Podcasts about unilateral declaration

In 1965 Rhodesia declared itself independent of Britain instead of agreeing to expand voting rights in the colony to its black inhabitants. What followed was 15 years of ostracism from the wider world.

As a young man, David Coltart was urged by Robert Mugabe to return from South Africa to Zimbabwe, where Coltart rose to become senator and education minister. But, as Mugabe became increasingly dictatorial, Coltart became one of Mugabe’s favorite targets of vilification. Coltart was branded a traitor to the state and worthy of remaining in Zimbabwe only as a resident of one of its prisons. For three decades, Coltart has kept detailed notes and records of all his work, including a meticulous diary of cabinet meetings. Coltart’s book deals with the last 60 years of Zimbabwe’s history: from the obstinate rule of Ian Smith that provoked Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence from Britain in 1965, to the civil war of the 1970s, the Gukurahundi genocide of the 1980s, Robert Mugabe’s war on white landowners, and the struggles waged by Coltart’s party — the Movement for Democratic Change. Coltart will also discuss one of his key concerns: the role of political extremists who have consistently subverted Zimbabwe’s chances of realizing its true potential. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We wrap up our conversation with Rhodes regarding Zimbabwe. This episode picks up in the mid-20th century, as decolonization sweeps across Africa. We examine the efforts of the white minority to hold on to power, leading to the Unilateral Declaration of Independence and onwards to the Bush War. We continue through the Lancaster Agreement into post-independence Zimbabwe, the rise of Mugabe, and the Gukurahundi. The disastrous land reforms and hyperinflation are also discussed in the context of Zimbabwe as a symbolic state as much as it is a new one. (89min)

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Dr. Jose Ramos-Horta, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and former President of Timor-Leste, was born in the country's capital, Dili, on 26 December 1949. Ramos-Horta began his career in journalism in 1969 in Timor-Leste, and was a co-founder of FRETILIN (Revolutionary Front for the Independence of Timor-Leste). He has held key government posts within his nation including: Minister for Foreign Affairs and Information in the first government proclaimed in December 1975 following Timor-Leste's Unilateral Declaration of Independence, and Representative, Spokesperson, for the Resistance (1975-1999); Cabinet Member, United Nations Transition Administration for East Timor (2000-2002); Senior Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation (2002-2006); and Prime Minister, Minister of Defense (2006-2007). In 2007, with a 70% margin, Ramos-Horta was elected President of Timor-Leste, a position he held until 2012. Since then, he has served in a number of posts both in and out of Timor-Leste. He is currently a Member, Council of State, an Advisory Body to the President of Timor-Leste, and just completed his assignment as Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and Head of the UN Integrated Peace Building Mission in Guinea-Bissau. Throughout his career, Ramos-Horta has worked tirelessly on behalf of human rights and the eradication of extreme poverty. He has been an advocate for indigenous and minority peoples' rights, mutual respect and tolerance among faiths. In January 1990, at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, he launched the first ever human rights education and training program in Asia, “Diplomacy and Human Rights”. The program is an innovative approach in the teaching of human rights. It remains the most successful program of its kind in the entire Asia-Pacific region, with training sessions conducted throughout the year in various countries. To-date, more than 2,000 human rights advocates have benefited from the initiative. Additionally, in July 1994, Ramos-Horta led the first ever human rights education and advocacy training program in Burma. Since then, training programs have been conducted in Indonesia, Timor-Leste, Malaysia, Thailand, The Philippines, Hong Kong, India, Nepal, and Qatar. As Head of State, Ramos-Horta did not shy away from publicly condemning human rights abuses in North Korea and Iran when other Asian leaders were silent. During his Presidency, Ramos-Horta launched a series of simple, creative anti-poverty initiatives, aimed at improving the lives of the poorest of the poor. Among them, he launched a community-based housing program for the extremely poor and vulnerable, empowering youths to participate in cash-for-work programs. For the five years of his term in office, President Ramos-Horta donated half of his monthly salary and the "13th month bonus" to social and humanitarian projects. All his local travel per-diem was donated to the lowest paid staff in his office. Plus, his paid public speaking engagements were donated to different groups in Timor-Leste, particularly, NGOs providing shelter, protection and counseling to women and girls who were victims of domestic and sexual violence. During his assignment in Guinea-Bissau, Ramos-Horta personally paid for numerous poor and critically ill patients to be evacuated to Lisbon for urgent treatment. Throughout the years, Ramos-Horta has received distinguished awards, along with numerous academic honors from the world's most prestigious universities. Along with Bishop Carlos Belo, for “their work towards a just and peaceful solution to the conflict in Timor-Leste” Ramos-Horta was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1996. Besides his mother tongues Tetum and Portuguese, Ramos-Horta is fluent in English, French and Spanish. He resides in Dili.

