Podcasts about Republican Party

Air Date 5/30/2025 Given the overwhelming weirdness of Trump and his malfeasant style of governance, it would be perfectly understandable for casual observers to believe that his signature piece of legislation, weirdly named in reality the "One Big Beautiful Bill Act," was itself also likely to be pretty weird; a potential departure from usual Republican Party policy priorities. In reality, what's weird is how deeply normal it is: take from the poor and give to the rich while letting corporations get away with murder. Full Show Notes Check out our new show, SOLVED! on YouTube! BestOfTheLeft.com/Support (Members Get Bonus Shows + No Ads!) Join our Discord community! KEY POINTS KP 1: All the president's side hustles - Today, Explained - Air Date 5-15-25 KP 2: 'Met Gala of pay-for-play' Trump crypto dinner is brazenly corrupt, says Hayes - All In with Chris Hayes - Air Date 5-22-25 KP 3: Historian Julian Zelizer Trump's corruption is the worst ever seen in the White House! - The Dean Obeidallah Show - Air Date 5-13-25 KP 4: Analyst Trump's Middle East Trip Isn't For Peace. It's a Turn Towards Fighting China - BreakThrough News - Air Date 5-16-25 KP 5: Trump's Big Beautiful Bill is Baloney - The Coffee Klatch with Robert Reich - Air Date 5-17-25 KP 6: Trump-GOP Tax Bill Cuts Medicaid, SNAP To Give Handouts To Billionaires Part 1- The Majority Report - Air Date 5-20-25 KP 7: Trump Castrated the Courts! Big Beautiful Bill ENDS Constitutional Protection Against Dictatorship - Thom Hartmann Program - Air Date 5-20-25 (00:55:49) NOTE FROM THE EDITOR On why seeing is not believing and how that helps Republicans DEEPER DIVES (01:02:25) SECTION A: CORRUPTION (01:45:05) SECTION B: BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL (02:19:13) SECTION C: IMPACT SHOW IMAGE CREDITS  Description: Composite image depicting Trump giving a speech at a podium with his hands out and an image of House Speaker Mike Johnson's face in a circle over his shoulder. Text over the image reads “THE BIG CRUEL STUPID BILL” Credits: Composite design by A. Hoffman. Photo credit: “President of the United States Donald J. Trump at CPAC 2017 February 24th 2017” by Michael Vadon, Flickr | CC BY 2.0 | Changes: Darkened overlay and text and image overlays | “Mike Johnson”  by Gage Skidmore, Flickr | CC BY-SA 2.0 | Changes: Cropped into circle with darker overlay

In this episode of The Carl Jackson Show, Carl discusses the Democratic Party's struggle to connect with young men, the challenges they face due to identity politics, and the implications of their current leadership. He argues that the party is in deep trouble and may only be saved by the Republican Party's missteps. The conversation also touches on the fading influence of former leaders like Obama and the perception of Biden as a puppet for the deep state. Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/carljacksonradio Twitter: https://twitter.com/carljacksonshow Parler: https://parler.com/carljacksonshow Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thecarljacksonshow http://www.TheCarlJacksonShow.comSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode of The Carl Jackson Show, Carl discusses the Democratic Party's struggle to connect with young men, the challenges they face due to identity politics, and the implications of their current leadership. He argues that the party is in deep trouble and may only be saved by the Republican Party's missteps. The conversation also touches on the fading influence of former leaders like Obama and the perception of Biden as a puppet for the deep state. Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/carljacksonradio Twitter: https://twitter.com/carljacksonshow Parler: https://parler.com/carljacksonshow Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thecarljacksonshow http://www.TheCarlJacksonShow.comSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

It's been five years since widespread protests erupted after Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin murdered George Floyd on May 25, 2020.That murder, and the resulting national protests, led to numerous calls for police reform in communities around the country.But the politics of policing have changed since 2024. Perceptions of crime and its relationship with immigration were central issues during the last presidential election, particularly for the Republican Party.And now, the Trump administration says it's undoing recent federal efforts to supervise police reforms in certain cities. We discuss where the end of those efforts leaves cities and police departments trying to be more accountable to those they're supposed to serve and protect.Want to support 1A? Give to your local public radio station and subscribe to this podcast. Have questions? Connect with us. Listen to 1A sponsor-free by signing up for 1A+ at plus.npr.org/the1a.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

iGambling and iLottery is taking over the Republican Party. Politicians and lawmakers in Ohio are blatantly disregarding the rules set in the Ohio Constitution. How can public servants say that the gambling industry  is for the benefit and welfare of our community when it only brings destruction? Tune in today and please share this with his friend today on the Public Square®.   Topic: Gambling The Public Square® Long Format with host Dave Zanotti. thepublicsquare.com Release Date: Thursday, May 29th, 2025

The foiled plot to kidnap Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer may be just the tip of the iceberg. Under the Trump presidency, right wing extremist groups have multiplied significantly and pose a grave domestic terror threat to the United States. In addition, through his own divisive rhetoric and coded language, the President has tolerated and encouraged the rise of violent, Pro Trump vigilante groups. Are these armed, right wing radicals, the foot soldiers for Trump's new Maga Army? Plus, a conversation with Lincoln Project's Jeff Timmer. The former Michigan GOP honcho and veteran campaign operative provides insight into how the kidnap plot is playing at a local level and discusses Trump's party takeover and how the Republican Party might repair and redeem itself. Also, make sure to check out Mea Culpa: The Election Essays for the definitive political document of 2020. Fifteen chapters of raw and honest political writings on Donald Trump from the man who knows him best. https://www.a... The foiled plot to kidnap Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer may be just the tip of the iceberg. Under the Trump presidency, right wing extremist groups have multiplied significantly and pose a grave domestic terror threat to the United States. In addition, through his own divisive rhetoric and coded language, the President has tolerated and encouraged the rise of violent, Pro Trump vigilante groups. Are these armed, right wing radicals, the foot soldiers for Trump's new Maga Army? Plus, a conversation with Lincoln Project's Jeff Timmer. The former Michigan GOP honcho and veteran campaign operative provides insight into how the kidnap plot is playing at a local level and discusses Trump's party takeover and how the Republican Party might repair and redeem itself. Also, make sure to check out Mea Culpa: The Election Essays for the definitive political document of 2020. Fifteen chapters of raw and honest political writings on Donald Trump from the man who knows him best. https://www.amazon.com/dp/B08M5VKQ6T/ For cool Mea Culpa gear, check out meaculpapodcast.com/merch To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this conversation, Carl Jackson discusses the implications of Joe Biden's presidency, characterizing him as a puppet of the deep state. He explores various themes including political corruption, the role of the FBI, cultural issues, and race relations. Jackson emphasizes the need for transparency, accountability, and a restoration of the rule of law in the United States. He expresses concern over the deep state's influence on governance and calls for action to address these issues, particularly within the Republican Party. Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/carljacksonradio Twitter: https://twitter.com/carljacksonshow Parler: https://parler.com/carljacksonshow Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thecarljacksonshow http://www.TheCarlJacksonShow.comSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this conversation, Carl Jackson discusses the implications of Joe Biden's presidency, characterizing him as a puppet of the deep state. He explores various themes including political corruption, the role of the FBI, cultural issues, and race relations. Jackson emphasizes the need for transparency, accountability, and a restoration of the rule of law in the United States. He expresses concern over the deep state's influence on governance and calls for action to address these issues, particularly within the Republican Party. Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/carljacksonradio Twitter: https://twitter.com/carljacksonshow Parler: https://parler.com/carljacksonshow Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thecarljacksonshow http://www.TheCarlJacksonShow.comSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

ABOUT NEWT GINGRICH AND TRUMP'S TRIUMPH: AMERICA'S GREATEST COMEBACK #1 New York Times bestselling author Newt Gingrich takes readers inside the most significant political comeback in American history and explains where the Trump movement goes from here.Despite a nine-year effort to destroy him, President Donald J. Trump succeeded in a historic comeback victory in the 2024 presidential election. This was Trump's Triumph. Winning the popular and electoral votes, President Trump became the first president to be nonconsecutively re-elected since President Grover Cleveland. This all happened because President Trump was never a typical political candidate. He is the leader of a movement, which he recognized in the American people. To be clear: President Trump did not invent the Make America Great Again movement, he intuited it.Meanwhile, elites in media, academia, government, and politics learned a big lesson: Americans no longer trust them. President Trump assembled a massive coalition of Americans from all backgrounds who were tired of being told what to do, say, and believe. He made historic in-roads with voter groups which have not traditionally voted for Republicans. President Trump survived court cases, impeachments, outright lies - and two assassination attempts. All the while, the elites described a future which every day Americans did not want. The Joe Biden-Kamala Harris (and later Harris-Tim Walz) tickets represented three failures through which the American people were actively suffering: high inflation, a full-blown immigration crisis, and a prevailing elite ideology which they found at best confusing and at worst insane. Trump's Triumph puts all this into context, explains how President Trump overcame it all, and describes the future of the Make America Great Again movement. ABOUT NEWT GINGRICH Speaker Newt Gingrich is Chairman of Gingrich 360, a multimedia production and consulting company based in Arlington, Virginia. As former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Gingrich is well known as the architect of the "Contract with America" that led the Republican Party to victory in 1994, creating the first conservative majority in the House in 40 years. He was a Republican candidate for President of the United States in 2012. Gingrich is a Fox News contributor, podcast host (Newt's World), and syndicated columnist. He is the author of 43 books, including 18 fiction and nonfiction New York Times bestsellers. His latest books include Defeating Big Government Socialism and March to the Majority.Gingrich and his wife, Ambassador Callista L. Gingrich, host and produce historical and public policy documentaries. Recent films include "Journey to America," "The First American," and "Divine Mercy: The Canonization of John Paul II." Recognized internationally as an expert on world history, military issues, and international affairs, Newt Gingrich is the longest-serving teacher of the Joint War Fighting course for Major Generals. He also teaches officers from all six services as a Distinguished Visiting Scholar and Professor at the National Defense University. In addition, Newt Gingrich served as a Member of the Defense Policy Board. He was a member of the Terrorism Task Force for the Council on Foreign Relations, and he co-chaired the Task Force on United Nations Reform, a bipartisan congressional effort to modernize and improve the United Nations. The Gingrich's reside in McLean, Virginia and Naples, Florida, and have two daughters and two grandchildren. Link to his podcast Newt's World: Https://www.iheart.com/podcast/1119-newts-world-30589442/  Get the book: https://a.co/d/ekeOlAgBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/i-am-refocused-radio--2671113/support.

