold "founder mindset" conflicts with cautious "manager" mentalities. Herman discusses Woodrow Wilson's failed, heavily bureaucratized WWI mobilization in contrast to FDR's highly successful private-sector approach during WWII, spearheaded by GM's Bill Knudsen. Post-war, Vannevar Bush's federal funding for basic research laid the groundwork for Silicon Valley, information theory, and the microchip. Lastly, the discussion touches on modern paradigm-shifting founders, including civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., SpaceX and Tesla pioneer Elon Musk, and developer turned president Donald Trump. (2)

The US Federal debt recently climbed to $40 trillion, double what it was just ten years ago. The United States is borrowing at an unprecedented rate, putting itself and the whole world at risk of financial collapse. Professor Richard Wolff joins Clearing the FOG to discuss why the debt is rising so quickly, how it impacts our daily lives and more signs of a US empire in decline. Wolff explains that the election of Donald Trump and progressive Democrats are "votes of alienation" rather than being based on a political ideology. Wolff expresses optimism in the face of a rising interest in socialism and whether the US can transform away from capitalism or rescue it, as was done under FDR. For more information, visit PopularResistance.org.

The Berkeley Rose Garden is a beautiful place, but did you know it was built during FDR's “New Deal” in the ‘30s? The New Deal is still all around us today — if you know where to look. Plus, we get an update on the upcoming trial around Oakland's corruption scandal.

The current administration has made it their  goal to shrink the federal government. But many of the impacted agencies were actually created from a belief in a more expansive role for the federal government — an idea that can be traced back to the 1930s, and President Franklin D. Roosevelt's “New Deal” programs. The focus back then was to help the country recover from the Great Depression, but the New Deal is still all around us today. To bring that back to light, KALW has created a series called ‘The Public Works.' It's all about understanding where the New Deal came from and why it still matters here in the Bay Area.  So far, the series has covered Public art, public space, and preserving folk music. In this one, reporter Sheryl Kaskowitz learns about the secret messages that the New Deal has left behind.

We've launched Minimum Competence CLE, and our first course is now available completely free. Researching Federal Tax Issues After Loper Brightlooks at how the Supreme Court's decision ending Chevron deference changes the way lawyers should research and evaluate Treasury regulations, IRS guidance, and other federal tax authorities.Take the course and earn CLE credit at cle.minimumcomp.com.This Day in Legal History: The Neutrality Act of 1935On August 31, 1935, President Franklin Roosevelt signed the first of what would become a series of Neutrality Acts—laws designed to keep the United States out of the wars gathering in Europe and Asia. This first act imposed a mandatory embargo on shipping arms and ammunition to any nation the president declared to be at war, and it put America's armaments industry under a measure of federal control. It was a legal expression of the deep isolationism that gripped the country between the world wars.Here's the constitutional wrinkle that makes it interesting, and that Roosevelt himself chafed against. FDR wanted flexibility—he asked Congress for a law that would let him embargo arms to an aggressor nation while still selling weapons to its victim. Congress refused. Instead, it wrote a rigid, evenhanded rule: once the president declared that a state of war existed, he had to embargo arms to all sides, aggressor and victim alike. That was a deliberate congressional choice to tie the executive's hands in foreign affairs, to prevent a president from drawing the country toward one belligerent or another. Roosevelt signed it reluctantly, believing he could get it revised—and over the next several years, as the threat from fascism grew undeniable, the Neutrality Acts were indeed loosened, culminating in Lend-Lease and, ultimately, American entry into the war.The significance of August 31, 1935 is as a case study in the perennial struggle between Congress and the president over foreign affairs, and in the moral limits of legal neutrality. The mandatory embargo's great flaw was exactly its neutrality: by treating aggressor and victim the same, it arguably aided aggressors, who were already armed, against victims who were not. That's the tension in today's opening quote from Desmond Tutu—the idea that neutrality in the face of injustice is not really neutral at all. It's a fitting backdrop for a day that includes a story about the government's power over foreign companies, and one about whether the state can suppress speech it dislikes.A federal judge has dealt a significant blow to the administration's campaign to deport noncitizen students over pro-Palestinian activism, ruling that the effort is unconstitutional. In a lengthy 90-page opinion, U.S. District Judge Noël Wise in San Jose found that the administration's use of existing immigration law to cancel foreign students' visas and put them into deportation proceedings—based on their campus advocacy and criticism of Israel—violates the First Amendment right to free speech. The ruling traces the policy back to March 2025, when the government began revoking visas and detaining noncitizens for pro-Palestinian advocacy, starting with the high-profile arrest of Columbia graduate Mahmoud Khalil. The lawsuit was brought, notably, by the Stanford Daily, Stanford's student newspaper. Here's the core legal principle, and it's an important one that surprises people: noncitizens physically present in the United States have First Amendment rights. The government has broad power over immigration, but the judge found it can't use that power as a pretext to punish people for protected speech—that would be viewpoint discrimination, targeting people precisely because of the ideas they express. Judge Wise sharply criticized the State Department and Homeland Security for deploying immigration law to suppress views they didn't like. The significance connects to threads we've followed all summer—the pressure on universities, the Comey prosecution, the fights over dissent. This is a court drawing a hard line: the immigration system is not a loophole around the First Amendment, and the government cannot deport people for saying things it wishes they hadn't. Expect an appeal, but as a statement of principle, it's a forceful one. Judge deals blow to Trump moves to deport pro-Palestinian activists | ReutersAl Jazeera · The HillNow a story about the business of law: U.S. law firm office leasing surged 17% in the first half of 2026, with firms signing leases for nearly 12.2 million square feet, according to Cushman & Wakefield—and the second quarter was up a striking 27% over the same period last year. This is a boom, concentrated in the big legal markets of New York, Chicago, and Washington, and it includes some eye-popping deals, like Simpson Thacher's roughly 916,000-square-foot Manhattan lease—the same firm we discussed back in July over its rare malpractice trial. What's driving it is worth unpacking, because it contains a real paradox. Firms say their caseloads are exploding under a combination of forces: rising regulatory uncertainty, a more litigious business climate, and—here's the twist—the surge in artificial intelligence. AI adoption in law has rocketed, with something like 62% of firms now using it, up from just 17% a few years ago. And here's the paradox worth sitting with: we covered, a few weeks ago, how AI is thinning out entry-level hiring by automating the document review and first drafts that junior associates used to do. So how are firms leasing more space while hiring fewer juniors? The answer seems to be that the high end of legal work is booming—more complex, higher-stakes matters that generate demand for experienced lawyers and premium space—even as the bottom of the pyramid gets automated. The significance is a snapshot of a profession in transition: Big Law is physically expanding and financially thriving at the top, while the traditional on-ramp for young lawyers narrows. The office towers are filling up; it's just less clear who will be sitting in the entry-level offices a decade from now. US law firm leasing jumped 17% in first half, report says | ReutersCushman & Wakefield · Law360And finally, China's largest memory chipmaker, ChangXin Memory Technologies—CXMT—has sued the Pentagon to get itself off a U.S. government blacklist of companies it says are tied to China's military. The list in question is the Defense Department's roster of “Chinese military companies,” maintained under a provision of federal defense law, and landing on it carries real consequences: restrictions on government contracting and significant reputational damage that can spook customers and partners worldwide. CXMT's argument is straightforward—it says it's not affiliated with the Chinese military at all, and that it designs and sells its DRAM memory chips purely for civilian and commercial use. The most interesting piece of the lawsuit, legally, is a procedural one. CXMT alleges that the Pentagon actually published a notice in February saying the company would be removed from the list—then withdrew that notice the very same day, and later relisted the company in June without adequately explaining why it reversed course. That's the heart of an administrative-law claim: under the standards that govern federal agency action, the government generally can't act arbitrarily or capriciously, and a sudden, unexplained reversal is exactly the kind of thing courts scrutinize. And CXMT isn't alone—Alibaba filed a similar suit in June, and Xiaomi actually won removal from the list through U.S. litigation back in 2021. The significance is a reminder that even in the highly deferential arena of national security, designations like this are reviewable in American courts—foreign companies can, and increasingly do, use U.S. administrative law to challenge being branded a security threat, and sometimes they win. CXMT sues Pentagon over inclusion on list of companies tied to China's military | ReutersUS News · Benzinga This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

Alex is joined by history correspondent Cole Costello, a PhD student at the University of Montana studying labor history around the turn of the 20th century. The two dig into Donald Trump's unusual ranking of U.S. presidents, using it as a jumping-off point to discuss presidential history, political leadership, expansionism, and what the rankings may reveal about Trump's worldview. They also examine some of the list's stranger omissions—including Republican icon Ronald Reagan—and try to make sense of why certain presidents made the cut while others disappeared entirely. Along the way, they debate figures including Ulysses S. Grant, Andrew Johnson, FDR, and Bill Clinton, while touching on the increasingly surreal state of contemporary American politics.

And Another Thing With Dave, by Dave SmithThe West's grip on Iran is not diplomacy. It is an offer a country cannot refuse. This episode follows that gangster logic from the 1953 CIA-MI6 coup against Mohammad Mossadegh, through Iran-Contra and Mena, to the Business Plot — the Wall Street scheme to recruit America's most decorated Marine to stop the New Deal.Smedley Butler had two Medals of Honor and 33 years in the Corps. In War Is a Racket he said he was not a patriot for hire. He was “a high-class muscle man for Big Business… a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism.” He made Mexico safe for oil, Haiti safe for the banks, Nicaragua safe for Brown Brothers, Honduras safe for fruit companies, China safe for Standard Oil. Al Capone ran three city districts. Butler said the Marines ran three continents.Same playbook in Tehran. Mossadegh nationalized Iranian oil. Operation Ajax removed him. Decades later Iran-Contra sold weapons to the same “terrorist state,” funneled the profits to the Contras in violation of the Boland Amendment, and looked the other way while cocaine paid for the war. Gary Webb was right that the CIA protected Contra-linked traffickers. He was wrong that one ring explained the crack epidemic. Mena was real. The legend is bigger than the documented load.Then they tried it at home. In 1933–34, after Roosevelt left the gold standard and launched New Deal jobs, housing, and labor programs, financiers approached Butler to lead 500,000 veterans on Washington. The plan: a “Secretary of General Affairs” as dictator, FDR as figurehead. Money from Wall Street. Arms from Remington. Cover from the American Liberty League.Butler got the names and testified under oath. The McCormack-Dickstein Committee reported that the plot “was discussed, was planned, and might have been placed in execution when and if the financial backers deemed it expedient.”Nobody was prosecuted. The names were stripped from the public report. The press called it a hoax, then went silent.Same offer. Same refusal. Different map.In this episode:Why Iran policy still reads like a protection racket over oilOperation Ajax and the 1953 overthrow of a elected governmentIran-Contra: arms, hostages, Contras, and the cocaine pipelineWhat Gary Webb got right — and what he overstatedSmedley Butler's confession in War Is a RacketThe Business Plot against FDR, and why no one was chargedRelated episodes:The Clintons, Cocaine, Conspiracy, and Cover Up (Parts 1 and 2)Episode 474: Deep Down the Rabbit Hole of Drug SmugglingBonus: Iran, The History of US Aggression and LiesSeeking the truth. Exposing the lies.And Another Thing With Dave#AATWDListen, share, and review:Apple Podcasts — https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/and-another-thing-with-dave/id1498443271Spotify — https://open.spotify.com/show/1HLX3dqSQgeWZNXVZ1Z4ECAll links — https://linktr.ee/andanotherthingwithdave#AATWD #SmedleyButler #WarIsARacket #BusinessPlot #Iran1953 #OperationAjax #IranContra #CIA #Mossadegh #DarkAlliance #GaryWebb #MenaArkansas #NewDeal #FDR #AmericanHistory #DeepState #OilPolitics #MilitaryIndustrialComplex

H.W. Brands, author of America First: Roosevelt vs. Lindbergh in the Shadow of War, Part One: In April 1939, Charles Lindbergh returns to the United States amidst rising European tensions. Gaining global fame for his 1927 solo transatlantic flight and sympathy from his infant son's tragic kidnapping, Lindbergh remains an incredibly powerful public figure. He holds a stubborn admiration for German culture but is deeply wary of Adolf Hitler, believing Britain is in decay and will drag the U.S. into another war. FDR attempts to co-opt Lindbergh into his administration, but Lindbergh fiercely guards his independence. He takes to the national radio to advocate for strict American neutrality, deeply mistrusting FDR's step-by-step interventionist approach. (1)

Nous sommes le 25 mars 1945. Archie Roosevelt écrit : « Quelle que soit l'amertume que beaucoup de gens ont envers les Roosevelt d'Oyster Bay ou de Hyde Park, ils doivent admettre que le clan dans son ensemble est représenté par un seul homme. Nous en ressentons de la fierté. » Quelques jours plus tard, le 12 avril, l'homme évoqué dans la lettre, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 32e président des Etats-Unis, quatre fois élu à la Maison-Blanche, meurt à l'âge de 63 ans. En réalité, chez les Roosevelt, ils sont plusieurs à représenter la puissance et le rayonnement de la famille. Une famille qui avait déjà donné, à l'Amérique, son 26e président : Théodore, dont le visage, les lunettes et la moustache sont gravés dans le mont Rushmore, le panthéon de la nation. Ils ne sont pas les seuls, quelques femmes aussi ont contribué à l'immense notoriété, pour ne pas dire célébrité, du nom : Eleanor, bien sûr, l'épouse de Franklin Delano, mais aussi Alice, fille de Théodore, chacune œuvrant, à sa manière, pour une certaine émancipation du « sexe faible », comme l'on disait encore à l'époque. Une immense fortune bâtie de génération en génération, depuis l'arrivée, au XVIIe siècle de leurs ancêtres venus de Hollande. L'une de ces dynasties dont raffolent les Américains. Une histoire traversée de grandeur et de compromission, de tragédies personnelles et de panache. Une histoire qui incarne ce que l'on appelle « le premier vingtième siècle », celui qui voit l'Amérique aux prises avec trois grands défis majeurs : la Grande Dépression et les deux guerres mondiales. Partons sur les traces des Roosevelt… Invité : Georges Ayache, ancien diplomate « Les Roosevelt – Une dynastie américaine » aux Editions Perrin. Sujets traités : Roosevelt, l'Amérique, Dynasties, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, fortune , Hollande, Grande Dépression Merci pour votre écoute Un Jour dans l'Histoire, c'est également en direct tous les jours de la semaine de 13h15 à 14h30 sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez tous les épisodes d'Un Jour dans l'Histoire sur notre plateforme Auvio.be :https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/5936 Intéressés par l'histoire ? Vous pourriez également aimer nos autres podcasts : L'Histoire Continue: https://audmns.com/kSbpELwL'heure H : https://audmns.com/YagLLiKEt sa version à écouter en famille : La Mini Heure H https://audmns.com/YagLLiKAinsi que nos séries historiques :Chili, le Pays de mes Histoires : https://audmns.com/XHbnevhD-Day : https://audmns.com/JWRdPYIJoséphine Baker : https://audmns.com/wCfhoEwLa folle histoire de l'aviation : https://audmns.com/xAWjyWCLes Jeux Olympiques, l'étonnant miroir de notre Histoire : https://audmns.com/ZEIihzZMarguerite, la Voix d'une Résistante : https://audmns.com/zFDehnENapoléon, le crépuscule de l'Aigle : https://audmns.com/DcdnIUnUn Jour dans le Sport : https://audmns.com/xXlkHMHSous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppvN'oubliez pas de vous y abonner pour ne rien manquer.Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

On this week's Labor History Today: John Dick and Dave Elsila of the Michigan Labor History Society take Chris Garlock and Elise Bryant on a tour of Transcending, Detroit's spectacular monument to working people and the achievements of organized labor. Plus, a musical tribute to Dolly Parton and her songs of work, family and working-class life. Labor History in 2:00 marks the Battle of Blair Mountain and FDR's 1935 effort to make the wealthiest Americans pay their fair share. CLICK HERE to watch a video of our tour of Transcending. Music: Detroit City, 9 to 5, Coat of Many Colors, Daddy's Working Boots, In the Good Old Days (When Times Were Bad) & Working Girl Questions, comments, or suggestions are welcome, and to find out how you can be a part of Labor History Today, email us at LaborHistoryToday@gmail.com Labor History Today is produced by the Labor Heritage Foundation and the Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and the Working Poor. #LaborRadioPod #History #WorkingClass #ClassStruggle @GeorgetownKILWP #LaborHistory @UMDMLA @ILLaborHistory @AFLCIO @StrikeHistory #LaborHistory @wrkclasshistory  

Send us Fan MailThe American POTUS podcast is a 501c3 non-profit show, supported by listener patriots like you. To help us keep the program going, please join others around the nation by considering a tax-deductible donation. You can make your contribution and see what exciting plans we have for new podcasts and other outreach programs, at AmericanPOTUS.org. Thank You for your support and we hope you enjoy this episode. Support the showPlease consider a tax-deductible donation to support this podcast by visiting AmericanPOTUS.org.  Thank You!

