Podcasts about republicans

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, Abdul El-Sayed, who is running for the Democratic nomination for Senate from Michigan, is a very sick person, full of hate. He is on record supporting driver's licenses for illegals, opposing cooperation with ICE, and says America was founded on slavery. Slavery actually existed all over the world when America was founded: Black tribes sold other Africans to Europeans. Slavery exists today in Africa - where Islamists kill and capture Christians in Nigeria -- and in the Middle East. Women are treated horribly in the Middle East, North Africa and Pakistan -- all Islamic areas. America fought a Civil War and amended our Constitution to rid this country of slavery. Nirvana has never existed anywhere, but the America of today is as close as it has ever come. Meanwhile, issues like universal healthcare are falsely cast as civil rights to advance a Marxist agenda that expands “democracy” and “rights” while threatening programs like Medicare and opposing enforcement against illegal immigration; supporting candidates like Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan would harm both the state and the country. Also, Sen Chris Van Hollen is a radical nut job, Jew hater, and Israel hater. Van Hollen defends Democrats against communist labels by citing Republican attacks on FDR over Social Security. What did FDR do? FDR created internment camps of 120,000 Japanese Americans, refusing to sign a bipartisan anti-lynching bill to protect Southern votes, imposing Jewish immigration quotas during the Holocaust, and enacting socialist policies including industrial trusts and price/wage controls that prolonged the Depression, arguing socialism redistributes rather than creates wealth. Later, Wisconsin Governor candidate Francesca Hong views Thanksgiving as racist and posted in 2021 that Americans should cancel it. This is the problem with insufficiently patriotic immigrants welcomed into the Democratic Party's big tent. In breaking news, authorities arrested a man Sunday at President Trump's Los Angeles-area golf course after he appeared to monitor security preparations two days ahead of a fundraiser there. The man, who was taking photos and video, carried a 16-round magazine with ammunition in his pocket; a loaded pistol was recovered from his car. He was charged with allegedly carrying a concealed firearm and possessing prohibited ammunition. The arrest was announced by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department as Trump prepared to arrive for a Republican National Committee fundraising dinner at the Trump National Golf Course in Rancho Palos Verdes. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

A GOP congressman's baby has a broken collarbone. Trump's Acting Attorney General just erased his tax bill. And there's a war Trump can't admit he's lost. In this episode: A Republican congressman's ex-wife accuses him of drug abuse and breaking their baby's collarbone — the House Ethics Committee is now investigating his drug abuse Trump's handpicked Attorney General settles Trump's own tax lawsuit against the government he runs The Iran war update nobody in the administration wants to say out loud Trump scolds oil companies for not thanking him while blaming them for high gas prices A second House Republican gets hit with rare ethics censure recommendation Ohio's Senate and Governor races, and why the GOP nominee got booed off the stage A full tour of the Senate races that will decide who controls Washington in 90 days Why Democrats suppressed their own internal autopsy report after 2024 Key figures covered: Max Miller, Bernie Moreno, Jeanine Pirro, Todd Blanche, Vivek Ramaswamy, Amy Acton, Sherrod Brown, Chuck Edwards, Susan Collins, Donald Trump Recorded LIVE Tuesday, August 4, 2026 at 6:05 PM Eastern Time. Subscribe for more coverage of the stories the other side hopes you don't see.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit www.thebulwark.comSarah's on vacation, so Sam, Tim, and JVL discuss:-Live results from the (unexpectedly close) Michigan Senate primary, and discuss what an Abdul El-Sayed or Haley Stevens win would mean for November.-The horrifying child abuse allegations against Rep. Max Miller, and his disastrous CNN interview.-Trump's anger at Jeanine Pirro after she dropped vandalism charges related to the reflecting pool.-Todd Blanche advancing out of the Senate Judiciary Committee-Finally, they discuss JVL's triad about democratic socialists (meh) versus social democrats (better), and how Democrats can stop letting Republicans set the narrative of this election.

As Republicans push the SAVE Act and President Trump continues to cast doubt on the integrity of elections, the debate over election security and voter confidence has become more polarized than ever. Preet Bharara and Joyce Vance are joined by veteran Republican election lawyer Ben Ginsberg to discuss the state of voting rights and what can be done to strengthen confidence in American elections. This is an excerpt from the conversation. In the full episode, they dive deeper into election issues, including President Trump's efforts to nationalize voting, his continued fight against mail-in ballots, and whether the proposed changes will impact this year's midterm elections. Plus: D.C. U.S. Attorney Jeanine Pirro's decision to drop the criminal case against a 67-year-old Olympian accused of vandalizing the Lincoln Memorial reflecting pool. Not an Insider? Now more than ever, it's critical to stay tuned. To join a community of reasoned voices in unreasonable times, become an Insider today. You'll get access to full episodes of the podcast and other exclusive content. Head to staytuned.substack.com. Insiders click HERE to listen to the full analysis. Subscribe to our YouTube channel. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On Monday's Mark Levin Show, it's particularly annoying that numerous national political figures refuse to discuss the significant and growing Islamist threat in the United States. Islamism is the greatest cultural threat we face. What is the ruling class is doing to stop Islamists from entering the country? Are we reviewing the status of those already here who promote radical views? Conservatives need to take over at the local level and reject mosque expansions, which isn't about restricting religious freedom but defending it against Islamist intolerance of religious diversity. Meanwhile, whatever happened to the women's rights groups? It seems with the rise of Islamists and the abuse of women, they've all but disappeared. No marches.  No press conferences. No congressional testimony. Where are they? Later, capitalism is responsible for America's core modern advantages—electricity, clean running water, automobiles, abundant varied food, and the most successful prosperous society in history—because it generates the broad middle class and wealth that make government programs possible. Communist or socialist systems produce starvation, repression, and no real opportunity for the poor to rise, while people flee them for American freedom and capitalism rather than the reverse. America's middle class is the wealthiest, best-fed, clothed, and housed on earth precisely because of capitalist opportunity, mobility, and innovation, not government. Afterward, a New York Post article reports that an Iranian revolution could erupt any day as protest leaders seek arms amid executions, economic collapse, and a war lasting more than five months. It is urgent to arm the Iranian people, provide them support, air cover, and satellite intelligence on enemy locations before it is too late. The Iranian regime fears its own citizens more than any external enemy and is at war with them.  Finally, Rep Byron Donalds calls in and stressed that the SAVE America Act must pass. Senators are still operating as if it were 1996 under Bill Clinton, calling Democrats true radicals who would eliminate the filibuster if they gained control. Donalds argued Republicans should abolish the filibuster now to pass the SAVE America Act and President Trump's proven border security measures, then advance sound energy policy including nuclear infrastructure for affordable power, along with other reforms such as healthcare. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Two republican holdouts reverse course on President Trump's Attorney General pick. Ukraine and Russia trade deadly drone attacks. And experts say a FEMA flood map ‘misunderstanding' has left millions without insurance.  AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

August 3, 2026; 8pm: Tonight, Jamie Raskin on Trump's slush fund and the fate of Todd Blanche. Plus, the surreal Republican double standard for allegations of abuse. Then, is Donald Trump about to fire his Fox News prosecutor over the reflecting pool fiasco? And Sen. Bernie Sanders on the national implications of Michigan's big vote. Want more of Chris? Download and follow his podcast, “Why Is This Happening? The Chris Hayes podcast” wherever you get your podcasts.To listen to this show and other MS podcasts without ads, sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Abdulrahman Mohamed El-Sayed is the frontrunner in the Democratic primary in MI for Senate. Republican consultants think the Republican candidate has a better chance against this extremist, but I think we shouldn't play with fire.

Two Puyallup school officials have finally been charged for their delayed reporting of an alleged sexual assault against a female wrestler by a trans-identifying boy. Guest: Small business owner Spencer Meline is a Republican running for Washington's 8th congressional district.  // Big Local: State and federal resources are being mobilized to Spokane to combat wildfires. Vancouver will have to stop prosecuting some crimes due to a public defender shortage. Paine Field is receiving a new control tower simulator. // You Pick the Topic: The social media site Myspace is trying to make a comeback.

Back early from vacation, Erick pulls back the curtain on what Republican pollsters, focus groupers, strategists, donors, and corporate money men are all telling him: James Talarico is leading Ken Paxton in Texas right now, and the fortune the GOP must spend to rescue Paxton could cost them Georgia, North Carolina, Ohio, and Michigan, where […]

Jeanine Pirro just left the White House as President Trump weighs whether to fire her over the Reflecting Pool case. GOP Congressman Max Miller is defiant despite allegations of domestic abuse from his ex-wife. Is he going to cost Republicans a seat?  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Give to help Chris make Truce Our season has spent a lot of time looking at how some evangelicals tied themselves to the GOP as the party became more conservative. But not every evangelical Republican was taken in by the conservative swing. In this episode, we're taking a look at Senator Mark Hatfield, an evangelical Republican who didn't follow the pack. Senator Mark Hatfield had a long and influential career in public service spanning nearly five decades. After serving in the U.S. Navy during World War II and earning degrees from Willamette University and Stanford University, Hatfield began his political journey in the Oregon Legislature, winning election to the Oregon House of Representatives in 1950 and then to the Oregon State Senate in 1954. He went on to become Oregon's youngest Secretary of State at age 34 and was elected Governor of Oregon in 1958, where he served two terms and oversaw the expansion of the state's infrastructure and environmental programs. In 1966, Hatfield was elected to the U.S. Senate, beginning a 30-year tenure that made him the longest-serving senator in Oregon's history at the time. In the Senate, Hatfield was known as a moderate Republican who often put conscience ahead of party, particularly on issues of war and defense spending. Deeply shaped by his wartime experiences and Christian faith, he consistently opposed military authorization bills, including votes against the Vietnam War and the Persian Gulf War, and co-sponsored efforts like a nuclear freeze resolution. Hatfield twice chaired the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee, using that position to direct federal funds to Oregon for health, transportation, and research projects, and to support biomedical research at institutions like the National Institutes of Health. His independent approach earned him respect across party lines, and although the GOP shifted rightward over time, he remained a distinctive figure in national politics until his retirement in 1997. Sources: IMDB and Amazon reviews of the movie Bringing up Bobby Stand Alone or Go Home by Lon Fendall Transcript of the Keynote Address by Gov. Hatfield at G.O.P. Convention, NY Times, July 14, 1964 “CONVENTION ENDS; Extremism in Defense of Liberty ‘No Vice,' Arizonan Asserts” New York Times, July 17, 1964 Before the Storm by Rick Perlstein With God on Our Side by William C Martin FBI files on Mark Hatfield from archive.org Conflict and Conscience by Mark O. Hatfield. Between A Rock and A Hard Place by Mark O Hatfield Nixonland by Rick Perlstein “When a Candidate Conspired With a Foreign Power to Win An Election” by John A Farrell. Politico website, August 6, 2017. H. R. 17123 “The Amendment to End the War” Bill Bright and Campus Crusade for Christ by John G Turner One Nation Under God by Rus Walton “Born Again Politics” New York Times by Gary Wills. August 1, 1976. Congressional record, February 28, 1978. Discussion Questions: How would you describe Hatfield's faith? How did Hatfield defy conservative Republican evangelicals? Why did Hatfield oppose the Vietnam War? Would you have the courage to do what Hatfield did? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This episode is presented by Create A Video – The top five candidates in the polling debated last night for the Republican nomination for US Senate in South Carolina. The tight time constraints limited any in-depth discussion of topics and there were no real standout moments. The early voting runs Aug. 5-7 with the primary election on Aug. 11.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-kaliner-show--6946691/support.Subscribe to the podcast My preferred podcast platform: SpreakerAll the links to Pete's Prep are free!Get exclusive content here!Media Bias Check: GroundNews promo code!Advertising and Booking inquiries: Pete@ThePeteKalinerShow.com  

This episode is presented by Create A Video – North Carolina Rep. Chuck Edwards faces censure after a House Ethics Committee investigation into inappropriate conduct towards two young female staffers. But the District 11 Republican's office says the committee report exonerates him because there was no sexual relationships. What the report spells out sure seems like grooming.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-kaliner-show--6946691/support.Subscribe to the podcast My preferred podcast platform: SpreakerAll the links to Pete's Prep are free!Get exclusive content here!Media Bias Check: GroundNews promo code!Advertising and Booking inquiries: Pete@ThePeteKalinerShow.com  

Abdulrahman Mohamed El-Sayed is the frontrunner in the Democratic primary in MI for Senate. Republican consultants think the Republican candidate has a better chance against this extremist, but I think we shouldn't play with fire.

The California Conundrum: Can the Republican Party Break the Democratic Supermajority?This episode of the John Phillips Show delves into the complexities of California's political landscape, where the Republican Party struggles to make a dent in the Democratic supermajority. Joining John Phillips is Professor Barbara Stone, a renowned expert in political science, who shares her insights on the challenges facing the Republican Party in California. From the recent leadership shake-up in Sacramento to the state's economic woes, this conversation covers it all.Professor Stone explains how the Republican Party's lack of power in the state legislature leads to a "go along to get along" approach, where some Republicans collaborate with Democrats to pass legislation, often at the expense of their own party's interests. She also discusses the importance of building relationships with Hispanic communities, citing the example of Dick Riordan's successful campaign for mayor of Los Angeles. However, she notes that this approach requires time, effort, and a willingness to listen to and engage with the community.The conversation also touches on the recent California Supreme Court decision that has made it more difficult for judges to keep repeat offenders in custody before trial. This ruling has sparked concerns among district attorneys, who argue that it will lead to more crimes going unpunished. Professor Stone and John Phillips discuss the implications of this decision and how it may impact public safety in California.If you're interested in understanding the intricacies of California's politics and the challenges facing the Republican Party, tune in to this episode of the John Phillips Show. Join the conversation and hear Professor Stone's expert analysis on the state's complex political landscape.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Donald Trump seems determined to make things hard for everyone: Americans, Republican senators, and even himself. Glenn Kirschner, Josh Marshall, and Ali Vitali join Harry to talk through a week packed with unforced errors by the administration that are derailing Trump's presidency in the run-up to the midterms. The panel discusses Trump's no-holds-barred effort to save the slush fund, the embarrassing end to the prosecution of a former Olympian scapegoated for the disastrous Reflecting Pool flop, and Anthony Fauci's unsettling return to the headlines. Update: Late on Saturday night, Senator John Cornyn and Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche announced a deal that seemed to finally kill off the so-called weaponization fund. Observers noted that the agreement could potentially be walked back in the future and that it did not fully foreclose Trump's tax amnesty. Nonetheless, it seemed to clear the way for Blanche's confirmation. Mentioned in this episode: Glenn's Substack Glenn's YouTube Josh's analysis Ali's show Way Too Early Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A.M. Edition for Aug 3. President Trump's latest walkback came just hours after saying he was prepared to launch the biggest attack since World War II, and as Gulf countries grow frustrated over a lack of a clear U.S. strategy to end the war. Plus, the Japanese Yen rises after Washington and Tokyo launch their first joint intervention in a generation after the currency fell to a 40-year low against the dollar. WSJ Tokyo bureau chief Jason Douglas breaks down the worries that drove Washington to get involved. And California's Democratic Party endorses the state's proposed billionaire tax. Luke Vargas hosts. Sign up for the WSJ's free What's News newsletter. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Iran War Sinking Republicans Ahead Of Midterms by Ron Paul Liberty Report

Reports are that Republicans are starting to turn on President Trump due to the prolonged Iran conflict. However, after a flurry of threats between both sides, President Trump insists that an Iran peace deal is "imminent." Will a ceasefire heal the rift within the GOP? The Sekulow team discusses the current state of the Iran conflict, U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East, the ACLJ's legal work – and much more.

Alex Stone has the latest on the wildfires tearing through Washington State prompting major evacuations with hundreds of buildings damaged or destroyed; Trevor Ault has details on the chaotic scramble after a gunman opened fire at an "In-N-Out" restaurant in Idaho, the new details about the heroic officer and armed citizen who saved lives; Alex Presha reports on the Republican congressional campaign in Ohio rocked by domestic abuse allegations what Rep. Max Miller is saying tonight amid growing calls to end his re-election campaign; and more on tonight's broadcast of World News Tonight with David Muir. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Max and 99 are back again! They dive into headlines on school choice draining public education, a for-profit hospital disaster, young adults moving back home in record numbers, and nonprofits positioning themselves for the IPO windfall. Then they tackle listener emails on teaching the New Deal, the royal “we” of collective blame, and how not to hate Republicans. Enjoy! Chapters Intro: 00:00:31 Headlines: 00:05:14 Emails: 00:46:02 Beyond the Bullshit: 01:13:07 Memberships: 01:15:02 Outro: 01:15:14 Resources Robyn Hitchcock & The Egyptians: Balloon Man The Progressive: ‘School Choice’ Does Not Provide Better Education for All Families Mother Jones: A For-Profit Hospital Slashed Costs. Then a Patient Froze to Death on Its Roof. New Yorker: The Kids Are Kind of All Right Wired: Silicon Valley’s Next IPO Billionaires Are Coming. Nonprofits Are Ready for Them UNFTR Resources Series: Education. Video: Climate Change, AI and The DNC | Man-Made Disasters. Read: How Private Equity Is Hollowing Out America’s Hospitals Series: The Clinton Years. -- If you like #UNFTR, please leave us a rating and review on Apple Podcasts and Spotify: unftr.com/rate and follow us on Facebook, Bluesky, and Instagram at @UNFTRpod. Visit us online at unftr.com. Become a member at unftr.com/memberships. Buy yourself some Unf*cking Coffee at shop.unftr.com. Visit our bookshop.org page at bookshop.org/shop/UNFTRpod to find the full UNFTR book list, and find book recommendations from our Unf*ckers at bookshop.org/lists/unf-cker-book-recommendations. Access the UNFTR Musicless feed by following the instructions at unftr.com/accessibilitySupport the show: https://www.unftr.com/membershipsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

────────────────────────────────────────[00:02:07]60,000 Moroccan Migrants Stormed Spain's Ceuta Enclave — Moroccan Police Officers Guided Them InOfficers said "go that way" and waved migrants to the border; Spanish intelligence confirms it was orchestrated by Morocco on orders from the king.────────────────────────────────────────[00:04:34]Netanyahu's Son Trolled Spain in 2019 — Rubio Gave Morocco $20M and Congress Said Ceuta Belongs to MoroccoYair Netanyahu called out Spain's criticism of Israeli settlements; Rubio validated the claim; the 2027 State Department appropriations bill contains the same language.────────────────────────────────────────[00:47:30]Trump's Taco Dance — War Drums All Week, Cancel the Attack Over the Weekend to Pump MarketsS&P spiked 30 minutes before the peace meme; Iran said they never asked him to halt; Wall Street: nacho, not a chance Hormuz opens.────────────────────────────────────────[01:01:12]US Military General: He Cannot Defend Israel AND America Simultaneously — Destroyers Short on InterceptorsIsrael's finance minister: they start the war and let the US finish it; destroyers already running low on missile interceptors.────────────────────────────────────────[01:09:13]Hotez in 2021: Deplatform Anti-Vaxxers, Blame Russia, Mandate the Shots — Birx Admitted Altering DocumentsHotez called for censorship because he couldn't win the argument; Birx admitted altering COVID documents; Fauci's diary confirms they left Trump with no off ramps.────────────────────────────────────────[01:36:35]Reflecting Pool Vandalism Prosecution Collapses — DOJ Drops Case After Its Own Documents Show Faulty InstallationTrump insisted on a 300-foot gash nobody could find; if interior had shared its own documents from the start, the indictment would never have been sought.────────────────────────────────────────[01:44:13]Capital One Closed 300 Trump Accounts Over Money Laundering Signals — Court Filing Confirms AML ReviewAML team spent months on careful review; Deutsche Bank also flagged Trump transactions; an Epstein victim said Trump's casinos were used for laundering.────────────────────────────────────────[01:50:48]Trump Cannot Escalate Further — Carriers 1,000 Miles Away, Radar Blinded, Interceptors Gone, CENTCOM Lacks ForcesNot a single carrier within a thousand miles of Iran; iron dome failing; Trump's only remaining move is American lives.────────────────────────────────────────[01:55:41]Trump Gilded the "Arts of War" Statues at the Lincoln Memorial — Left the "Arts of Peace" Untouched$5.1 million in gold leaf on Valor and Sacrifice; nothing on Music and Harvest; we know where his heart is.────────────────────────────────────────[01:59:00]Tennessee Congressional Candidate Arrested for Shooting Four Flock Cameras — Faces Felony Vandalism ChargesHeimerman spent the night in Blount County jail; the district has a Republican and Democrat also opposing Flock; the question is whether any mean it. ──────────────────────────────────────── Money should have intrinsic value AND transactional privacy: Go to https://davidknight.gold/ for great deals on physical gold/silver For 10% off Gerald Celente's prescient Trends Journal, go to https://trendsjournal.com/ and enter the code “KNIGHT” For high quality made in America products go to HomeSteadProducts.shop and use promo code “Knight” for 10% off your purchases Find out more about the show and where you can watch it at TheDavidKnightShow.com If you would like to support the show and our family please consider subscribing monthly here: SubscribeStar https://www.subscribestar.com/the-david-knight-show Or you can send a donation throughMail: David Knight POB 994 Kodak, TN 37764Zelle: @DavidKnightShow@protonmail.comCash App at: $davidknightshowBTC to: bc1qkuec29hkuye4xse9unh7nptvu3y9qmv24vanh7Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-david-knight-show--2653468/support.

Governor John Kasich went on national TV and told Paul Rieckhoff, to his face, that independents aren't really independent — that come November they'll just go back to the bench and put the old jersey back on. Paul's response is the spine of this episode: that's an antiquated way of looking at America in 2026. Sixty percent of young people are unaffiliated. Fifty percent of veterans are unaffiliated. Ten thousand Americans are walking out of the Republican and Democratic parties every single week. Trump is sitting at a 22% approval with independents and a 32-34% approval overall — the Bush line — with an unpopular Iran war, tariffs jacking prices, and a party heading into the midterms with 96 days on the clock. This is a media-blitz sweep of a very big week. Paul rolls through his hits on CNN, News Nation, and MS Now to break down the races the rigged two-party system doesn't want you watching: Todd Achilles running head-to-head against 83-year-old Jim Risch in Idaho after the Democrat dropped out, Seth Bodnar in Montana, Dan Osborn in Nebraska, Yemi Mobolade already governing as an independent mayor in Colorado Springs. He takes on the Politico poll showing MAGA voters shrugging off DUI convictions, bribery, domestic violence, and sexual assault allegations — and names the command climate that made that possible. And he pushes the Democrats hard: outrage isn't a plan. What's your alternative on affordability? What's your alternative to end the war in Iran? Independents are listening. So is a country starved for character. -WATCH full video of this episode here. -Millions of American veterans are being locked out of primary elections in the country they served. See what we're doing to change that. -Visit Kalshi and trade on anything. Use code [INDEPENDENT] to get ten dollars when you trade ten. -Join Noble Mobile today and get a $100 bonus when you use code PAUL and stay a member for 2 months! -Join IVA and help us get independent veterans elected to office. -Learn more about Paul's work to elect a new generation of independent leaders with Independent Veterans of America. -Learn more about American Veterans for Ukraine here. -Remember Independent is an Attitude. -Learn more about The Headstrong Project for Veterans, Tragedy Assistance Program for Survivors (TAPS), and Department of Veterans Affairs resources in your area. Seeking support is not a sign of weakness. It's a show of strength. If you or a loved one are in immediate crisis, dial 988 and press 1, or text 838255. Connect with Independent Americans: Subscribe on YouTube, Spotify, Apple Podcasts, and all podcast platforms Read more at Substack Support ad-free episodes at Patreon  Connect: Instagram  • X/Twitter • BlueSky • Facebook  Follow on social: @PaulRieckhoff on X, Instagram, Threads, and Bluesky -Join the movement. Hook into our exclusive Patreon community of Independent Americans. Get extra content, connect with guests, meet other Independent Americans, attend events, get merch discounts, and support this show that speaks truth to power.  -And get cool IA and Righteous hats, t-shirts and other merch now in time for the new year.  Independent Americans is powered by veteran-owned and led Righteous Media.  And now part of the BLEAV network!  Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Guardian US southern bureau chief Olly Laughland tells the story of Calvin Duncan and a Republican party emboldened in Trump's America. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/infocus

A series of devastating wildfires has displaced tens of thousands in Spokane, Washington. An email asking for “creative and unconventional ways” to punish Iran is raising eyebrows in the US military. Residents in Twin Falls, Idaho are coming to grips with a deadly mass shooting over the weekend. The first Republican woman from Texas elected to Congress has died at the age of 83. And, move over Christopher Nolan – there'sa new king at the box office.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Last time we spoke about autumn battle of Changsha. In late September and early October 1941, the Chinese commander Chen Cheng focused on Yichang, a crucial Yangtze stronghold whose loss would threaten China's position and the approach toward Chongqing. Chen Cheng's plan tightened a ring around the city while Chinese forces blocked Japanese reinforcement routes, including efforts to cut retreat lines at places like Jingmen and Dangyang. The battle's pressure was intensified by shifting momentum elsewhere. As the Japanese situation around Changsha became unstable—strained by supplies, exhaustion, and mounting casualties—the Japanese command began to withdraw north. Chiang Kai-shek used this to accelerate Chinese priorities, ordering rapid capture of Yichang within a tight deadline. Inside Yichang, the defense turned tragic as Japanese troops faced encirclement, heavy artillery barrages, and desperate street fighting.    #213 Blood, Rain, and Flags: The Last Struggle Around Yichang Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While the struggle around Changsha occupied one half of the battlefield, another contest of equal consequence was taking shape farther west at Yichang. The two operations were not separate stories. They belonged to the same campaign, and each influenced the fate of the other. If Changsha was the city whose danger was plain to every observer, Yichang was the stronghold whose importance weighed most heavily on the calculations of commanders. In the autumn of 1941, the outcome in one place could not be understood without the other. For Chen Cheng, Yichang was more than a military objective. It was a wound that had never closed. The city stood on the Yangtze at a point of major strategic value, tied not only to communications and transport but also to the defense of the river approach toward the wartime capital. When Yichang had fallen in June 1940, it had done more than alter the front line. It had left behind humiliation. Three Japanese divisions—the 3rd, 13th, and 39th—had seized the city after twelve days and nights of intense fighting. At five in the afternoon on June 11, a unit of the Japanese 13th Division under Tanaka Seiichi had broken in from the southeast. Chinese troops of the 18th Army under Peng Shan and Luo Guangwen's 18th Division fought a savage close-quarters battle inside the city for a full day and night, while Japanese forces of the 3rd and 39th Divisions pressed from the north. At four in the afternoon on June 12, with Deng Ping's battalion covering the withdrawal, the Chinese finally pulled out and Yichang was lost. Men in high command do not always remember defeat in the same way as the men who fight through it. Soldiers tend to remember heat, hunger, the dead, or the exact corner where a friend fell. Commanders also remember those things, but they remember something else as well: failure recorded in the language of responsibility. Chen Cheng could not forget that twenty Chinese corps had been beaten by three Japanese divisions. At the time, Li Zongren had commanded the operation. Now the chance to erase that old disgrace seemed to be passing into Chen Cheng's own hands. On September 20, he received two telegrams, one from the Military Commission and one from Chiang Kai-shek himself. From that point onward, Yichang dominated his thoughts. By September 23, the Military Commission approved Chen's request to transfer the 33rd Army Group of the Fifth War Zone into the Sixth War Zone for the coming attack. On paper, his position seemed powerful. He now had fourteen divisions at his disposal. Yichang itself was held only by Uchiyama Eitaro's 13th Division and the Hayabuchi Detachment, together amounting to roughly sixteen thousand men. Even granting the usual Japanese superiority in training, firepower, communications, and local tactical cohesion, the Chinese possessed absolute numerical advantage. By September 28, the Chinese units had reached their attack positions, and Chen Cheng set his operational design in motion. The forces on the right bank were to attack first and pull the main body of the Japanese 39th Division southward. The 33rd Army would strike toward Jingmen and Dangyang in order to cut off the enemy's routes of retreat and reinforcement. Once these movements took hold, Yichang itself would be enclosed and crushed. Li Jilan's 94th Army, Li Yannian's 2nd Army, Song Kentang's 32nd Army, and other formations advanced according to plan. On paper the arrangement had clarity. On the ground it had resistance. The Japanese defended from strong fieldworks, and progress came slowly. Earthworks, wire, trenches, and mutually supporting positions transformed every apparent advance into hard labor. The Chinese pushed forward, but not with the speed Chen Cheng wanted. Even a favorable comparison of troop numbers could not cancel the fact that an entrenched Japanese force, once determined to hold, could impose a terrible price on assault. By October 1, Japanese troops outside Yichang began withdrawing into the city proper. Chen Cheng responded by ordering all troops to complete the encirclement. At last the operation seemed to be reaching the decisive stage. The city was tightening under pressure. The ring was nearly closed. Yet at that very moment time began pressing harder on both sides. On October 2, both Chen Cheng outside the city and Uchiyama inside it received telegrams that sharpened the crisis. The message sent from the Japanese 11th Army headquarters in Wuhan informed Uchiyama that the famous Tokyo Asakusa Art Troupe was coming to Yichang to comfort the front-line troops. The Expeditionary Army Headquarters in Nanjing had decided that, for political reasons, the troupe could not be turned back merely because combat conditions were dangerous. Their purpose was morale. That such a message could arrive at such a time reveals much about Japanese wartime culture. Appearances, spirit, ritual reassurance, and the emotional theater of endurance still had to be maintained even when military reality was worsening by the hour. The telegram that Chen Cheng received was very different. Chiang Kai-shek's order stated with brutal directness: the Japanese in northern Hunan had begun to withdraw, and Chen was ordered to spare no effort to capture Yichang within three days. Chen stared at the message for a long time. There was no need for explanation. He understood at once what Chiang meant. The battle for Yichang had already consumed days of hard fighting. Chinese units had suffered substantial losses. But the essential fact stood over every map and every order: if Japanese forces disengaging from northern Hunan reached Yichang in time to reinforce it, then all the effort already expended might amount to nothing. The battle had become not only a contest of strength, but a race. At nearly the same time, the command post of the Japanese 11th Army at Yueyang was confronting the other half of the same problem. On the night of September 30, the headquarters was brightly lit as Chief of Staff Isamu Kinoshita arranged reports, reconnaissance findings, and field messages before the army commander. The Japanese still possessed a valuable advantage: they had access to Chinese communication codes. But such intelligence could not solve every operational problem. It could not conjure food where there was none, restore exhausted bodies, or stop the battlefield from changing shape. By then the Japanese situation around Changsha had become increasingly unstable. The Hayabuchi Detachment, after entering the city, was entangled in fierce urban fighting with the Chinese 6th Provisional Division of the 79th Army. By the evening of September 30, neither side had eliminated the other inside the city. Outside Changsha, the Japanese 3rd, 4th, 6th, and 40th Divisions had assembled and kept major Chinese forces at bay. One element of the 3rd Division had even moved south by truck to Zhuzhou, fifty kilometers away, and occupied the abandoned city. Yet these outward signs of success concealed a serious weakness. The Japanese rear was fraying. Ammunition and food were running low. Divisions operating that deep in hostile territory could not sustain a prolonged campaign under such conditions. More than ten days of uninterrupted movement and fighting had also produced rising non-combat casualties. Men were collapsing from fatigue along the march. Sickness increased steadily. Units that had looked formidable on the offensive were beginning to wear thin from inside. At the same time, Chinese remnants from earlier defeats, new reinforcements, and formations that had regrouped after being thrown back were all watching for signs of weakness. Even if the Japanese divisions in Hunan still had the strength to fight several more actions, another question overrode everything else: Yichang. Yichang was not simply another point on the map. It was a strategic stronghold on the Yangtze and one of the key places from which Japan threatened Chongqing. The city also carried institutional memory. After its capture in June 1940, the occupying troops had initially been ordered to withdraw for rest and reorganization. But Imperial General Headquarters had reversed that decision almost at once and demanded that Yichang be held after all. Troops already on the road had to turn back and retake a city that had been burned, stripped, and rendered difficult to occupy. Among those who had insisted most strongly that Yichang must be retained was Anami Korechika, then vice minister of the army. Now Anami faced the consequence of that earlier insistence. However attractive the gains in Hunan might appear, Yichang could not simply be sacrificed. Uchiyama's 13th Division was not strong enough to hold indefinitely without relief. Anami looked at Hunan on the map—a rich province, beautiful and militarily tempting, much of it seeming almost within reach. But strategy does not reward attachment. With great reluctance, he gave the order to retreat. On the morning of October 1, all Japanese divisions received the reversal instructions, and at four in the afternoon they began moving north. For Xue Yue, this altered the entire meaning of the campaign. Since the beginning of the battle, he had known frustration, disappointment, and anger. Whatever private calculations he may have made about Chiang Kai-shek's strategic direction, Chen Cheng's political influence, his own mistakes in the earlier phase of operations, or the rivalries that had long poisoned Republican military life, none of those feelings prevented him from seeing the opportunity now before him. Once the Japanese turned north, pursuit was no longer merely a matter of salvaging dignity. It became an operational necessity tied directly to Yichang. His staff quickly drafted a pursuit order defining routes, timings, and methods. The document explicitly called for tracking and pursuing, interception, flanking movement, ambush, and surprise attack. This was not to be a ceremonial following of a retreating enemy at a respectful distance. It was meant to be pressure—enough pressure, if possible, to delay Japanese movement back toward Hubei. Two hours after Xue issued the order, another telegram arrived from Chongqing. Chiang Kai-shek instructed that since the enemy which had advanced into northern Hunan had begun retreating toward Yueyang on the night of October 1, the Ninth War Zone was to exploit their fatigue, pursue boldly, seize Yueyang if possible, sabotage the Wuyue Railway, and launch attacks, ambushes, and fierce strikes along the retreat route to prevent the Japanese from regaining their former defenses or shifting quickly toward Wuhan. The purpose was stated clearly: to facilitate the operations of the Third, Fifth, and Sixth War Zones. Xue Yue understood the message at once. The support provided by the Third and Fifth War Zones had been limited and often symbolic. The operation that truly mattered now was Chen Cheng's assault on Yichang. Pursuit in Hunan was not simply retaliation for the threat to Changsha. It was an attempt to buy time in blood, mud, and delay. He adjusted the pursuit deployment and ordered commanders at every level to go forward and supervise their units in person. Autumn rain began to fall over northern Hunan. Hills disappeared in mist and drizzle. Along the roads leading north moved Japanese soldiers under the Rising Sun flag; behind them and beside them, often through fields, villages, and broken country, moved Chinese troops under the Blue Sky, White Sun, and Red Earth flag. Their uniforms differed, their languages differed, their causes differed—but the exhaustion in their faces must often have looked terribly alike. Both armies moved through damp air, hunger, uncertainty, and the constant expectation of another clash. The pursuit, however, revealed the limits of Chinese strength as well as its persistence. On October 2, the battered remnants of the Chinese 74th and 26th Armies cleared battlefields along the Liuyang and Laodao Rivers and found no Japanese left there. The 74th withdrew to Liling to regroup. The 26th halted at Changle Street for replenishment. Yang Sen sent the whole 27th Army Group after the retreating enemy. Ou Zhen's 4th Army attempted to intercept the Japanese 40th Division, but the Japanese maneuvered skillfully and escaped. Ou Zhen pursued them north of the Miluo River for three days, reached the Changshui River, and found the south bank empty. The 20th Army tried to cut off the Japanese 6th Division at Fulipu. At first they could not even locate the enemy, but they did collect large amounts of matériel left behind. Deputy Commander Xia Jiong remarked, with rough optimism, that the Japanese were still "steaming hot" and would certainly be caught. His men ran hard, crossed the Miluo River, and finally did catch a rearguard. Yet the Japanese, intent only on getting away, adopted what Chinese accounts described as a low-key method of not retaliating and not becoming decisively engaged. After crossing Gaoqiao they withdrew into their previous defensive area, and Xia could do little more than stop, rest, and continue to watch them. The 58th Army intercepted more than two thousand Japanese troops near Guanwang Bridge. For a moment it seemed a major clash might erupt. Instead the Japanese fled, leaving behind large quantities of supplies. The Chinese followed them as far as Taolin and then halted when it became clear that the enemy had regained strong ground. These episodes were frustrating, but they were not meaningless. They showed that many Chinese formations had been too badly mauled in the earlier phase of the campaign to sustain relentless offensive pressure. They also showed that the Japanese, though in retreat, were still disciplined enough to avoid disastrous entanglements while shedding matériel to gain speed. The Chinese units that struck hardest during this phase were not those most damaged at the beginning of the battle, but fresher formations such as Xia Chuzhong's 79th Army and Fu Zhongfang's 99th Army. Xia's men ambushed the Hayabuchi Detachment and nearly destroyed it, killing two of its three battalion commanders. Fu's 99th Army fought a series of clashes with the Japanese 3rd and 6th Divisions and with the Hirano and Araki Detachments. The Japanese, eager to keep moving, absorbed losses rather than pause for extended battle. The 99th Army captured so much matériel that transporting it became a problem in itself. On October 4, a squad leader of the 197th Division even shot down an aircraft with machine-gun fire. Yet even here success had limits. By October 9, the entire Japanese force in northern Hunan had crossed the Xinqiang River and reoccupied its original positions. Chinese attacks achieved nothing decisive. The river once again became, in military imagination, almost a fixed frontier. As gunfire subsided in Xiangbei, all attention turned toward Yichang. The encirclement of the city was completed at noon on October 4. Chen Cheng ordered a general offensive to begin at four in the morning on October 6. Outside the city, Li Yannian's 2nd Army held fast against the Japanese 39th Division, which was trying to come in from Jingmen. Altogether, the Sixth War Zone had committed fourteen divisions—more than one hundred thousand men—to the operation. What followed was the familiar but always arresting spectacle of a great battle gathering itself. Small detachments moved forward to cut wire and destroy fortifications outside the city. Artillery officers adjusted their fire with care. Ammunition boxes changed hands continuously. Telephone operators hurried back and forth laying lines. Engineers worked with picks and shovels. Trucks forced their way down crowded roads with horns blaring. Boats were requisitioned along the riverbank, and dark-skinned boatmen weathered by the Yangtze wind moved among soldiers and officers. Behind the assault units stood medical stations under Red Cross flags, waiting for the wounded they knew were coming. All the machinery of battle was in motion. Inside Yichang, meanwhile, another scene unfolded that could only exist in wartime Japan's peculiar mixture of militarism and performance. At the field hospital of the Japanese 13th Division on the campus of Mingde Middle School, wounded soldiers wrapped in white bandages stood, sat, lay on stretchers, or leaned on medical orderlies in the yard watching entertainers from home perform while the dull rhythms of artillery sounded in the distance. The Asakusa Art Troupe had been founded in the mid-1920s and had made its name by combining modern popular elements with traditional stage culture. It had first won over ordinary audiences and then, as its reputation rose, gained acceptance among official and elite circles as well. After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, it was gradually folded into the machinery of wartime propaganda, performing works meant to praise sacrifice, glorify the empire, and strengthen morale. When the delegation of more than thirty members arrived at the 11th Army headquarters in Wuhan, the army added a military band of more than twenty men to accompany them to Yichang. But by the time they reached the city, the battle had already drawn close. They could not visit forward positions. Instead they performed for the wounded. The last performance featured heavily made-up young men and women dancing a popular folk number. As the dance continued, the women bowed and invited medics and wounded men who could still move to join them. Kimono and military uniform mixed. Smiles appeared beside bandages. Music from the home islands drifted out beneath the sound of an approaching siege. Then war interrupted the scene completely. Before dawn on October 6, Chinese artillery opened on Yichang with a deafening bombardment, and the cries of attack rolled over the city. As day came up, the troupe members watched stretchers being rushed into the field hospital where they had only recently performed. One of the sixteen-year-old twin geisha sisters, Mihoko, asked the troupe leader Akizuru through tears whether they would ever be able to return to Tokyo. Qiuhe, the famous dance artist in her fifties, answered gently that they would. General Anami, she said, was leading brave troops there and would arrive in the next few days. The child must pray. The reassurance was human, but it was also part of the wartime language of consolation. Outside the city, reality was harsher. For two days and nights the fighting remained severe. The Japanese fell back toward the edge of the city and resisted with desperation. The Japanese 3rd Air Regiment in Hankou committed itself heavily to the defense, flying sortie after sortie over Yichang. Aircraft came so often that some made four round trips in a single day. On the morning of October 8, a unit of the Chinese 94th Army crossed by boat from the west bank, bypassed the Gezhouba area, and landed at the northern end of Huangcaoba. Advancing south along the embankment, it established positions on the Yangtze side only about half a kilometer from the city. This foothold effectively dominated Japanese positions west of Yichang. Mortar rounds crossed the water. Heavy and light machine guns pinned the defenders outside the walls. At the same time, the 9th Division of the 32nd Army and part of the 99th Army pressed inward as well. The ring tightened. October 9 was grave for both sides. The Japanese withdrawal from northern Hunan had by now produced a relief force. Anami assembled elite troops from several divisions into a rapid deployment column for Yichang. For the Chinese Sixth War Zone, however, victory seemed very near. Inside the city the Japanese situation was increasingly desperate. Casualties were severe. The field hospital yard was filled with groaning wounded. Uchiyama summoned support personnel, medics, cooks, ordnance repairmen, and any wounded men still capable of firing. He armed them all and formed an improvised reserve. Then, while this force was assembling, he heard the sound of a trumpet. One of the band members, still practicing as if battle had not reached its climax, reminded him that the more than twenty members of the 11th Army band were also soldiers in uniform. He added them as well, creating a special unit of 388 men. Hundreds of sacks of rice were taken from storage and piled around division headquarters as fortifications. Uchiyama then turned to Chief of Staff Akinaga and said, "Let's not believe any miracles will happen." The line was bleak, but lucid. It meant that there would be no rescue through wishful thinking. If they lived, it would be because they held long enough. If they died, they would die without pretending that destiny had cheated them. Outside the city, Chen Cheng faced a different but equally harsh pressure. On October 2, Chiang Kai-shek had ordered Yichang taken within three days. On the 4th, Chen requested an extension until the 8th; Chiang agreed, but warned that because the Japanese were retreating from northern Hunan, the city must be captured by then or all previous effort would be wasted. Chen launched the general assault on the 6th, but fierce resistance on the ground and in the air slowed him. By the 8th, the city still had not fallen. He requested another extension, asking to take Yichang by October 10. This time Chiang sent no reply. Chen understood the silence. It meant that no political room remained behind him. At 2:30 in the morning on October 10, the Sixth War Zone opened another general offensive. One hundred and forty artillery pieces joined the bombardment. Shells fell across every part of the Japanese defenses until the repeated flashes made it hard for the gunners to tell what had not yet been hit. Then the infantry went in. Men shouted and surged forward like water breaking through a barrier. Hidden Japanese machine guns cut them down in wave after wave, but more men followed behind. The dead piled on the approaches so thickly that nationality itself seemed to vanish in blood and mud. Under that fire, dawn rose red. Uchiyama watched the sunrise from the highest building in the city, the three-story Yichang Bank. After the war, he told a reporter that the sky, the earth, and even the Yangtze had all seemed red to him, as if the river itself were carrying the blood of Chinese and Japanese alike. According to a later Japanese account, messages reached him from every side that morning reporting collapse. Roughly 5000 men were estimated killed or seriously wounded. At eight o'clock Uchiyama went down to the operations room. Waiting there were his chief of staff and senior officers. At that moment the final ritual of battlefield defeat began. A farewell telegram to Anami Korechika was read aloud. Nearby stood the regimental flag of the 104th Regiment, entrusted to Captain Izumi Shigeru before the regiment's complete destruction. Uchiyama then took the 13th Division's own flag—the imperial military color—and laid it over the regimental flag. Officers and men wept, removed their caps, and bowed their heads. Uchiyama's hands trembled so badly that it took him three matches to set the flag alight. In Japanese military culture, burning a flag was among the sternest rites of defeat. The flag could not be allowed to fall into enemy hands. To destroy it was to acknowledge annihilation while presenting that annihilation as a final offering to the imperial state. When the flags had burned and places for seppuku had been chosen, the farewell message remained. It declared that all officers and soldiers had done their utmost for the empire in the final struggle, that military flags, confidential documents, and imperial edicts had been burned, and that it was deeply regrettable that overseas Chinese and the delegation in Yichang had also suffered this fate. Uchiyama then added one final sentence in red pencil: the soldiers of the empire had fulfilled their duty and died for their country amidst the heroic cries of "Long live the Grand Marshal!" At 8:50 the clerk began encoding the telegram. Then Uchiyama said quietly to the officers waiting to die: "Please wait a little longer." The words postponed death by minutes. There was still the narrow possibility that communication mattered, or that the battle had not yet reached its absolute end. Chief of Staff Akinaga summoned his adjutant, Sakata Ryūshirō, and ordered that if the division commander and chief of staff died before the telegram was sent, Sakata was to form a suicide squad, break out by any means possible, and report the division's fate to 11th Army headquarters. At ten in the morning, the Japanese 39th Division attacking from Jingmen launched a new assault under Anami's strict orders against Li Yannian's 2nd Army. One regiment used poison gas to break through part of the Chinese line and reached the outskirts of Yichang. Chen Cheng personally directed the Chinese response, using elements of the attacking force and the 2nd Army to surround and beat back the thrust. By two in the afternoon, only the Dongshan Temple line remained intact among the different sectors of the Japanese city defense. Chinese troops had penetrated the city and were fighting bitterly in the streets, moving steadily toward division headquarters. At four in the afternoon, more than 2000 Japanese rapid deployment troops from northern Hunan reached the northeast approaches of Yichang and at once joined the relief effort. Chen Cheng threw reserves in to block them, and both sides locked in combat six kilometers outside the city. As dusk fell, the Chinese assault units in the city had also suffered terrible losses. Chen Cheng ordered them to regroup, replenish, and launch a final attack after dark. Then, at seven in the evening, almost as the order was issued, a violent gale rose and torrential rain began to fall. Such heavy rain was unusual in the Yichang area in October, and to men who had been living for days under the pressure of siege, death, and deadline, it must have seemed uncanny. The Chinese attacked through the downpour, but progress was painfully slow. At the same time, more than ten thousand Japanese troops arriving from northern Hunan reached the outskirts, fought for over two hours in the rain, and finally broke into the city, linking up with what remained of the 13th Division. At eleven that night, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the attack on Yichang halted and instructed the Chinese troops to return to their original defensive positions. The battle ended not in a clear verdict, but in exhaustion. One elderly resident of Yichang, Huang Jupu, later left a memory of the aftermath more vivid than any headquarters summary. He recalled that the heavy rain began at nightfall on the twentieth day of the eighth lunar month—October 10 in the Gregorian calendar—and continued into the next afternoon. Rainwater soaked the corpses lying in the streets until the water became a deep brownish-red pool more than two feet deep before it drained into the Yangtze and changed the river's color. The next day, he said, both sides sent corpse-collection teams into the streets under Red Cross flags. They pushed carts and worked separately, avoiding conflict, though sometimes they spoke to one another when trying to identify bodies. The Japanese recovery party included Chinese helpers and local residents. They turned corpses over, looked at clothing and weapons, and tried to determine nationality. Some bodies were naked, perhaps stripped wounded, which made identification harder. Since Chinese and Japanese could resemble one another, neither side wanted to take the wrong dead, fearing that a mistake would disturb the heroic souls to whom each army believed it owed proper burial. In the end, Huang remembered, it was the people of Yichang who pooled their money to bury many of the dead north of the city. Later an unmarked stone was raised there, with a bowl of rice and a stick of incense set before it. That image does something military history often fails to do. It restores weight to the end of battle. Armies issue attack orders, counterattack orders, pursuit orders, and retreat orders. Staff officers mark arrows on maps. Commanders calculate reinforcement and delay. But after all of that comes the business of soaked bodies in the street, identification, carts, shallow graves, and local people forced to do what armies can no longer fully do for their own dead. Seen as a whole, the operations in Hunan and Hubei during these weeks form one connected historical drama. The Japanese advance toward Changsha was real and dangerous, but it failed to produce decisive strategic gain. The battle strained the Chinese defense badly. Some units collapsed. Others improvised and recovered. The city was entered, contested, and then fought over again. Behind the forward line, Chinese forces such as Yang Sen's 27th Army Group harassed Japanese communications and supply, turning depth into vulnerability. At the same time, Chen Cheng's offensive against Yichang transformed what might otherwise have remained a local success for Japan in Hunan into a strategic dilemma. Once Yichang came seriously under threat, the Japanese command could not continue to treat the Hunan offensive as self-contained. It had to weigh possession against preservation, momentum against strategic necessity. That calculation compelled the retreat from northern Hunan. The retreat in turn changed the meaning of Xue Yue's operations. Pursuit became valuable not mainly because it might recover wounded pride or even because it might damage the retreating enemy, but because every hour of delay imposed on Japanese units moving north was another hour in which Yichang might fall. Yet Yichang did not fall. That fact is central, but it must be interpreted carefully. Chen Cheng had numerical superiority and fought with determination, but numbers alone could not cancel the difficulty of assaulting a fortified Japanese position under air attack and against fanatical resistance. Time worked against him. Every day lost increased the chance that Japanese relief would arrive from Hunan. Chiang Kai-shek's increasingly urgent telegrams reflected strategic logic, but they could not abolish battlefield reality. Men still had to cross open ground, cut wire, silence guns, and survive fire. Inside Yichang, Uchiyama's defense reveals the same pressure from the opposite side. He understood that his task was simple in principle and terrible in practice: hold until relief arrived. That necessity drove him to arm cooks, medics, repairmen, musicians, and wounded men. It drove him to build fortifications from sacks of rice. It brought him to the point of burning flags and preparing for ritual death while still delaying the final act long enough to see whether rescue might come. The presence of the Asakusa Art Troupe inside the besieged city sharpened the tragedy. They had been sent for morale and appearance, as if cultural performance might reassure an empire already growing anxious about the costs of war. Instead they became trapped witnesses to near-annihilation. The young girl asking if she would ever return to Tokyo cuts through all rhetoric. It is the ordinary human question that waits behind every doctrine of heroic sacrifice. In the end, neither side obtained everything it sought. Japan failed to turn its push into Hunan into a decisive result. China failed to retake Yichang despite concentration of force and a window of opportunity that for a time seemed very real. But that does not mean the campaign resolves into stalemate in any empty sense. It revealed important truths. For China, it showed both weakness and development. Weakness appeared in broken lines, uneven coordination, exhausted pursuit, and the inability to convert superiority in numbers into victory at Yichang. But development appeared too: a greater ability to coordinate war zones, to pressure Japanese rear areas, to force the enemy into strategic compromise, and to sustain resistance under conditions that would once have threatened outright collapse. For Japan, the campaign exposed the narrowing gap between aggressive offensive action and dangerous overextension. Japanese divisions could still strike hard, move with speed, and defend with ferocity. Their aircraft could still exact terrible cost. But logistics, fatigue, sickness, and the obligation to rescue threatened positions like Yichang increasingly limited what offensive success could mean. The deepest memory of the campaign may belong not to generals, however, but to the smaller figures history often notices only in passing: the soldier chewing dry ration without water; the wounded man who blew himself up rather than submit; the old beggar who revealed a depot; the band member still practicing trumpet in a city preparing for death; the frightened girl from the troupe; the townspeople who buried the dead after rain washed blood into the Yangtze. These are not decorative details. They are what make the history real. The autumn of 1941 in Hunan and Hubei was not one clean victory, nor one clean defeat. It was a season in which pressure in one sector altered decision in another, in which tactical success did not always yield strategic reward, and in which endurance itself increasingly became a form of power. That is why the campaign matters. It shows a war whose balance had begun to change, not dramatically or conclusively, but perceptibly. China still suffered, improvised, and fell short. Japan still advanced, struck hard, and held important ground. Yet the margin between them was no longer what it had been in the earlier years of the war. History moved that autumn not by omen or destiny, but by the hard materials of war: supply, timing, weather, command, fatigue, communications, morale, and blood. In Hunan and Hubei, all of those forces converged. They carried armies north and west, into cities and out again, across rivers, through rain, and finally into memory. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. As Chinese pressure tightened, Japan's wider situation around Changsha deteriorated—fatigue, supply strain, and losses accumulated. When the Japanese began retreating north, relief efforts turned Yichang into a desperate struggle marked by shifting fronts, poison gas, street fighting, and heavy bombardment. Chiang Kai-shek demanded a deadline, forcing Chen into final assaults that ultimately failed to secure a clean victory.  

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A head of Midterms, the Democrat Party is trying to analyze why they lost in the 2024 elections, and think its becaue they weren't radical enough.  They (the Democrats), don't have anything to run on, (except for), "they hate Trump," and think that that is enough to win the midterms.  It is a little bit early, but the Dem. party are starting to prepare for 2028.  At this point, however, A.O.C. is the Democratic frontrunner.  There is proof with audio, in these views.  Republican party on the other hand, is holding strong and ahead of the Left.  -Thank you for listening!- Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/brian-wallenberg-show--3256416/support.

────────────────────────────────────────[00:02:07]60,000 Moroccan Migrants Stormed Spain's Ceuta Enclave — Moroccan Police Officers Guided Them InOfficers said "go that way" and waved migrants to the border; Spanish intelligence confirms it was orchestrated by Morocco on orders from the king.────────────────────────────────────────[00:04:34]Netanyahu's Son Trolled Spain in 2019 — Rubio Gave Morocco $20M and Congress Said Ceuta Belongs to MoroccoYair Netanyahu called out Spain's criticism of Israeli settlements; Rubio validated the claim; the 2027 State Department appropriations bill contains the same language.────────────────────────────────────────[00:47:30]Trump's Taco Dance — War Drums All Week, Cancel the Attack Over the Weekend to Pump MarketsS&P spiked 30 minutes before the peace meme; Iran said they never asked him to halt; Wall Street: nacho, not a chance Hormuz opens.────────────────────────────────────────[01:01:12]US Military General: He Cannot Defend Israel AND America Simultaneously — Destroyers Short on InterceptorsIsrael's finance minister: they start the war and let the US finish it; destroyers already running low on missile interceptors.────────────────────────────────────────[01:09:13]Hotez in 2021: Deplatform Anti-Vaxxers, Blame Russia, Mandate the Shots — Birx Admitted Altering DocumentsHotez called for censorship because he couldn't win the argument; Birx admitted altering COVID documents; Fauci's diary confirms they left Trump with no off ramps.────────────────────────────────────────[01:36:35]Reflecting Pool Vandalism Prosecution Collapses — DOJ Drops Case After Its Own Documents Show Faulty InstallationTrump insisted on a 300-foot gash nobody could find; if interior had shared its own documents from the start, the indictment would never have been sought.────────────────────────────────────────[01:44:13]Capital One Closed 300 Trump Accounts Over Money Laundering Signals — Court Filing Confirms AML ReviewAML team spent months on careful review; Deutsche Bank also flagged Trump transactions; an Epstein victim said Trump's casinos were used for laundering.────────────────────────────────────────[01:50:48]Trump Cannot Escalate Further — Carriers 1,000 Miles Away, Radar Blinded, Interceptors Gone, CENTCOM Lacks ForcesNot a single carrier within a thousand miles of Iran; iron dome failing; Trump's only remaining move is American lives.────────────────────────────────────────[01:55:41]Trump Gilded the "Arts of War" Statues at the Lincoln Memorial — Left the "Arts of Peace" Untouched$5.1 million in gold leaf on Valor and Sacrifice; nothing on Music and Harvest; we know where his heart is.────────────────────────────────────────[01:59:00]Tennessee Congressional Candidate Arrested for Shooting Four Flock Cameras — Faces Felony Vandalism ChargesHeimerman spent the night in Blount County jail; the district has a Republican and Democrat also opposing Flock; the question is whether any mean it. ──────────────────────────────────────── Money should have intrinsic value AND transactional privacy: Go to https://davidknight.gold/ for great deals on physical gold/silver For 10% off Gerald Celente's prescient Trends Journal, go to https://trendsjournal.com/ and enter the code “KNIGHT” For high quality made in America products go to HomeSteadProducts.shop and use promo code “Knight” for 10% off your purchases Find out more about the show and where you can watch it at TheDavidKnightShow.com If you would like to support the show and our family please consider subscribing monthly here: SubscribeStar https://www.subscribestar.com/the-david-knight-show Or you can send a donation throughMail: David Knight POB 994 Kodak, TN 37764Zelle: @DavidKnightShow@protonmail.comCash App at: $davidknightshowBTC to: bc1qkuec29hkuye4xse9unh7nptvu3y9qmv24vanh7Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-real-david-knight-show--5282736/support.

Today, Chuck talks to Delegate John Williams (D-Morgantown) about his bid for state senate, in hopes of flipping a Republican-held seat in West VirginiaCheck out John's website: https://www.williamsforstatesenate.com/-----------------------------------------------Intro music: “Barefoot and Pregnant” by Gwen Levy and the Breakdown https://www.gwenleveyandthebreakdown.com/Transition/outro Music: “Leave it to Me” by Corduroy Brown https://corduroy-brown.com/-----------------------------------------------HELP SUPPORT APPODLACHIA! patreon.com/appodlachiahttp://www.noelegyneeded.org-----------------------------------------------The views and opinions expressed on this show are the personal opinions of the host, Chuck Corra, and do not represent the opinions of his employer. This show is an opinion and commentary show, NOT a news show. This podcast is for entertainment purposes only. Send us Fan MailSupport the show

The powers of the president of the United States have grown since the Cold War, expanding under both Republicans and Democrats. And many of these presidential powers – such as those laid out in the presidential emergency action documents — are unknown to the US public. Journalist Andrew Cockburn reflects on the imperial presidency, the domestic motivations of US foreign policy, and the US-Israeli war on Iran, as well as the role of money in the politics of the Democratic Party. (Encore presentation.) Andrew Cockburn, Washington Is Burning: Corruption and Lies in the Age of Trump Verso, 2025 Photo by Ana Lanza on Unsplash The post Trump and the Powers of the U.S. Presidency appeared first on KPFA.