Steve and the crew catch up on news from the long Memorial Day weekend, including how the Republican Party has already seemingly demoralized billionaire Elon Musk. The rest of the show is a commemoration of Steve's 25th anniversary in broadcast, featuring photographs of major or memorable events through his career to this point. TODAY'S SPONSORS: THE LAST RODEO: https://www.angel.com/tickets/last-rodeo?utm_campaign=theatrical-tickets&utm_source=ef_blaze_STEVE&utm_medium=partner&oid=33&_ef_transaction_id=007d092e9b43417a95bab145b70daf68 FARMER BILL'S PROVISIONS: https://farmerbillsprovisions.com/; use code STEVE20 for 20% off your order JASE MEDICAL: https://jasemedical.com/ and enter code “DEACE” at checkout for a discount on your order FAST GROWING TREES: https://www.fast-growing-trees.com/?utm_source=podcast&utm_medium=audio&utm_campaign=Steve+Deace+Show code DEACE RELIEF FACTOR: VISIT https://www.relieffactor.com/ OR CALL 800-4-RELIEF MD HEARING: https://www.mdhearingaid.com/?utm_source=shopmdhearing.com&utm_medium=podcast use promo code STEVE Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, Dinesh argues that Elon Musk’s frustration with electoral politics is indicative of a crisis in the Republican Party, and an even bigger one in the nation. Dinesh shows why Harvard is on a path to ruin, one largely of its own making. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Rich Zeoli Show- Hour 2: 4:05pm- Bill D'Agostino—Senior Research Analyst at Media Research Center—joins The Rich Zeoli Show to breakdown some of the best (and worst) clips from corporate media: Axios's Alex Thompson says the media needs to investigate Donald Trump's health + former FBI Director James Comey claims the Republican Party is “white supremacist adjacent.” 4:30pm- Rich was on Fox News earlier today (did he happen to mention that?) and debuted his new Tom Ford tie which he got on a (heavy) discount—but should he have purchased a “dogs playing poker” tie instead? PLUS, who was the best dressed president? Evidently it was Chester Arthur—who was so well-dressed that it annoyed Americans. He owned 80 pairs of trousers! 4:50pm- While speaking with reporters in Morristown, NJ, President Donald Trump said: “I'm not happy with what Putin is doing…he's sending rockets into cities and killing people. And I don't like it at all!”

The Rich Zeoli Show- Full Episode (05/27/2025): 3:05pm- In a series of articles published over the weekend, The New York Times examined the Democrat Party's continued struggles appealing to the American electorate. Shane Goldmacher writes that Democrats “are still searching for the path forward”—noting that the party spent $20 million studying their “erosion” of support with “young men” specifically. In another article, Goldmacher—alongside June Kim and Christine Zhang—evaluate “how Donald Trump has remade America's political landscape.” They document that 435 counties across the country became more “Democratic” from 2012 and 2024—however, 2,678 counties became more “Republican.” Further complicating matters is the 2030 census which is expected to cause comfortably blue states to lose electoral votes as citizens move to red states. You can read the articles here: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/25/us/politics/democratic-party-voters.html. And here: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/05/25/us/politics/trump-politics-democrats.html. 3:40pm- During a recent segment of Pod Save America, former Obama Advisor Dan Pfeiffer stated that Democrats are in “a huge bit of trouble” if they can't win Latino voters moving forward—and if Latinos continue to migrate towards the Republican Party (as is currently the trend), there is “no path” to victory in future presidential elections. 4:05pm- Bill D'Agostino—Senior Research Analyst at Media Research Center—joins The Rich Zeoli Show to breakdown some of the best (and worst) clips from corporate media: Axios's Alex Thompson says the media needs to investigate Donald Trump's health + former FBI Director James Comey claims the Republican Party is “white supremacist adjacent.” 4:30pm- Rich was on Fox News earlier today (did he happen to mention that?) and debuted his new Tom Ford tie which he got on a (heavy) discount—but should he have purchased a “dogs playing poker” tie instead? PLUS, who was the best dressed president? Evidently it was Chester Arthur—who was so well-dressed that it annoyed Americans. He owned 80 pairs of trousers! 4:50pm- While speaking with reporters in Morristown, NJ, President Donald Trump said: “I'm not happy with what Putin is doing…he's sending rockets into cities and killing people. And I don't like it at all!” 5:05pm- Dr. Victoria Coates— Former Deputy National Security Advisor & the Vice President of the Davis Institute for National Security and Foreign Policy at The Heritage Foundation—joins The Rich Zeoli Show to discuss President Donald Trump declaring he's “not happy” with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Dr. Coates is author of the book, “The Battle for the Jewish State: How Israel—and America—Can Win.” You can find it here: https://a.co/d/iTMA4Vb. 5:40pm- While speaking with the press in Morristown, New Jersey, President Donald Trump continued to insist that Harvard University must make changes in order to receive federal funding moving forward. The Trump Administration has called on the Ivy League university to prioritize the education of American students, eliminate anti-Semitism on campus, and hire faculty representing a diverse ideology. According to a 2023 Harvard Crimson poll, only 2.5% of Harvard's faculty openly identified as “conservative—with 77% labeling themselves as “liberal” or “very liberal.” 5:50pm- Clips of the Day: Washington D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser goes to the pool, Emmanuel Macron's wife hits him in the face, and humanoid robot kick boxing is launched in China! 6:05pm- On Tuesday, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert Kennedy Jr.—alongside FDA Commissioner Marty Makary and NIH Director Jay Bhattacharya—announced the CDC will no longer recommend Covid-19 vaccination for health children and pregnant women, removing the vaccines from the immunization schedule. 6:15pm- Deputy Director of the FBI Dan Bongino announced that the agency will continue several unresolved investigations, including who brought cocaine into ...

The Rich Zeoli Show- Hour 1: 3:05pm- In a series of articles published over the weekend, The New York Times examined the Democrat Party's continued struggles appealing to the American electorate. Shane Goldmacher writes that Democrats “are still searching for the path forward”—noting that the party spent $20 million studying their “erosion” of support with “young men” specifically. In another article, Goldmacher—alongside June Kim and Christine Zhang—evaluate “how Donald Trump has remade America's political landscape.” They document that 435 counties across the country became more “Democratic” from 2012 and 2024—however, 2,678 counties became more “Republican.” Further complicating matters is the 2030 census which is expected to cause comfortably blue states to lose electoral votes as citizens move to red states. You can read the articles here: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/25/us/politics/democratic-party-voters.html. And here: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/05/25/us/politics/trump-politics-democrats.html. 3:40pm- During a recent segment of Pod Save America, former Obama Advisor Dan Pfeiffer stated that Democrats are in “a huge bit of trouble” if they can't win Latino voters moving forward—and if Latinos continue to migrate towards the Republican Party (as is currently the trend), there is “no path” to victory in future presidential elections.

Pro-democracy progressives are their own worst enemy when it comes to recruiting conservative Americans to their cause. In part two of our conversation, political strategist Sarah Longwell offers suggestions for how to connect with anti-Trump conservatives. Her ideas draw on what she hears from voters in her frequent focus groups, as well as on her experience as a gay conservative fighting for inclusion in American society and politics in the 2010s. Longwell is the publisher of The Bulwark and the cofounder and executive director of the advocacy organization Defending Democracy Together. She hosts The Focus Group podcast and is a senior fellow at the Charles F. Kettering Foundation. https://www.thebulwark.com/ https://www.defendingdemocracytogether.org/

In this engaging conversation, Brian Karem and Jo Jo from Jersey explore the evolution of new media, the challenges it presents to traditional journalism, and the importance of maintaining a commitment to factual information. Jo shares her personal journey from a suburban life to becoming an advocate in the new media landscape, emphasizing the need for voices that resonate with everyday experiences. They discuss the current political climate, the necessity of finding common ground, and the impact of shared experiences in bridging divides. The conversation highlights the frenetic nature of today's news cycle and the importance of effective communication in politics. In this conversation, Rich B and Brian J. Karem delve into the complexities of modern political discourse, the role of journalism, and the impact of Donald Trump's policies on everyday Americans. They discuss the struggles faced by the working class, the importance of community support, and the hope for a more democratic future. The dialogue also touches on the divide within the Republican party and the challenges of reaching out to those with differing views. Rich B delivers a passionate rant against Trump, highlighting the disrespect shown to military personnel and the American people.Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/JATQPodcastFollow us on BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/jatqpodcast.bsky.socialIntragram: https://www.instagram.com/jatqpodcastYoutube:https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCET7k2_Y9P9Fz0MZRARGqVwThis Show is Available Ad-Free And Early For Patreon supporters here:https://www.patreon.com/justaskthequestionpodcastPurchase Brian's book "Free The Press"  

Before they were appointed, the leaders of the F.B.I. boosted misinformation about a ‘deep state.' Now they're in power, they've become the focus of conspiracy theories. On this week's On the Media, how MAGA infighting about Jeffrey Epstein reveals a greater problem for the Republican Party. Plus, the story of one of the world's farthest-reaching radio stations: a haven for extremists based in small-town Maine.[01:00] Host Micah Loewinger talks with Will Sommer, senior reporter at The Bulwark, about why the Trump White House's allegiance with conspiracy theorists is souring, and how Jeffrey Epstein is dividing the MAGA base. [09:04] Episode 3 of The Divided Dial, Season 2: World's Last Chance Radio. In the internet era, much of the shortwaves have been left to the most extreme voices — including a conspiratorial flat earth ministry, and an ultra-conservative cult complete with everything from sexual abuse to dead infants and illegal burials. In the 737-person northern Maine town of Monticello, reporter Katie Thornton explores one of the world's farthest-reaching radio stations that has given them a home, pumping out extremism and conspiracy theories to the world as the voice of American broadcasting.Further reading:“The Real Reason Trump World Just Can't Quit Conspiracy Theories,” Will Sommer On the Media is supported by listeners like you. Support OTM by donating today (https://pledge.wnyc.org/support/otm). Follow our show on Instagram, Twitter and Facebook @onthemedia, and share your thoughts with us by emailing onthemedia@wnyc.org.

Send us a textIf astrology isn't real, then why is a New Orleans plantation burning down under Saturn and Neptune in Aries? Why is Uranus in Gemini bringing internal division within the Republican Party? Why did Trump throw criticism toward Taylor Swift under the Scorpio Full Moon? And can Pedro Pascal's chart explain why he is so loved?

On Wednesday's Mark Levin Show, AG Letitia James essentially just confessed to mortgage fraud. She said she made a mistake by putting Virginia down as her residence, but she's a liar. Year after year, she took the deduction because it was a mistake? In contrast, President Donald Trump followed legal protocols, paid taxes on time, and had verified property values, with Mar-A-Lago worth nearly $1 billion, not $18 million, and still, authorities denied him due process. Also, ESPN analyst Ryan Clark dismissed Robert Griffin III's opinions on the Caitlin Clark-Angel Reese WNBA rivalry, citing Griffin's marriage to a white woman as a reason he lacks perspective on issues faced by black women in the league.  Clark argued that Griffin's personal life limits his understanding of racial dynamics surrounding Clark's popularity, while also suggesting both players should be celebrated without pitting them against each other. This is disgusting. Afterward, in the chapter "On Rights" from “On Power, individual and human rights, liberty, and equality predate and do not originate from governments, as underscored by the Declaration of Independence. This principle, rooted in the belief that rights are God-given through natural law, distinguishes the U.S. from regimes like Qatar, communist China, Islamists, communists, fascists, and autocrats, as well as domestic democratic socialists. The Declaration of Independence, along with the Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts Declarations of Rights, reflects the consensus among American founders that these rights are unalienable, not granted or revocable by governments. Governments are instituted to secure these rights, deriving their powers from the consent of the governed.  Later, Stephen A Smith calls in to discuss politics and sports. The Democratic Party marginalizes moderates, but they shouldn't be able to dictate who joins the party.  The last person the Democrat voters chose was Barack Obama - outside that, the party chose the Presidential nominees, Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden. Contrast that with the Republican Party, where the voters chose Trump in 2016. They didn't let the party pick their candidates. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

MeidasTouch host Ben Meiselas reports on the felon Donald Trump destroying himself and the entire Republican Party as they attack the United States from within. Visit https://meidasplus.com for more! Remember to subscribe to ALL the MeidasTouch Network Podcasts: MeidasTouch: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/meidastouch-podcast Legal AF: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/legal-af MissTrial: https://meidasnews.com/tag/miss-trial The PoliticsGirl Podcast: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-politicsgirl-podcast The Influence Continuum: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-influence-continuum-with-dr-steven-hassan Mea Culpa with Michael Cohen: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/mea-culpa-with-michael-cohen The Weekend Show: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-weekend-show Burn the Boats: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/burn-the-boats Majority 54: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/majority-54 Political Beatdown: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/political-beatdown On Democracy with FP Wellman: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/on-democracy-with-fpwellman Uncovered: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/maga-uncovered Coalition of the Sane: https://meidasnews.com/tag/coalition-of-the-sane Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, Scott Becker questions the current state of fiscal conservatism in the Republican Party amid reports of a new tax bill that could add trillions to the national deficit.

Deutsche Bank, one of Donald Trump's go-to lenders for all of his businesses, warned this week that the US economy is suffering "death by a thousand cuts" from Trump's policies and those of the rest of the Republican Party. All of these small cuts are causing a massive bleed that is sending our economy into a downward spiral, and not a single Republican seems to even care that they are doing this. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. became insanely irate during a Senate hearing this week when Democratic Senator Patty Murray asked him a simple question about who cut the funding for child healthcare programs. Kennedy first tried to blame Biden, then he viciously attacked Murray for doing nothing to stop diseases, and after he was reprimanded by the Chair of the Committee, he sheepishly admitted that his department cut the funding he was trying to deny was cut. The man is way over his head.Republican governors and the Senators from their red states have resorted to begging Donald Trump's administration for federal assistance after they were ravaged by tornadoes over the last month. So far, the administration has not declared a federal disaster for any of the affected areas, which is preventing any FEMA officials or assistance from being deployed. Again, this is how Trump is treating RED STATES that put him in office - ignoring their cries for help after catastrophe.Donald Trump told reporters on Tuesday of this week that he doesn't want the "big beautiful bill" that Republicans are working on to benefit Democratic-controlled states because, as Trump put it, those states and the Democrats running them are ruining the country. He also falsely claimed that Red States are the ones making America great again, which is why they should reap all the benefits. The problem is that the Republican bill doesn't help ANY states - Red or Blue - but it does screw over Red States far more thoroughly. Text and and let us know your thoughts on today's stories!Subscribe to our YouTube channel to stay up to date on all of Farron's content: https://www.youtube.com/FarronBalancedFollow Farron on social media! Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/FarronBalanced Twitter: https://twitter.com/farronbalanced Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/farronbalanced TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@farronbalanced?lang=en