“Seward had all the money and Seward had all the bullies. Lincoln didn't have money or bullies, but by God, he had the people.” — Jonathan Earle Yesterday, Kurt Andersen fictionalized a 21st-century broken America without an Abe Lincoln as savior. Today we talk about the man himself with Jonathan Earle, author of He Has the People, a new history of the 1860 election that made Lincoln president and probably saved the then young Republic. Earle's mission is to bring Lincoln down from Mount Rushmore. He tells the story of a flesh-and-blood politician, a six-foot-four autodidact who, in 1859, was barely known outside Illinois. What changed everything was John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry in October 1859. Lincoln recognized as much, spending the winter in the archives of the State Library of Illinois, then delivering a speech at Cooper Union that won over the New York media. Then onto the Republican convention in Chicago where the wily Lincoln ran rings around the establishment candidate William Henry Seward. In 1860, Abe Lincoln became Lincoln. The rest is history. He Has the People should be required reading for both obscure Republicans and Democrats planning to run for president in a fatally divided election. Earle suspects that 2028 might be as historic as 1860. Perhaps it will deliver another politician with the wit and wisdom to bring a broken America together. Somebody who, like Abe, has the people. Five Takeaways •       Before Abe Was Lincoln. Earle's stated mission: take Lincoln off Mount Rushmore and out of the throne Daniel Chester French sculpted, and restore the flesh-and-blood politician — “among the canniest politicians our country has produced, maybe the planet.” The pre-marble Lincoln: born in an actual Kentucky log cabin, wholly self-taught (favorite book: Euclid), the first genuinely Western president, six-foot-four when most men stood five-eight, a storyteller who learned politics riding the Illinois judicial circuit — breaking bread and sharing mattresses with judges and rival counsel — his ambition, in his law partner's famous phrase, a little engine that knew no rest. In 1859 he was barely known outside Illinois, a one-term ex-congressman regarded as vice-presidential material at best — the Jon Ossoff of his day, Earle suggests: making noise, not yet a name. Americans declare every election the most important in history; Earle's answer is the book's premise: hold on — it's not 1860.•       The 9/11 Before the Election. For decades both parties buried slavery beneath compromises — 1820, 1850 — until a tiny, hated minority of abolitionists forced the question. Then John Brown and twenty-one followers seized the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry in October 1859, intending to arm the enslaved (a plan so improvised, Earle notes, that Brown didn't bring lunch). The raid detonated inside a presidential campaign — as if 9/11 had preceded the 2000 election, or Pearl Harbor come before FDR's 1940 reelection — and it scrambled the chessboard: after Brown, every Southerner saw a secret John Brown in every Northerner, every Northerner saw a Slave Power that had run all three branches since the founding, and compromise died. Earle's verdict, unusual for a historian: the Civil War was inevitable after John Brown — the only question was who would be in charge when it came.•       Chicagoland. Lincoln's self-introduction was the strangest in campaign history: a tour of Bleeding Kansas (“the Gaza of the day”), then a winter of archival research in the State Library of Illinois, proving the founders believed they had the power to stop slavery's spread — delivered at Cooper Union in February 1860 in a reedy high voice that nonetheless won Horace Greeley and the New York press: his Obama-in-Boston moment. William Henry Seward — the famous New York senator, the Hillary of the piece — led the first two convention ballots. But Lincoln's handlers had pulled off the venue coup of the century (Chicago, his home state) and worked the smoky backrooms with offices, favors, and newspapers while their candidate wired “make no promises that bind me.” Seward was soft in Ohio and Indiana; the Republicans needed Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois; and a shocked Lincoln man coined the title: Seward had all the money and all the bullies — “but by God, he had the people.” Andrew's caveat: in Chicago, “the people” were power brokers.•       A Revolution, Reported from Paddy's Run. The general election was really two simultaneous contests: Lincoln versus Douglas in the North, Breckinridge versus Bell in the South — four candidates winning electoral votes, resolved as 180 for Lincoln (152 needed) on 39.8 percent of the popular vote, the lowest winning share in American history, with a scarcely believable 81.8 percent turnout. The franchise: white male citizens, no property requirement, citizenship easy enough that Democrats met the Irish ships at the docks — simultaneously the widest political participation on the planet and a restriction whose repair (the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments) would shut suffragists out for two more generations. Earle's narrative spine is Murat Halstead of Paddy's Run, Ohio — the nation's first campaign journalist, the only man at all seven of 1860's conventions, a Seward man who called it straight: this was a revolution — the first antislavery party wresting Washington from “Northern men with Southern principles” like Buchanan, Van Buren, and Pierce. And in the secession winter, Lincoln refused to compromise the victory away: We won.•       Is There a Lincoln Out There? Lincoln tops every presidential ranking, Earle argues, because he grew — the arc Earle compares to Bobby Kennedy's journey from McCarthyite to tribune of the poor. This Lincoln moved from denying racial equality in 1860 to a final speech — John Wilkes Booth in the audience — endorsing the vote for Black Union soldiers: killed, in effect, for the growing. He held the 1864 election in the middle of the war he expected to lose it (Earle's pointed contrast: Zelensky's wartime postponement — “I think that's a mistake”). To Andersen's cheerful breakup scenario, the LSU historian — whose Louisiana is one-third African American — gave a hard no: disunion meant “unremitted servitude forever,” and the republic needs Mississippi and Wyoming alike. For 2028: historical contingency always wins — nobody had heard of Obama two years out, and the general public hasn't heard the next name either. “I do think that there is a Lincoln out there. I do.” About the Guest Jonathan Earle teaches history and politics at Louisiana State University, where he has been Dean of the Ogden Honors College since 2014. A historian of antebellum American politics, he is the author of Jacksonian Antislavery and the Politics of Free Soil, John Brown's Raid on Harpers Ferry, and (as co-editor) Bleeding Kansas, Bleeding Missouri. He Has the People: Abraham Lincoln and the Election of 1860 (Oxford University Press, Pivotal Moments in American History series) draws on t...

Send us Fan MailLove him or hate him, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, mostly known as FDR, was a person known for many things -- being the longest serving President; being born into the wealthy elite class, yet remembering the little people; defying expectations by running the country from a wheelchair; marrying extremely well by bagging Eleanor, a much-loved lady; and the alphabet soup of social programs that put people back to work during the dustbowl, Depression and dark gloom of World Wars.  The New Deal, The TVA, SEC, AAA, WPA, CCC and FLSA, among others, are on his list.  And if you don't think any of those letters might apply to you in the current age?  If you collect Social Security, are entitled to minimum wage, or have more banking confidence from the FDIC, you might want to read up on this guy.  Or you can listen in today, as we visit with Park Ranger Kevin Oldenburg.And the funny part?  The title that FDR said was most satisfying…is "Tree Farmer." Links:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D._Roosevelthttps://www.fdrlibrary.org/https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/1600/presidents/franklindrooseveltSupport the show

Public leadership doesn't mean that the “leader” has to have all the solutions, but instead must be open to others with problem-solving ideas.That was one of Franklin Roosevelt's great strengths when he came into the White House. Facing the full-blown crisis of a national Depression, he brought his top advisors together with an open mandate for creativity: “Do Something,” he told them. “If it works, do more of it. If it doesn't work, do something else.”In some surprisingly good news, this spirit of innovative public leadership is flourishing today! Not at the national level, of course, where top federal officials are right-wing ideologues who obsequiously bow to “WDW” (Whatever Donald Wants). But hundreds of local and state officials across America are using their heads, hands, and imaginations to “do something” about the real problems our people face.School districts, for example. Many are facing a double whammy: First, developers and their politicians have gentrified many cities so severely that teachers and staff can't afford to live there; second a right-wing push for school consolidations and closures has left many campuses vacant. But could one problem plus the other one add up to zero?Yes, say education innovators in such districts as San Diego, Austin, and South Miami. Leaders there and elsewhere are converting vacated classrooms, offices, and school yards into high-quality family apartment complexes. They'll house several thousand teachers, janitors, and others, cutting rents by 50 percent or better!Encouraging this kind of free-wheeling problem-solving is not just thinking outside the box, it's eliminating the box. For more creative ideas to make public policy work for the public, go to StateInnovation.org.Jim Hightower's Lowdown is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jimhightower.substack.com/subscribe

Grandfathers, grandfathers. Yesterday, David Baerwald talked about his grandfather, Ernst Baerwald, an American spy in Second World War Japan. Today, Katie S. Sanders talks about her grandfather, Murray Simon, whose life was saved by an American spy in Second World War France. In Ortiz's War, co-authored with historian Nicholas Reynolds, Sanders writes about Peter Ortiz, who became the Allies' secret weapon against the Nazis in France. With his stunning looks, Ortiz might have been a Hollywood creation. Polylingual Franco-American aristocrat, French Foreign Legion, race-car driver, circus lion tamer, the most battle-decorated member of America's first spy agency. He even played himself (anonymous brave soldier) in a number of post-war Hollywood movies. I wish he was my grandfather. Five Takeaways •       The Spy Who Saved Her Grandfather. Murray Simon was a 23-year-old Jewish kid from Queens who had never flown before the Army Air Forces trained him — then sent him over occupied France in a black-painted B-24 Liberator carrying spy supplies and carrier pigeons for the resistance. Shot down on May 6, 1944, a month before D-Day, on an OSS mission whose standing advice was don't get shot down — spies were tortured and killed, not taken prisoner — he was hidden by a Bulgarian-born Jew passing as Catholic, a man with an eight-month-old daughter and a pregnant wife who was “already supposed to be dead” and opened his door anyway. Smuggled onward, Murray was intercepted by Peter Ortiz — and made it home to the GI Bill, a family, and what he called “the warm womb of Uncle Sam.” Katie never met him; the book is her way of meeting him. “I gravitate towards stories of resistance, probably in part because I'm a product of one.” Publication day: the anniversary of the liberation of Paris.•       No Peacetime Soldier. Peter J. Ortiz's résumé reads like an unpublishable novel: son of a founding editor of Paris Vogue; French boarding-school runaway into the Foreign Legion (North Africa, Casablanca included); merchant seaman, dude-ranch manager, race-car driver, circus lion tamer; wounded fighting the Germans in 1940, captured, serially escaped — once off a hospital train under a dead soldier's identity; docked in New York the day after Pearl Harbor and enlisted in the Marines, rising to become the most battle-decorated member of the OSS and one of the most decorated Marines of the war. His military file: not a good candidate for a desk job, ever. He spoke five languages, not Wikipedia's ten (“Wikipedia is a storyteller”), walked into bars in occupied France wearing his Marine uniform, and wrote his own epitaph in a twenty-page memoir: “I'm no peacetime soldier.” Afterward: John Ford's Hollywood, minor roles, his own uniforms as costume — and no bragging, ever.•       The Heroic Surrender at Centron. The book's climax is Operation Union II, August 1944 — Ortiz's own inter-Allied mission into the Alps, culminating in the massive “Le Grand Parachutage” supply drop to the Maquis. He recruited his own Parris Island parachute instructors — Marines who remembered the legionnaire who blew them all away at boot camp — plus Francis Coolidge: Harvard dropout, fellow Foreign Legion veteran, and great-great-great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson. When his patrol was surrounded at the village of Centron by vastly superior German forces on a murderous late-war rampage, Ortiz chose saving the town over fighting — the surrender as the war's most heroic act, bravery as the capacity to think while being shot at. Centron celebrates him every year; Katie was just there with Marines stationed in Germany, for the eighty-second anniversary. Guiding lights: noblesse oblige, Don Quixote, and a lifelong allergy to McCarthyism.•       Wild Bill's Wartime Startup. The OSS — forerunner of the CIA, whose Langley lobby still holds Wild Bill Donovan's statue — was, in Katie's telling, a wartime startup: 13,000 military and civilian personnel, mostly Wall Street lawyers, bankers, cryptographers, and cartographers, with a tiny operational subset that included Moe Berg, Virginia Hall trekking the Pyrenees on a wooden leg, and Ortiz. Donovan — World War One Medal of Honor recipient, FDR's “secret legs,” the man who could “see an acorn, envision an oak tree” — was banned from D-Day as the one man carrying too many secrets, and went sniffing around anyway. J. Edgar Hoover was considered for the job and rejected, with Churchill's SOE helping tip the choice. “I respect Donovan a lot more than I respect J. Edgar Hoover.” The lineage runs straight to today's Navy SEALs and MARSOC — including past Keen On guest Brandon Webb.•       Are We in 1939? Katie walks the museum timelines — 1933, and it's “not great”; 1936, and the warnings mount; “I certainly hope we're not in 1939.” Against Andrew's needling about greatest-generation nostalgia (via Brandon Webb's complicated heroism, Kristin Beck's good-and-evil seduction, Richard Overy's question of whether the war ever ended, and Matt Damon's regret-soaked Odysseus), she holds the line: someone like Ortiz is great in any time — and especially needed when democracy is under threat. The warfare itself has closed its chapter: her grandfather's black-painted bomber and carrier pigeons have become Ukraine's drones, delivering aid with less risk and less human connection alike. What survives the technology is the lesson: heroes don't brag — her grandfather and Ortiz would be mortified by the spotlight — and by illuminating what they did, the rest of us might learn to do the right thing. About the Guest Katie S. Sanders is an award-winning journalist who has written for National Geographic, The New York Times, Washington Post Magazine, TIME, Smithsonian, and Vanity Fair. Her reporting has brought her to the CIA, the White House, and the homes and reunions of World War II veterans and Holocaust survivors. After discovering that her late grandfather — a Jewish-American pilot shot down over France — was rescued by Peter Ortiz, she teamed up with the historian Nicholas Reynolds (Writer, Sailor, Soldier, Spy) to co-author Ortiz's War (Harper Horizon, August 25, 2026). A summa cum laude graduate of the University of Pennsylvania, she lives in Brookline, Massachusetts. References: •       Ortiz's War: The Allies' Secret Weapon Against the Nazis in France by Nicholas Reynolds and Katie S. Sanders (Harper Horizon, August 25, 2026).•       Writer, Sailor, Soldier, Spy by Nicholas Reynolds — the co-author's Hemingway biography, the book that put him on Katie's radar.•       The Fire Agent by David Baerwald — yesterday's episode: another grandfather, another secret war, rendered as fiction where this one insists on fact.•    &nb...

Is America standing on the edge of a grand new progressive era or a shift toward neofascism? Thom explores the collision course between corporate neoliberalism and the rising progressive movement. Drawing parallels to FDR's New Deal, we break down why the middle class has collapsed since the Reagan Revolution and how billionaires and dark money have rigged the system. Discover the path toward a progressive renaissance—including Medicare for All, student debt relief, and fair taxes on the morbidly rich—and why organized people are the only force that can overcome organized money. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

On Friday's Mark Levin Show, a major debate among conservatives will run through the 2028 Republican primaries, pitting Buchananites (post-liberal conservatives) against Reaganites and Trumpites, with some Trumpites sounding more like the former. It centers on national conservatism versus traditional constitutional conservatism and the proper use of government power. Some voices push interventionism resembling FDR or LBJ—socialist lite—without clear limits, seeking popular appeal while dismissing the strong growth of the 1980s. Such candidates could win a primary but lose the general election. Power is ubiquitous and shapes politics and liberty, yet is distinct from liberty itself.  Properly used, as in the American Revolution and the Constitution that replaced the weak Articles of Confederation, it secures ordered liberty through limited, divided government (“positive power”). Abused, it centralizes authority, erodes liberty, and turns democracies toward autocracy (“negative power”)—via courts overriding voters, people voting away their freedom, or bureaucratic expansion. Also, Doran Spielman, international spokesman in the Israeli Prime Minister's office, describes rising tensions as Erdogan moves military forces into Syria near Israel's border to exploit the situation, having taken over and militarized a former Russian base despite Netanyahu's warnings, prompting an Israeli Air Force strike. Erdogan is now sending more vehicles including tanks into southwestern Syria; Netanyahu has again warned against it, while Erdogan claims this is not Gaza and even the United States could not protect Israel if struck, to which Netanyahu replied that Israel has faced bigger empires. Later, President Trump campaigns for Sen Darline Graham in South Carolina and we take his remarks live! Finally, Ken Paxton calls in his Texas Senate race against James Talarico - a hardcore leftist who is trying to reinvent himself as a moderate Democrat. If a Democrat wins this seat, it would reshape Texas and threaten Republican control of the Senate. Paxton's top priority is the Save America Act to secure elections; he also prioritizes tackling the federal deficit, placing constitutional conservatives on the judiciary, and confronting China as America's primary economic and military challenge. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

New York Times best selling author AJ Baime talks about his book, The Accidental President: Harry S. Truman and the Four Months That Changed the World. He discusses Truman's unlikely rise to the presidency, detailed looks at the day FDR died and Truman's first day as president, and the many events taking place early in his presidency including the fall of Berlin, the founding of the UN, victory at Okinawa, firebombings in Tokyo, the first atomic explosion, the Nazi surrender, the liberation of concentration camps, the Potsdam conference, the decision to drop the bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the surrender of Japan, the end of WWII and the beginning of the Cold War.

The Depression did not only impact the United States. It hit Europe as well because the world economy had become too interconnected for this to be a one-country issue anymore. And Europe responded to the crisis much differently than America. America turned to FDR. Germany turned to Hitler. And I am guessing you know the rest...Western Civ 2.0 

Welcome to the Old Ozarks with Dr. Brooks Blevins... This week, we head out looking for "ary" trace of the Great Depression left on the Ozark landscape — and it turns out, once you know what to look for, you can hardly go "nary" a mile without finding one. We'll start in Grandpa's hayfield with the hillside ribs known as Mangum terraces, tracing their spread from a North Carolina farm in the 1880s to the terracing craze that swept the Ozarks under FDR's New Deal. Along the way, our short sweetenin' digs up the backwoods twins "ary" and "nary," archaic descendants of "ever a" and "never a" that once peppered everyday Ozark speech. Then it's on to the long sweetenin': a whirlwind tour of just how much New Deal alphabet-soup labor — the CCC, WPA, PWA, CWA, and NYA — physically remade this region, from state park lodges and courthouses to WPA schoolhouses, Razorback Stadium's earliest bones, and post office murals still hanging in Berryville and Fredericktown ninety years later. Let's dive into this episode of The Old Ozarks... What is The Old Ozarks? The Old Ozarks is your gateway to the forgotten history of the Ozarks. Hosted by renowned historian Dr. Brooks Blevins (the leading authority on the region's history), this podcast explores the lives, legends, and landscapes that have shaped this unique region. Whether you're a native Ozarker, a new resident, or a curious listener, join us as we share the stories that make the Ozarks special and connect us to our past.

Marianne Williamson keeps a ticker running on her Substack, counting down the days to the midterms. In this episode, she and Jeff dig into why she thinks these midterms may be the last chance for a truly free and fair election in 2028, walk through the DNC dysfunction and the rise of the DSA, and get candid about her own two runs for president and what they taught her about the party. Why Williamson believes the 2026 midterms are more consequential than any in recent memory The redistricting battle reshaping the House, and why a "normal" Democratic wave may not be enough How the DSA and candidates like Zohran Mamdani are pulling the party back toward its FDR-era roots What her own 2020 and 2024 presidential campaigns revealed about the DNC's instincts, including an FBI briefing and a DNC official's apology Her case for why hope and reform are still possible, even in a "brutal" political moment This episode is for anyone trying to make sense of the Democratic Party's internal battles, and anyone wondering what's actually at stake in November. Marianne's new course, Midlife Awakening: Creating a Miraculous Next Chapter, guides students through the real work of this stage of life: atoning for old mistakes, practicing true forgiveness, and reframing midlife as a second puberty rather than a decline. Across eight sessions, it builds toward what she calls "rising as the phoenix," her framework for closing one chapter and consciously starting the next. Start the course for free at commune.to/awakening. Discover more from Marianne at marianne.com. This episode was made possible by:  LMNT: Get a free 8-count Sample Pack of LMNT's most popular drink mix flavors with any purchase at ⁠drinklmnt.com/commune⁠. Stemregen: Get 20% off your first order at stemregen.co/commune with the code COMMUNEPOD Vivobarefoot: Try Vivobarefoot risk-free with a 100-day return guarantee, and get 25% off your order at ⁠vivobarefoot.com/commune⁠. Stripes: Visit ⁠stripesbeauty.com⁠ and use the code COMMUNE20 for 20% off our entire product line. CocoaVia: Use code COMMUNE2026 for 25% off at CocoaVia.com

Social Security began 91 years ago when President Franklin Roosevelt signed it into law. Since then, it has provided a social safety net to Americans, allowing many of them to retire with dignity, according to John Hishta, senior vice president of campaigns with AARP. But many experts say that without some action, social security benefits will have to be reduced by 20% in 2032. News Director Eric Douglas sat down with Hishta to understand the situation. The post The Future Of Social Security Benefits, This West Virginia Morning appeared first on West Virginia Public Broadcasting.

Bo Snerdley's Rush Hour is a fast-paced daily talk radio podcast covering the biggest political stories of the day. Designed for listeners on the go, each episode delivers sharp analysis, timely updates, and engaging commentary on the headlines shaping the national conversation.

Bo Snerdley's Rush Hour is a fast-paced daily talk radio podcast covering the biggest political stories of the day. Designed for listeners on the go, each episode delivers sharp analysis, timely updates, and engaging commentary on the headlines shaping the national conversation.

In today's episode of The Quiz, we're testing your knowledge on everything from famous urban monikers to historic operatic compositions. Can you answer these? Wartime Speeches: Following the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor, President Franklin D. Roosevelt famously declared that December 7th, 1941 would live forever in a specific way. Can you complete his quote? Subway Systems: Underground rapid transit transformed how Americans travel through cities, but do you know which metropolis launched the nation's very first subway system? Luxury Brands: Brand Finance compiles annual valuations of global fashion powerhouses. Do you know which luxury house earned a spot among the world's top ten apparel brands? Play. Share. Listen, with Emmy award-winning actress, Drea de Matteo. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this episode of Hella Black, we look at how neoliberal containment strategies have followed the same playbook from BLM to the activism that's occurred in the U.S. in relation to Palestine. We talk about how neoliberal bureaucrats curate a misleadership class and hand you a false messiah, trained by the nonprofits and the universities and these leadership institutes. We also get into Mamdani milking FDR, Abdul El-Sayed sponsored by Kamala, the DSA as controlled opposition for the Democrats, and the good Muslim/bad Muslim paradigm. And we ask who the welfare state is actually built on, because it's the third world every time. Tap in!!! And be sure to pull up to our live show in Berkeley Sept 4th, 2026 at La Pena Cultural Center!

Give to help Chris make Truce Richard Vigueries. What can be written about him? His nickname was "the founding father of the Religious Right". He founded RAVCO, which was a fundraising organization that raised money for... well, who didn't it raise money for? In his book, Takeover, Viguerie laid out a detailed plan of how the far right could take over the Republican Party. It is a fascinating book, one that may not have had an overwhelming impact, but the idea within the book has. In this special epsiode, Chris walks listeners through the book and the impact of the ideas inside. Sources: Takeover by Richard Viguerie Reaganland and Before the Storm by Rick Perlstein The Evangelicals by Frances Fitzgerald God's Own Party by Daniel K Williams Revive Us Again by Joel Carpenter These Truths by Jill LePore A Choice Not An Echo by Phyllis Schlafly The Lord's Prayer Discussion Questions: Who was Richard Viguerie? What are some of his grievances? Why do you think he skipped the Republican presidents of the 1920s in his history? What did he think of FDR? Of Robert Taft? How do you see the conservative wound in this book? What were some of Viguerie's prescribed tactics for taking over the GOP? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Monday, August 17, 2026 Today, the Democratic National Committee passed resolutions that could inform the 2028 party platform; the Justice Department is expanding the military's law enforcement power; the Food and Drug Administration traveled to Mexico a month after linking Taylor Farms to cyclospora outbreak; U.S. and Ukrainian forces went head to head in a drone exercise and Ukraine won; the Tate brothers' custody hearing was postponed as they fight extradition; a Canadian petition to oust Hoekstra as the ambassador has nearly 200,000 signatures; plus Allison and Dana deliver your Good News. Thank You, IQBAR Text DAILYBEANS to 64000 to get 20% off all IQBAR products, plus FREE shipping. Message and data rates may apply.  Thank You Smalls For a limited time, get 60% off your first order, plus free shipping and free treats for life, when you head to Smalls.com/DAILYBEANS The Trump Epstein Memorial Bookmobile The Daily Beans is proud to partner with Miles Taylor and our friends at DEFIANCE.org For a limited time, members of the Daily Beans community can receive a FREE 3-month full membership to DEFIANCE.org and gain access to one of the fastest-growing pro-democracy movements in America. Join here: https://www.defiance.org/beans Diamond Dames - Subscribe here: Diamond Dames - A Ted Lasso PodcastDiamond Dames - YouTube playlist   Guest: Heather Cox RichardsonLetters from an American | Heather Cox RichardsonHeather Cox Richardson - YouTubeinstagram.com/heathercoxrichardson@hcrichardson.bsky.social - Bluesky@HC_Richardson - Twitter The Latest Breakdown→ INSIDE Trump DOJ's BRUTAL Epstein Court Reckoning StoriesJustice Department expands military's power to detain migrants accused of trespassing | CBS News FDA in Mexico a month after linking Taylor Farms to cyclospora outbreak | The Washington PostDemocrats disagree over abolishing or reforming ICE at DNC meeting | AP News Tate brothers custody hearing postponed as they fight U.K. extradition | NBC News Good TroubleCards Against Humanity - Elon has no Friends →Friday August 28 in DC March On Washington 2026 -marchonwashington2026.com Check your voter registration and deadlines → Voter Registration Deadlines - Vote.org →Helpline Orientation- Spanish Speakers Needed! · VoteRiders →Help save Texas from Ken Paxton! →NO HATE in WA State →Stand With Minnesota →iceout.org Good NewsSpokAnimal animal rescue Oct 9 -Southwest Funny Fest:Dana Goldberg's Southwest FunnyFest - City of Albuquerque -Email Dana@DanaGoldberg.com for sponsorship informationTickets for Dana Goldberg: Outrageous - Sep 23 - Den Theater - Chicago  →Share your Good News & Good Trouble - The Daily Beans →Beans Talk audio -beans-talk.simplecast.com Subscribe to the MSW on YouTube - MSW Media - YouTube Our Donation Links The Trevor Project - trevorproject.org/beans Blue Wave California - ActBlue.com/donate/msw-bwc Donate to Public Citizen - https://citizen.org/beans/ Donate to It Gets Better / The Daily Beans Fundraiser Pathways to Citizenship - boomerang - pathways  Dana and The Daily Beans support of Human Rights Campaign ONE CAUSE HRC The Daily Beans supports It Gets BetterNational Security Counselors - Donate, WhistleblowerAid.org/beans Dr. Allison Gill - The Breakdown | Allison Gill, Mueller, She Wrote @muellershewrote.com - Bluesky, MSW & The Daily Beans Podcast @muellershewrote - Instagram, MSW Media - YouTube →Federal workers email AG - fedoath@pm.me Dana Goldberg - Dana is on Patreon! At Dana's Dugout, @dgcomedy - Bluesky, @dgcomedy - IG, Dana Goldberg - Facebook,  DanaGoldberg.com More from MSW Media - Shows, Cleanup On Aisle 45 pod, The Breakdown | Allison Gill Reminder - you can see the pod pics if you become a Patron. The good news pics are at the bottom of the show notes of each Patreon episode! That's just one of the perks of subscribing! patreon.com/muellershewrote Listener Survey:http://survey.podtrac.com/start-survey.aspx?pubid=BffJOlI7qQcF&ver=shortFollow the Podcast on Apple:https://apple.co/3XNx7ckWant to support the show and get it ad-free and early?https://patreon.com/thedailybeanshttps://dailybeans.supercast.com/https://apple.co/3UKzKt0 Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Pacific War. In late 1941, the Second Battle of Changsha ended with Chinese forces claiming victory despite suffering nearly 100,000 casualties against roughly 1,670 Japanese losses. Chiang Kai-shek's government launched an aggressive propaganda campaign, flooding international press with fabricated triumph narratives to sustain national morale. Behind closed doors, Chiang was furious at his generals' tactical failures, executing commanders and dismantling units. Meanwhile, geopolitical forces threatened China's survival. Japan's 1939 defeat at Nomonhan crushed hopes for a Soviet alliance against Tokyo. Germany's pact with the Soviet Union left China isolated, while Western powers remained reluctant to commit meaningful support. Britain offered little; the US provided only modest loans. By 1941, facing potential collapse, Chiang desperately searched for allies while Wang Jingwei's Japanese-backed rival government beckoned as an alternative. China's exhausted people endured horror—including a 1941 bombing massacre in Chongqing that killed over 400 trapped civilians. Then Japan unleashed a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.   #215 An Implosion in the East Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet was anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. Two waves of Japanese bomber aircraft, launched from six aircraft carriers, attacked the vessels and their sleeping crews, destroying the battleship Arizona outright and damaging seventeen others, as well as most of the military aircraft parked nearby. Some 2,400 Americans died, and another 1,100 were wounded. Within a day Japanese invasion forces had attacked Siam, Malaya, and the Philippines. Chiang Kai-shek heard the news at one o'clock in the morning and immediately dictated a letter of support to President Roosevelt, pledging commitment to a new "common battle." The news reached Zhou Fohai in Shanghai as well. On December 8 across the international date line from Hawaii he had heard the sounds of firing as the Japanese took over the rest of the city, and then received reports that Japan had declared war on the Western powers. "I heard they'd bombed Honolulu, Manila, Singapore, and Hong Kong. From now on, the Pacific becomes a killing ground."   When Japanese carrier planes descended on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, they were executing far more than a tactical strike. They were unleashing the culmination of a strategic vision that had shaped Japanese military planning since the 1920s: the Nanshin-ron, or "Southern Advance" doctrine.    The Nanshin-ron represented a critical strategic choice that emerged from internal Japanese debates during the 1920s and 1930s. Japan faced an inescapable vulnerability: it was an island nation with virtually no natural resources of its own. The nation's population had doubled since the Meiji Restoration, growing to over 70 million by 1941. An industrial economy of tremendous sophistication, capable of producing world-class warships, aircraft, and military equipment, depended entirely on imported raw materials. Oil, rubber, tin, iron ore, bauxite, copper, and manganese all had to be acquired through foreign trade or conquest. This resource dependency was not a luxury problem; it was an existential one. A nation that could not feed itself or fuel its economy was a nation vulnerable to strangulation by enemies who controlled the resources it needed. Japanese strategic thinkers divided into two camps on how to resolve this vulnerability. The Hokushin-ron advocates, primarily within the Army, pushed for expansion northward into Siberia and Mongolia, seeking to conquer Soviet territory and resources. The Soviet Union possessed vast tracts of land, mineral wealth, timber, and agricultural output. From a purely materialist perspective, the Northern Advance made geographic sense—it was contiguous with Manchuria, which Japan had already secured in 1931. Yet by the late 1930s, the Hokushin-ron strategy had suffered a catastrophic blow. In 1938 and 1939, Japanese and Soviet forces clashed at Khalkhin Gol in Mongolia in what the Japanese called the Nomonhan Incident. The battles revealed a terrifying truth: the Soviet Red Army, under General Georgy Zhukov, was far more formidable than Japanese military planners had anticipated. Soviet armor, air power, and coordinated tactics annihilated Japanese forces. Japan suffered over 60,000 casualties while inflicting perhaps 10,000 on the Soviets. The defeat was concealed from the Japanese public, but it was unmistakable to military planners. A direct clash with Soviet power could end catastrophically. The Northern Advance, it became clear, would almost certainly provoke war with a nation capable of destroying the Japanese Army. This strategic defeat tilted the balance decisively toward the Nanshin-ron. If Japan could not safely expand northward, it must expand southward, toward Southeast Asia, the Dutch East Indies, Indochina, and the western Pacific. The appeal of the Nanshin-ron was immediately apparent to the Navy, which had always been more oriented toward maritime commerce and expansion across the ocean. The territories to the south were not militarily formidable. The colonial powers, Britain, the Netherlands, France, were either already defeated in 1940 or distracted by their own desperate struggles leaving Britain fighting alone against Germany. The United States, though potentially a formidable adversary, was not yet at war, and there was a chance, however slender, that a decisive blow against American naval power might convince America to negotiate rather than fight. But beyond strategic opportunity, the Nanshin-ron offered something that the Hokushin-ron did not: it offered resources of staggering abundance. The Dutch East Indies possessed oil reserves that could dwarf Japan's consumption for years. Malaya produced the world's rubber. Thailand offered agricultural bounty and geographic position. Burma's timber and agricultural products could feed Japan's growing empire. The Philippines possessed harbors, airfields, and economic output. These were not marginal additions to Japan's economy—they were transformative. Together, they would convert Japan from a resource-hungry island nation into the master of an imperial domain encompassing hundreds of millions of people and containing most of the strategic materials necessary for sustained industrial warfare. In the last episode I explained the western sanctions and embargoes that drained Japan's military of the resources they required to continue the China War. By 1941, Japan faced a civilization crisis. Japan imported roughly 90 percent of its petroleum, and the bulk of that came from the Dutch East Indies and the United States. Suddenly, the American supply was cut off entirely. Reserves would last perhaps 18 months if Japan's military and industrial consumption continued at existing rates. After that, the military machine would sputter and die. The industrial economy would collapse. Even civilian life would become impossible to sustain. Japan was facing not merely economic inconvenience but literal strangulation by the Western powers.   Yet it would be a mistake to reduce Japanese motivation to just materialism. Japanese military leaders wrapped their conquests in an ideological framework, one that many of them genuinely believed, or wanted to believe, served a higher historical purpose. The concept of the Daitoa Kyoeiken, the "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere," posited a new regional order in which Japan would play the leading role in liberating Asian peoples from Western colonial domination and creating an Asian-centered political and economic system. This ideology drew on genuine anti-colonial sentiment. For a century, Western powers had dominated Asia, treating Asian peoples and nations as subordinate, colonized territories existing to serve Western economic interests. Japan, which had modernized and Westernized enough to avoid colonization, saw itself as the natural leader of an Asian renaissance—a civilizing force that would restore Asian dignity and independence even as it established Japanese hegemony. Of course, this was propagandistic. Japanese conquest represented a substitution of one imperial master for another, and often a harsher and more brutal one at that. But for understanding Japanese decision-making, the ideology mattered profoundly. It provided Japanese leaders with a moral narrative for conquest. It allowed them to understand themselves as liberators rather than mere conquerors. It provided a rationale for extracting resources from occupied territories and for mobilizing subject populations to support the Japanese war effort. And it resonated with anti-Western sentiment throughout Asia, making Japanese occupation seem, in some quarters, preferable to continued Western colonial rule. The slogan Hakko ichiu—"eight corners under one roof", captured this ideological vision: a unified Asia and eventually world under Japanese guidance. Whether Japanese leaders truly believed this vision or cynically deployed it as propaganda, it shaped how they understood their actions and justified them to their subjects. Now I know this is a podcast dedicated to the century of humiliation, ie: China's experience. But I thought it was necessary just to have one episode explain what Dan Carlin titled "a supernova in the east" and I have titled an implosion in the east. I won't go into depth into the campaigns as some of them have a lot of Chinese involvement and we will be covering them in depth, but rather I will explain the rationale for Japan's numerous invasions following the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.   Japan's assault on Malaya began within hours of the Pearl Harbor attack, indeed, Japanese troops were already landing on the Kota Bharu beachhead on the Malaysian peninsula before dawn on December 8, 1941 local time. Malaya was one of the world's largest rubber producers, and Singapore, at the tip of the peninsula, was the linchpin of British naval power in the Far East.The Japanese interest in Malaya was straightforward but crucial: rubber. The Japanese military consumed vast quantities of rubber for tires, gaskets, hoses, and countless other applications. American and Dutch rubber supplies were now cut off by embargo. Malaya's rubber plantations represented perhaps the world's richest reservoir of this strategic material. Beyond rubber, Malaya and the surrounding region were major tin producers—essential for alloys and manufacturing. For Japan to conduct prolonged warfare, Malaya was not a luxury target; it was a necessity. Singapore represented something different: a symbol of Western power in Asia and a strategic chokepoint. As the major British naval base in the region, Singapore served as the anchor of British imperial authority across the South China Sea. By seizing Singapore, Japan would not only capture crucial resources and port facilities but would also deliver a psychological blow to the entire edifice of Western dominance in Asia. The fortress city that the British considered nearly impregnable fell within seventy days, a stunning demonstration of Japanese military capability and the vulnerability of overextended Western empires. If Malaya was critical for rubber, the Dutch East Indies was essential for oil. The region, comprising present-day Indonesia, was the world's third-largest oil producer and had reserves that could sustain Japanese military operations for years. This was the jewel of the resource-conquest strategy. Japanese planners had long eyed the East Indies, but direct conquest had seemed risky while Britain and America remained neutral or opposed. With both now at war, the window of opportunity had opened. Japan needed the oil so desperately that when the Dutch East Indies Petroleum Company initially agreed to some Japanese oil purchases before the war, Tokyo was already planning its takeover. The conquest of the Dutch East Indies would provide not just oil but also tin, nickel, bauxite, and other materials essential to an industrial war machine. The islands would also provide air and naval bases from which Japan could defend its new empire and potentially threaten Australia. The Japanese invasion of the Dutch East Indies, which began in late December 1941 and accelerated through January and February 1942, was methodical and comprehensive. Various island groups were targeted systematically: Java, Borneo, Celebes, and the Moluccas. Dutch military forces, though brave, were overwhelmed. By March 1942, Japan had secured the entire archipelago,a stunning logistical and military achievement that delivered vast resources into Japanese hands. Thailand presented a fundamentally different case from Japan's other targets. Rather than conquest, Japan pursued alliance with military strongman Plaek Phibunsongkhram, who had seized power in a 1938 coup as a nationalist ideologue determined to reassert Thai sovereignty and recover territory lost to French colonialism in the nineteenth century. Thailand was the last independent state in mainland Southeast Asia, hemmed in by British-controlled Burma and Malaya to the west, and French Indochina to the east. For a century, Thailand had survived by playing European imperial powers against each other. But by the late 1930s, this strategy was becoming obsolete. Europe was distracted by Hitler's Germany. Colonial powers were weakening. Japanese power was visibly ascending. Phibunsongkhram recognized both danger and opportunity. He could resist Japan and invite invasion, or he could ally with Japan and profit from rising Asian power. Japanese diplomats approached Thailand with sophistication: they offered military alliance and support for Thai territorial expansion at French expense. This addressed Thailand's deepest national wound, the humiliation of nineteenth-century territorial losses to France. The Franco-Thai War of 1940-1941 became transformative. With Japan providing military support, advisors, tanks, aircraft, Thai forces defeated the French for the first time in history. By May 1941, Thailand had recovered 54,000 square kilometers of Cambodian territory and portions of Laos. For Phibunsongkhram, this was extraordinary: he had achieved what Thai leaders could not in a century, reclaiming territory from a Western imperial power. Domestically, his position was dramatically strengthened. The parallel to China's century of humiliation—the foundation of your podcast is striking: Thailand too was reversing colonial diminishment through association with rising Asian power. The Thai-Japanese relationship was unique. Unlike the Philippines, Malaya, or the Dutch East Indies, Thailand would retain nominal independence. Phibunsongkhram remained in power. Japanese occupation was light. Thai forces maintained their own command structure. Most importantly, Thailand's territorial gains from the Franco-Thai War were recognized and secured. Japan valued Thai cooperation more than conquest. Burma, controlled by the British, was the next target in Japan's southwestward advance. Japanese planners had multiple motivations for invading Burma. First, it was strategically positioned on India's eastern frontier, and Japan harbored ambitions of eventually striking toward India and linking up with Germany in the Middle East or at least destabilizing the British position in South Asia. Second, Burma was a significant producer of timber and agricultural products. Third, and perhaps most importantly, the invasion of Burma was meant to cut the Burma Road, the crucial supply line that allowed American aid to reach Nationalist China. The invasion of Burma began in late 1941 and accelerated through early 1942.  The invasion of the Philippines, which began on December 10, 1941, just days after Pearl Harbor, served multiple strategic purposes. Like the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, it was meant to neutralize American military power in the region, in this case, the American garrison under General Douglas MacArthur and the American colonial administration. But the Philippines were also valuable in their own right. The islands sat directly in the path of what Japan envisioned as its defensive perimeter. By controlling the Philippines, Japan would make it extraordinarily difficult for American forces to project power westward into Southeast Asia. The territory would provide naval and air bases critical to defending Japan's new empire. Additionally, the Philippines possessed some agricultural and industrial resources valuable to the war effort, and their conquest delivered a psychological victory, defeating American forces and ending American colonial rule in Asia, which appealed to anti-Western sentiment that Japan tried to cultivate. Beyond Southeast Asia and the Philippines, Japan rapidly invaded Guam and Wake island to extend Japan's defensive perimeter further into the Pacific and eliminate American air and naval bases that could threaten Japanese operations. Guam, seized on December 10, 1941, fell within two days, the American garrison was small and the island's strategic value lay primarily in denying the United States a forward staging ground for any counteroffensive. Wake Island, attacked the same day and finally captured on December 23 after a brief but heroic American defense, served similar purposes: cutting off American reconnaissance and interdicting potential supply lines to the Philippines.  Now I believe that's enough of the implosion in the east, let's get back to the situation in China. After Chiang Kai-shek sent his letter of support to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, pledging Chinese commitment to what he termed a new "common battle." he did something most revealing about his mood towards the global war. He played "Ave Maria" on his gramophone, celebrating with an almost spiritual gratitude the implications of what had just transpired in the American Pacific. This moment crystallized the profound difference Pearl Harbor would mean to different members of the emerging Allied coalition. For the United States, the attack was pure shock, a violation of the sanctity of American soil and the complacency of American isolationism. For Britain, it was like the pricking of a large, painful blister—painful but perhaps not entirely unexpected given Japan's regional ambitions. But for China, the relief that surged through the government and the consciousness of the Chinese people surpassed even Britain's response. For four long years, China had fought Japan almost alone, watching as Western nations remained neutral or limited their commitment to rhetorical support and modest material assistance. Now, suddenly, the trajectory of the entire conflict had shifted with breathtaking speed. Chiang's emotional state at this moment could scarcely be contained, and those close to him understood that beneath his carefully maintained Confucian composure burned an intoxicating sensation of vindication. These Western powers who had been so impatient with Chinese strategy, who had mocked the retreats of the Nationalist Army and spoken scornfully of Japanese capabilities, were now themselves in headlong retreat from those very islanders. In Hong Kong, Singapore, and Manila, British and American forces would be fighting desperately for their lives against the Japanese military that China had been contending with for years. Chiang could not have failed to perceive the irony: the Japanese had conquered vast stretches of China through relentless campaigns, yet Westerners had dismissed Chinese resistance as inadequate. Now the Japanese were proving that they posed a formidable challenge to Western military power as well. There was a bitter satisfaction in this vindication, even as Chiang understood that the strategic implications of American entry far outweighed any emotional satisfaction. What was pragmatic and strategically clear to Chiang, however, was far more important than any emotional satisfaction. The United States was now at war, and it was on China's side. This represented the transformation for which Chiang had labored for years, bringing the full weight of American industrial capacity and military might to bear against the Japanese enemy. The diplomatic foundations for this alliance had already been laid in the months preceding Pearl Harbor. Beginning in the spring of 1941, the United States had begun to commit significant resources to supporting China. In April 1941, following the conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese neutrality agreement, which had devastated Chinese morale by suggesting that Japan might attack the Soviet Union rather than move southward, the Roosevelt administration had determined to provide $45 million worth of militarily useful commodities to China as an immediate gesture of support. Then, on May 6, 1941, President Roosevelt had made a more formal commitment by announcing that the munitions provisions of the Lend-Lease Act applied to China, declaring a phrase that captured the strategic logic of American assistance: "defending China is the key to defending America." This declaration represented a significant shift in American policy, elevating China from a regional concern to a central element of American grand strategy in Asia. Subsequently, in July 1941, Roosevelt had sent Owen Lattimore to China to serve as political adviser to the Chinese government, a position that signaled deepening American engagement with Chinese affairs. In August, the administration appointed John Magruder as military attaché and head of the American Military Mission to China (AMMISCA), with the primary responsibility of overseeing the delivery of Lend-Lease material to the Chinese armed forces. On the diplomatic front, Chiang moved with remarkable alacrity. He had already severed relations with Germany on July 2, 1941, the very day after Hitler had formally recognized the Wang Jingwei puppet government in an attempt to appease Japan and encourage it to finally implement the Southern Advance. Now, on December 8, 1941, just one day after the Pearl Harbor attack, Chiang took the decisive step of formally declaring war against the Axis powers, Germany, Italy, and Japan. This declaration transformed China's position from a beleaguered nation fighting a war of survival into a formal member of the Allied coalition. Chiang had seized the opportunity that Pearl Harbor presented to ally China with a genuinely strong power against Japan, a gambit that fundamentally altered the diplomatic weight and international legitimacy of both the Chinese government and the Chinese cause. From a strategic perspective, the Japanese had committed what Chiang and others immediately recognized as a catastrophic blunder. On the operational level, Pearl Harbor was indeed a devastating tactical success, the American Pacific Fleet was crippled, and Japanese forces now enjoyed temporary naval superiority throughout much of the Pacific and Southeast Asia. Yet strategically, Pearl Harbor represented a failure of epic proportions, a miscalculation rooted in a fundamental misunderstanding of the intangibles of warfare: what motivated the Chinese people and what motivated the Americans. The Chinese had understood, through four years of brutal conflict, that warfare was about more than territorial conquest and resource acquisition. It was about will, about endurance, about the capacity to absorb punishment and continue fighting. The Japanese had learned this lesson imperfectly in China, where despite overwhelming military advantages they had been unable to force a decisive conclusion or compel Chinese surrender. The Americans would teach the Japanese this lesson even more emphatically. The attack on American sailors in Hawaii instantly galvanized the American population to prosecute an unlimited war, with Tokyo itself as the ultimate destination of American counterattack. While Americans would remember the "date that will live in infamy" primarily because of the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, the strategic consequence was that Japanese actions in Hawaii had introduced numerous new adversaries into the Pacific conflict: not only the United States, but also Britain, Australia, New Zealand, and the Netherlands. These additions transformed what had been, from the Japanese perspective, a regional conflict with manageable parameters into a global war that Japan could not possibly win through any conceivable means. What made this particularly disastrous for Japan was the context in which the new theater had been opened. Japan was already deeply mired in a quagmire in China—a "malignant quagmire," as one observer would later characterize it, that had consumed vast resources, inflicted enormous casualties, and failed to produce decisive victory. In military strategy, it is sometimes wise to open a new theater in order to attack an enemy from an additional and unexpected direction, thereby dispersing their forces and creating new challenges for them to manage. But opening a new theater that introduces an entirely new, powerful adversary, and doing so when one is already overextended in an existing theater is a prescription for strategic catastrophe. This was precisely what Japan had done at Pearl Harbor. Chiang Kai-shek understood the magnitude of Japan's miscalculation with crystalline clarity. He understood that whatever the military complexities that lay ahead, whatever the challenges of coordinating with Western allies, and whatever the limitations of Western military assistance to China might be, the fundamental equation had changed. The United States would ultimately defeat Japan. The Chinese did not need to defeat Japan by themselves; they merely needed to survive long enough for American industrial and military capacity to grind the Japanese military into defeat. In the immediate aftermath of Pearl Harbor, Chinese and American officials moved swiftly to formalize the alliance and establish the mechanisms of wartime cooperation. Roosevelt asked Chiang Kai-shek to serve as commander in chief of the Allied forces in the China theater, a designation that recognized China's central role in the Pacific War and elevated Chiang's international standing to something he had long sought: a position as an equal partner in the Allied coalition, a seat at the "top table of global decision-making" alongside Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin. To support this expanded role and to ensure effective coordination of the military effort, Roosevelt dispatched Lieutenant General Joseph W. Stilwell to China. Stilwell was not chosen randomly; he brought fifteen years of experience in China, a deep familiarity with the country, its military, and its complexities that few American officers possessed. Stilwell was appointed to serve simultaneously as the U.S. government's military representative in China, as chief of staff of the China Theater, and as commander in chief of the American forces in the China-Burma-India (CBI) theater. This appointment established the framework for joint Chinese-American military cooperation and represented an American commitment to the Asian theater that, while never receiving the resources devoted to the European theater, nonetheless signified recognition of China's strategic importance. Trust me, going forward we will be having a lot of time dedicated to the hilarious bromance / bro hatred of Vinegar Joe and Peanut.  Yet the formation of an alliance and the establishment of command structures was easier than the practical implementation of military cooperation. The fundamental challenge that would plague Chinese-American relations throughout the war emerged almost immediately: the problem of delivering military assistance to China. Before Pearl Harbor, the United States and China had reached agreement on three major points regarding military assistance. First, the United States would provide training and technical support to assist China in establishing a modern air force. Second, the United States would provide training and equipment for a ground army consisting of thirty divisions. Third, the United States would assist China in constructing railways and highways from Yunnan to Burma, along with the provision of rolling stock and vehicles to support these new transportation routes. These were ambitious plans, reflecting the extent of Chinese need and American willingness to support the Chinese war effort. However, the outbreak of the Pacific War threw American plans into disarray. The fundamental strategic doctrine guiding American policy was the "Europe first" strategy, which meant that the European theater and the defeat of Nazi Germany received priority over the Pacific theater. Additionally, China's geography made it extraordinarily difficult to supply. China could only be reached through supply lines of extraordinary length and complexity, either through the port of Rangoon in Burma and then overland via the treacherous Yunnan-Burma Road, or through the port of Hong Kong, which immediately fell into Japanese hands after Pearl Harbor. The first Sino-American loan agreement had specified that the United States would deliver commodities worth $45 million to China in 1941. However, shipping shortages meant that only $26 million worth of commodities actually left the United States. These commodities were shipped to the transit port of Rangoon, where a massive traffic jam developed as supplies accumulated faster than they could be distributed onward to China. Along the Yunnan-Burma Road, that "much-contested life line" as it came to be known, conditions were chaotic. The road had always been a source of trouble: it was long, extraordinarily difficult to keep in repair, fantastically dangerous to travel, and too narrow to permit much volume of traffic at any one time. Due to mismanagement and pilfering, the commodities that were shipped out of Burma suffered heavy losses in transit, and only one-third of them eventually arrived in Chongqing. Yet the United States had already established one valuable asset in China that could be deployed relatively quickly: an air force nucleus. Just before Pearl Harbor, a group of American aviators had been formally organized in Chongqing who worked on volunteer status for China under the command of Colonel Claire Chennault, an American aviation officer who served as instructor at the Chinese Air Force Cadet School. Some of these men had been flying in China since the Kuomintang first began purchasing American aircraft, having come to demonstrate the aircraft and remaining to pilot and teach. Others had hurried to China after being released from their volunteer service in Spain, where they had gained combat experience during the Spanish Civil War. It was a familiar joke that pilots from both sides of the Spanish conflict were likely to meet and work side by side in China, but political convictions proved immaterial to these professional aviators, they got on well enough with each other, mercenaries of the twentieth century united by their expertise and their willingness to fight. When American traffic on the Burma Road swelled in volume and became chaotic, with cargo lost to pilfering and trucks breaking down from mishandling, the air freight service into Chongqing became increasingly vital to maintaining Chinese military capabilities. The backbone of this organization was American, and it had been in operation for months before the Japanese attack. Halfway down the Burma Road, over the border in Burma, was a plane factory backed by American and Chinese capital, providing some degree of repair and maintenance capacity for the aircraft operating out of China. Recognizing the strategic value of these experienced aviators and the need to formalize and expand their operations, American and Chinese officials moved quickly to incorporate this volunteer group, formally known as the American Volunteer Group or "Flying Tigers," into the U.S. Army Air Force. This transformation of volunteer aviators into official American military personnel represented a commitment to providing air support to Chinese operations, recognizing that air power could compensate to some degree for Chinese numerical disadvantages in ground combat. In Chongqing, it was clear that among the United Nations fighting Japan, America was the only one taking China seriously, the only one prepared to invest significant resources in Chinese military capabilities and the Chinese war effort. Yet Pearl Harbor brought consequences that extended far beyond the strategic and diplomatic spheres. For Western civilians living in China,missionaries, teachers, doctors, businessmen, and journalists, the attack represented a catastrophic change in their status and their fate. Until December 8, 1941, Westerners residing in China had maintained a curious protected status as foreign neutrals, even in areas nominally controlled by the Japanese. This status had provided them with a measure of distance from, and protection against, the grinding reality of the war that had devastated Chinese populations. For a century, Americans had been part of an imperial presence in China, sometimes benevolent, sometimes violent, but always ultimately under Western control. That world came to an abrupt end on December 8, 1941. All across eastern China, Americans and Britons were rounded up and interned. The International Settlement of Shanghai—that remarkable oasis of neutrality that had persisted in the midst of a war-torn city—was now reunified under Japanese control. Thousands of foreigners with Allied nationality were sent to holding camps scattered throughout occupied China. Some, like the eleven-year-old British boy Jim Ballard, would remain imprisoned for the remainder of the war, enduring hunger, cold, and disease in camps like Longhua, which housed approximately 2,000 detainees. Forty years later, as the novelist J. G. Ballard, he would memorialized this experience in his semi-autobiographical novel Empire of the Sun. For missionaries like Velva Brown, the evacuation process was degrading and final. The missionary staff were permitted to pack no more than three suitcases with their belongings. As they prepared to leave, Japanese and Taiwanese "sightseeing" parties arrived to decide which houses they might want to occupy. The journey home aboard crowded Japanese ships offered no concessions to status or dignity; ambassadors, consuls, merchants, and missionaries alike were given "bed-sized strips of Chinese matting which we spread side by side on the iron floor of the hold," as Brown recorded. The humiliation was compounded by the finality of it all. For many, their decades-long presence in China was ending not in orderly retreat but in hasty evacuation, leaving behind "servants, many of whom had been with us for fifteen or twenty years." Despite these immediate human tragedies, the strategic transformation that Pearl Harbor wrought for China was undeniable. Chiang Kai-shek now embarked on an entirely new sort of life, heavily involved with the leaders and generals of the Western powers. He held diplomatic discussions with the leaders of the United Nations and military planning sessions with Western generals. In these unfamiliar circumstances, he did his best to live up to the Confucian ideal of the gentleman, seldom permitting the mask to slip—though the pressure of these new responsibilities and the intoxicating combination of vindication and anxiety would occasionally prove too much even for his considerable self-control. Within weeks of Pearl Harbor, Chiang demonstrated the value he could bring to the new alliance. He visited India and spoke with the leaders of the Indian independence struggle as an ally and friend, as a fellow non-European speaking to others seeking to escape from colonialism and imperial domination. He joined the Allies in their first joint campaign, not in China but in the jungles of neighboring Burma, committing Chinese forces to operations outside China's borders in support of the broader Allied military strategy. Yet the price that Chiang would pay for China's belated entry into the global alliance against the Axis powers would prove to be a heavy one. Chiang desperately needed his new American and British partners, but accepting this alliance would unleash forces within Chinese society that would threaten the very basis of his political control. The complexities of this bargain would become most visible in the four-year struggle between Chiang and General Joseph Warren Stilwell, the American officer who would become simultaneously his chief of staff and the administrator of American military assistance to China. This relationship, shaped by mutual suspicion, different strategic visions, and incompatible political agendas, would define Chinese-American military cooperation during the Pacific War and would have profound implications extending far beyond the battlefields of Asia. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Pearl Harbor's shock reverberated through Asia. Japan's assault on Hawaii, combined with invasions of Burma, the Philippines, Guam, and Wake Island, inadvertently transformed regional conflict into global war. Chiang Kai-shek, vindicated after four years of isolation fighting Japan, embraced American alliance with profound relief. The U.S. committed military aid, appointed General Stilwell as chief of staff, and recognized China as a co-belligerent. For Chiang, this partnership brought diplomatic status but also internal tensions that would define the Pacific War's final chapter.

Pour écouter 5000 ans d'Histoire en entier, sans pub et avec les bonus, pour 2€ par mois :https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Le 17 août 1943, à Québec, les alliés préparent la suite. En effet, le 17 août 1943, dans le calme apparent du château Fontenac à Québec, deux hommes se retrouvent à huis clos. Winston Churchill et Franklin Roosevelt. C'est la première conférence de Québec, nom de code Quadrant. Officiellement, elle ne devait pas exister. Officieusement, elle va dessiner la suite de la guerre. Car en cet été 1943, la situation a changé. Les Allemands ont été battus à Stalingrad. L'axe recule lentement, l'Italie vacille. Les alliés ont maintenant besoin d'un plan clair pour abattre l'Allemagne nazie et puis le Japon. Autour de la table, pas de Staline. L'URSS n'est pas conviée.C'est un véritable moment anglo-américain centré sur la stratégie occidentale et les sujets brûlants. D'abord, l'Europe. Roosevelt et Churchill décident d'ouvrir un second front en France en 1944. Ce sera l'opération Overlord, ce qu'on appelle aujourd'hui le débarquement de Normandie. La date n'est pas encore fixée, mais le principe est acté. Ensuite, l'Italie. Les alliés veulent remonter la botte, mais des désaccords apparaissent. Churchill, fidèle à sa vision méditerranéenne, insiste, lui, sur les Balkans. Roosevelt, lui, vise l'essentiel, frapper le cœur du Reich. En plus, la conférence ne se limite pas à l'Europe. Il est aussi question du Japon et notamment d'un projet encore top secret, le développement de la bombe atomique évoquée sous le nom de Code-Projet-Québec. C'est à cette occasion que le Canada entre pleinement dans l'alliance nucléaire entre Londres et Washington. Enfin, un accord de principe est posé sur l'après-guerre, désarmement de l'Allemagne, occupation militaire, limitation de son industrie de guerre et premières ébauches de ce qui deviendra l'ONU. Le 17 août 43, dans le secret feutré d'un hôtel canadien, le monde d'après prend forme. Les décisions prises à Québec vont orienter les derniers chapitres de la seconde guerre mondiale et en écrire l'épilogue. A demain dans TIME SHOT pour une nouvelle Minute Histoire. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

The GOP has dominated U.S. Senate elections in Kansas since the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt. But Washburn University political scientist Bob Beatty says Democrat Adam Hamilton could make this November's election against incumbent Republican Sen. Roger Marshall unusually competitive.

Her name is Karishma Manzur and, like Abdul El-Sayed, is being hugely outspent by the DNC favored candidate. She and her burgeoning grassroots movement are angry that corporate America manipulates us. Unlike her primary opponent, she does not support ICE, The post FDR Democrat Surging Against Establishment Candidate in NH appeared first on KDA Keeping Democracy Alive Podcast & Radio Show.

August 14, 2026The Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to allow it to build his White House Ballroom, The National Trust of Historic Preservation has sued to stop construction, Asking to spend taxpayer money on a vanity project is a stark contract to the actions of the government 91 years ago, On August 14, 1935,  FDR signed the Social Security Act into law, The Social Security Act permanently changed the nature of the American government, It enabled a federal system of benefits, providing a basic social safety net, The force behind the law was Frances Perkins, FDR's secretary of labor, A witness to the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire, she knew voluntary organizations would not be sufficient to improve worker's lives, The Social Security Act was hugely popular, The Act wrote into the law a longstanding political impulse that stood in contrast to the 1920s philosophy of rugged individualism, recognizing that pooling resources to take care of everyone was deeply seated, She asserted that Social Security was so firmly embedded in America's psychology that no one could destroy it. Watch today's recording here: https://www.youtube.com/live/g9TUa1Rwd6U?si=T8_KKcHQZElhpnZ-Get full, free access to Letters from an American here: https://heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/subscribeYou can also find me:Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/hcrichardson.bsky.socialInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/heathercoxrichardson/?hl=enFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/heathercoxrichardson/YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@heathercoxrichardson Get full access to Letters from an American at heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/subscribe

Imagine waking up tomorrow and every bank in America is closed. Not just yours. All of them. No withdrawals, no cash, no way to make payroll. And nobody can tell you when it ends. That happened. In March of 1933, every bank in the country was shut down for about a week. And when they reopened, Americans lined up not to pull their money out, but to put it back in. In this episode of the History of Money series, Karl Eggerss explains what was actually breaking. Why the banks, not the 1929 crash, are what made the Great Depression great. Why your money has never sat in a vault, and why that isn't a scandal but the entire business model. How a bank run traps everyone into destroying a bank that would otherwise have been fine. And what happened on the Sunday night when a president got on the radio and, instead of telling 60 million frightened people to trust him, explained to them exactly how banking works. Out of that week came the FDIC, which Franklin Roosevelt himself initially opposed, along with most of the banking industry. Their objection was that guaranteeing deposits would let reckless banks compete on equal footing with careful ones. That argument never went away, and the bank failures of 2023 brought it right back. Karl closes with the practical part: what FDIC insurance actually covers, what it doesn't, and why the phrase "per ownership category" means many people are leaving protection on the table without knowing it.

On Thursday's Mark Levin Show, Tucker Carlson and Matt Gaetz are lying again – accusing Mark of pushing for ground troops in Iran. On March 28, 2026, Mark discussed the possibility of special forces or elements of the 82nd Airborne securing Iran's enriched uranium if it could not be destroyed or altered, which is a specific, sophisticated mission rather than any call for hundreds of thousands of ground troops or regular infantry. Mark never advocated for large-scale ground forces. Carlson and Gaetz deliberately editing his remarks. They trash Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, the U.S., its military, and President Trump while rarely criticizing the Iranian regime, and aligning with Islamists. Also, Gov Kathy Hochul and Zohran Mamdani are excited that local law enforcement will not work with ICE to deport criminal illegal aliens. Are New Yorkers happy about this? How could anyone vote for a Democrat given this reality? Later, Rep Jim Jordan calls in and explains the substantial overlap between the Democratic Socialists of America and the modern Democratic Party, which has shifted from the party of FDR and JFK to one that is anti-Israel, antisemitic, and socialist while opposing common-sense policies such as supporting the police, ICE, and opposing sanctuary jurisdictions.  Finally, the family of 15-year-old American Malki Roth, killed in the 2001 Sbarro restaurant bombing in Jerusalem that claimed 15 lives and wounded about 122 others, has filed a civil lawsuit in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia against Ahlam Aref Ahmad al-Tamimi, the Hamas operative who planned and executed the attack. Malki Roth's father, Arnold Roth, calls in and explains that the terrorist remains free in Jordan, is celebrated as a national hero and expresses no regret beyond not killing more people, while Jordan refuses extradition despite a treaty. Roth explains the civil lawsuit which is under the Anti-Terrorism Act seeking to seize her assets and make her life less comfortable, with any recovered funds directed to the Malki Foundation. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Tarabuster Tuesdays with Tara Devlin. Aug 13, 2026

President Donald Trump speaks at a police academy in Garden City on Long Island, New York about his anti-crime and anti-illegal immigration agenda with Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman, Republican nominee for New York governor; North Carolina Democratic Senate nominee Roy Cooper continues his series of campaign events highlight affordability with a stop in Henderson; Maine Republican Sen. Susan Collins starts a reelection bus tour in Kittery and is asked about ICE funding; Today is the 91st anniversary of Social Security being signed into law by President Franklin Roosevelt; Luigi Mangione pleads guilty in federal court to charges related to the shooting death of health care executive, Brian Thompson; President Trump comments about the alleged troubles surrounding the long deployment of the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier, and he says about the war with Iran he might declare the Strait of Hormuz a U.S. territory; On this five year anniversary of the Taliban retaking control of Afghanistan, a quarter of the world's nations, including the United States, condemn the Taliban's treatment of women and girls, and harboring of terrorists. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Craig Symonds, author of Nimitz at War: Command Leadership from Pearl Harbor to Tokyo Bay, Part One: Following the devastating attack on Pearl Harbor, Admiral Chester Nimitz assumed command of the Pacific Fleet with a mission to stabilize a wrecked command and shift from defeat to offense. Selected by FDR and Frank Knox despite initial skepticism from Admiral Ernest J. King, Nimitz's leadership was characterized by a calm, humble, and collaborative approach, contrasting with King's hard-driving nature. Central to his strategy was the concept of "calculated risk"—the principle of assuming no risk greater than the potential benefit. The narrative explores Nimitz's reliance on intelligence officers like Edwin Layton and Joseph Rochefort, whose code-breaking efforts were vital to successes at the Battle of the Coral Sea and the Battle of Midway. Nimitz demonstrated a keen ability to manage difficult personalities and navigate naval rivalries, such as the friction between "brown shoe" aviators and "black shoe" ship drivers. During the precarious Guadalcanal campaign, Nimitz made the critical decision to replace the cautious Admiral Ghormley with the aggressive William "Bull" Halsey to maintain momentum against the Japanese. Throughout this period, Nimitz balanced professional pressures with personal discipline, maintaining a rigorous exercise routine while communicating his private concerns only to his wife. (1)

Last time we spoke about the ending of the Second Battle of Changsha. In late September and early October 1941, Chinese commander Chen Cheng planned an operation to retake Yichang, a strategic Yangtze River city whose control was essential for protecting the approach to Chongqing. Japanese forces were pulling back from Changsha, weakened by supply problems and casualties, which created an opportunity for Chen to intensify his campaign. Yichang had been captured by Japan in 1940, a defeat that Chen carried as a personal and political burden. He therefore moved to encircle the Japanese 13th Division inside Yichang and drive it to collapse. Although the Chinese held a clear manpower advantage—fourteen divisions against the encircled Japanese—progress was slowed by stubborn fighting from prepared, entrenched positions. The battle inside the city produced desperate close-quarters combat and heavy casualties, showing how the fate of Yichang and the wider defense of Chongqing were tightly linked.    #214 War hits the Pacific Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   The guns fell silent on October 9, 1941, as the Ninth War Zone's forces restored their pre-battle positions, marking the end of the Second Battle of Changsha. The balance sheet was grim on both sides, but it was China that bore the heavier cost. The Ninth Military Front suffered 70,672 killed, wounded, or missing. The concurrent Yichang offensive added a further 21,368 casualties to the Sixth Military Front, a force that outnumbered its Japanese opponents ten to one yet still failed to retake the city. By the time the dust settled, the Chinese army had lost nearly 100,000 men across both theatres. The Chinese command was frank, at least in private, about what had gone wrong. The Japanese had moved with a speed that recalled Blitzkrieg, advancing 130 kilometres in eleven days and withdrawing at twelve kilometres a day, catching the defenders perpetually off-balance. The 26th, 37th, 10th, and 74th Corps had been picked apart piecemeal rather than fighting in concert, the original plan to destroy the Japanese south of the Miluo River coming to nothing. Elite formations had paid a disproportionate price: the 74th Corps suffered 14,521 casualties, the 37th Corps 14,015, and the 58th Division alone lost 6,192 of its 11,907 men, nearly its entire fighting strength.   Yet none of this was the story the public would hear. On October 10th, China's National Day, radio stations announced the "Second Great Victory in Northern Hunan", the annihilation of over 40,000 enemy troops. Newspapers rushed out special editions. Congratulatory telegrams flooded in from government ministries and civic organizations. Senior officials seized on the moment: Sun Ke, Premier of the Executive Yuan, declared that the victory "laid the foundation for the counter-offensive and the recapture of Hankou and Guangzhou," while General Bai Chongxi called it "the pivotal moment for us to turn defeat into victory." Chiang Kai-shek, reading through the pages of triumphant commentary produced overnight by his propagandists, was reportedly impressed by their industry, if not convinced by their content. He had not wanted to call it a victory at all, but the political calculus was unavoidable: after four years of war, an exhausted nation needed the psychological sustenance that only "victory" could provide.   The gap between public performance and private reality was nowhere more visible than in the arrival of a twenty-two-member international press delegation on October 13th. Journalists from Britain, the United States, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Hong Kong, and major Chinese newspapers were flown to Changsha and carefully guided through selected battlefields, where they inspected mountains of war trophies and heard testimony from soldiers and civilians. They left satisfied, presenting their war souvenirs—swords, binoculars, Japanese military flags—to their audiences back home as proof of Chinese heroism and Japanese defeat. Both China and Japan were claiming victory simultaneously. The only conclusion the foreign press could draw was that one side was lying, and it was not the side that had shown them the evidence.   Chiang Kai-shek's real verdict came at the Third Nanyue Military Conference, held from October 16 to 21. His anger was withering. He condemned his generals for their obsession with defending sprawling outer perimeter lines while leaving city centres barely fortified, a mentality so rigid, he said, that the Japanese could announce the exact time of their advance and withdrawal in advance and still execute it on schedule without interference. "Generals, what a disgrace this is!" On the failure to capture prisoners, only 263 prisoners were claimed across the entire front, of whom only 16 names were actually published, he was almost incredulous: "We can definitely defeat the enemy, capture many enemy prisoners, and seize countless enemy weapons! Even if we cannot capture ten thousand prisoners, we should at least capture a thousand! If not a thousand, then at least a hundred! But now, you don't even have ten!" The conference handed down punishments to match the rhetoric. Liao Lingqi, commander of the shattered 58th Division, was sentenced to death for desertion and shot on October 22nd. His men were so outraged that three regimental commanders resigned in protest; the division was pulled from the order of battle entirely and given three months to rebuild. Li Yutang, commander of the 10th Corps, was dismissed—though the Third Battle of Changsha would begin before his replacement could take post, and he would be reinstated to play a key role in the city's defence.   On the Japanese side, the 11th Army acknowledged 1,670 killed, 5,184 wounded, and 14 missing, far fewer than Chinese claims, though post-war regimental histories suggest the true figure was higher. Lieutenant General Anami, who had championed the operation, found himself stung by the charge that the battle had served mainly as material for Chinese propaganda. On November 23rd, he reportedly reacted with visible displeasure when someone in his headquarters said as much aloud.  Anami's annoyance was easy enough to understand, but the accusation carried a troubling degree of accuracy. The Second Battle of Changsha had yielded no decisive strategic gain and no substantial alteration in the military balance. What it did generate, rather effectively, was a story and by the autumn of 1941, stories were one of the few things China still had in plentiful supply. The most consequential struggles were taking place not along the Miluo River, but in foreign ministries and embassies, in Washington and Moscow, in the messages passing between Chongqing and London, and in the increasingly strained calculations of statesmen trying to determine, amid rapidly changing circumstances, whom to support and for how long.   For Chiang Kai-shek, the challenge was never merely military. It was structural, and had been so from the outset. He had always seen clearly, precisely because he understood China's weakness, that Japan could not be defeated by China alone. The country lacked the industrial base, the logistical reach, and after four years of relentless attrition more and more the manpower needed to force a decisive result on the battlefield. China's survival depended on making its war inseparable from the wars of other powers. Since 1937, Chiang's diplomacy had pursued that single objective: convincing enough great powers that their interests were aligned with China's, and holding that coalition together long enough for Japan to be subdued. That effort turned out to be vastly more difficult than it ought to have been.   The problem started with the international order in which the war emerged. Chiang had hoped to assemble a concert of allies willing to help defend China against Japanese aggression. He was blocked not just by the reluctance of neutral states to aid China, but by the speed with which alliances shifted in the opening years of the Second World War. He had never welcomed the prospect of a general European conflict, correctly fearing that it would push China even further to the margins of world attention. Even so, he recognized that once the lines had hardened between the imperial democracies and fascism, new alignments might become possible. From his perspective, the growing amity between Berlin and Moscow was therefore disastrous. He had been eager to draw the USSR into war against Japan. Instead, the Soviets were now effectively aligned with the Nazis, who were themselves allied with Tokyo.   The world created after Versailles had already enraged many Chinese. After all, the May Fourth demonstrations of 1919 had arisen directly from the settlement reached at the Paris Peace Conference. Yet that older order had at least possessed recognizable anchors, especially the dominance of the two great European empires and the United States. Now those empires were weakening, and no one could say with confidence what the new geopolitical order would be. For all Chiang knew, Germany might emerge as Europe's new dominant power. The early years of the European war produced a bewildering spectacle of diplomatic realignment.   The Nationalist government had previously enjoyed a short-lived flirtation with Nazi Germany. In fact, Hitler's regime continued supplying Chiang with munitions in the first months of China's war against Japan. The Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936 had theoretically joined Germany, Italy, and Japan into the Axis, but mutual distrust prevented them from forming anything like a fully coherent alliance. Chiang found it useful to imply to Western powers that he might be pushed into closer alignment with Germany, a particularly disturbing possibility for the USSR, which faced enemies in both Europe and Asia. But eventually the contradictions in German policy toward East Asia became too severe. In April 1938, Germany yielded to Japanese pressure and ended its support for China.   Britain offered little meaningful help. Neville Chamberlain became prime minister in May 1937 at the head of a Conservative-led National Government, and was quickly overwhelmed by the deteriorating European situation. If Czechoslovakia was for him a "far-off country of which we know nothing," China's fate was even more distant and obscure to many,  perhaps most  policymakers in London. The Nationalists had more success in cultivating the United States. At the Nine-Power Conference in Brussels in November 1937, the Chinese delegation failed to persuade Washington to impose sanctions on Japan and confront it directly. By the middle of 1938, however, American views were beginning to shift. As Japan pushed deeper into southern China, it became increasingly obvious that the occupied territory would be closed to foreign trade. In December 1938, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau arranged a private American loan of $25 million to China, to be repaid through shipments of tung oil, a varnish product whose real importance lay not in itself, but in what the arrangement signified: a quiet American expression of faith that Chongqing would survive. Chiang also held on to the hope of an even less likely partnership. He had become fiercely anti-Communist during the 1920s, yet in the early years of the anti-Japanese war his greatest hope still rested on Soviet entry into the conflict. Soviet advisers and pilots had aided China from 1937 to 1939, but the USSR never formally declared war on Japan. Still, as Japanese aggression in northern Asia intensified, it remained possible that the Soviets would eventually be drawn in.   Then, as so often happened whenever Chiang tried to impose some control over the course of the war, events beyond China's borders altered the struggle in fundamental ways. While Western attention remained fixed on Europe's darkening horizon, a battle with major consequences for East Asia unfolded on the frontiers of Outer Mongolia, Manchukuo, and the eastern Soviet Union. Throughout much of 1938 and early 1939, one faction within the Japanese Imperial Army sought to pressure the Soviets along their eastern frontier. The USSR appeared vulnerable; Stalin's paranoid purges had executed or exiled many of the Red Army's best officers. In May 1939, fighting broke out near Nomonhan between forces from Soviet-backed Mongolia and Japanese troops from Manchukuo. Within days, both sides had reinforced heavily, until nearly 60,000 Soviet troops faced about 40,000 soldiers from the Kwantung Army. Over the next four months, until mid-September, they fought a major battle ending in a decisive Japanese defeat and establishing the reputation of General Georgi Zhukov, who would later become one of Stalin's most celebrated wartime commanders. The much-derided Soviet Army had fought with formidable effectiveness, and the result was not only a ceasefire but also a nonaggression pact between the two sides, extinguishing, in one stroke, Chiang's hopes for a Chinese-Soviet military alliance. The final blow came after developments in northern Europe. In the Winter War of 1939–1940, the Soviet invasion of Finland led Britain and France to back a motion expelling the USSR from the League of Nations. China, then a member of the League Council, declined to use its veto to block the resolution. Stalin was enraged by Chiang's failure to prevent Soviet expulsion, and mutual suspicion thereafter poisoned relations between the two leaders for the rest of the war against Japan. China would now have to continue without further major Soviet backing.   By the spring of 1940, China's position had become deeply precarious. In March, senior Japanese negotiators sought an agreement with Chiang in Chongqing, while Wang Jingwei was trying to formalize his rival Nationalist government in Nanjing. This effort, known in Chinese as the Tong Operation, and in Japanese as Operation Kiri, led to talks in Hong Kong from March 7 to 10, 1940. Militarily, the Nationalists were in grave danger: the United States remained neutral, and Europe was in chaos. Indeed, that same spring, with France seemingly near collapse, the British government also sent out discreet feelers to explore the possibility of a negotiated peace with Germany. For China, Western assistance was nowhere in sight. The Japanese judged the moment favorable for pressing Chiang toward concessions. Faced with serious danger to his regime, Chiang allowed the door to negotiation to open just slightly.   As a consequence, the Japanese delayed full recognition of Wang Jingwei's new government. Through the summer and autumn of 1940, Tokyo remained uncertain about the defector. Prominent Japanese figures such as Count Arima Yoriyasu of the Privy Council said Wang's conduct demonstrated his untrustworthiness, and Foreign Minister Matsuoka Yōsuke continued to express interest in an agreement with Chongqing. Zhou Fohai captured the defectors' frustration, men who believed they had made the highest patriotic sacrifice when he wrote: "Chongqing sees us as collaborators, we see ourselves as heroes. We think only peace can save the country — that's why we think of ourselves as heroes. If we end up classed as heroes, then China and Japan will be at peace. If we end up classed as collaborators, then China and Japan will never be at peace."That formulation conveyed something genuine about the moral dizziness of the period. Most of the defectors were not men devoid of principles; they were men whose principles had carried them to a place that history would find exceptionally hard to pardon.   The "New Fourth Army Incident" brought to a close one of the most consequential years in modern Chinese political history. The battle of ideas unfolding in 1940 was already visible to informed contemporaries. Early in 1941, US Ambassador Nelson Johnson sent Washington a detailed assessment of the Chinese political situation in reply to another report passed along by Major Evans Carlson, an American officer who had made an extensive journey through the Chinese interior. The contrast between the two documents revealed a widening split in American views of China. Carlson, together with his travelling companion, the New Zealander Rewi Alley, had become increasingly sympathetic to the Communists after visiting their territories in 1938 and admiring their discipline. Carlson described the Nationalists as moving toward "fascism," and argued that American aid should be conditioned on Chiang's government being compelled to adopt more "democratic" institutions.   Johnson strongly disagreed. It was "only normal and natural," he wrote, that the Nationalists wanted to retain power, but during the war they had established the National Political Consultative Council, in which multiple parties, including the Communists, were represented. He also noted that the CCP could publish its own newspaper in Chongqing in a way that would have been impossible before the war. One might have expected the Nationalists to use the war as a justification "to extinguish . . . all political opposition," yet instead they had chosen to "muddle along." Johnson further thought that the influence of competing cliques inside the Nationalist Party had been overstated. Chiang Kai-shek, by contrast, had "grown in stature, as he has come to be recognized as the symbol of united resistance to Japanese encroachment"; ultimately, "it is he who makes the final decisions." Johnson did agree with Carlson that Chiang's regime was hesitant to encourage a broad-based popular movement animated by anything beyond anti-Japanese feeling, though he also pointed to Nationalist cooperative programs and county-level reforms. But he rejected the idea that American support should depend on sweeping political transformation. Chiang was committed to continuing the war against Japan, and Washington should back him in that effort. In a notably farsighted passage, Johnson wrote: "It is my view that since the fall of the Manchu dynasty and the collapse of the traditional Chinese concept of government the Chinese people have been feeling their way along toward a new evolving form of government. A definitive form of government has not yet been established and may not be established for decades; it may or may not be in the form of a democracy, but it will be a type of government that will be adapted to the needs of China and its people." The tension between these two American interpretations,  Carlson's idealized belief in the Communists and Johnson's pragmatic support for Chiang was more than a minor bureaucratic dispute. It foreshadowed a debate that would dominate American foreign policy for the next decade, and would still echo when the People's Republic was proclaimed in 1949.   The disastrous experience of 1940 seemed to cast doubt on whether any future for China existed outside the Japanese Empire. As 1941 wore on, another dreadful event shook the exhausted wartime capital. On June 5, Chongqing endured roughly five hours of bombing, driving the population into air-raid shelters. In one tunnel in the Shibati district, the conditions were even worse than usual. The large shelter was supposed to have lights and electric fans, but the generators had never been connected. Inside, the air was dark, hot, and suffocating. Around ten that evening, people began emerging from the tunnel when rumors spread that the Japanese were returning with poison-gas bombs. Air-raid wardens forced people back inside, even as others were still trying to come out. Bodies toppled over one another, and panic spread as people realized they could not breathe. Over the next few hours, hundreds died underground in the darkness. The exact number was never definitively established: the official figure was 461, though a contemporary police report placed it far higher, at 1,527. What rescuers remembered most vividly were the tortured expressions of the dead, people tangled together in each other's arms as they lost consciousness, clothing ripped to shreds by desperate hands clawing at one another, and bodies so drenched in sweat that they looked as though they had been soaked in water. One survivor, Tang Zhengchang, remembered a hand reaching out from a pile of corpses and pleading, "Sir, please help me . . ." The grip on Tang's shorts was so tight that it pulled them off; he escaped the tunnel naked from the waist down. Official descriptions of the disaster were softened. Even so, the tragedy deepened the city's gloom and in a place already saturated with grief, an added layer of darkness mattered a great deal.   Yet events elsewhere would soon offer the National Government a narrow margin of hope. Late in 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt won re-election as president of the United States. "I am not going to send your boys into any foreign wars," he had proclaimed during the campaign against Wendell Willkie. But Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull both understood that Nazi domination of Europe posed a grave challenge to American influence there. And with China's "Open Door" to trade effectively shut by Japanese occupation, it was becoming increasingly clear that strict neutrality might not remain viable. In a 1941 report on China's domestic and foreign situation, Ambassador Johnson noted that during Germany's sweeping victories across Europe in mid-1940, the Chinese had become anxious about whether the Allies would remain committed to their cause. Britain's refusal to surrender, however, together with continuing Soviet goodwill, lifted public morale in China. People now looked toward the United States and Britain for support and felt that "victory" was "virtually theirs."   Then, on June 22, 1941, the world awoke to news that roughly three million German soldiers were advancing into the Soviet Union. Operation Barbarossa, Hitler's invasion of the USSR, dramatically overturned the nonaggression that had governed relations between the two major European dictatorships for the previous two years. It transformed the war in Europe entirely. Less obviously, it also transformed the war in Asia. Thanks to intelligence leaks, Chiang Kai-shek had already realized that war between Germany and the USSR was likely. After the neutrality treaty between the USSR and Japan was signed on April 13, 1941, Chiang predicted that the United States would be drawn into the Asian war, and even that Japan might eventually reverse course and strike the Soviet Union. If that happened, China would become the critical Asian ally of both Washington and Moscow. Stalin had been caught off guard by the German assault — largely because he ignored increasingly urgent warnings from senior colleagues receiving intelligence from well-placed spies in Germany and the Comintern, eager to preserve its alliances, now pressed the Chinese Communists to cooperate more closely with the Nationalists. On June 23, 1941, the CCP Central Committee responded with a declaration that it would "persevere in the Anti-Japanese United Front, persevere in Nationalist-Communist cooperation," and would align itself with the British, the Americans, and others resisting the "fascist rulers" of the Axis.   In Chongqing and Yan'an, the German attack on the Soviet Union was interpreted as a hopeful sign that Japan's fortunes might be beginning to turn. In Nanjing, the reaction was different. On June 22, Zhou Fohai recorded in his diary that, although the outcome "cannot be predicted," members of the Nanjing regime "all believe Germany will win and will take Moscow within two months." Zhou speculated that Japan could not easily reconcile its neutrality treaty with the USSR and its membership in the Anti-Comintern Pact, which was supposed to unite the Axis against Soviet expansionism. Still, because Germany had struck first, Japan was under no formal obligation to help. Zhou also continued to view events through a lens he had never abandoned: that of Chinese nationalism. "If Chongqing joins the Allies and they win," he wrote, "then this is good for China." If they lost, it would be disastrous for Chiang Kai-shek; but because Wang Jingwei had established a government in Nanjing under Japanese sponsorship, China now had "a foot in both boats." It was a ruthless calculation, but not a wholly dishonorable one. Zhou was not merely advancing Japanese interests. He was hedging, wagering on multiple futures in the name of a China he believed would endure beyond whatever constellation of powers happened to dominate at the moment. Whether posterity would judge that conduct prudent or collaborative was a question he could neither settle nor live to see resolved to his satisfaction.   The summer of 1941 marked a major geopolitical turning point in the war. Until then, the conflicts in China and Europe had remained separate, if desperate, struggles on the Eurasian continent. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union now forced Japan to decide whether it too would enter war against the USSR. Debate in Tokyo was brief. Although some officials, including Foreign Minister Matsuoka, favored striking north before moving south, both the Kwantung Army and the Navy advised against helping Germany at least until Germany had succeeded in drawing substantial Soviet forces away from Siberia and into Europe. Konoye, once again prime minister, agreed. With the northern option set aside, Japanese leaders turned toward another great power instead: the United States. Japan's failure to gain further decisive momentum in China had fueled demands for broader regional expansion, especially into Southeast Asia, with its abundant oil, rubber, and other strategic resources. From 1940 onward, measures such as the pressure to close the Burma Road made it increasingly obvious that Tokyo had adopted a more aggressive posture in Asia. Unable to subdue China, Japanese policymakers chose instead to escalate the conflict still further.   Japanese political life had become ever more dominated by the unresolved war in China. As early as 1938, military expenditures consumed about 70 percent of the national budget, and that same year a National Mobilization Bill granted the government "total war control" over the zaibatsu, Japan's major industrial conglomerates. By 1940, the New Order was making itself felt throughout everyday life, with campaigns against luxury and extravagant consumption taking on new prominence. In February 1940, a parliamentarian was expelled from the Diet simply for daring to criticize the "holy war" in China. In such an atmosphere, retreat from imperial ambitions became increasingly unthinkable. That figure, 70 percent of the national budget devoted to the military is worth dwelling on, because it reveals something essential about the trap in which Japanese strategists had placed themselves. The war in China had not been won, yet abandoning it would have meant admitting a failure so severe that it would have shaken the ideological and institutional foundations of military supremacy in Japanese politics. The only apparent ways out required pushing further in: more conquest, more extraction, more expansion. The logic was brutally clear, and profoundly destructive.   The Roosevelt administration watched these developments with growing alarm. Though still formally neutral, the United States was already using Lend-Lease to provide major assistance to Britain and the Soviet Union in their struggles against Germany. It now expanded aid to China as well. On February 10, Roosevelt's representative Lauchlin Currie visited Chongqing to inform Chiang Kai-shek that the United States would soon provide $45 million in military equipment. General John Magruder, head of the small AMMISCA mission,  the American Military Mission in China had been sent to Chongqing in September 1941, as part of quiet preparation for possible Chinese entry into an alliance against Japan. The China branch of the OSS, precursor to the CIA, was led by General William "Wild Bill" Donovan, whom Roosevelt had dispatched to China in early 1941.   The Americans repeatedly tried to discourage Japan from moving south into Southeast Asia, but relations only grew more confrontational. Japan occupied the southern part of French Indochina, and in response the United States imposed an oil embargo in July 1941. The consequences were immense. Japan imported around 80 percent of its oil from the United States. Without that supply, its navy, the essential instrument for southern expansion  had reserves for perhaps eighteen months. The real question facing Tokyo, then, was not whether it must act, but how soon. Unable any longer to resist mounting military pressure for war, Konoye resigned on October 16 and was replaced as premier by General Tōjō Hideki. Tokyo accelerated its preparations for conflict with the Western powers. Planned targets included Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaya, the Netherlands East Indies, and the Philippines. I should note, if you want to learn about all of this history in more detail, you can go check out the pacific war channel on youtube. I have a chronological series that is just now talking about events like the Japanese invasion of french indochina and the road to pearl harbor.   Throughout the autumn of 1941, increasingly desperate negotiations took place between Japan and the United States. Washington insisted that Japan withdraw from China; Tokyo was equally firm that it would do no such thing. From the Japanese point of view, the demand to leave China was not a serious negotiating position but a demand for national humiliation a call to repudiate four years of war, vast casualties, and the ideological basis of Japanese militarism in a single diplomatic act. In the end, the gulf between the two positions could not be bridged.   While civilian and military leaders in Tokyo argued over the pace at which they should move toward war, few among Japan's rulers doubted that war was coming. At the imperial conference of November 5, it was formally agreed that if no satisfactory diplomatic solution had been reached by December 1, war would follow soon after. Talks in Washington between Ambassador Nomura Kichisaburō, diplomat Kurusu Saburō, and Secretary of State Cordell Hull led nowhere. On November 26, Hull delivered a note repeating the American position that Japan must withdraw from both China and Indochina. On December 1, the imperial conference resolved to go to war; the following day, the date of attack was fixed as December 8, December 7 by American time. In one sense, this was the culmination toward which the entire previous decade had been moving. The war in China had started as a localized conflict, then expanded into a continental one, and was now about to become something larger still: a truly global war, stretching from the North Atlantic to the western Pacific. China's long, lonely resistance would suddenly gain new dimensions and new allies,  though not the ones Chiang had spent four years trying to cultivate, and not under circumstances he would have chosen.   In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet lay anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, its sailors and officers still largely asleep as dawn crept across the Pacific. The attack did not come without warning signs,  American and Japanese diplomats had been locked in increasingly desperate negotiations throughout the autumn, each side hardening its position until no room remained to maneuver. Washington had demanded that Japan withdraw from China, a condition Tokyo viewed not as a serious opening offer but as a demand for national humiliation: a call to repudiate four years of brutal war, hundreds of thousands of casualties, and the entire ideological foundation upon which Japanese militarism rested. No agreement was possible on those terms, and both sides privately knew it.   The strike force assembled in secret was formidable. Six aircraft carriers,  the Akagi, Kaga, Sōryū, Hiryū, Shōkaku, and Zuikaku had sailed under strict radio silence across the North Pacific, launching their aircraft in two successive waves before the American base had any meaningful chance to respond. The first wave of approximately 183 planes swept in just before 8 a.m., targeting the rows of battleships moored along Battleship Row and the military airfields at Wheeler, Hickam, and Ford Island simultaneously, ensuring that American aircraft could not scramble in time to mount an effective defense. A second wave of roughly 170 planes followed less than an hour later, pressing the attack on damaged ships and harbor installations.   The destruction was staggering. The battleship Arizona suffered a catastrophic magazine explosion after a armor-piercing bomb penetrated her forward decks, killing nearly 1,177 of her crew in minutes, almost half of the total American dead from the entire attack. The Oklahoma capsized after being struck by multiple torpedoes. The West Virginia and California sank at their moorings. In total, seventeen vessels were damaged or destroyed, and the vast majority of military aircraft at the nearby airfields were caught on the ground and obliterated before they could take flight. Around 2,400 Americans were killed and another 1,100 wounded, making it the deadliest single attack on American soil or territory in the nation's history to that point.   Yet the attack was not a complete strategic success for Japan. The US Pacific Fleet's aircraft carriers, the vessels that would ultimately decide the naval war in the Pacific happened to be at sea that morning and escaped unharmed. The harbor's fuel storage and repair facilities were also left largely intact, allowing the fleet to reconstitute faster than Japanese planners had anticipated. What Japan achieved in tactical devastation, it partly squandered in strategic miscalculation. The attack ended American neutrality instantly and irrevocably. The following day, President Roosevelt addressed Congress, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy," and within hours the United States declared war on Japan. For China, after more than four years of fighting alone, the blow that devastated Pearl Harbor paradoxically carried a thread of desperate hope at last, the great power Chiang Kai-shek had spent years trying to draw into the conflict had arrived, not under circumstances he would have chosen, but arrived nonetheless. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After years of fighting, China's situation darkened in 1941 with intense bombing of Chongqing and fears of poison-gas attacks. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June shifted alliances and pressured Japan toward wider war. Japan escalated plans for Southeast Asia, suffered an oil embargo, and negotiations with the United States broke down over withdrawing from China and Indochina. Then the Pearl Harbor attack began the Pacific War.

We often think of Jack Ruby as a creature of the dark, of smoky, neon-lit walkups, back-alley brawls, and shady financial deals. But for nearly three years during the height of the Second World War, Jacob Rubenstein proudly wore the olive drab uniform of the United States Army Air Forces. Stationed at various air bases across the American South, Private First Class Rubenstein served with an unblemished record as a highly skilled aircraft mechanic. In the military, Jacob found something he had been chasing his entire life: structure, respect, and a patriotic cause far bigger than himself.Yet, you cannot take the Chicago streets out of the soldier. In the barracks, the classic Jack Ruby contradictions and side hustles quickly emerged. He was a fastidious clean-freak who detested dirty work, yet forced himself to dive into the greasiest engine blocks just to prove to his younger bunkmates that he wasn't lazy. To keep his pockets lined, he set up a highly lucrative unofficial retail operation straight out of his bunk—shipping in boxes of commercial punchboards and premium chocolates from Chicago to sell to a bored, captive audience of soldiers, while dominating late-night barracks card and dice games.But the cool, professional exterior of Private Rubenstein had a deadly serious boundary. Fiercely and pathologically sensitive to his Jewish identity, Jacob was a powder keg waiting for a match. When an active-duty sergeant hurled a vile anti-semitic slur at him, Jacob instantly lunged, ignoring the strict military code, court-martial threats, and potential hard labor. He beat the sergeant mercilessly with his bare fists, drawing blood to defend his name. It was a staggering act of insubordination that was surprisingly swept under the rug, leaving his pristine conduct record intact.This episode closes with a deeply emotional, chillingly prophetic moment in April 1945. When the devastating news of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's death reached the base, Jacob broke down completely, sobbing hysterically in deep, inconsolable grief. While his fellow soldiers looked on in bewilderment at his raw, bizarre emotional breakdown, this intense, weeping grief for a fallen president would serve as a haunting, terrifying echo of the manic sorrow that would overtake Jack Ruby eighteen years later in Dallas.

H.W. Brands, author of America First: Roosevelt vs. Lindbergh in the Shadow of War, Part One: In April 1939, world-famous aviator Charles Lindbergh returns to the United States as global tensions escalate. Lindbergh, who moved to Europe following the "trial of the century" regarding his son's kidnapping, admires German technical proficiency but is deeply skeptical of British endurance. President Franklin Roosevelt attempts to co-opt Lindbergh into his administration to control his influence, but Lindbergh refuses, fiercely guarding his independence. When war erupts in Europe, Lindbergh uses his celebrity status to broadcast radio appeals for neutrality, believing American intervention would repeat the "mistake" of World War I. Meanwhile, Roosevelt maneuvers to modify the Neutrality Act and shift public opinion toward supporting Britain. Lindbergh views the fall of France as vindication for staying out of the conflict, while FDRuses the international emergency to justify a historic third term, a move Lindbergh fears will lead to a "presidency for life." (1)

This week on the Mark Levin Show, it's particularly annoying that numerous national political figures refuse to discuss the significant and growing Islamist threat in the United States. Islamism is the greatest cultural threat we face. What is the ruling class is doing to stop Islamists from entering the country? Are we reviewing the status of those already here who promote radical views? Conservatives need to take over at the local level and reject mosque expansions, which isn't about restricting religious freedom but defending it against Islamist intolerance of religious diversity. Meanwhile, issues like universal healthcare are falsely cast as civil rights to advance a Marxist agenda that expands “democracy” and “rights” while threatening programs like Medicare and opposing enforcement against illegal immigration; supporting candidates like Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan would harm both the state and the country. Also, Sen Chris Van Hollen is a radical nut job, Jew hater, and Israel hater. Van Hollen defends Democrats against communist labels by citing Republican attacks on FDR over Social Security. What did FDR do? FDR created internment camps of 120,000 Japanese Americans, refusing to sign a bipartisan anti-lynching bill to protect Southern votes, imposing Jewish immigration quotas during the Holocaust, and enacting socialist policies including industrial trusts and price/wage controls that prolonged the Depression, arguing socialism redistributes rather than creates wealth. Later, Wisconsin Governor candidate Francesca Hong views Thanksgiving as racist and posted in 2021 that Americans should cancel it. This is the problem with insufficiently patriotic immigrants welcomed into the Democratic Party's big tent. Later, by the skin of his teeth, Abdul El-Sayed is now the Democratic candidate for the Senate in Michigan. Early data shows El-Sayed did well with White, relatively wealthy college graduates, but not so well with union/blue collar workers and Blacks. El-Sayed will face Republican Mike Rogers, a good, solid candidate, in the November general election. El-Sayed will get the support of the media and he'll play down his Islamism and his association with people like Sen Bernie Sanders and Hasan Piker, who said America deserved 9/11. Let's not pretend El-Sayed is just another progressive. He's an Islamic Marxist. What Democrats have to figure out: how do you build a party around elitists? Claims from some on the fringes of the conservative movement—that younger people today face uniquely hard times due to student debt, homeownership barriers, and inflation driven by the war with Iran—are inaccurate and sound like leftist or socialist talking points. There have been far greater hardships faced by prior generations: the Great Depression's 25% unemployment, widespread business failures, and near-economic collapse, followed by World War II's draft of 16 million Americans with over 600,000 casualties under brutal conditions. Young people today simply do not have it as hard as those of 50–80 years ago - they simply don't. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, Abdul El-Sayed, who is running for the Democratic nomination for Senate from Michigan, is a very sick person, full of hate. He is on record supporting driver's licenses for illegals, opposing cooperation with ICE, and says America was founded on slavery. Slavery actually existed all over the world when America was founded: Black tribes sold other Africans to Europeans. Slavery exists today in Africa - where Islamists kill and capture Christians in Nigeria -- and in the Middle East. Women are treated horribly in the Middle East, North Africa and Pakistan -- all Islamic areas. America fought a Civil War and amended our Constitution to rid this country of slavery. Nirvana has never existed anywhere, but the America of today is as close as it has ever come. Meanwhile, issues like universal healthcare are falsely cast as civil rights to advance a Marxist agenda that expands “democracy” and “rights” while threatening programs like Medicare and opposing enforcement against illegal immigration; supporting candidates like Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan would harm both the state and the country. Also, Sen Chris Van Hollen is a radical nut job, Jew hater, and Israel hater. Van Hollen defends Democrats against communist labels by citing Republican attacks on FDR over Social Security. What did FDR do? FDR created internment camps of 120,000 Japanese Americans, refusing to sign a bipartisan anti-lynching bill to protect Southern votes, imposing Jewish immigration quotas during the Holocaust, and enacting socialist policies including industrial trusts and price/wage controls that prolonged the Depression, arguing socialism redistributes rather than creates wealth. Later, Wisconsin Governor candidate Francesca Hong views Thanksgiving as racist and posted in 2021 that Americans should cancel it. This is the problem with insufficiently patriotic immigrants welcomed into the Democratic Party's big tent. In breaking news, authorities arrested a man Sunday at President Trump's Los Angeles-area golf course after he appeared to monitor security preparations two days ahead of a fundraiser there. The man, who was taking photos and video, carried a 16-round magazine with ammunition in his pocket; a loaded pistol was recovered from his car. He was charged with allegedly carrying a concealed firearm and possessing prohibited ammunition. The arrest was announced by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department as Trump prepared to arrive for a Republican National Committee fundraising dinner at the Trump National Golf Course in Rancho Palos Verdes. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Philosopher Stefan Molyneux lays out the road to hell by showing how pushing women into college debt and welfare traps kills marriage and kids while state coercion removes all feedback and responsibility.Questions:What challenges will we face in society in the future when some segments of the population have a Neuralink implant and others don't?Would you be interested in creating a series or long-form content similar to Andrew Wilson's Debate University but for the purpose of learning how to reason from first principles? Similar to the early white-board videos from FDR?Define the political Right and Left in the pure abstract without any reference to a particular time or place.Can you do a podcast/video about decreasing birthrates, decreasing fertility, decreasing sperm count, especially in the wester world? Studies suggest almost no one in the west will be able to have children naturally in 30 years... seems like a serious problem.Why are most European nations so determined to destroy their history culture and heritage through Middle Eastern migrants…Can you explain why young men commit suicide generally?Have you ever watched testimonies of people who have died and went to hell on youtube? There are a lot where they are revived and are able to share their story.How would you decide between a guaranteed mediocre life or a slim chance at wild success?You advocate against forgiveness without prior repentance from the perpetrator. Could it be possible that most people just can't walk between resentment and forgiveness, so in terms of total human suffering it is better just to forgive. And that in not forgiving, most people just become shitty judges.In principle I'm inclined to agree with your take but I dont know anyone that has escaped resentment without up front forgiveness. On the average, maybe they get taken for some sort of a ride but their overall life is better.I'm not talking about individual cases here, just on balance and overall human suffering levels, with the average human and their average human drama / life.How can you escape damnation?When society become unraveled, is it due to people forgetting the basics?A house falls when its foundation crumbles.How to solve population decline, gender wars and political divide when Women are getting more far left and men are getting more far right. When the division is being funded by rival countries /globalists?Are you friends with Styx? If so, have you checked on him lately? He's gone off the rails lately. Hope he finds some help.What do you think of the notion that, with some exceptions, conservatives cannot create good art?do you like cats?