Much of the literature on modern Africa makes the unhappy comparison between hopes, especially upon independence, and reality. In Zimbabwe that link resonates even more than is normal. Zimbabwe only achieved full independence in 1980 after a brutal war involving several guerilla groups and the country’s white minority, which had tried to create a unilaterally independent state based upon their own minority rule. Zimbabwe was a cause for hope, after so many newly independent African states before it had run into trouble. It enjoyed many advantages, not least the good will of the international community, and the lessons that it could learn from other failures on the continent. Two decades on, however, and Zimbabwe had become a failed state, with massive hyperinflation, a government that routinely relied upon violence to achieve its ends, and the large scale outward migration of Zimbabweans desperate for a new life. How did this happen? Richard Bourne‘s Catastrophe: What Went Wrong in Zimbabwe? (Zed Books, 2011) leaves few stones unturned. He goes back before the days of Cecil Rhodes before taking us through the colonial period, the Unilateral Declaration of Independence and the rule of Mugabe. It is a compelling story and a sobering one, and Richard Bourne’s book does it justice. He avoids over-simplified conclusions, and the book is all the better for it. Too much of Zimbabwe’s modern history has involved simple solutions to politically convenient levying of blame. It’s a book that I heartily recommend for those interested in understanding how a country can fall from such promise to such a low, so quickly. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Much of the literature on modern Africa makes the unhappy comparison between hopes, especially upon independence, and reality. In Zimbabwe that link resonates even more than is normal. Zimbabwe only achieved full independence in 1980 after a brutal war involving several guerilla groups and the country’s white minority, which had tried to create a unilaterally independent state based upon their own minority rule. Zimbabwe was a cause for hope, after so many newly independent African states before it had run into trouble. It enjoyed many advantages, not least the good will of the international community, and the lessons that it could learn from other failures on the continent. Two decades on, however, and Zimbabwe had become a failed state, with massive hyperinflation, a government that routinely relied upon violence to achieve its ends, and the large scale outward migration of Zimbabweans desperate for a new life. How did this happen? Richard Bourne‘s Catastrophe: What Went Wrong in Zimbabwe? (Zed Books, 2011) leaves few stones unturned. He goes back before the days of Cecil Rhodes before taking us through the colonial period, the Unilateral Declaration of Independence and the rule of Mugabe. It is a compelling story and a sobering one, and Richard Bourne’s book does it justice. He avoids over-simplified conclusions, and the book is all the better for it. Too much of Zimbabwe’s modern history has involved simple solutions to politically convenient levying of blame. It’s a book that I heartily recommend for those interested in understanding how a country can fall from such promise to such a low, so quickly. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Much of the literature on modern Africa makes the unhappy comparison between hopes, especially upon independence, and reality. In Zimbabwe that link resonates even more than is normal. Zimbabwe only achieved full independence in 1980 after a brutal war involving several guerilla groups and the country’s white minority, which had tried to create a unilaterally independent state based upon their own minority rule. Zimbabwe was a cause for hope, after so many newly independent African states before it had run into trouble. It enjoyed many advantages, not least the good will of the international community, and the lessons that it could learn from other failures on the continent. Two decades on, however, and Zimbabwe had become a failed state, with massive hyperinflation, a government that routinely relied upon violence to achieve its ends, and the large scale outward migration of Zimbabweans desperate for a new life. How did this happen? Richard Bourne‘s Catastrophe: What Went Wrong in Zimbabwe? (Zed Books, 2011) leaves few stones unturned. He goes back before the days of Cecil Rhodes before taking us through the colonial period, the Unilateral Declaration of Independence and the rule of Mugabe. It is a compelling story and a sobering one, and Richard Bourne’s book does it justice. He avoids over-simplified conclusions, and the book is all the better for it. Too much of Zimbabwe’s modern history has involved simple solutions to politically convenient levying of blame. It’s a book that I heartily recommend for those interested in understanding how a country can fall from such promise to such a low, so quickly. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices