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2 episodes with baku tbilisi ceyhan
As Azerbaijan is hit by drone attacks and its security forces claim to have arrested Iranian agents planning attacks against Israeli interests, fears of contagion in the Iranian war are rising. For Turkey, which has a defence alliance with Azerbaijan, its relationship with Baku is complicated by the latter's close ties with Israel. On 5 March, drones attacked the airport of Azerbaijan's Nakhchivan exclave, which borders Iran. Baku blamed Iran, a charge Tehran denies. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev condemned the attack as “terrorism” and warned Tehran of a severe response if the attacks continued. The drone strikes are viewed by Baku as a warning over its close ties with Israel. “There are some verbal attacks from [social media] accounts associated with the [Iranian] Revolutionary Guards that Azerbaijan should expel Israeli agents and things like that. We responded that we are not part of this conflict,” explained Farid Shafijev, chairman of the Baku-based government-affiliated think tank, the Center for Analysis of International Relations. “We are watching closely, and the Azerbaijani military is on high alert in case of any new provocations." Following the drone attack, Azerbaijani security forces claimed to have arrested Iranian agents planning attacks against Israeli interests, including the Baku Tbilisi Ceyhan crude oil pipeline – which is believed to provide around 30 percent of Israel's oil needs, shipped from the Turkish port of Ceyhan. Could the war in Iran lay a path for peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan? Azeri minority in Iran "Azerbaijan has been a strategic partner for many years,” explained Gallia Lindenstrauss, an Israeli foreign policy specialist at the Institute for National Security Studies, an independent think tank in Tel Aviv. She claims the Iranian war is strengthening the relationship between Azerbaijan and Israel, which she explains in part thrives on "the location of Azerbaijan as a neighbouring state to Iran, which also fears Iran in an existential way, similar to Israel". Despite Baku's claims of neutrality, Iranian suspicion of Azerbaijan over its ties with Israel are also fuelled by Iran's large Azeri minority. In recent weeks, Iranian security forces have arrested dozens of ethnic Azerbaijanis accused of working for “foreign powers". Turkey warns against drawing Iran's Kurds into Middle East war “The Azeri minority in Iran is a huge number – 20 to 25 million people – densely populating the territory of two huge provinces of Iran,” explains Azerbaijan expert Zaur Gasimov of the German Academic Exchange Service, a joint organisation of German universities that fosters international relations. Their Azeri identity remains strong, with the language widely spoken despite being banned in secondary schools. However, Gasimov says ethnic Azerbaijanis are well integrated into Iranian society – but Tehran remains suspicious of this minority, given its past. “If we look back to the history of the Second World War, there was an Azerbaijani republic from 1941 to 1946 with its capital in Tebriz. That, of course, forged certain sensitivity on the Iranian side." Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has voiced growing support for Iran's Azeri minority. "Independent Azerbaijan is a place of hope for Azerbaijanis living in Iran,” he declared after March's drone attacks. “Azerbaijan does not want the breakup of Iran and chaos inside Iran,” stressed Shafiyev. But he says Baku's priority is the treatment of Azeris in Iran. “There might be different scenarios. The escalation of the war, the internal disturbances, civil war, things can go in different directions, and among the public in Azerbaijan, this is a very sensitive issue, the security and wellbeing of the Azerbaijan population in Iran." Turkey fears it will pick up the bill for Washington's war in Iran Delicate diplomacy While Azerbaijan's involvement in the Iran conflict would likely be welcomed by its ally Israel, it would cause alarm for Turkey – given its commitment to Baku's defence under a 2021 treaty and its strong opposition to the war against Iran. “It would put Ankara and Turkey in a difficult place,” said retired Turkish ambassador Timur Soylemez, "but I don't think we are anywhere near that." Soylemez acknowledges the Iran war requires Turkish diplomacy to finesse its close relationship with Azerbaijan, which is also deepening ties with Israel, whom Turkey increasingly views as a threat to itself and the wider region. “The relationship between Azerbaijan and Iran has always been a tricky one, and of course, the [Azeri] diaspora is another very important dimension of that relationship," he added. "But that has been a relationship that has been carefully managed for a very long time, and I think both sides will continue to carefully manage it and not see this war as an opportunity to play with this fault line."
Iranian threat, Foiled attack on Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline, Arrest of a policeman for market robbery, Drone raid in Abkhazia, Topuria at the White House.Thanks for tuning in!Let us know what you think and what we can improve on by emailing us at info@rorshok.com Like what you hear? Subscribe, share, and tell your buds.Georgia's Iranian Turn: Tehran's Rapid Expansion of Influence in a Once-Committed US Ally: https://www.hudson.org/foreign-policy/georgias-iranian-turn-tehrans-rapid-expansion-influence-once-committed-us-ally-luke-coffey Can an Untrustworthy Dictator Undermine the South Caucasus Connectivity by Sergi Kapanadze: https://politicsgeo.com/can-an-untrustworthy-dictator-undermine-the-south-caucasus-connectivity/ Check out our new t-shirts: https://rorshok.store/We want to get to know you! Please fill in this mini-survey: https://forms.gle/NV3h5jN13cRDp2r66Wanna avoid ads and help us financially? Follow the link: https://bit.ly/rorshok-donate
The Caspian Sea region has hitherto largely been investigated from a New Great Game' perspective that depicts the region as a geopolitical battleground between regional and external great powers, where tensions have been exacerbated by the sea's rich natural resources, strategic location, and legal disagreements over its status. Agha Bayramov,'s book Constructive Competition in the Caspian Sea Region (Routledge, 2022), by contrast, portrays a new image of the region, which still acknowledges the difficulties and problematic starting situation of power politics there. It, however, seeks to show that there are ways forward by identifying mechanisms and means to transform the New Great Game' into processes of functional co-operation. Drawing on theoretical insights from a functionalist framework, this book examines three intertwined case studies, namely the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), and the Caspian Environmental Program (CEP). It shows that lessons learned from environmental co-operation have influenced the discussion over the uncertain legal status of the sea, which culminated in the signing in 2018 of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea. This book analyzes the three phases of the BTC and the SGC projects: the planning of the pipeline, its construction, and its use, none of which have been adequately addressed yet. This book illustrates the increasing role of actors beyond and besides the states in the Caspian Sea region, such as transnational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and intergovernment organizations. Luca Anceschi is Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, where he also edits Europe-Asia Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
The Caspian Sea region has hitherto largely been investigated from a New Great Game' perspective that depicts the region as a geopolitical battleground between regional and external great powers, where tensions have been exacerbated by the sea's rich natural resources, strategic location, and legal disagreements over its status. Agha Bayramov,'s book Constructive Competition in the Caspian Sea Region (Routledge, 2022), by contrast, portrays a new image of the region, which still acknowledges the difficulties and problematic starting situation of power politics there. It, however, seeks to show that there are ways forward by identifying mechanisms and means to transform the New Great Game' into processes of functional co-operation. Drawing on theoretical insights from a functionalist framework, this book examines three intertwined case studies, namely the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), and the Caspian Environmental Program (CEP). It shows that lessons learned from environmental co-operation have influenced the discussion over the uncertain legal status of the sea, which culminated in the signing in 2018 of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea. This book analyzes the three phases of the BTC and the SGC projects: the planning of the pipeline, its construction, and its use, none of which have been adequately addressed yet. This book illustrates the increasing role of actors beyond and besides the states in the Caspian Sea region, such as transnational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and intergovernment organizations. Luca Anceschi is Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, where he also edits Europe-Asia Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science
I am very pleased to host on the NBN Central Asia Studies podcast Agha Bayramov, the author of the extremely readable Constructive Cooperation in the Caspian Sea Region? An Alternative Image (Routledge, 2022). This is a much-needed book, which looks at the developments of cooperative frameworks in the Caspian Sea region, an area that is too often investigated through Great Game analysis. Challenging mainstream depictions that portray the Caspian Sea basin as a geopolitical battleground between regional and external great powers, where tensions have been exacerbated by the sea's rich natural resources, strategic location, and legal disagreements over its status, this book offers a new image of the region. Bayramov acknowledges the difficulties and problematic starting situation of power politics in the Caspian Sea region while seeking to show that there are ways forward by identifying mechanisms and means to transform the `New Great Game' into processes of functional co-operation. Drawing on theoretical insights from a functionalist framework, this book examines three intertwined case studies, namely the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), and the Caspian Environmental Program (CEP). Agha Bayramov is Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations and International Organization of the University of Groningen. He can be followed on Twitter @aghabayramov Luca Anceschi is Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, where he also edits Europe-Asia Studies. He can be followed on Twitter @anceschistan. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/central-asian-studies
The Caspian Sea region has hitherto largely been investigated from a New Great Game' perspective that depicts the region as a geopolitical battleground between regional and external great powers, where tensions have been exacerbated by the sea's rich natural resources, strategic location, and legal disagreements over its status. Agha Bayramov,'s book Constructive Competition in the Caspian Sea Region (Routledge, 2022), by contrast, portrays a new image of the region, which still acknowledges the difficulties and problematic starting situation of power politics there. It, however, seeks to show that there are ways forward by identifying mechanisms and means to transform the New Great Game' into processes of functional co-operation. Drawing on theoretical insights from a functionalist framework, this book examines three intertwined case studies, namely the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), and the Caspian Environmental Program (CEP). It shows that lessons learned from environmental co-operation have influenced the discussion over the uncertain legal status of the sea, which culminated in the signing in 2018 of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea. This book analyzes the three phases of the BTC and the SGC projects: the planning of the pipeline, its construction, and its use, none of which have been adequately addressed yet. This book illustrates the increasing role of actors beyond and besides the states in the Caspian Sea region, such as transnational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and intergovernment organizations. Luca Anceschi is Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, where he also edits Europe-Asia Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies
The Caspian Sea region has hitherto largely been investigated from a New Great Game' perspective that depicts the region as a geopolitical battleground between regional and external great powers, where tensions have been exacerbated by the sea's rich natural resources, strategic location, and legal disagreements over its status. Agha Bayramov,'s book Constructive Competition in the Caspian Sea Region (Routledge, 2022), by contrast, portrays a new image of the region, which still acknowledges the difficulties and problematic starting situation of power politics there. It, however, seeks to show that there are ways forward by identifying mechanisms and means to transform the New Great Game' into processes of functional co-operation. Drawing on theoretical insights from a functionalist framework, this book examines three intertwined case studies, namely the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), and the Caspian Environmental Program (CEP). It shows that lessons learned from environmental co-operation have influenced the discussion over the uncertain legal status of the sea, which culminated in the signing in 2018 of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea. This book analyzes the three phases of the BTC and the SGC projects: the planning of the pipeline, its construction, and its use, none of which have been adequately addressed yet. This book illustrates the increasing role of actors beyond and besides the states in the Caspian Sea region, such as transnational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and intergovernment organizations. Luca Anceschi is Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, where he also edits Europe-Asia Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/environmental-studies
The Caspian Sea region has hitherto largely been investigated from a New Great Game' perspective that depicts the region as a geopolitical battleground between regional and external great powers, where tensions have been exacerbated by the sea's rich natural resources, strategic location, and legal disagreements over its status. Agha Bayramov,'s book Constructive Competition in the Caspian Sea Region (Routledge, 2022), by contrast, portrays a new image of the region, which still acknowledges the difficulties and problematic starting situation of power politics there. It, however, seeks to show that there are ways forward by identifying mechanisms and means to transform the New Great Game' into processes of functional co-operation. Drawing on theoretical insights from a functionalist framework, this book examines three intertwined case studies, namely the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), and the Caspian Environmental Program (CEP). It shows that lessons learned from environmental co-operation have influenced the discussion over the uncertain legal status of the sea, which culminated in the signing in 2018 of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea. This book analyzes the three phases of the BTC and the SGC projects: the planning of the pipeline, its construction, and its use, none of which have been adequately addressed yet. This book illustrates the increasing role of actors beyond and besides the states in the Caspian Sea region, such as transnational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and intergovernment organizations. Luca Anceschi is Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, where he also edits Europe-Asia Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/russian-studies
The Caspian Sea region has hitherto largely been investigated from a New Great Game' perspective that depicts the region as a geopolitical battleground between regional and external great powers, where tensions have been exacerbated by the sea's rich natural resources, strategic location, and legal disagreements over its status. Agha Bayramov,'s book Constructive Competition in the Caspian Sea Region (Routledge, 2022), by contrast, portrays a new image of the region, which still acknowledges the difficulties and problematic starting situation of power politics there. It, however, seeks to show that there are ways forward by identifying mechanisms and means to transform the New Great Game' into processes of functional co-operation. Drawing on theoretical insights from a functionalist framework, this book examines three intertwined case studies, namely the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), and the Caspian Environmental Program (CEP). It shows that lessons learned from environmental co-operation have influenced the discussion over the uncertain legal status of the sea, which culminated in the signing in 2018 of the Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea. This book analyzes the three phases of the BTC and the SGC projects: the planning of the pipeline, its construction, and its use, none of which have been adequately addressed yet. This book illustrates the increasing role of actors beyond and besides the states in the Caspian Sea region, such as transnational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and intergovernment organizations. Luca Anceschi is Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, where he also edits Europe-Asia Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/economics
*) Armenia reportedly assaults Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline Azerbaijan has said its forces thwarted an Armenian missile attack on the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline. The BTC pipeline delivers Azerbaijani light crude oil through Georgia to Turkey’s Mediterranean port of Ceyhan for export via tankers. Azerbaijan described the attack that took place amid the ongoing conflict around the occupied Karabakh region as a “terrorist act”. *) Trump halts virus stimulus talks until after election US President Donald Trump has called off talks on a new stimulus plan to boost the coronavirus-ravaged economy until after the election. Meanwhile, virus cases in Trump’s inner circle have been rising ever since the US president announced he was infected last week. The Pentagon said that top US military leaders are under self-quarantine after a senior Coast Guard official tested positive for the coronavirus. *) Kyrgyz opposition faction claims state power in rift with allies Kyrgyzstan's opposition faction has said it was assuming all state powers and dissolving parliament in a rift with its former allies. Opposition groups took control of most of the government apparatus on Tuesday after storming buildings during protests over the October 4 parliamentary election. Unrest over the vote killed at least one person and left almost 700 injured. *) Deadly car bomb strikes Syria’s Al Bab A car bomb has killed at least 14 people, mostly civilians, in the northern Syrian city of Al Bab. There was no immediate claim of responsibility but investigators are considering the possibility that the YPG/PKK terror group might be behind the attack. Last month, an attack on a Turkish Red Crescent vehicle in Al Bab killed a member of the aid agency and wounded another. And finally... *) Deep ocean is a sink for 14 million tonnes of microplastics The world’s sea floor is littered with an estimated 14 million tonnes of microplastics, according to Australia’s national science agency. “Plastic pollution that ends up in the ocean deteriorates and breaks down, ending up as microplastics,” study lead Justine Barrett said. Marine plastic pollution affects ecosystems, wildlife and human health.
On August 8, 2008 many Americans learned that Russia had gone to war with a mysterious country called Georgia over an even stranger territory called South Ossetia. Both Georgia and South Ossetia were located not on the southeastern seaboard of the United States, but in a mountainous region south of Russia called the Caucasus. The war was short, a mere four days, but during that time it became an campaign issue between Barack Obama and John McCain, a moment made memorable when McCain declared “We are all Georgians now.” For the Cold Warriors of yesteryear the world was remade familiar: Russia was enemy no. 1 again, Mikheil Saakashvili’s was a victim of Russian imperialism, and the Cold War was back as if it had never left. Those familiar with the South Caucasus know that the region is allergic to Cold War binaries. Its ethnic, linguistic, and religious complexity defy even the best social scientific models. Persistent conflicts mark the region. Azerbaijan and Armenia are at odds over Nagorno-Karabakh. Georgia has had to contend with separatist movements in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, both Russian protectorates. Of course, we can’t forget that the region also hosts two important energy pipelines–the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline–making the South Caucasus a geopolitical focus of the United States, the EU, and Russia. The 2008 South Ossetian War might have brought the region to the attention of many, but its origins have deep roots in the intricacies of the region’s history. Luckily, to make sense of the South Caucasus’ complicated past and volatile present, we have Thomas de Waal‘s The Caucasus: An Introduction (Oxford UP, 2010). De Waal clearly and succinctly outlines the morass that is the South Caucasus by laying out the histories, relations, and issues that drive present day Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan and their place in the world. Whether as a refresher or an initiation, The Caucasus: An Introduction is an important primer. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
On August 8, 2008 many Americans learned that Russia had gone to war with a mysterious country called Georgia over an even stranger territory called South Ossetia. Both Georgia and South Ossetia were located not on the southeastern seaboard of the United States, but in a mountainous region south of Russia called the Caucasus. The war was short, a mere four days, but during that time it became an campaign issue between Barack Obama and John McCain, a moment made memorable when McCain declared “We are all Georgians now.” For the Cold Warriors of yesteryear the world was remade familiar: Russia was enemy no. 1 again, Mikheil Saakashvili’s was a victim of Russian imperialism, and the Cold War was back as if it had never left. Those familiar with the South Caucasus know that the region is allergic to Cold War binaries. Its ethnic, linguistic, and religious complexity defy even the best social scientific models. Persistent conflicts mark the region. Azerbaijan and Armenia are at odds over Nagorno-Karabakh. Georgia has had to contend with separatist movements in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, both Russian protectorates. Of course, we can’t forget that the region also hosts two important energy pipelines–the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline–making the South Caucasus a geopolitical focus of the United States, the EU, and Russia. The 2008 South Ossetian War might have brought the region to the attention of many, but its origins have deep roots in the intricacies of the region’s history. Luckily, to make sense of the South Caucasus’ complicated past and volatile present, we have Thomas de Waal‘s The Caucasus: An Introduction (Oxford UP, 2010). De Waal clearly and succinctly outlines the morass that is the South Caucasus by laying out the histories, relations, and issues that drive present day Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan and their place in the world. Whether as a refresher or an initiation, The Caucasus: An Introduction is an important primer. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
On August 8, 2008 many Americans learned that Russia had gone to war with a mysterious country called Georgia over an even stranger territory called South Ossetia. Both Georgia and South Ossetia were located not on the southeastern seaboard of the United States, but in a mountainous region south of Russia called the Caucasus. The war was short, a mere four days, but during that time it became an campaign issue between Barack Obama and John McCain, a moment made memorable when McCain declared “We are all Georgians now.” For the Cold Warriors of yesteryear the world was remade familiar: Russia was enemy no. 1 again, Mikheil Saakashvili's was a victim of Russian imperialism, and the Cold War was back as if it had never left. Those familiar with the South Caucasus know that the region is allergic to Cold War binaries. Its ethnic, linguistic, and religious complexity defy even the best social scientific models. Persistent conflicts mark the region. Azerbaijan and Armenia are at odds over Nagorno-Karabakh. Georgia has had to contend with separatist movements in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, both Russian protectorates. Of course, we can't forget that the region also hosts two important energy pipelines–the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline–making the South Caucasus a geopolitical focus of the United States, the EU, and Russia. The 2008 South Ossetian War might have brought the region to the attention of many, but its origins have deep roots in the intricacies of the region's history. Luckily, to make sense of the South Caucasus' complicated past and volatile present, we have Thomas de Waal‘s The Caucasus: An Introduction (Oxford UP, 2010). De Waal clearly and succinctly outlines the morass that is the South Caucasus by laying out the histories, relations, and issues that drive present day Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan and their place in the world. Whether as a refresher or an initiation, The Caucasus: An Introduction is an important primer.
Pictures of Poti and Supsa taken in 1999US Department of Energy (EIA): "Baku-Supsa Pipeline (AIOC "Early Oil" Western Route) Baku to Supsa (Georgia), terminating at Supsa Black Sea Port "Wikipedia:The Baku-Supsa Pipeline (also known as the Western Route Export Pipeline and Western Early Oil Pipeline) is an 830 kilometres (520 mi) long oil pipeline, which runs from the Sangachal Terminal near Baku to the Supsa terminal in Georgia. It transports oil from the Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli field. The pipeline is operated by BP.The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline goes through Georgian territory and not Russian aligned that's why BP, Chevron, Total, Hess and others built it, but, According to the map above, provided by US Department of Energy, there's a thick red line indicating a pipeline! The Baku-Supsa Pipeline terminates at the port of Batumi in the Russian affiliated autonomous region of Ajaria! Supsa looks like a one horse town in Georgia, it doesn't look very much like a port, I think I'm going Poti, Poti is also in Georgia, I guess that's why Poti was bombed but Russia said it was no threat to oil shipments, Will that mean business as usual in the Russian-friendly boomtown Batumi?Reuters: Georgia's oil port of Supsa is operating only partially and oil tankers are not going into its Batumi port?I guess not...This much I do know; US energy interests with all the usual suspects are somewhere in the mix including Zbigniew Brzezinski and Blackwater. Jeremy Scahill's book Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army is now available in a special updated edition! Poti (north), Subsa (middle), Batumi (south)View Larger MapSupsa oil storage depotView Larger MapAddendum: The BBC says that oil is transported from Supsa to Batumi by rail Link The Baku-Batumi pipline Link http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b00cv4l8
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