Yesterday, the self-styled San Francisco “progressive” Joan Williams was on the show arguing that Democrats need to relearn the language of the American working class. But, as some of you have noted, Williams seems oblivious to the fact that politics is about more than simply aping other people's language. What you say matters, and the language of American working class, like all industrial working classes, is rooted in a critique of capitalism. She should probably read the New Yorker staff writer John Cassidy's excellent new book, Capitalism and its Critics, which traces capitalism's evolution and criticism from the East India Company through modern times. He defines capitalism as production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets, encompassing various forms from Chinese state capitalism to hyper-globalization. The book examines capitalism's most articulate critics including the Luddites, Marx, Engels, Thomas Carlisle, Adam Smith, Rosa Luxemburg, Keynes & Hayek, and contemporary figures like Sylvia Federici and Thomas Piketty. Cassidy explores how major economists were often critics of their era's dominant capitalist model, and untangles capitalism's complicated relationship with colonialism, slavery and AI which he regards as a potentially unprecedented economic disruption. This should be essential listening for all Democrats seeking to reinvent a post Biden-Harris party and message. 5 key takeaways* Capitalism has many forms - From Chinese state capitalism to Keynesian managed capitalism to hyper-globalization, all fitting the basic definition of production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets.* Great economists are typically critics - Smith criticized mercantile capitalism, Keynes critiqued laissez-faire capitalism, and Hayek/Friedman opposed managed capitalism. Each generation's leading economists challenge their era's dominant model.* Modern corporate structure has deep roots - The East India Company was essentially a modern multinational corporation with headquarters, board of directors, stockholders, and even a private army - showing capitalism's organizational continuity across centuries.* Capitalism is intertwined with colonialism and slavery - Industrial capitalism was built on pre-existing colonial and slave systems, particularly through the cotton industry and plantation economies.* AI represents a potentially unprecedented disruption - Unlike previous technological waves, AI may substitute rather than complement human labor on a massive scale, potentially creating political backlash exceeding even the "China shock" that contributed to Trump's rise.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. A couple of days ago, we did a show with Joan Williams. She has a new book out, "Outclassed: How the Left Lost the Working Class and How to Win Them Back." A book about language, about how to talk to the American working class. She also had a piece in Jacobin Magazine, an anti-capitalist magazine, about how the left needs to speak to what she calls average American values. We talked, of course, about Bernie Sanders and AOC and their language of fighting oligarchy, and the New York Times followed that up with "The Enduring Power of Anti-Capitalism in American Politics."But of course, that brings the question: what exactly is capitalism? I did a little bit of research. We can find definitions of capitalism from AI, from Wikipedia, even from online dictionaries, but I thought we might do a little better than relying on Wikipedia and come to a man who's given capitalism and its critics a great deal of thought. John Cassidy is well known as a staff writer at The New Yorker. He's the author of a wonderful book, the best book, actually, on the dot-com insanity. And his new book, "Capitalism and its Critics," is out this week. John, congratulations on the book.So I've got to be a bit of a schoolmaster with you, John, and get some definitions first. What exactly is capitalism before we get to criticism of it?John Cassidy: Yeah, I mean, it's a very good question, Andrew. Obviously, through the decades, even the centuries, there have been many different definitions of the term capitalism and there are different types of capitalism. To not be sort of too ideological about it, the working definition I use is basically production for profit—that could be production of goods or mostly in the new and, you know, in today's economy, production of services—for profit by companies which are privately owned in markets. That's a very sort of all-encompassing definition.Within that, you can have all sorts of different types of capitalism. You can have Chinese state capitalism, you can have the old mercantilism, which industrial capitalism came after, which Trump seems to be trying to resurrect. You can have Keynesian managed capitalism that we had for 30 or 40 years after the Second World War, which I grew up in in the UK. Or you can have sort of hyper-globalization, hyper-capitalism that we've tried for the last 30 years. There are all those different varieties of capitalism consistent with a basic definition, I think.Andrew Keen: That keeps you busy, John. I know you started this project, which is a big book and it's a wonderful book. I read it. I don't always read all the books I have on the show, but I read from cover to cover full of remarkable stories of the critics of capitalism. You note in the beginning that you began this in 2016 with the beginnings of Trump. What was it about the 2016 election that triggered a book about capitalism and its critics?John Cassidy: Well, I was reporting on it at the time for The New Yorker and it struck me—I covered, I basically covered the economy in various forms for various publications since the late 80s, early 90s. In fact, one of my first big stories was the stock market crash of '87. So yes, I am that old. But it seemed to me in 2016 when you had Bernie Sanders running from the left and Trump running from the right, but both in some way offering very sort of similar critiques of capitalism. People forget that Trump in 2016 actually was running from the left of the Republican Party. He was attacking big business. He was attacking Wall Street. He doesn't do that these days very much, but at the time he was very much posing as the sort of outsider here to protect the interests of the average working man.And it seemed to me that when you had this sort of pincer movement against the then ruling model, this wasn't just a one-off. It seemed to me it was a sort of an emerging crisis of legitimacy for the system. And I thought there could be a good book written about how we got to here. And originally I thought it would be a relatively short book just based on the last sort of 20 or 30 years since the collapse of the Cold War and the sort of triumphalism of the early 90s.But as I got into it more and more, I realized that so many of the issues which had been raised, things like globalization, rising inequality, monopoly power, exploitation, even pollution and climate change, these issues go back to the very start of the capitalist system or the industrial capitalist system back in sort of late 18th century, early 19th century Britain. So I thought, in the end, I thought, you know what, let's just do the whole thing soup to nuts through the eyes of the critics.There have obviously been many, many histories of capitalism written. I thought that an original way to do it, or hopefully original, would be to do a sort of a narrative through the lives and the critiques of the critics of various stages. So that's, I hope, what sets it apart from other books on the subject, and also provides a sort of narrative frame because, you know, I am a New Yorker writer, I realize if you want people to read things, you've got to make it readable. Easiest way to make things readable is to center them around people. People love reading about other people. So that's sort of the narrative frame. I start off with a whistleblower from the East India Company back in the—Andrew Keen: Yeah, I want to come to that. But before, John, my sense is that to simplify what you're saying, this is a labor of love. You're originally from Leeds, the heart of Yorkshire, the center of the very industrial revolution, the first industrial revolution where, in your historical analysis, capitalism was born. Is it a labor of love? What's your family relationship with capitalism? How long was the family in Leeds?John Cassidy: Right, I mean that's a very good question. It is a labor of love in a way, but it's not—our family doesn't go—I'm from an Irish family, family of Irish immigrants who moved to England in the 1940s and 1950s. So my father actually did start working in a big mill, the Kirkstall Forge in Leeds, which is a big steel mill, and he left after seeing one of his co-workers have his arms chopped off in one of the machinery, so he decided it wasn't for him and he spent his life working in the construction industry, which was dominated by immigrants as it is here now.So I don't have a—it's not like I go back to sort of the start of the industrial revolution, but I did grow up in the middle of Leeds, very working class, very industrial neighborhood. And what a sort of irony is, I'll point out, I used to, when I was a kid, I used to play golf on a municipal golf course called Gotts Park in Leeds, which—you know, most golf courses in America are sort of in the affluent suburbs, country clubs. This was right in the middle of Armley in Leeds, which is where the Victorian jail is and a very rough neighborhood. There's a small bit of land which they built a golf course on. It turns out it was named after one of the very first industrialists, Benjamin Gott, who was a wool and textile industrialist, and who played a part in the Luddite movement, which I mention.So it turns out, I was there when I was 11 or 12, just learning how to play golf on this scrappy golf course. And here I am, 50 years later, writing about Benjamin Gott at the start of the Industrial Revolution. So yeah, no, sure. I think it speaks to me in a way that perhaps it wouldn't to somebody else from a different background.Andrew Keen: We did a show with William Dalrymple, actually, a couple of years ago. He's been on actually since, the Anglo or Scottish Indian historian. His book on the East India Company, "The Anarchy," is a classic. You begin in some ways your history of capitalism with the East India Company. What was it about the East India Company, John, that makes it different from other for-profit organizations in economic, Western economic history?John Cassidy: I mean, I read that. It's a great book, by the way. That was actually quoted in my chapter on these. Yeah, I remember. I mean, the reason I focused on it was for two reasons. Number one, I was looking for a start, a narrative start to the book. And it seemed to me, you know, the obvious place to start is with the start of the industrial revolution. If you look at economics history textbooks, that's where they always start with Arkwright and all the inventors, you know, who were the sort of techno-entrepreneurs of their time, the sort of British Silicon Valley, if you could think of it as, in Lancashire and Derbyshire in the late 18th century.So I knew I had to sort of start there in some way, but I thought that's a bit pat. Is there another way into it? And it turns out that in 1772 in England, there was a huge bailout of the East India Company, very much like the sort of 2008, 2009 bailout of Wall Street. The company got into trouble. So I thought, you know, maybe there's something there. And I eventually found this guy, William Bolts, who worked for the East India Company, turned into a whistleblower after he was fired for finagling in India like lots of the people who worked for the company did.So that gave me two things. Number one, it gave me—you know, I'm a writer, so it gave me something to focus on a narrative. His personal history is very interesting. But number two, it gave me a sort of foundation because industrial capitalism didn't come from nowhere. You know, it was built on top of a pre-existing form of capitalism, which we now call mercantile capitalism, which was very protectionist, which speaks to us now. But also it had these big monopolistic multinational companies.The East India Company, in some ways, was a very modern corporation. It had a headquarters in Leadenhall Street in the city of London. It had a board of directors, it had stockholders, the company sent out very detailed instructions to the people in the field in India and Indonesia and Malaysia who were traders who bought things from the locals there, brought them back to England on their company ships. They had a company army even to enforce—to protect their operations there. It was an incredible multinational corporation.So that was also, I think, fascinating because it showed that even in the pre-existing system, you know, big corporations existed, there were monopolies, they had royal monopolies given—first the East India Company got one from Queen Elizabeth. But in some ways, they were very similar to modern monopolistic corporations. And they had some of the problems we've seen with modern monopolistic corporations, the way they acted. And Bolts was the sort of first corporate whistleblower, I thought. Yeah, that was a way of sort of getting into the story, I think. Hopefully, you know, it's just a good read, I think.William Bolts's story because he was—he came from nowhere, he was Dutch, he wasn't even English and he joined the company as a sort of impoverished young man, went to India like a lot of English minor aristocrats did to sort of make your fortune. The way the company worked, you had to sort of work on company time and make as much money as you could for the company, but then in your spare time you're allowed to trade for yourself. So a lot of the—without getting into too much detail, but you know, English aristocracy was based on—you know, the eldest child inherits everything, so if you were the younger brother of the Duke of Norfolk, you actually didn't inherit anything. So all of these minor aristocrats, so major aristocrats, but who weren't first born, joined the East India Company, went out to India and made a fortune, and then came back and built huge houses. Lots of the great manor houses in southern England were built by people from the East India Company and they were known as Nabobs, which is an Indian term. So they were the sort of, you know, billionaires of their time, and it was based on—as I say, it wasn't based on industrial capitalism, it was based on mercantile capitalism.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the beginning of the book, which focuses on Bolts and the East India Company, brings to mind for me two things. Firstly, the intimacy of modern capitalism, modern industrial capitalism with colonialism and of course slavery—lots of books have been written on that. Touch on this and also the relationship between the birth of capitalism and the birth of liberalism or democracy. John Stuart Mill, of course, the father in many ways of Western democracy. His day job, ironically enough, or perhaps not ironically, was at the East India Company. So how do those two things connect, or is it just coincidental?John Cassidy: Well, I don't think it is entirely coincidental, I mean, J.S. Mill—his father, James Mill, was also a well-known philosopher in the sort of, obviously, in the earlier generation, earlier than him. And he actually wrote the official history of the East India Company. And I think they gave his son, the sort of brilliant protégé, J.S. Mill, a job as largely as a sort of sinecure, I think. But he did go in and work there in the offices three or four days a week.But I think it does show how sort of integral—the sort of—as you say, the inheritor and the servant in Britain, particularly, of colonial capitalism was. So the East India Company was, you know, it was in decline by that stage in the middle of the 19th century, but it didn't actually give up its monopoly. It wasn't forced to give up its monopoly on the Indian trade until 1857, after, you know, some notorious massacres and there was a sort of public outcry.So yeah, no, that's—it's very interesting that the British—it's sort of unique to Britain in a way, but it's interesting that industrial capitalism arose alongside this pre-existing capitalist structure and somebody like Mill is a sort of paradoxical figure because actually he was quite critical of aspects of industrial capitalism and supported sort of taxes on the rich, even though he's known as the great, you know, one of the great apostles of the free market and free market liberalism. And his day job, as you say, he was working for the East India Company.Andrew Keen: What about the relationship between the birth of industrial capitalism, colonialism and slavery? Those are big questions and I know you deal with them in some—John Cassidy: I think you can't just write an economic history of capitalism now just starting with the cotton industry and say, you know, it was all about—it was all about just technical progress and gadgets, etc. It was built on a sort of pre-existing system which was colonial and, you know, the slave trade was a central element of that. Now, as you say, there have been lots and lots of books written about it, the whole 1619 project got an incredible amount of attention a few years ago. So I didn't really want to rehash all that, but I did want to acknowledge the sort of role of slavery, especially in the rise of the cotton industry because of course, a lot of the raw cotton was grown in the plantations in the American South.So the way I actually ended up doing that was by writing a chapter about Eric Williams, a Trinidadian writer who ended up as the Prime Minister of Trinidad when it became independent in the 1960s. But when he was younger, he wrote a book which is now regarded as a classic. He went to Oxford to do a PhD, won a scholarship. He was very smart. I won a sort of Oxford scholarship myself but 50 years before that, he came across the Atlantic and did an undergraduate degree in history and then did a PhD there and his PhD thesis was on slavery and capitalism.And at the time, in the 1930s, the link really wasn't acknowledged. You could read any sort of standard economic history written by British historians, and they completely ignored that. He made the argument that, you know, slavery was integral to the rise of capitalism and he basically started an argument which has been raging ever since the 1930s and, you know, if you want to study economic history now you have to sort of—you know, have to have to address that. And the way I thought, even though the—it's called the Williams thesis is very famous. I don't think many people knew much about where it came from. So I thought I'd do a chapter on—Andrew Keen: Yeah, that chapter is excellent. You mentioned earlier the Luddites, you're from Yorkshire where Luddism in some ways was born. One of the early chapters is on the Luddites. We did a show with Brian Merchant, his book, "Blood in the Machine," has done very well, I'm sure you're familiar with it. I always understood the Luddites as being against industrialization, against the machine, as opposed to being against capitalism. But did those two things get muddled together in the history of the Luddites?John Cassidy: I think they did. I mean, you know, Luddites, when we grew up, I mean you're English too, you know to be called a Luddite was a term of abuse, right? You know, you were sort of antediluvian, anti-technology, you're stupid. It was only, I think, with the sort of computer revolution, the tech revolution of the last 30, 40 years and the sort of disruptions it's caused, that people have started to look back at the Luddites and say, perhaps they had a point.For them, they were basically pre-industrial capitalism artisans. They worked for profit-making concerns, small workshops. Some of them worked for themselves, so they were sort of sole proprietor capitalists. Or they worked in small venues, but the rise of industrial capitalism, factory capitalism or whatever, basically took away their livelihoods progressively. So they associated capitalism with new technology. In their minds it was the same. But their argument wasn't really a technological one or even an economic one, it was more a moral one. They basically made the moral argument that capitalists shouldn't have the right to just take away their livelihoods with no sort of recompense for them.At the time they didn't have any parliamentary representation. You know, they weren't revolutionaries. The first thing they did was create petitions to try and get parliament to step in, sort of introduce some regulation here. They got turned down repeatedly by the sort of—even though it was a very aristocratic parliament, places like Manchester and Leeds didn't have any representation at all. So it was only after that that they sort of turned violent and started, you know, smashing machines and machines, I think, were sort of symbols of the system, which they saw as morally unjust.And I think that's sort of what—obviously, there's, you know, a lot of technological disruption now, so we can, especially as it starts to come for the educated cognitive class, we can sort of sympathize with them more. But I think the sort of moral critique that there's this, you know, underneath the sort of great creativity and economic growth that capitalism produces, there is also a lot of destruction and a lot of victims. And I think that message, you know, is becoming a lot more—that's why I think why they've been rediscovered in the last five or ten years and I'm one of the people I guess contributing to that rediscovery.Andrew Keen: There's obviously many critiques of capitalism politically. I want to come to Marx in a second, but your chapter, I thought, on Thomas Carlyle and this nostalgic conservatism was very important and there are other conservatives as well. John, do you think that—and you mentioned Trump earlier, who is essentially a nostalgist for a—I don't know, some sort of bizarre pre-capitalist age in America. Is there something particularly powerful about the anti-capitalism of romantics like Carlyle, 19th century Englishman, there were many others of course.John Cassidy: Well, I think so. I mean, I think what is—conservatism, when we were young anyway, was associated with Thatcherism and Reaganism, which, you know, lionized the free market and free market capitalism and was a reaction against the pre-existing form of capitalism, Keynesian capitalism of the sort of 40s to the 80s. But I think what got lost in that era was the fact that there have always been—you've got Hayek up there, obviously—Andrew Keen: And then Keynes and Hayek, the two—John Cassidy: Right, it goes to the end of that. They had a great debate in the 1930s about these issues. But Hayek really wasn't a conservative person, and neither was Milton Friedman. They were sort of free market revolutionaries, really, that you'd let the market rip and it does good things. And I think that that sort of a view, you know, it just became very powerful. But we sort of lost sight of the fact that there was also a much older tradition of sort of suspicion of radical changes of any type. And that was what conservatism was about to some extent. If you think about Baldwin in Britain, for example.And there was a sort of—during the Industrial Revolution, some of the strongest supporters of factory acts to reduce hours and hourly wages for women and kids were actually conservatives, Tories, as they were called at the time, like Ashley. That tradition, Carlyle was a sort of extreme representative of that. I mean, Carlyle was a sort of proto-fascist, let's not romanticize him, he lionized strongmen, Frederick the Great, and he didn't really believe in democracy. But he also had—he was appalled by the sort of, you know, the—like, what's the phrase I'm looking for? The sort of destructive aspects of industrial capitalism, both on the workers, you know, he said it was a dehumanizing system, sounded like Marx in some ways. That it dehumanized the workers, but also it destroyed the environment.He was an early environmentalist. He venerated the environment, was actually very strongly linked to the transcendentalists in America, people like Thoreau, who went to visit him when he visited Britain and he saw the sort of destructive impact that capitalism was having locally in places like Manchester, which were filthy with filthy rivers, etc. So he just saw the whole system as sort of morally bankrupt and he was a great writer, Carlyle, whatever you think of him. Great user of language, so he has these great ringing phrases like, you know, the cash nexus or calling it the Gospel of Mammonism, the shabbiest gospel ever preached under the sun was industrial capitalism.So, again, you know, that's a sort of paradoxical thing, because I think for so long conservatism was associated with, you know, with support for the free market and still is in most of the Republican Party, but then along comes Trump and sort of conquers the party with a, you know, more skeptical, as you say, romantic, not really based on any reality, but a sort of romantic view that America can stand by itself in the world. I mean, I see Trump actually as a sort of an effort to sort of throw back to mercantile capitalism in a way. You know, which was not just pre-industrial, but was also pre-democracy, run by monarchs, which I'm sure appeals to him, and it was based on, you know, large—there were large tariffs. You couldn't import things in the UK. If you want to import anything to the UK, you have to send it on a British ship because of the navigation laws. It was a very protectionist system and it's actually, you know, as I said, had a lot of parallels with what Trump's trying to do or tries to do until he backs off.Andrew Keen: You cheat a little bit in the book in the sense that you—everyone has their own chapter. We'll talk a little bit about Hayek and Smith and Lenin and Friedman. You do have one chapter on Marx, but you also have a chapter on Engels. So you kind of cheat. You combine the two. Is it possible, though, to do—and you've just written this book, so you know this as well as anyone. How do you write a book about capitalism and its critics and only really give one chapter to Marx, who is so dominant? I mean, you've got lots of Marxists in the book, including Lenin and Luxemburg. How fundamental is Marx to a criticism of capitalism? Is most criticism, especially from the left, from progressives, is it really just all a footnote to Marx?John Cassidy: I wouldn't go that far, but I think obviously on the left he is the central figure. But there's an element of sort of trying to rebuild Engels a bit in this. I mean, I think of Engels and Marx—I mean obviously Marx wrote the great classic "Capital," etc. But in the 1840s, when they both started writing about capitalism, Engels was sort of ahead of Marx in some ways. I mean, the sort of materialist concept, the idea that economics rules everything, Engels actually was the first one to come up with that in an essay in the 1840s which Marx then published in one of his—in the German newspaper he worked for at the time, radical newspaper, and he acknowledged openly that that was really what got him thinking seriously about economics, and even in the late—in 20, 25 years later when he wrote "Capital," all three volumes of it and the Grundrisse, just these enormous outpourings of analysis on capitalism.He acknowledged Engels's role in that and obviously Engels wrote the first draft of the Communist Manifesto in 1848 too, which Marx then topped and tailed and—he was a better writer obviously, Marx, and he gave it the dramatic language that we all know it for. So I think Engels and Marx together obviously are the central sort of figures in the sort of left-wing critique. But they didn't start out like that. I mean, they were very obscure, you've got to remember.You know, they were—when they were writing, Marx was writing "Capital" in London, it never even got published in English for another 20 years. It was just published in German. He was basically an expat. He had been thrown out of Germany, he had been thrown out of France, so England was last resort and the British didn't consider him a threat so they were happy to let him and the rest of the German sort of left in there. I think it became—it became the sort of epochal figure after his death really, I think, when he was picked up by the left-wing parties, which are especially the SPD in Germany, which was the first sort of socialist mass party and was officially Marxist until the First World War and there were great internal debates.And then of course, because Lenin and the Russians came out of that tradition too, Marxism then became the official doctrine of the Soviet Union when they adopted a version of it. And again there were massive internal arguments about what Marx really meant, and in fact, you know, one interpretation of the last 150 years of left-wing sort of intellectual development is as a sort of argument about what did Marx really mean and what are the important bits of it, what are the less essential bits of it. It's a bit like the "what did Keynes really mean" that you get in liberal circles.So yeah, Marx, obviously, this is basically an intellectual history of critiques of capitalism. In that frame, he is absolutely a central figure. Why didn't I give him more space than a chapter and a chapter and a half with Engels? There have been a million books written about Marx. I mean, it's not that—it's not that he's an unknown figure. You know, there's a best-selling book written in Britain about 20 years ago about him and then I was quoting, in my biographical research, I relied on some more recent, more scholarly biographies. So he's an endlessly fascinating figure but I didn't want him to dominate the book so I gave him basically the same space as everybody else.Andrew Keen: You've got, as I said, you've got a chapter on Adam Smith who's often considered the father of economics. You've got a chapter on Keynes. You've got a chapter on Friedman. And you've got a chapter on Hayek, all the great modern economists. Is it possible, John, to be a distinguished economist one way or the other and not be a critic of capitalism?John Cassidy: Well, I don't—I mean, I think history would suggest that the greatest economists have been critics of capitalism in their own time. People would say to me, what the hell have you got Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek in a book about critics of capitalism? They were great exponents, defenders of capitalism. They loved the system. That is perfectly true. But in the 1930s, 40s, 50s, 60s, and 70s, middle of the 20th century, they were actually arch-critics of the ruling form of capitalism at the time, which was what I call managed capitalism. What some people call Keynesianism, what other people call European social democracy, whatever you call it, it was a model of a mixed economy in which the government played a large role both in propping up demand and in providing an extensive social safety net in the UK and providing public healthcare and public education. It was a sort of hybrid model.Most of the economy in terms of the businesses remained in private hands. So most production was capitalistic. It was a capitalist system. They didn't go to the Soviet model of nationalizing everything and Britain did nationalize some businesses, but most places didn't. The US of course didn't but it was a form of managed capitalism. And Hayek and Friedman were both great critics of that and wanted to sort of move back to 19th century laissez-faire model.Keynes was a—was actually a great, I view him anyway, as really a sort of late Victorian liberal and was trying to protect as much of the sort of J.S. Mill view of the world as he could, but he thought capitalism had one fatal flaw: that it tended to fall into recessions and then they can snowball and the whole system can collapse which is what had basically happened in the early 1930s until Keynesian policies were adopted. Keynes sort of differed from a lot of his followers—I have a chapter on Joan Robinson in there, who were pretty left-wing and wanted to sort of use Keynesianism as a way to shift the economy quite far to the left. Keynes didn't really believe in that. He has a famous quote that, you know, once you get to full employment, you can then rely on the free market to sort of take care of things. He was still a liberal at heart.Going back to Adam Smith, why is he in a book on criticism of capitalism? And again, it goes back to what I said at the beginning. He actually wrote "The Wealth of Nations"—he explains in the introduction—as a critique of mercantile capitalism. His argument was that he was a pro-free trader, pro-small business, free enterprise. His argument was if you get the government out of the way, we don't need these government-sponsored monopolies like the East India Company. If you just rely on the market, the sort of market forces and competition will produce a good outcome. So then he was seen as a great—you know, he is then seen as the apostle of free market capitalism. I mean when I started as a young reporter, when I used to report in Washington, all the conservatives used to wear Adam Smith badges. You don't see Donald Trump wearing an Adam Smith badge, but that was the case.He was also—the other aspect of Smith, which I highlight, which is not often remarked on—he's also a critic of big business. He has a famous section where he discusses the sort of tendency of any group of more than three businessmen when they get together to try and raise prices and conspire against consumers. And he was very suspicious of, as I say, large companies, monopolies. I think if Adam Smith existed today, I mean, I think he would be a big supporter of Lina Khan and the sort of antitrust movement, he would say capitalism is great as long as you have competition, but if you don't have competition it becomes, you know, exploitative.Andrew Keen: Yeah, if Smith came back to live today, you have a chapter on Thomas Piketty, maybe he may not be French, but he may be taking that position about how the rich benefit from the structure of investment. Piketty's core—I've never had Piketty on the show, but I've had some of his followers like Emmanuel Saez from Berkeley. Yeah. How powerful is Piketty's critique of capitalism within the context of the classical economic analysis from Hayek and Friedman? Yeah, it's a very good question.John Cassidy: It's a very good question. I mean, he's a very paradoxical figure, Piketty, in that he obviously shot to world fame and stardom with his book on capital in the 21st century, which in some ways he obviously used the capital as a way of linking himself to Marx, even though he said he never read Marx. But he was basically making the same argument that if you leave capitalism unrestrained and don't do anything about monopolies etc. or wealth, you're going to get massive inequality and he—I think his great contribution, Piketty and the school of people, one of them you mentioned, around him was we sort of had a vague idea that inequality was going up and that, you know, wages were stagnating, etc.What he and his colleagues did is they produced these sort of scientific empirical studies showing in very simple to understand terms how the sort of share of income and wealth of the top 10 percent, the top 5 percent, the top 1 percent and the top 0.1 percent basically skyrocketed from the 1970s to about 2010. And it was, you know, he was an MIT PhD. Saez, who you mentioned, is a Berkeley professor. They were schooled in neoclassical economics at Harvard and MIT and places like that. So the right couldn't dismiss them as sort of, you know, lefties or Trots or whatever who're just sort of making this stuff up. They had to acknowledge that this was actually an empirical reality.I think it did change the whole basis of the debate and it was sort of part of this reaction against capitalism in the 2010s. You know it was obviously linked to the sort of Sanders and the Occupy Wall Street movement at the time. It came out of the—you know, the financial crisis as well when Wall Street disgraced itself. I mean, I wrote a previous book on all that, but people have sort of, I think, forgotten the great reaction against that a decade ago, which I think even Trump sort of exploited, as I say, by using anti-banker rhetoric at the time.So, Piketty was a great figure, I think, from, you know, I was thinking, who are the most influential critics of capitalism in the 21st century? And I think you'd have to put him up there on the list. I'm not saying he's the only one or the most eminent one. But I think he is a central figure. Now, of course, you'd think, well, this is a really powerful critic of capitalism, and nobody's going to pick up, and Bernie's going to take off and everything. But here we are a decade later now. It seems to be what the backlash has produced is a swing to the right, not a swing to the left. So that's, again, a sort of paradox.Andrew Keen: One person I didn't expect to come up in the book, John, and I was fascinated with this chapter, is Silvia Federici. I've tried to get her on the show. We've had some books about her writing and her kind of—I don't know, you treat her critique as a feminist one. The role of women. Why did you choose to write a chapter about Federici and that feminist critique of capitalism?John Cassidy: Right, right. Well, I don't think it was just feminist. I'll explain what I think it was. Two reasons. Number one, I wanted to get more women into the book. I mean, it's in some sense, it is a history of economics and economic critiques. And they are overwhelmingly written by men and women were sort of written out of the narrative of capitalism for a very long time. So I tried to include as many sort of women as actual thinkers as I could and I have a couple of early socialist feminist thinkers, Anna Wheeler and Flora Tristan and then I cover some of the—I cover Rosa Luxemburg as the great sort of tribune of the left revolutionary socialist, communist whatever you want to call it. Anti-capitalist I think is probably also important to note about. Yeah, and then I also have Joan Robinson, but I wanted somebody to do something in the modern era, and I thought Federici, in the world of the Wages for Housework movement, is very interesting from two perspectives.Number one, Federici herself is a Marxist, and I think she probably would still consider herself a revolutionary. She's based in New York, as you know now. She lived in New York for 50 years, but she came from—she's originally Italian and came out of the Italian left in the 1960s, which was very radical. Do you know her? Did you talk to her? I didn't talk to her on this. No, she—I basically relied on, there has been a lot of, as you say, there's been a lot of stuff written about her over the years. She's written, you know, she's given various long interviews and she's written a book herself, a version, a history of housework, so I figured it was all there and it was just a matter of pulling it together.But I think the critique, why the critique is interesting, most of the book is a sort of critique of how capitalism works, you know, in the production or you know, in factories or in offices or you know, wherever capitalist operations are working, but her critique is sort of domestic reproduction, as she calls it, the role of unpaid labor in supporting capitalism. I mean it goes back a long way actually. There was this moment, I sort of trace it back to the 1940s and 1950s when there were feminists in America who were demonstrating outside factories and making the point that you know, the factory workers and the operations of the factory, it couldn't—there's one of the famous sort of tire factory in California demonstrations where the women made the argument, look this factory can't continue to operate unless we feed and clothe the workers and provide the next generation of workers. You know, that's domestic reproduction. So their argument was that housework should be paid and Federici took that idea and a couple of her colleagues, she founded the—it's a global movement, but she founded the most famous branch in New York City in the 1970s. In Park Slope near where I live actually.And they were—you call it feminists, they were feminists in a way, but they were rejected by the sort of mainstream feminist movement, the sort of Gloria Steinems of the world, who Federici was very critical of because she said they ignored, they really just wanted to get women ahead in the sort of capitalist economy and they ignored the sort of underlying from her perspective, the underlying sort of illegitimacy and exploitation of that system. So they were never accepted as part of the feminist movement. They're to the left of the Feminist Movement.Andrew Keen: You mentioned Keynes, of course, so central in all this, particularly his analysis of the role of automation in capitalism. We did a show recently with Robert Skidelsky and I'm sure you're familiar—John Cassidy: Yeah, yeah, great, great biography of Keynes.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the great biographer of Keynes, whose latest book is "Mindless: The Human Condition in the Age of AI." You yourself wrote a brilliant book on the last tech mania and dot-com capitalism. I used it in a lot of my writing and books. What's your analysis of AI in this latest mania and the role generally of manias in the history of capitalism and indeed in critiquing capitalism? Is AI just the next chapter of the dot-com boom?John Cassidy: I think it's a very deep question. I think I'd give two answers to it. In one sense it is just the latest mania the way—I mean, the way capitalism works is we have these, I go back to Kondratiev, one of my Russian economists who ended up being killed by Stalin. He was the sort of inventor of the long wave theory of capitalism. We have these short waves where you have sort of booms and busts driven by finance and debt etc. But we also have long waves driven by technology.And obviously, in the last 40, 50 years, the two big ones are the original deployment of the internet and microchip technology in the sort of 80s and 90s culminating in the dot-com boom of the late 90s, which as you say, I wrote about. Thanks very much for your kind comments on the book. If you just sort of compare it from a financial basis I think they are very similar just in terms of the sort of role of hype from Wall Street in hyping up these companies. The sort of FOMO aspect of it among investors that they you know, you can't miss out. So just buy the companies blindly. And the sort of lionization in the press and the media of, you know, of AI as the sort of great wave of the future.So if you take a sort of skeptical market based approach, I would say, yeah, this is just another sort of another mania which will eventually burst and it looked like it had burst for a few weeks when Trump put the tariffs up, now the market seemed to be recovering. But I think there is, there may be something new about it. I am not, I don't pretend to be a technical expert. I try to rely on the evidence of or the testimony of people who know the systems well and also economists who have studied it. It seems to me the closer you get to it the more alarming it is in terms of the potential shock value that there is there.I mean Trump and the sort of reaction to a larger extent can be traced back to the China shock where we had this global shock to American manufacturing and sort of hollowed out a lot of the industrial areas much of it, like industrial Britain was hollowed out in the 80s. If you, you know, even people like Altman and Elon Musk, they seem to think that this is going to be on a much larger scale than that and will basically, you know, get rid of the professions as they exist. Which would be a huge, huge shock. And I think a lot of the economists who studied this, who four or five years ago were relatively optimistic, people like Daron Acemoglu, David Autor—Andrew Keen: Simon Johnson, of course, who just won the Nobel Prize, and he's from England.John Cassidy: Simon, I did an event with Simon earlier this week. You know they've studied this a lot more closely than I have but I do interview them and I think five, six years ago they were sort of optimistic that you know this could just be a new steam engine or could be a microchip which would lead to sort of a lot more growth, rising productivity, rising productivity is usually associated with rising wages so sure there'd be short-term costs but ultimately it would be a good thing. Now, I think if you speak to them, they see since the, you know, obviously, the OpenAI—the original launch and now there's just this huge arms race with no government involvement at all I think they're coming to the conclusion that rather than being developed to sort of complement human labor, all these systems are just being rushed out to substitute for human labor. And it's just going, if current trends persist, it's going to be a China shock on an even bigger scale.You know what is going to, if that, if they're right, that is going to produce some huge political backlash at some point, that's inevitable. So I know—the thing when the dot-com bubble burst, it didn't really have that much long-term impact on the economy. People lost the sort of fake money they thought they'd made. And then the companies, obviously some of the companies like Amazon and you know Google were real genuine profit-making companies and if you bought them early you made a fortune. But AI does seem a sort of bigger, scarier phenomenon to me. I don't know. I mean, you're close to it. What do you think?Andrew Keen: Well, I'm waiting for a book, John, from you. I think you can combine dot-com and capitalism and its critics. We need you probably to cover it—you know more about it than me. Final question, I mean, it's a wonderful book and we haven't even scratched the surface everyone needs to get it. I enjoyed the chapter, for example, on Karl Polanyi and so much more. I mean, it's a big book. But my final question, John, is do you have any regrets about anyone you left out? The one person I would have liked to have been included was Rawls because of his sort of treatment of capitalism and luck as a kind of casino. I'm not sure whether you gave any thought to Rawls, but is there someone in retrospect you should have had a chapter on that you left out?John Cassidy: There are lots of people I left out. I mean, that's the problem. I mean there have been hundreds and hundreds of critics of capitalism. Rawls, of course, incredibly influential and his idea of the sort of, you know, the veil of ignorance that you should judge things not knowing where you are in the income distribution and then—Andrew Keen: And it's luck. I mean the idea of some people get lucky and some people don't.John Cassidy: It is the luck of the draw, obviously, what card you pull. I think that is a very powerful critique, but I just—because I am more of an expert on economics, I tended to leave out philosophers and sociologists. I mean, you know, you could say, where's Max Weber? Where are the anarchists? You know, where's Emma Goldman? Where's John Kenneth Galbraith, the sort of great mid-century critic of American industrial capitalism? There's so many people that you could include. I mean, I could have written 10 volumes. In fact, I refer in the book to, you know, there's always been a problem. G.D.H. Cole, a famous English historian, wrote a history of socialism back in the 1960s and 70s. You know, just getting to 1850 took him six volumes. So, you've got to pick and choose, and I don't claim this is the history of capitalism and its critics. That would be a ridiculous claim to make. I just claim it's a history written by me, and hopefully the people are interested in it, and they're sufficiently diverse that you can address all the big questions.Andrew Keen: Well it's certainly incredibly timely. Capitalism and its critics—more and more of them. Sometimes they don't even describe themselves as critics of capitalism when they're talking about oligarchs or billionaires, they're really criticizing capitalism. A must read from one of America's leading journalists. And would you call yourself a critic of capitalism, John?John Cassidy: Yeah, I guess I am, to some extent, sure. I mean, I'm not a—you know, I'm not on the far left, but I'd say I'm a center-left critic of capitalism. Yes, definitely, that would be fair.Andrew Keen: And does the left need to learn? Does everyone on the left need to read the book and learn the language of anti-capitalism in a more coherent and honest way?John Cassidy: I hope so. I mean, obviously, I'd be talking my own book there, as they say, but I hope that people on the left, but not just people on the left. I really did try to sort of be fair to the sort of right-wing critiques as well. I included the Carlyle chapter particularly, obviously, but in the later chapters, I also sort of refer to this emerging critique on the right, the sort of economic nationalist critique. So hopefully, I think people on the right could read it to understand the critiques from the left, and people on the left could read it to understand some of the critiques on the right as well.Andrew Keen: Well, it's a lovely book. It's enormously erudite and simultaneously readable. Anyone who likes John Cassidy's work from The New Yorker will love it. Congratulations, John, on the new book, and I'd love to get you back on the show as anti-capitalism in America picks up steam and perhaps manifests itself in the 2028 election. Thank you so much.John Cassidy: Thanks very much for inviting me on, it was fun.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

In this episode, Scott Becker questions the current state of fiscal conservatism in the Republican Party amid reports of a new tax bill that could add trillions to the national deficit.

Caller shocked that tariffs caused doubling or more of many 'dollar' store prices and shrinkage. Joe Walsh on whether MAGA & the Republican Party will change or continue to be fooled by Trumpism.Subscribe to our Newsletter:https://politicsdoneright.com/newsletterPurchase our Books: As I See It: https://amzn.to/3XpvW5o How To Make AmericaUtopia: https://amzn.to/3VKVFnG It's Worth It: https://amzn.to/3VFByXP Lose Weight And BeFit Now: https://amzn.to/3xiQK3K Tribulations of anAfro-Latino Caribbean man: https://amzn.to/4c09rbE

Model, activist and former National Spokeswoman for the Republican Party, Elizabeth Pipko, joins People Jew Wanna Know to reflect on supporting the Trump campaign and the current state of politics. This episode is a front row seat into the world of people closest to Donald Trump. Margarita and Elizabeth discuss Elizabeth's work for the Republican party, her Russian-speaking Jewish upbringing, and her new non-profit - Chabad Friends. Follow Elizabeth on Instagram @elizabethpipko .What We Discuss: 00:00 Intro & Episode Agenda 06:08 Elizabeth's path into politics from modeling08:22 What was it like to support Trump's latest campaign? 11:06 Elizabeth's Jewish upbringing & identity 14:12 Elizabeth's take on what's happening to the Jewry right now16:40 How to keep going when experiencing antisemitism & political polarization 22:45 "I could not get closer to the campaign unless I was Donald Trump himself" 23:30 Do you have an obligation to vote for someone else's interests? 26:00 Chabad Friends - what is it? 29:40 Can we make progress on antisemitism in the next 4 years? 33:27 A message to young Jews - get religious! 38:05 Closing Remarks & Guest Nomination

On this episode of Plain Talk, Sen. Josh Boschee, a Democrat from Fargo, characterized the just-completed legislative session as marked by crucial victories but also "too many missed opportunities" and numerous "close calls on bad Republican bills." He emphasized how Republicans and Democrats worked together to achieve both. Among the victories? Passing Gov. Kelly Armstrong's property tax plan, which implements $1,600 primary residence property tax credits and 3% caps on growth in property tax bills. Noting his day job in real estate, Boschee extolled "how much this is going to help make housing more affordable throughout our state." He highlighted that the reform could potentially "completely wipe out" property taxes for lower-priced or rural homes or those in smaller communities, allowing residents to invest that money in home repairs, buy a larger home, or open up more affordable housing stock for others. And the bad bills? Boschee said those included "book bans, what teachers are teaching in the classroom, which bathrooms people are using," and issues related to "abortion and gay marriage." Most of those initiatives failed, and Boschee said that's because "a faction of the Republican party worked with Democrats to defeat a lot of those bills." Boschee also praised former Rep. Cynthia Schreiber Beck, who passed away recently. She was someone who "got things done for Richland County or District 25," he said. "Someone that we could all depend on and trust" and who "told you like it was."  "If she wasn't going to support your idea, you knew it," he said, but if she liked your idea, she "would work with you to make it better or to get it across the finish line." Also on this episode, co-host Chad Oban and I discuss the impact the property tax cap may have on the ways North Dakota communities develop, and how the state's new ban on cell phones in schools will play out. This episode is presented by Lignite Energy Council, an organization dedicated to protecting and enhancing the development of North Dakota's abundant lignite resouces. Their goal is to maintain a viable lignite coal industry and support the generation of electrcity, syntheitc natural gas, and valuable byproducts. Visit www.Lignite.com/Podcast to connect and learn more. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

In this episode of Passing Judgment, we examine the legal controversy over James Comey's deleted “8647” social media post and the ensuing federal investigation. Host Jessica Levinson analyzes whether Comey's message amounted to an unlawful threat against former president Trump or was simply protected political speech. She guides listeners through the legal standards for incitement, fighting words, and true threats, concluding that the greater threat may be government efforts to silence political opponents. Here are three key takeaways you don't want to miss:James Comey's Social Media Post: Jessica Levinson introduces the controversy surrounding former FBI director James Comey, who is under federal investigation for a now-deleted social media post featuring shells arranged as "8647" on the beach. The crux of the issue is whether this was a coded call to "get rid of" (86) President Trump, who is both the 45th and 47th president, or simply a form of political commentary.The Legal Question: Free Speech vs. True Threats: Levinson dives into the central legal dilemma: Was Comey advocating violence, or exercising his First Amendment right to political speech? She explains the importance of distinguishing between punishable incitement or threats and protected political advocacy.Historical and Contextual Perspective: The episode puts this controversy in a broader context, mentioning similar uses of "86" by other politicians, notably Matt Gaetz, without triggering federal investigations. Levinson argues that context matters—whether the intent is referencing a metaphorical political ouster or a literal threat.Follow Our Host: @LevinsonJessica

How did one of our major political parties abandon its principles? And what do voters make of that shift? Host Alex Lovit is joined by Sarah Longwell—a political strategist who broke from the Republican party when it acquiesced to Trump's authoritarian tendencies. She went on to cofound a media outlet (The Bulwark) and an advocacy organization (Defending Democracy Together) to advance pro-conservative causes. She's also the host of The Focus Group podcast and a senior fellow at the Charles F. Kettering Foundation. This episode is part one of a two-part conversation. Come back next week for part two. https://www.thebulwark.com/ https://www.defendingdemocracytogether.org/

Former Rep. Joe Walsh (R-IL) discusses MAGA and whether they realize that the price increases in Walmart and Dollar stores are due to Trump's tariffs, which are paying for the tax cuts and more.Subscribe to our Newsletter:https://politicsdoneright.com/newsletterPurchase our Books: As I See It: https://amzn.to/3XpvW5o How To Make AmericaUtopia: https://amzn.to/3VKVFnG It's Worth It: https://amzn.to/3VFByXP Lose Weight And BeFit Now: https://amzn.to/3xiQK3K Tribulations of anAfro-Latino Caribbean man: https://amzn.to/4c09rbE

Thank you Independent Voter 1, Jane B In NC

Here's your local news for Monday, May 19, 2025:We find out how Madison Public Library is celebrating a big anniversary,Hear what rural leaders had to say at a summit this month in Iowa,Get an inside look into the Republican Party of Wisconsin's annual convention this weekend,Share the local government's calendar for the week ahead,Mark the anniversary of a teachers strike in Mexico,Teach you how to make a Prohibition-era cocktail,Review two new features,And much more.

Jay Nordlinger, formerly of National Review and the author of the Onward and Upward Substack, joins Jamie Weinstein to discuss President Donald Trump's MAGAfication of the GOP. They explore themes of corruption, transparency, American exceptionalism, and the evolution of the Republican Party, while reflecting on the legacy of conservatism and the future of conservative journalism. —The first 100 days—Andrew Jackson 2.0?—The Middle East tour—Stories about Bill Buckley—The future of conservative journalism Show Notes—Jay's farewell post at National Review—Jay's Substack Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:    5/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1951 KOREA

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:    8/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1950 KOREA

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:    7/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1951 KOREA SAINT PAUL

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:   6/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1951 KOREA

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:    2/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1950 KOREA

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:   4/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1951 KOREA

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:    3/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1951 KOREA

OPEN OF THE COLD WAR:   1/8: In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World in 1950 by  Nick Bunker  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Fear-America-World-1950/dp/1541675541/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= In the Shadow of Fear describes the end of one era and the beginning of another. Joseph Stalin tested his first atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and in America the age of FDR gave way to the beginnings of a new conservatism. An aggressive Republican Party, desperate to regain power, seized on rifts among its opponents, and Truman's program for universal health care and civil rights reform went down to defeat. The young Senator Joe McCarthy ambushed Truman and his party with a style of politics that aroused powerful emotions and deepened division. On the eve of the Korean War, a new mood of anger in the nation left many Americans calling in vain for a return to consensus. 1950 KOREA                                                           

Send us a textThe soul of the Republican Party hangs in the balance. Reagan's three-legged stool of conservatism—faith, freedom, and force—has been kicked aside by those wielding megaphones instead of manifestos. As a combat veteran and state representative, I've watched with growing alarm as the hard right has hijacked our platform, replacing substance with soundbites and policy with performative outrage.This episode pulls no punches in examining what we've lost and what's at stake. The Republican platform was never meant to be a collection of grievances but a blueprint for responsible governance. Today's self-proclaimed "true conservatives" don't legislate—they lambast. They offer no economic plans, no water policy, no solutions for schools or veterans. They've gutted our platform of substance and replaced it with theater.Remember when Reagan said the person who agrees with you 80% of the time is a friend and ally, not a 20% traitor? That wisdom seems forgotten in an era where purity tests trump pragmatism. The consequences are measurable: in Arizona alone, we're bleeding registered Republicans not because voters are becoming liberal, but because they're disillusioned with the infighting and lack of vision.The path forward requires responsible conservatives grounded in policy, not performance—results, not retweets. We need leaders who understand that conservatism isn't a menu you pick from but a comprehensive mission. We need to stop asking "Are you Republican enough?" and start asking "Are you doing the job we elected you to do?"If you believe in conservatism, not chaos—policy, not posturing—then this call to action is for you. Stand up, speak out, step in. Because if we don't fight for the soul of this party now, we'll lose more than elections. We'll lose the very principles we set out to defend. Join me every Saturday at 7pm as we build not just a show, but a movement to reclaim the conservative promise of America.Support the show

JD Vance is one heartbeat away from the presidency, and he's a big part of the Republican Party's future. It turns out, his ideas are also part of the reason the second Trump term has been a lot more pure MAGA than the first. POLITICO's Ian Ward returns to the show to recap Vance's first few months in office, his political future, and go deep on some of the New Right's major intellectual influences. By Ian Ward: The Spiritual Case for Greenland There's No Need to Guess. JD Vance Is Ready to Ignore the Courts. Curtis Yarvin's Ideas Were Fringe. Now They're Coursing Through Trump's Washington. The Seven Thinkers and Groups That Have Shaped JD Vance's Unusual Worldview Go to https://surfshark.com/thefocusgroup or use code thefocusgroup at checkout to get 4 extra months of Surfshark VPN!

This is The Zone of Disruption! This is the I AM RAPAPORT: STEREO PODCAST! His name is Michael Rapaport aka The Gringo Mandingo aka aka The People's Pickle aka The Jewish Brad Pitt aka Captain Colitis aka The Disruptive Warrior and he is here to discuss: The process of making a podcast, his episode with Colin Quinn about Lenny Bruce, how Qatar has so much power & money, The Tucker Carlson side of the Republican Party, Kanye West's antics & a whole lotta mo'. This episode is not to be missed! CaptainPicks To Win In Sports Betting: https://www.winible.com/checkout/1357777109057032537?store_url=/captainpicks&c=kickoff Rate & Review on Apple Podcasts or Spotify Send questions & concerns to: iamrapaportpodcast@gmail.com Subscribe to Rapaport's Reality Feeds: iHeartRadio: https://www.iheart.com/podcast/867-rapaports-reality-with-keb-171162927/ Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/rapaports-reality-with-kebe-michael-rapaport/id1744160673 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/3a9ArixCtWRhfpfo1Tz7MR Pandora: https://www.pandora.com/podcast/rapaports-reality-with-kebe-michael-rapaport/PC:1001087456 Amazon Music: https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/a776919e-ad8c-4b4b-90c6-f28e41fe1d40/rapaports-reality-with-kebe-michael-rapaport Stand Up Comedy Tickets on sale at: MichaelRapaportComedy.com If you are interested in NCAA, MLB, NBA, NFL & UFC Picks/Parlays Follow @CaptainPicksWins on Instagram & subscribe to packages at www.CaptainPicks.com www.dbpodcasts.com Produced by DBPodcasts.comFollow @dbpodcasts, @iamrapaport, @michaelrapaport on TikTok, Twitter & InstagramMusic by Jansport J (Follow @JansportJ) www.JansportJMusic.comSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

BONUS PREVIEW: In a new episode of Trumpland exclusively for our MSNBC Premium subscribers, Chris Hayes joins to talk about what it's been like to cover this whirlwind time. Listen here to a preview of his conversation with Alex Wagner and sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts to hear the full bonus episode. Plus, when you subscribe, you'll get all MSNBC podcasts ad-free. 

My former political party, the Republican Party, is a cult. To stay in the party, you must pledge fealty to Trump. If you speak the truth about Trump or criticize Trump, you're banished from the party. Democrats should be different. Voters would appreciate Democrats being different. Which is why Democrats should acknowledge the truth about Biden. Also today, my interview on small businesses with Vermont Senator Peter Welch. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Elissa Slotkin narrowly won her Senate seat in Michigan last fall, she was one of only four Democratic senators to claim victory in a state that voted for Donald Trump. It made other Democrats take note: since then, the Party has turned to her as someone who can bridge the red state–blue state divide. In March, Slotkin delivered the Democrats' rebuttal to Trump's speech before Congress, and she's been making headlines for criticizing her own party's attempts to rein in the President and the Republican Party. She thinks Democrats need to start projecting “alpha energy,” that identity politics “needs to go the way of the dodo,” and that Democrats should drop the word “oligarchy” from their vocabulary entirely. Slotkin prides herself on her bipartisanship, and she believes that Democrats must use old-school collegial collaboration in Congress. And, as different Democratic leaders have appeared on The New Yorker Radio Hour in the past few months, discussing what the next four years might have in store, Slotkin tells David Remnick about a different path forward. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Dave Rubin of “The Rubin Report” talks to Evan Sayet about writing jokes for both Bill Maher and Donald Trump; the collapse of classical liberalism and the left's radical shift; how 1960s Marxist radicals infiltrated academia and media; the rise of socialism and communism in the Democratic Party; the importance of a healthy two party system; why actual liberal values now align with conservatism; the threat of a Republican Party split; his “Adopt a Democrat” strategy for grassroots political change; the power of comedy in shaping political discourse; and much more. Check out the NEW RUBIN REPORT MERCH here: https://daverubin.store/ ---------- Today's Sponsors: 1775 Coffee - Get 1775's Starter Kit. All single-origin, small batch, mold-free and toxin-free. Get your 1775 Coffee starter kit worth $170 for only $99. The initial launch is only 1,000 units - get it while you can. Go to: https://1775coffee.com/RUBIN and use code RUBIN Lean - A powerful weight loss supplement with remarkable results to help lower blood sugar, burn fat by converting it into energy, and curb your appetite. Rubin Report viewers get 20% off plus free rush shipping off their first order! Go to: https://TakeLean.com and enter promo code RUBIN20 for your discount Tax Network USA - If you owe back taxes or have unfiled returns, don't let the government take advantage of you. Whether you owe a few thousand or a few million, they can help you. Call 1(800)-958-1000 for a private, free consultation or Go to: https://tnusa.com/dave Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices