Podcasts about Council

Chapter 26. Fiver Beyond Fiver slips into what might be called just a dream in which he follows the ghostly rabbit he saw disappear on WD into the landscape below. You can clearly see how this description inspired the sequence in the 1978 film. The similarity with that scene ends with the appearance of the disturbing human who gives Fiver all the clues he needs about where to find Hazel. He finds himself at the place where the notice board was that warned of the destruction of the Sandleford Warren. The black stick shapes on the board seem to chatter to Fiver of a memorial to Hazel-rah. But the man says he cannot get to Hazel to hang him up on the board. Because he's gone down the "bloody hole". Fiver wakes up to a shower of earth from the roof of his burrow having landed on him due to the hot weather. Blackberry has come to check on him. He was crying out Hazel's name in his sleep. Fiver asks if Blackberry knows exactly where Hazel was shot. Blackberry confirms he does and Fiver cuts short his objections to Hazel still being alive by saying they have to go and save Hazel right away. On reaching the site of Hazel's shooting, Fiver notices the dried trail of blood coming out of the culvert. He has found the Bloody Hole. And in that hole...is Hazel. Who is alive. Chapter 27. 'You Can't Imagine it Unless You've been There' This chapter mainly consists of Holly speaking as he recounts the experiences of the expedition to the other warren to try to get some Does for the WD warren. Holly gives an excellent account of a seasoned Owsla officer's tracking across open country. Then they meet a hare, who can obviously communicate with them easily. As soon as the hare realises where they are going, he recommends they run away very fast. Three large Efrafan rabbits appear and one of them asks to see the expedition rabbits' "marks". And so they arrive at Efrafa. Efrafa is a big warren. The entire warren is designed to conceal its existence. As well as the Owsla, there is a Council, each member of which is responsible for things such as feeding, breeding and concealment. The Efrafan Owsla is terrifying and the chief of the warren is General Woundwort. Under him are multiple captains of the Owsla, rather than the usual single captain. Each of them responsible for a mark. Holly and his companions are then taken to see the Council. They meet General Woundwort, who has no interest in why they have travelled to Efrafa. He simply explains the rules under which they will live there. The expedition are told they will join the Right Flank Mark under Captain Bugloss. It occurs to him that Captain Bugloss is a bit overstretched in his role, so Holly decides to adopt the role of a messenger from the Council, just as his mark are going on silflay. The WD rabbits immediately escape. Just as Holly thinks they will have to turn and fight, they come to a steep bank, which they climb. This is a railway embankment. They fall down the other side of the embankment and then experience the passing of a train as a visitation from one of Lord Frith's messengers, which overwhelms Holly. It would be far more frightening than just a car. Next day Holly finds a tunnel under the track and they begin the journey north back to WD. It is a very difficult journey and only Silver makes it back in a healthy condition. But they meet no Efrafans. It takes a day and a night and they do not rest. They return to the news of Hazel's death, though this low point for them isn't quite as bad for us as readers, as we know that he is alive. Were it not for what we know as readers, this would truly be the lowest point in the story. 25.5 Next Episode Next time, Hazel returns to WD...and hatches a plan that will make the raid on Nuthanger Farm seem like a walk in the park. Vocab: Hyzenthlay: Shine-Dew-Fur (Fur that shines like the dew) Crixa: a crossroad between two human tracks. Owslafa: Efrafan Council Police

Swarmer's drone stock surged 1,100% since its IPO… and it reminds us of The Bachelor.The mystery artist Banksy just had his real identity revealed… His secret art biz is worth $250M.JPMorgan just hired Tom Brady & Dwayne Wade?… Jamie's got a Hall of Fame strategy.Plus, it's the 1st day on the job for Disney's new CEO… so we have some ideas (dude, buy an airline).$JPM $SWMR $DISBuy tickets to The IPO Tour (our In-Person Offering) TODAYNew York, NY (4/8): https://www.ticketmaster.com/event/0000637AE43ED0C2Los Angeles, CA (6/3): SOLD OUTGet your TBOY Yeti Doll gift here: https://tboypod.com/shop/product/economic-support-yeti-doll NEWSLETTER:https://tboypod.com/newsletter OUR 2ND SHOW:Want more business storytelling from us? Check our weekly deepdive show, The Best Idea Yet: The untold origin story of the products you're obsessed with. Listen for free to The Best Idea Yet: https://wondery.com/links/the-best-idea-yet/NEW LISTENERSFill out our 2 minute survey: https://qualtricsxm88y5r986q.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_dp1FDYiJgt6lHy6GET ON THE POD: Submit a shoutout or fact: https://tboypod.com/shoutouts SOCIALS:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tboypod TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@tboypodYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@tboypod Linkedin (Nick): https://www.linkedin.com/in/nicolas-martell/Linkedin (Jack): https://www.linkedin.com/in/jack-crivici-kramer/Anything else: https://tboypod.com/ About Us: The daily pop-biz news show making today's top stories your business. Formerly known as Robinhood Snacks, The Best One Yet is hosted by Jack Crivici-Kramer & Nick Martell. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

James and Al welcome Council on Foreign Relations President Emeritus Richard Haass to analyze the effects of the Iran war and Trump's wider policy decisions, looking at the roles of Russia, the GCC, and China, the challenges of negotiating with Iran, and the consequences for our alliances, the global economy, and the region.  Then, they are joined by Scranton Mayor Paige Cognetti to discuss her current House race, making government accountable to the people, rising energy costs, declining affordability, and the power of infrastructure improvements to create jobs and grow our cities.Email your questions to James and Al at politicswarroom@gmail.com or tweet them to @politicon.  Make sure to include your city– we love to hear where you're from! More from James and Al:Get text updates from Politics War Room and Politicon.Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube.James Carville & Al Hunt have launched the Politics War Room SubstackGet updates and some great behind-the-scenes content from the documentary CARVILLE: WINNING IS EVERYTHING, STUPID by following James on X @jamescarville and his new TikTok @realjamescarvilleGet More From This Week's Guests: Richard Haass: Twitter | Council On Foreign Relations | Substack | Author Mayor Paige Cognetti: Twitter | Campaign Website | City Of Scranton | Website | Instagram Please Support Our Sponsors:Smalls:For a limited time, get 60% off your first order, plus free shipping, when you head to Smalls.com/warroomSuperpower:Head to Superpower.com and use code WARROOM at checkout for $20 off your membership. Unlock your new health intelligence. 100+ biomarkers. Every year. Detect early signs of 1,000+ conditions. #superpowerpodDeleteMe:Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to joindeleteme.com/warroom and usepromo code WARROOM at checkout.

8. Guests Mariam Wahba and Natalie Ecanow address threats to the Strait of Hormuz by Iran. They emphasize the need for U.S. energy dominance and the role of the National Energy Dominance Council. (9)2010 DOHA

The Council has returned from a travel-filled March! Janet and Jill talk through their GDC experience, and we share the latest games we've been diving into.

As the U.S. and Israel continue to bombard Iran, concerns are rising that Iran could respond with a terrorist attack. Bruce Hoffman is Shelby Cullom and Kathryn W. Davis senior fellow for counterterrorism and homeland security at the Council on Foreign Relations. He joins host Krys Boyd to discuss potential dangers the U.S. must now face in retaliation for the war in Iran, what the potential for both lone-wolf and coordinated attacks might be, and efforts at the Department of Homeland Security to identify and stop them. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Captain's Council aren't the only people trying to escape the Blistering Labyrinth. Can they manage to get out without attracting the attention of anything dire and powerful? Ignis keeps the train moving. Chozo raises morale among the troops. Max is the captain now. Buster attracts the attention of something dire and powerful. • • • Patreon: patreon.com/ICastFireball20 Twitter / Instagram: @ICastFireball20 Facebook: @ICastFireball2020 Email: ICastFireball2020@gmail.com Donations: ko-fi.com/icastfireball20 • • • AUDIO CREDITS Mynoise.net Ambience made on the incredible Mynoise.net. If you're looking for customizable background sound while you're creating, or studying, or playing your own dnd campaign check out this site and consider donating because it's a great site. Many sound effects obtained from https://www.zapsplat.com and https://pixabay.com/ Public domain sound effects used throughout BATTLE MUSIC PIRATES “Spirit of the Sea” by Michael Ghelfi Studios on Youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UgrFlGuloVE GO CHECK THEM OUT!! Incredible TTRPG Ambiences and music! Their Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/MichaelGhelfi Conditions of use:https://michaelghelfi.com/conditions-of-use/ Michaelghelfistudios.com dscryb.com/MichaelGhelfi @MichaelGhelfiStudios   And as always a HUGE thank you to Hayden Allred for our amazing theme music!

Full Text of Readings Wednesday of the Fourth Week of Lent Lectionary: 246 The Saint of the day is Saint Cyril of Jerusalem Saint Cyril of Jerusalem's Story The crises that the Church faces today may seem minor when compared with the threat posed by the Arian heresy, which denied the divinity of Christ and almost overcame Christianity in the fourth century. Saint Cyril of Jerusalem was to be caught up in the controversy, accused of Arianism by Saint Jerome, and ultimately vindicated both by the men of his own time and by being declared a Doctor of the Church in 1822. Raised in Jerusalem and well-educated, especially in the Scriptures, he was ordained a priest by the bishop of Jerusalem and given the task during Lent of catechizing those preparing for Baptism and catechizing the newly baptized during the Easter season. His Catecheses remain valuable as examples of the ritual and theology of the Church in the mid-fourth century. There are conflicting reports about the circumstances of his becoming bishop of Jerusalem. It is certain that he was validly consecrated by bishops of the province. Since one of them was an Arian, Acacius, it may have been expected that his “cooperation” would follow. Conflict soon rose between Saint Cyril of Jerusalem and Acacius, bishop of the rival nearby see of Caesarea. Saint Cyril of Jerusalem was summoned to a council, accused of insubordination and of selling Church property to relieve the poor. Probably, however, a theological difference was also involved. He was condemned, driven from Jerusalem, and later vindicated, not without some association with and help from Semi-Arians. Half his episcopate was spent in exile; his first experience was repeated twice. He finally returned to find Jerusalem torn with heresy, schism and strife, and wracked with crime. Even Saint Gregory of Nyssa, who was sent to help, left in despair. They both went to the Council of Constantinople, where the amended form of the Nicene Creed was promulgated in 381. Saint Cyril of Jerusalem accepted the word consubstantial—that is, Christ is of the same substance or nature as the Father. Some said it was an act of repentance, but the bishops of the Council praised him as a champion of orthodoxy against the Arians. Though not friendly with the greatest defender of orthodoxy against the Arians, Saint Cyril of Jerusalem may be counted among those whom Athanasius called “brothers, who mean what we mean, and differ only about the word consubstantial.” Reflection Those who imagine that the lives of saints are simple and placid, untouched by the vulgar breath of controversy, are rudely shocked by history. Yet, it should be no surprise that saints, indeed all Christians, will experience the same difficulties as their Master. The definition of truth is an endless, complex pursuit, and good men and women have suffered the pain of both controversy and error. Intellectual, emotional, and political roadblocks may slow up people like Cyril for a time. But their lives taken as a whole are monuments to honesty and courage.Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

Want more exclusive content?! http://prometheuslens.supercast.com to sign up for the "All Access Pass" and get early access to episodes, private community, members only episodes, private Q & A's, and coming documentaries. We also have a $4 dollar a month package that gets you early access and an ad free listening experience! ====================SummaryIn this enlightening episode of the Prometheus Lens Podcast, host Doc Brown welcomes back Stephen from the Biblical Hitman. The conversation delves into various themes, including the enigmatic figure of Jeffrey Epstein, his connections to elite circles, and the implications of his actions. The discussion explores the intersection of mysticism, Kabbalah, and the occult, as well as Epstein's interest in artificial intelligence and extra-sensory perception. The episode also touches on the symbolism of Epstein's temple and the broader implications of these themes in understanding power dynamics in society. In this conversation, Stephen and Doc Brown delve into the intricate connections between extra sensory perception (ESP), UFO phenomena, and the occult, particularly focusing on the implications of Jeffrey Epstein's activities.They explore the idea that UFOs may be controlled by human thought and the potential for ESP to play a role in this. The discussion also touches on the Council of Nine, nanotechnology, and artificial intelligence, suggesting a merging of these elements with human consciousness. The conversation culminates in a reflection on the ritualistic aspects of Epstein's actions and the broader implications for society, including the potential for a new world order driven by mystery religions.==================== 

The aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine has seen a resurgence of interest in the topic of transatlantic security. Discussions of why the war in Ukraine began often focus on debates over the wisdom of NATO expansion in the post-Cold War era; the rise of a revisionist, increasingly imperialist Russia under Putin; and the escalating security dilemma entailed by these two dynamics. While these factors are certainly important in explaining how the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine came about, the story of how U.S. and NATO-Russia relations evolved in the post-Cold War period is one with considerably more nuance than is often represented in contemporary geopolitical commentary. To try and enhance the depth of public discourse on this critical subject, Dr. Stephen Flanagan joins host Mark McGuire on this episode of the Precision Guided Podcast to offer his insights on the evolution of US/NATO-Russia relations in the post-Cold War era.Dr. Stephen J. Flanagan is an Adjunct Senior Fellow at RAND and Adjunct Professor of Security Studies at Georgetown University in Washington, DC. His research interests include U.S. alliance and partnership relations and regional security in Europe/Eurasia, U.S. global defense strategy, and outer space security. Dr. Flanagan served in several senior positions in the U.S. Government, including at the National Security Council staff as Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Defense Policy (2013-15) and earlier for Central and Eastern Europe; National Intelligence Officer for Europe; Associate Director and Member of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff; and Professional Staff Member for the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. He also held senior research and faculty positions at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, National Defense University, the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, and Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. Dr. Flanagan has published six books and over seventy reports and journal articles on transatlantic, international security, and defense issues. His commentaries have appeared in publications including POLITICO, Foreign Policy, War on the Rocks, and Defense News. Dr. Flanagan is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the editorial board of International Security. He earned an A.B. from Columbia University and a Ph.D. from the Fletcher School at Tufts University.

Former New York City Councilman Bob Holden calls in to discuss Council Speaker Julie Menin's tweet about combating Islamophobia, which Sid and Holden criticize in light of recent terrorist attacks and rising antisemitism; Holden argues Menin and most City Council Democrats cater to the far-left for ambition and electoral security. They discuss internal Council dynamics, Holden's view that prior Speaker Adrienne Adams was the worst, and Sid's belief Menin is more dangerous because she presents as moderate. Both condemn Menin's actions against Councilwoman Vicki Paladino and praise Paladino's popularity and outspoken views. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

CW: Suicide This episode we are talking about Law and Order--where Ritsuryo system gets its name.  We are going to look at some of the underlying theory of how the government was set up and then some of the new laws people were expected to follow and examples of punishment--as well as pardons and general amnesties. For the blogpost, check out:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-145 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua, and this is Episode 145:  Law and Order in the Reign of Temmu     The sound of struggle could be heard, as a man, hands bound behind him, was roughly brought into the courtyard by several sturdy men.  They thrust him roughly to the bare ground in front of the pavilion.  The man's clothes were disheveled, his hair was unkempt, and his right eye was swollen shut.  He was a stark contrast from the four officials standing over him, and even more from those who stood in the pavilion, above, prepared to dole out judgment.  A clerk was handling the paperwork at a nearby desk, but the court official already knew this case.  He had read the reports, heard the testimony of the witnesses and, to top it all off, he had read the confession.  It seems it had taken some coercion, but in the end, the criminal before him had admitted to his wrongdoing. And thus the official was able to pronounce the sentence with some sense of moral clarity.  After all, if this man was innocent, why would he confess?  On the other hand, if he were truly innocent, how would he even have come to their attention?  Even if he was not guilty of this crime, if he had been such an upstanding citizen, why would his neighbors have accused him in the first place?  One way or another, justice was being done.     We remain—for at least the next couple of episodes—firmly in the reign of Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou.  There is a lot more in this reign, and we are reaching a period where we won't be able to cover nearly as much as previously, so we'll have to summarize some things, but there is still a lot here to discuss.  Last episode we looked at what was happening outside of the court.  This episode we turn our attention back to the center, and specifically, what law and order meant in Ohoama's time. This period is called the Ritsuryo period, and as the name indicates, it is characterized by the set of laws and accompanying penal codes, the ritsu and the ryo.  Most of these codes are no longer extant, only known to us by other sources which contain only fragments of the originals.  But it was this adoption of a continental style of law that seems to most characterize this period.  So this episode, we are going to look at the project Ohoama kicked off to establish  one such law code —possibly even the first actual—for Yamato, as well as some of the examples of how law and order were enforced. In Episode 143 we talked about Ohoama's  historiographical project, which kicked off in the third month of 681 and culminated in the very chronicles we have been poring over.  However, a month before that, we see the start of a different and likely more immediate project, as the sovereign ordered work to begin on a new legal code.  This task was decreed from the Daigokuden to all of the Princes and Ministers -- who were then cautioned to divide it up and take it in shifts, since after all, they still needed to administer the government.  And so this division of labor began. The code would take years to compile, so, like so many of the ambitious projects of this reign, it was not quite ready by the time of Ohoama's death in 686.  In fact, it wouldn't be promulgated until 689, and even then that was only the "Ryou" part of the "Ritsuryou"—that is to say it contained the laws, the "ryou", but no the penal code, or "ritsu".  Still, we are told that the total body of laws was some 22 volumes and is known today as the Asuka Kiyomihara Code.  It is unfortunately no longer extant—we only have evidence of the laws based on those edicts and references we see in the Nihon Shoki, but it is thought by some to be the first such deliberate attempt to create a law code for Yamato.  We do have an earlier reference to Naka no Ohoye putting together a collection of laws during his reign, known as the Afumi Code, but there is some question as to whether that was actually a deliberate code or just a compilation of edicts that had been made up to that point.  These various codes are where the "Ritsuryo" period gets its name, and the Asuka Kiyomihara Code would eventually be supplanted in 701 by the Taihou code—which is one of the reasons why copies of previous codes haven't been kept around.  After all, why would you need the old law code when you now have the new and improved version? This also means that often, when we don't have other evidence, we look to later codes and histories to understand what might be happening when we get hints or fragments of legal matters.  The Chronicles often make note of various laws or customs, but they can be sparse on details.  After all, the main audience, in the 8th century, would be living the current law codes and likely understood the references in ways we may have to work out through other sources. As for the Kiyomihara Code, there are further notes in the Chronicles that seem to be referencing this project.  Besides the obvious—the new laws that were promulgated through various edicts—we see a few entries sprinkled throughout that appear to be related to this project.  First, I would note that in the 10th month of the same year that they started the project, 681, there was issued an edict that all those of the rank of Daisen on down should offer up their admonitions to the government.   Bentley notes that Article 65 of the Statutes on Official Documents provides a kind of feedback mechanism via this admonitions, where anyone who saw a problem with the government could submit it to the Council of the State.  If they had a fear of reprisals they could submit anonymously. This entry for the 10th month of 681 could just refer to a similar request that all those who had a problem should report it so it could be fixed, but in light of several other things, I would also suggest that it was at least in line with the ongoing efforts to figure out what needed to be figured out vis a vis the laws of the land.  Later, in the 8th month of 682 we see a similar type of request, where everyone from the Princes to the Ministers were instructed to bring forward matters suitable for framing new regulations.   So it looks like that first year or so there were, in a sense, a lot of "listening sessions" and other efforts going on to give deliberate thought to how the government should operate.  A few days later in 682 the Chronicles tell us that the court were working on drawing up the new laws, and as they did so they noticed a great rainbow.  Bentley suggests that this was an auspicious sign—even Heaven was smiling on the operation. So we know that there was lawmaking going on.  But what did these laws actually look like? This episode we are going to look at both criminal law – crimes and punishments, and gow they could be mitigated as well as those laws that were less about criminal activities and more about how the state itself was to be run. As I just stated, a lot of the laws and edicts are not necessarily about criminal activities.  Many of them are about the government and how it works—or at least how it is supposed to work.  Some of this helps to reveal a bit about the theoretical and philosophical underpinnings of this project.  That said, I'm not always sure that Ohoama and his officials were necessarily adherents to those philosophies or if they saw them more as justifications fro their actions.  And, in the end, does it matter?  Even if they weren't strict Confucianists, it is hard to argue that Confucian theory didn't loom large in their project, given its impact on the systems they were cribbing from.  Furthermore, if we need to extrapolate things that go unsaid, we could do worse than using Confucianism and similar continental philosophies as our guide, given what we see in the record.  A particularly intriguing record for understanding how that government was supposed to work is a declaration that civil and military officials of the central and provincial governments should, every year, consider their subordinates and determine what promotions, if any, they should receive.  They were to send in their recommendations within the first ten days to the judges, or "houkan".  The judges would compare the reports and make their recommendations up to the Daibenkan—the executive department of the Dajokan, the Council of State.  In addition, officers who refused orders to go on various missions for the court were ineligible for promotion, unless their refusal was specifically for genuine illness or bereavement following the loss of a parent. This feels like an important note on how the whole bureaucratic appointment and promotion system worked.  It actually follows early ideas of the meritocratic bureaucracy that was at the heart of how the government was supposed to work.  It isn't quite the same as magistrates roaming the land and seeking out talented individuals, but it still demonstrates a promotion system that is at least nominally about the merit of the individual and not solely based on personal patronage—though I'm sure the sovereign, the sumera no mikoto, or tennou, could still issue promotions whenever he so wished. And as cool as I find all that to be, I think the piece that I find particularly fun is the fact that they had to specify that only a "genuine" illness was a valid excuse.  That suggests to me that there were people who would feign illness to get out of work.  In other words, faking a sick day is nothing new and you could totally have a ritsuryo version of "Ferris Buehler's Day Off". This meritocratic idea seems to be tempered a bit a few years later, in 682.  We see an edict that not only describes the language and character of the court ritual, but also talking about verifying the lineage and character of anyone who applies for office.  Anyone whose lineage was found to be less than sufficient would be declared ineligible, regardless of whatever else they had done. And this is the tension of trying to overlay a theoretical system, based on the idea of merit, on a hereditary aristocracy.  In a meritocracy, one wouldn't blink twice at a person from a "lesser" ranked family making their way up and above those of "superior" families.  Then again, you probably wouldn't have families ranked in a hierarchy, anyway.  I feel like we've touched on this in a past episode, somewhere, but it isn't the last time we'll be talking about this.  After initially adopting the system as it theoretically should be, the cultural pressures of the elite nobles would start to shape the government into something that was not quite so threatening to the power of those elite families.  After all, those families held a lot of power—economic, political, and otherwise—and, as elites throughout history have done, they would do whatever they could to hold onto that power. This is actually something we see on the continent.  Whatever sense of justice or equality may have lay at the heart of the theory behind good governance, it was always going to be impacted by those with resources and the familial connections that bind people together.  For instance, it was the wealthy who would have the money and leisure time to be able to hire tutors, acquire books, and spend time studying and learning—something that is hard to do if you have to help your family work in the fields.  And the court would always be a place of politics, which was fueled by wealth and connections.  No doubt, if you asked someone of the time, they would say that the "correct" thing to do would be to work your way up from the bottom, starting from a low ranked position and climbing up based on their good deeds.  That's all well and good, but then we see preference given to the highest nobles, with their own progeny getting a jump on things by being automatically placed higher in rank.  With only a finite number of positions in the government, this meant  that climbing through the ranks would be almost impossible at some point, as there just weren't enough positions for those qualified to take them. This is an all-too-common problem, regardless of the actual system of government.  The powerful and wealthy have always had a leg up—though sometimes more than others. That isn't to say that those less fortunate were always ignored.  For instance, early in his reign, Ohoama made a decree to divide the common people—those who were not members of the royal family, so not princes or princesses—into three different classes, Upper, Middle, and Lower, all based on their wealth or financial status.  Only the two lower groups were eligible for loans of seed rice, should they need it.  That isn't so different than a lot of modern, means-tested government assistance programs, when you think about it.  The idea of breaking up groups into an "Upper", "Middle", and "Lower" category is found elsewhere—Bentley notes Article 16 of the Statutes of Arable Land dividing up families who planted mulberry.  "Ryou no Shuuge", a 9th century commentary on the Yoro law-code, notes that, at least by that time, the three categories were based on the number of people in a given household, not just the total wealth, it would seem.     Other decrees help us understand the make-up of the court, such as decree in the 8th month of 679, with the sovereign requesting that various houses send women to work in the court.  Bentley notes that this is very similar wording to Article 18 of the statutes of the Rear Palace, where the sovereign's consorts lived.  He also mentions a note in Ryou no Shuuge stating it was specifically women from noble families in the capital city and nearby who were employed for low-level tasks in the palace.     Continuing with the ordering of the government, in the third month of 681, Ohoama went to the well of the New Palace—the Nihi no Miya—and he ordered the military drums and other instruments to be played.  In the continental style, music was an important part of the military, with certain instruments and tunes that would be played for a variety of purposes.  It is unclear that the archipelago had such a detailed history of military music, and so it seems that this is in emulation of the continental practice. Then, in the 5th month, Ohoama had to crack down on another practice that was apparently taking off with the various public functionaries.  As we noted, earlier, public functionaries were reliant on their superiors, the judges, and then the Council of State for their promotion.  However, some appear to have found another way to garner favor, and that was through female palace officials—those working in the private quarters.  Those palace officials would have access to the sovereign and his families—his queen and various consorts.  And of course, if Ohoama heard good things about a person, then perhaps he would put them forward for promotion.  At the very least, if that person's name came forward, it might be well thought of.  And so public functionaries had taken to paying their respects to the women working in the palace.  Sometimes they would go to their doors and make their case directly.  Other times they would offer presents to them and their families.  This was clearly not how the system was intended to work.  As such, Ohoama told everyone to knock it off—should he hear about anyone trying this in the future, then the offenders would be punished according to their circumstances. Of course, I would note that this only would be a problem if the individuals were caught.  If the rest of Japanese history—heck, world history—is anything to go on, then humans are going to human and the court was no doubt deeply steeped in political maneuvering of all kinds.  I imagine that this practice never fully stopped, but it probably stopped being quite as blatant—for now. Continuing with the development of how the government operated, we get the entry for the 28th day of the 3rd lunar month of 682.  It starts with various sumptuary laws, with Princes down to public functionaries no longer wearing specialized caps of office—effectively getting rid of the idea of "cap-rank".  They also would no longer wear the aprons, sashes, or leggings that were part of the previous outfit.  Likewise the Uneme and female palace officials would no longer wear the elbow-straps or shoulder-scarves.  This appears to have moved the court closer to what the continent was wearing at the time, with belted garments based on clothing not too dissimilar from what was found across the Silk Road, to be honest.  They also discontinued all sustenance-fiefs for Princes and Ministers.  Those had to be returned to the State.  Presumably their salaries would then come from any stipends associated with their rank, instead.  This doesn't seem all that connected with the other edict, focused on clothing and rank, except that is part of the further centralization of power and authority—all taxes were to go to the central government and then get parceled out, and everyone—or at least those in the court—were to conform to a standard uniform.  That said, for all that it may have been the intent, as we shall see, the court would never fully get rid of the idea of privately held tax land—it would just take different forms over time. Later, we get more sumptuary laws, some about what the people of the court would wear, but others that were more general.  Sumptuary laws are laws specifically focused on controlling things such as expenditures or personal behavior—including what one wore and how they expressed themselves--and they are generally made to help order society in some way.  There were a lot of cultures where purple, for instance, was reserved for royalty—often because of how expensive it was and difficult to make.  Wearing an expensive purple fabric could be seen as an expression of wealth—and thus power—and that could feel like a challenge to those in power themselves.  It probably also meant that there was enough dye for the royal robes and it was not nearly so scarce. In other instances, we see sumptuary laws to call out people of certain groups.  Some laws are to distinguish an in-group, and others to call out a group to be set apart from society.  Other such laws were made to distinguish between social constructs such as caste or gender.  Even today we have a concept of "cross-dressing" as we have determined that certain clothing or styles are seen as either more masculine or feminine, and there are those who call out such things as somehow perverting society.  And yet, the clothing is simply pieces of fabric, and what may have been considered masculine or feminine in one time or place may not bee seen as such in another. In this case, the sumptuary laws in question focused on hairstyles.  Ohoama decreed that all persons, male or female, must tie up their hair—they couldn't leave it hanging down. This was to be done no later than the last day of the year—the 30th day of the 12th lunar month, though it could be required even before that.  We are also told that women were expected to ride horses in the saddle similar to the way men did. This appears to mean they would sit astride a saddle, with their legs on either side, and not in something akin to side saddle.  This also likely meant that women riding horses would want trousers, similar to what men wore, at least for that part of it.  Trying to wear a long skirt with your legs on either side of a horse does not strike me as the most comfortable position to put yourself in, not that people haven't figured it out over the centuries in various ways.  Indeed, in some Tang statuary, women are often depicted riding horseback with trousers.   In the 9th month of 682 we get a fun entry.  Well, I find it amusing.  We are told that the practice of ceremonial crawling and kneeling was to be abolished and that they would adopt the ceremonial custom of standing, as had been practiced in the Naniwa court.  And a part of me thinks of some old courtier who was having trouble with all of the kneeling who was suddenly very happy with this new ordinance.  On the other hand, it is fascinating to think of the other implications. First, we are being told that there was a custom of standing at the Naniwa court, while in Asuka there was a tradition of ceremonial crawling and kneeling.  Bentley's translation makes it apparent that this was specifically as you entered through the gates: that you would bow and then crawl through the entranceway. I'm assuming that the standing custom was based on continental tradition, since that seemed to be what the Naniwa palace was built to emulate, and that in returning to Asuka they were partaking in a more local ritual—though I'm not entirely certain as I just don't have enough information to know at this point.  Aston does claim that it was custom in the Tang court, though I'm not sure of his source for that. In 683 we get more information on how the court functioned.  We are told that there was a decree that all persons of rank in the Home Provinces were expected to present themselves at Court at some point in the first month of each quarter.  You were only excused if you were sick, at which point an official would need to send a report up to the judicial authorities.  So every noble in the Home Provinces had to travel to the court once every four months.  And if they couldn't, they need to be able to produce the equivalent of a doctor's note, saysing so. We aren't told why this was implemented.  I suspect that there had to be some compromise between nobles being at and working at the court and going back to their hometown to also keep an eye on things there.  It is possible that there were plenty of people who just weren't coming to the court unless they had to—living off their stipend, but not necessarily doing the work.  So this may have been a "return to office" type order to make sure that people were there, in the "office" of the court at least once every four months. This brings to mind the Edo period practice of alternate attendance, or Sankin-koutai, where daimyo would have to attend on the Shogun for a time and then could return home.  Of course, that was also done as a means to drain their coffers, and I don't believe this was meant in quite so punishing a manner. Having a permanent city, where the nobles had houses in the city, would likely fix these issues, allowing the court to be more regularly staffed.  Sure enough, that same decree included the decree that there would be a Capital City at Naniwa as well as other places, while the work at Nihiki, on what would become the Fujiwara capital, was already underway. Speaking of the capital, that work would require labor and people to oversee it.  In 10th month of 684, we see a note that gives us a glimpse into the management of corvee labor, as Prince Hatsuse and Kose no Asomi no Umakahi, as well as officials down to facilities managers, 20 people in all, were set up as corvee labor managers for the royal region.      Next, let's talk criminal matters.  What kinds of things were people being accused of or what laws were being set up to constraing the activities of individuals.   We'll start by looking at how justices was handled, generally speaking.  Some of it seems almost obvious, like in 675, when we are told that the sovereign ordered that nobody—whether a minister, a functionary, or a citizen—should commit an offense lest they be punished accordingly.  'But what was happening previously to make such a proclamation necessary? On the one hand, I suspect that this was a warning to the elites of the archipelago more than anything else, especially those who might not have been in direct fealty to the Yamato sovereign previously.  Those elites farther out in the provinces were probably used to a looser hand, and fewer consequences for their actions.  Back in Taika years, in the late 640s, just as everything was kicking off, the court had had to bring the hammer down on the governors and various kuni no miyatsuko, local elites who had been doing things their own way.  I suspect this was just a similar attempt to bring people into line and a reminder of who actually wore the hakama in this administration.  It also seems to be a straightforward statement that the law applied to every person—or at least every person outside of the sovereign, himself. That was likely a novel idea for many people, where those in positions of power were likely able to get away with murder, quite literally, because who was going to stop them?  We've seen how many of the more powerful families controlled what were essentially private armies. At the same time, 675 is before these new formal law codes and punishments were in place.  Presumably there was tradition in place and some understanding that the sovereign could declare laws and punishment, but I also wonder if this isn't part of the reason that they felt that centralized, authoritative, written law codes were required in the first place.  After all, communicating laws and punishments verbally across the archipelago, even with the potential for written edicts, likely relied a lot on local administrators to interpret the edicts and figure out what was going on. This seems to align with an edict from the 10th month of 679, which decried that there were many people guilty of crimes and violence hanging around the capital.  This was blamed on the Princes and Ministers, since the edict claimed that these high officials heard about it but didn't do anything, instead treating it like a nuisance that was too much trouble—or perhaps too personally expensive—to do anything about.  Alternatively, those same princes and ministers would see people that they knew were guilty, but they didn't want to go through the trouble of actually reporting them, and so the offenders could get away with it.  The proposed solution was to exhort those in higher stations to punish the offenses of those beneath them, while those of lower stations were expected to remonstrate with their superiors when those superiors were rude or violent.  In other words, if everyone just held everyone else accountable, then things would work out. This seems like a great sentiment, but I have to imagine that there was something more beyond the high-minded ideals. Again,  I suspect that it was probably as much Ohoama putting people on notice.  Still, this seems aspirational rather than definitive.      A clear example of the kind of thing that was being prohibited is likelye the decree about fishermen and hunters, who were forbidden from making pitfalls or using spear traps or similar devices.  Also, from the beginning of the 4th month until the 13th day of the 9th month, no one was to set fish-weirs, or himasakiri—an unknown device, but probably another type of fish trap.  Ohoama also prohibited the eating of cattle, horses, dogs, monkeys, or chickens.  Other animals, including boar, deer, fish, etc., were all fair game, as it were. The prohibition on traps is likely because they were a hazard to anyone walking through the area.  In the Tang dynasty they did something similar, but they did make exceptions for hunters in the deep mountains, who were supposed to put up signs warning any travelers.  As for the weirs and himasakiri, whatever that might be, I have less context, but likely it did have some reasoning—possibly similar to our modern concepts of having certain seasons for various types of fishing.  Fish weirs do create obstructions, and between the 4th and 9th lunar months Japan does see the summer monsoon rains—could that be the reason?  Tsuyu, or rainy season, is often around July to mid-June, today.  Or perhaps there is another motivation for that particular prohibition. As for the eating of various animals—of the animals listed, all but the monkeys are domesticated animals who generally weren't considered as food animals.  Cattle were used for working the fields, horses were ridden, and dogs were used for hunting.  I wonder if monkeys were just too close to people. The chicken prohibition may seem odd to us, today.  The word for chicken, "niwatori", literally means garden bird, though the Nihon Shoki uses something more like "barn door bird".  We know that cock-fighting was a thing in later periods, and that chickens were associated with Amaterasu, possibly for their legendary habit of crowing as the sun comes up.  We can also note the lack of some animals, like cats, from the list.  Perhaps cats were never in danger of being seen as a food source, or perhaps cats just weren't as prevalent at the time—we know cats were around from at least the Nara period, but there isn't much evidence before that.  There are examples of bones thought to be from a cat from the Yayoi period found on Iki island, but it is hard to say from that if they were fully established across the archipelago. Still,  I do find it curious they are not on the list.Continuing on, we later see where see the court issued an edict that prohibited the cutting of grass or firewood on Mt. Minabuchi and Mt. Hosokawa.  Furthermore they prevented any indiscriminate burning or cutting on all of the mountains in the Home Provinces.  This feels somewhat religious—after all, the mountains were often considered the domain of the kami.  Perhaps there were some religious restrictions.  On the other hand, some of it sounds like they were trying to just ensure that with a growing population they didn't denude the mountains around the capital. This whole incident brings to mind problems that occurred in and around Chang'an, the western Tang capital.  The palace itself—not to mention all of the houses and temples—took so much wood that it was a drain on the nearby forests.  And that is without taking into account the simple harvesting of wood for cooking fires, tools, etc.  In fact, the logging industry of that time devastated the local environment, meaning that they had to travel farther and farther to find suitable wood for the monumental buildings they wished to create.  It is also thought to have contributed to various natural disasters in and around the capital.  Perhaps Yamato was worried that unrestricted logging in the Home Provinces could likewise cause problems?  Or was that simply an added benefit gained from the idea that mountains were sacred spaces?   Later in the 10th month of 679, there was an edict determining sumptuary rules for monks clothing, as well as what kind of retinue could accompany them when they went out.  We talked about this back in Episode 142.  That same month, there was an edict that, while monks and nuns might normally be expected to stay at a temple—such as in the quarters identified in the ruins of Kawaradera—that it became a problem when older monks became bed-ridden.  After all, if they couldn't leave their bed, then one can only imagine how it must have been.  Not to get overly graphic, but they couldn't exactly make it out to the latrine at that point, either.  So it was determined that if an elderly monk were to reach the stage that they were bed-ridden, and unlikely to recover, then the temple would seek out relatives or laypersons to help build a hut or two in vacant spaces on the temple grounds.  There, the sick and bed-ridden monks could be cared for in a more sanitary manner. Now the way this is written, on the one hand it seems they were worried about ritual purification as much as anything, but I imagine that this was also practical.  After all, as you get all of those monks living together, one can only imagine that disease and illness could easily spread in those close quarters.  So separating those who were quite sick only makes sense, like an early form of quarantine. A lot of these prohibitions seem to be fairly practical.  Don't put traps where people could accidentally fall into them.  Don't chop down the nearby forest—we may need that later.  And even: don't leave a sick or elderly monk in a crowded dormitory situation.But what about the penal codes? If you lived in the latter part of Temmu's reign and you did violate one of the rules mentioned above, or one of the many others at play, what would happen to you, and how did that vary based on your place in society? Unfortunately, most of what we get on this is kind of bare bones.  We often see the punishment, but not t he crime.  We are just told that someone was found guilty, or condemned.  Take, for example, the Buddhist Priest, Fukuyou, of Asukadera, who was condemned and thrown into prison.  We aren't told what he did to deserve confinement, but it wouldn't last long.  Apparently Fukuyou cut his own throat, ending his life, rather than face other consequences or live with the shame of whatever crime he had committed. By the way, the term "prison" here is interesting.  We certainly see people being imprisoned in some way, shape, or form—locked up and unable to freely travel.  That isn't exactly the same, however, as a prison complex or system.  There may have been buildings used a jail—a temporary holding facility while the actual punishment was determined.  And we also see the equivalent of house arrest.  Later, there would be formal "prisons" set up for the detention of individuals, who were often then forced to labor as part of their punishment.  However, they had many other forms of punishment, many of which required much fewer staff.  After all, a prison requires that you have guards constantly watching the prisoners to make sure nothing gets out of hand.  Instead, you could just exile them to an island or even just another province, with a lot less manpower. A less drastic punishment was handed out back in the 4th month of 675, when we are told that Tahema no Kimi no Hiromaro and Kunu no Omi no Maro were both forbidden from attending the court—for what purpose we aren't immediately told.  However, six days later, Kunu no Maro was held accountable for offering resistance to a royal messenger—maybe the one who communicated that he was banished from the court.  As a punishment, he was stripped of all of his offices and dignities.  Both Tahema no Hiromaro and Kunu no Maro appear to have been pardoned at a later date, though we aren't sure when.  It could have been one of the various general amnesties—and we'll talk about that in a moment.  Hiromaro passed away in 685, but he was provided a posthumous promotion in rank and is noted for his efforts supporting Ohoama during the Jinshin no Ran.  Meanwhile, Kunu no Maro—also known as Abe no Kunu no Maro is seen delivering a eulogy in 686.  Perhaps somewhat ironically, he did so on behalf of the Office of Punishments—later the Keimu-shou, or Ministry of Punishment.  These actions certainly seem to be at odds with them being punished, let alone banished from the court. We also see an example where  Prince Womi, who was of the 3rd princely ranks—even higher than Prince Kurikuma, whom we discussed last episode—was guilty of some kind of offense and banished to Inaba.  One of his children was also banished to Izushima and the other to Chikashima.  Aston suggests that this means Ohoshima and Chikashima may be in Hizen.  Again, very little to go on as to what was happening, though it seems that all three were punished together and sent away from each other, perhaps so that they could not plot or scheme together.  Later amnesties would probably have resulted in pardons for them.   Speaking of pardons—the punishments that we are speaking about all appear to be permanent, other than imprisonment, which may have been more of a temporary situation.  It wasn't like being sent away for so many years.  However, on the other side of the coin was the option for a pardon or amnesty.  While I imagine that the sovereign could always provide a pardon directly, we more regularly see general amnesties declared, sometimes with very specific guidelines. One of the most illuminating such instances, and possibly where Kunu no Maro and Tahema no Hiromaro were pardoned, came in the 7th month of 676.  That month the court issued a general amnesty, likely to increase the merit accrued to the State through an act of mercy and forgiveness, given the drought and famine that had been reported earlier that summer.  Perhaps paradoxically, this act of leniency gives us an interesting view into the types of punishments that were made, as well as how severe each was considered.    The amnesty mitigated all sentences of death, enforced servitude, or the three classes of banishment, and they would all be mitigated by one degree.  So anyone sentenced to death would instead just become enslaved.  Those who were sentenced to enslavement would be banished to a distant province.  Those banished to a distant province would only be banished to a province at a medium distance.  Banishment to a medium province would be downgraded to a nearer province.  And Banishment to a nearer province would be downgraded to banishment—or removal—to a place in the same province.  For anyone who committed a crime for which they would be removed to a place in the same province—or for any lesser crime—would be completely pardoned, whether or not the crime was actually known.  So you couldn't be held responsible, retroactively. This gives us a kind of hierarchy to use as far as the kinds of punishment that might be handed out.  Of course, there are also a few others, which I generally assume were considered lesser.  For instance: banishment from the court, or being stripped of government rank, that sort of thing. There was a caveat that this amnesty would not apply to those who had already left for their place of banishment—nor, obviously, to those who had already been executed.  So if you had already settled in to your new life, this amnesty didn't exactly matter.  This could be where Tahema no Hiromaro and Kunu no Maro were pardoned and thus allowed to find their way back into the court's good graces.  On the other hand, others probably wish that this amnesty happened a bit later—one month later, to be exact.  We are told that Prince Yagaki, the current viceroy of the Dazaifu, was accused of some offense and banished to Tosa, in Shikoku.  As usual, the record does not feel the need to tell us what the offense was or try to justify it anyway.   This is all well and good, but what exactly did the justice system look like?  How were criminals accused, and how would they investigate and prove your guilt?  In the 11th month of 682, we see a rather detailed description of how trials and punishment were to be carried out.  For any offense against the law, whether it was in the palace or the court, it would be immediately examined, and nobody was allowed to conceal information about it.  If the offense was grave enough, then the next step would depend on the rank of the individual.  For individuals of high birth, their guilt would be reported to the court, presumably for whatever punishment they deemed appropriate from there.  For others, they would be arrested.  If they resisted arrest, then the palace guards would be sent after them.  A typical punishment was flogging, which was not to go beyond 100 blows.  Finally, if the individual were clearly guilty, but yet continued to profess their innocence, then that would be considered perjury and added to their sentence. It should be noted that in East Asia at this time, there was no concept of innocent until proven guilty.  If you were accused of a crime, then it was up to you to prove that you were innocent.  It was not uncommon for an arrest to occur, and then for the authorities to then torture a confession out of the individual.  Since they already had assumed the individual's guilt, this was just meant to get them to admit it.  Even into modern times, Japan has had a high conviction rate, but there are accusations that this is simply because of the presence of coerced confessions.  A coerced confession helps to demonstrate that the system is correct, and working as designed, whilst protestations of innocence call into question the validity of the system. There is another type of guilt and punishment—and leniency, for that matter—mentioned in the 6th month of 677: We are told that the Yamato no Aya no Atahe were considered guilty of the "seven misdemeanors", which seems like it is more an indictment of their moral failings rather than any kind of direct criminal behavior.  Furthermore, they were accused of pushing back against the rightful sovereigns from the time of Kashikiya Hime down to the time of the Afumi court.  This would seem to indicate that they had been supporting the Soga and the Afumi court, but if so, I wouldn't say that the Chronicles help to clarify it in any way.  Perhaps they just were willful and not showing the right amount of loyalty to the throne.  Whatever they did, Ohoama was none too pleased, but he also didn't want to completely destroy the uji.  Instead, as a compromise, he offered them clemency for any past actions, pardoning them, but also claiming that if they stepped out of line again, then their offense would be unpardonable.  This whole entry is a vibe.  It is less of a punishment and more of a sword of Damocles being set up above them. Several years later, in 682, we see the Yamato no Aya being granted the title of Muraji.  In consequence of the appointment, the entire household—all the men and women alike, presented themselves to the court.  They rejoiced and praised Ohoama, thanking him for raising them in status.  This doesn't feel like a normal entry—it isn't like every family was coming into court and giving thanks every time that a promotion was handed out.  This feels like classic "kissing the ring" to get back into good graces with someone who was, effectively, an autocratic ruler.  While there was a bureaucracy, based on everything we've seen Ohoama had bent it largely to his will by appointing family members and other members of the elite princely class—those with at least nominal familial connections—to positions of power and authority.   And with that, I think we will bring this episode to a close.  Next episode we'll finish out this reign with a few projects and various other miscellaneous events. Until then if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  

Newt talks with Michael Horowitz, senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and Richard Perry Professor at the University of Pennsylvania. They discuss the AI company Anthropic and its model, Claude Gov, which is the first AI model used on classified systems. A recent meeting between Secretary Hegseth and Anthropic's CEO Dario Amodei at the Pentagon failed to reach an agreement on assurances against the use of the model for surveillance or autonomous weapons, leading Anthropic to sue the Department of Defense over being labeled a supply chain risk. Horowitz discusses the slow adoption of AI in the military, attributing it to the U.S. military's historical reluctance to change due to its current superiority. He outlines three AI applications in the military: logistics, intelligence surveillance, and autonomous weapon systems, emphasizing the potential for AI to transform warfare. They also discuss OpenAI working with the military. Horowitz sees AI as an inevitable part of military evolution, comparable to past technological revolutions like electricity.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Ralph spends the whole hour with progressive activist, Corbin Trent, former communications director for Alexandria Ocasio Cortez to discuss the lack of vision and the spineless leadership in the corporate Democratic Party.Corbin Trent is a co-founder of Brand New Congress and former co-director of Justice Democrats, two grassroots organizations working to elect progressive Democrats to Congress. He was the National Campaign Coordinator for the Bernie Sanders Presidential campaign, and recently served as the Communications Director for Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. He writes about rebuilding America at AmericasUndoing.com.This is a [Democratic] Party that is led by sinecurists and apparatchiks who never look at themselves in the mirror after they lose to the most vicious, cruel, ignorant, anti-worker, anti-women, anti-environment, anti-small taxpayer, pro-war Republican Party. They never look into it. It's always: they blame the Greens or they blame some third party or Independent candidate. And they never ask themselves why as a national party did they abandon half the country, which are now called red states?Ralph NaderThe Democratic Party I think, ultimately, is leaderless because it's visionless. It doesn't really see. I don't think the Democratic Party as an entity or as an ideology has a real vision for how to go forward differently. And, therefore, it's hard to be led. It's hard to lead if you don't have a direction.Corbin TrentThe Democratic Party—like your Chuck Schumers, like your Hakeem Jeffries, and like most of the people that are elected there and in leadership positions at all, look at this system, the system of neoliberalism, and they think that somehow it's going to magically start working again. And the fact is that it's not. They have been unable so far to internalize the depth of the brokenness of this system. And then really unable to, I think, really internalize why Trump was powerful, why his messages were powerful. They want to look at it through this extremely narrow and negative lens of racism, bigotry and fear. As opposed to a complete and utter disdain for the system which is sucking from their lives and extracting from their communities. And I think that spells trouble.Corbin TrentIt's not my job as a voter to inspire myself to vote for you. It's your job as a candidate or as a party or as somebody to build a vision that inspires me to vote.Corbin TrentNews 3/13/26* This week, the New York City Council held a hearing on proposed legislation to carry out Mayor Zohran Mamdani's pledge to repossess property from “landlords who have racked up housing code violations and debt from unpaid taxes and fines.” This bill would empower the city's Department of Housing Preservation and Development to turn these buildings over to owners they deem “more responsible.” This would be an update of a program the city has tried to implement before, called “third-party transfer.” However, the council is hesitant to take this step, worrying that it could disproportionately affect small landlords that simply lack the resources to fix code violations or pay fees, as opposed to venture capital backed corporate landlords. Rosa Kelly, chief of staff to the housing commissioner, said the department “views the program as a key part of [their] broader enforcement and preservation toolkit to ensure that housing remains safe and livable for New Yorkers.” This from Gothamist.* In more local news, this week Washington D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser released a long-awaited report on congestion traffic pricing in the District of Columbia. According to the Washington Examiner, the study was conducted in 2021 and the Mayor has delayed the release until now. Along with the release of the study, Mayor Bowser sent a letter to D.C. Council Chairman Phil Mendelson, wherein the Mayor described the “congestion pricing tax scheme,” which includes a proposed $10 charge for people entering the city, as a “bad idea,” and argued that D.C. could not be compared to Midtown Manhattan, which recently implemented a successful congestion pricing system. Democratic Socialist Councilwoman and leading Mayoral candidate Janeese Lewis-George refused to dismiss the study out of hand, writing “Now that the report is public, the Council has an opportunity to dig into the findings & explore what they could mean for the District—including opportunities to reduce congestion, improve air quality & public health, & strengthen public transit for residents across the city.”* Meanwhile, on the West Coast, a new poll shows incumbent Mayor Karen Bass drawing under 20% of the vote in the upcoming primary for her reelection campaign. While this still puts Bass in the lead, it is clearly a weak showing and would be far below the 50% threshold she would need to win to avoid a November runoff. This poll also finds former reality television star Spencer Pratt in second place with around 10% support, and councilmember Nithya Raman – who has been both endorsed and censured by DSA LA in the past – in third with just over 9%, per KTLA. The LA Mayoral race mirrors the California gubernatorial race, which features ten candidates, none of whom draws over 20% in the polls. At some point, the party will have to step in to pressure underperforming candidates to drop out and endorse more viable alternatives, but June is quickly approaching with little sign of party unity.* Speaking of the Democrats, POLITICO is out with a new story on how red state Democratic parties are undermining their best chances of toppling incumbent Republican Senators – independent populist left candidates. In Montana, former University of Montana President Seth Bodnar has launched an independent bid for Senate, with the backing of former longtime Montana Democratic Senator Jon Tester. Bodnar filed on the final day candidates could get on the ballot in the state, and on that same day, three-term incumbent Republican Senator Steve Daines announced he would not run for reelection. POLITICO describes this as “an explicit effort to keep Democrats from fielding a strong candidate of their own.” The state party however shows no interest in stepping aside to clear a path for Bodnar. A similar dynamic is unfolding in South Dakota, with the state party feuding with independent candidate Brian Bengs – who has “raised more than five times his Democratic opponent and more than any non-Republican candidate in the state in 16 years” – while in Idaho, former Democratic state lawmaker Todd Achilles is running as an independent and the state party has played their strategy close to the vest. Only in Nebraska has the state party fully thrown their weight behind the popular independent candidate Dan Osborn, who came within approximately 60,000 votes of longtime incumbent Deb Fischer in 2024 and is polling within a single point of Senator Pete Ricketts this cycle.* In Congress, Republicans have independent problems of their own. Last week, Republican Rep. Kevin Kiley announced he would register as “no party preference,” instead of as a Republican, as he seeks reelection to Congress in his newly redrawn California congressional district. Axios quotes a Kiley spokesperson who said it is “not official yet” whether he will leave the party or the conference, adding: “For now, he's just filing as an independent for his reelection campaign.” If Kiley did leave the Republican conference, it would further imperil the Republicans' razor-thin House majority, which has been continuously whittled down over the course of the 119th Congress.* Turning to foreign affairs, Reuters reports that on Sunday, Colombia held congressional elections which saw the leftist Historic Pact win the most seats in the Senate, but with only 25 out of 102 seats, the Pact will have to compete against the right-wing Democratic Center in order to form a coalition government. Democratic Center, led by ⁠former President Alvaro Uribe, won 17 seats. Ivan Cepeda, the presidential candidate of Historic Pact, called the election results a “categorical ​victory.” In the House, Democratic Center won 32 out of 182 seats, followed by the ‌Liberal ⁠Party with 31, and the Historic Pact with 29. Colombia will choose a new president in May, but according to Ariel Avila, a re-elected senator from the Green Alliance, whether that president is left or right they will likely face a “vetocracy” where “lawmakers block parties ​simply because they come from the opposing side.”* In more news from Latin America, the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) reports the right-wing government of Daniel Noboa in Ecuador has suspended the largest opposition party – the leftist Citizens' Revolution or RC – for nine months. If carried out, RC, led by former leftist president Rafael Correa, will effectively be barred from registering candidates for the 2027 local elections. CEPR Co-Director Mark Weisbrot is quoted saying “The government of President Daniel Noboa, who is strongly backed by President Trump, is trying to accelerate the destruction of what is left of democracy in Ecuador.” CEPR Director of International Policy Alex Main added “Democracy has been under attack since the presidency of Lenín Moreno (2017–2021), with not only the exclusion of political parties, but with persecution by lawfare, the imprisonment or forced exile of political opponents, and Noboa's repeated assumption of ‘emergency' powers and other abuses that have gutted civil liberties.” Recently, President Noboa has been closely collaborating with Trump and the U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) to carry out joint “lethal kinetic operations” in Ecuador.* Turning to the Middle East, NBC reports Iran is launching its ‘most intense' strikes of the war, firing some of its most advanced ballistic missiles toward Tel Aviv and Haifa and attacking multiple ships attempting passage through the blockaded Straits of Hormuz. Additionally, reports are trickling out through the Israeli press, which operates under military censorship, about high-profile targets being hit inside the country. The Jewish Chronicle confirms Binyah Hevron, son of Israeli finance minister Bezalel Smotrich was wounded by a Hezbollah rocket, with shrapnel penetrating his back and abdomen, while Yahoo News has debunked rumors that an Iranian missile strike killed Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. Officially, over 1,200 have been killed by Israeli and American strikes in Iran, according to the Iranian Red Crescent Society, while 570 have been killed in Lebanon. Retlatiatory strikes by Iran have killed 13 in Israel.* Meanwhile, a new wrinkle has emerged in the Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery deal. Last week, Variety reported that Democratic Senators Elizabeth Warren and Richard Blumenthal have been raising the alarm about financing for this deal coming from Gulf states, including the Qatar Investment Authority, the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority and Saudi Arabia's Public Investment Fund. This duo have called for the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States – an interagency body that reviews foreign investments in American businesses for potential national security risks – to review the deal. Warren told the industry trade publication, “Given the cloud of corruption surrounding the Trump administration's review of this deal from Day One, it's no surprise that Trump's Treasury Department is sticking its head in the sand instead of investigating the national security risks of $24 billion from Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds apparently flooding this deal. It's American consumers who will pay the price. Thanks to Donald Trump, a Paramount-Warner Bros. merger could mean higher prices and fewer choices, and might allow foreign actors to control what's on our screens or access our private viewing information.” Ironically, the Trump administration's warlike actions in Iran may have inadvertently solved this problem. Gizmodo reports that the Gulf states are now “reviewing current and future investment commitments in order to alleviate some of the anticipated economic strain from the current war.” It is unclear what would happen if the Gulf states rescinded their financing of this deal, seeing as Paramount is the buyer preferred by the Trump administration and has already paid the $2.8 billion “break-up” fee to Netflix stipulated by their previous agreement with WBD.* Finally, a new Pew poll reveals a troubling reality of contemporary American life. According to the poll, which asked people around the world to rate the morality and ethics of others in their country, 53% of U.S. adults say their fellow Americans have bad morals and ethics. While that may not sound so stark, Pew notes that the United States is the only country they surveyed where more adults described the morality and ethics of others living in the country as bad rather than good, with only 47% saying the latter. Turkey came up second, with 51% saying good and 49% saying bad. Pew is careful to state that they have never conducted a poll on this question before, meaning they cannot say whether this is a reflection of long-held beliefs among Americans or a new phenomenon, but it could be the result of long-term trends related to political polarization and the decline in interpersonal trust over the past several decades. Whatever the reasons behind this fact, it presents a formidable problem for political leaders. How can one unify a country wherein the people do not trust one another or even believe that their neighbors are morally and ethically upstanding individuals? Surely there must be a way forward, but what that is I cannot say.This has been Francesco DeSantis, with In Case You Haven't Heard. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

As horses age, managing their soundness using a multimodal approach becomes increasingly important. Experts emphasize proactive joint care, appropriate exercise, and routine veterinary evaluations. Regular, low-impact work helps maintain joint mobility and muscle support, while avoiding long periods of confinement, which can worsen stiffness. Strategic hoof balance, body condition management, and early intervention for mild lameness are key. With thoughtful management and early attention to subtle changes, many senior horses can remain comfortable and active for years.During this episode, two experts discuss keeping horses sound as they age.About the Experts: Lauren Trager, DVM, MS, Dipl. ACVSMR, is a clinical assistant professor of equine sports medicine at the Virginia Maryland College of Veterinary Medicine, in Blacksburg. She is a diplomate of the American College of Veterinary Sports Medicine and Rehabilitation. Trager loves to teach and enjoys working on challenging lameness and poor performance cases, particularly those with neck and back pain and anything that involves advanced imaging.Howland M. Mansfield, DVM, CVA, CVMMP, of Summerville, South Carolina, received her DVM from Tuskegee University School of Veterinary Medicine, in Alabama, and completed internships in both general equine medicine and surgery and in advanced equine reproduction. She is certified in both veterinary acupuncture and veterinary medical manipulation. She has practiced along the East Coast over the course of 14 years, in addition to time in Germany providing veterinary care for some of the most elite show horses in Europe. In 2012 Mansfield was named by the South Carolina Horseman's Council as the Horse Person of the Year for her efforts in equine rescue and in combating animal cruelty. She joined American Regent in 2023 as a technical services veterinarian where she can support the welfare of and improve health care for horses and small animals throughout the U.S.

This week kicked off with Turkey announcing the deployment of a number of fighter jets to the occupied part of Cyprus, a move that not only represents a significant escalation in the militarization of the Eastern Mediterranean, where Cyprus has already been targeted by Iranian-made drones, but that may also violate US law. This isn't the only thing putting Cyprus in the headlines this week. Axios and the Financial Times reported Cyprus could potentially mediate talks between Israel and Lebanon after violence broke out between Israel and the Hezbollah militant group. Turkey's moves in the Eastern Mediterranean aren't the only thing worrying analysts and observers. Developments on the domestic front are also keeping those watching the region on alert, as the trial of Ekrem Imamoglu, the imprisoned mayor of Istanbul, kicked off this week. Imamoglu's trial is largely seen as politically motivated and an effort to prevent him from challenging President Erdogan. Sinan Ciddi, Elisa Ewers, Lisel Hintz, and Henri Barkey join Thanos Davelis this week as we take a closer look at Turkey's decision to deploy fighter jets to the occupied part of Cyprus, Israel's escalating offensive against Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the trial of Ekrem Imamoglu. Taking us to our “I am HALC” segment, we're spotlighting Eleni Delimpaltadaki Janis, a founding member of HALC with a career that spans across government and the private sector. This includes serving as Vice President at the New York City Economic Development Corporation, and working to transform and solve some of the world's most persistent socio-economic problems as a founder of Equivico. Stay tuned as we dig into her story. A little more info on our guests: Sinan Ciddi is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and director of its Turkey program. Elisa Ewers is a senior fellow for Middle East Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. Lisel Hintz is an Assistant Professor of International Relations at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. Henri Barkey is an adjunct senior fellow for Middle East studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and the Bernard L. and Bertha F. Cohen chair in international relations at Lehigh University (Emeritus). You can support The Greek Current by joining HALC as a member here.

With a week to go until the local elections, we provide a Dutch News crash course in how to vote and find your way through the jungle of local parties. Rob Jetten's cabinet rules out emergency measures to cut fuel prices, while pressure grows to keep the Groningen gas fields open. Chip manufacturer ASML unveils plans to expand its campus in Eindhoven. The Council of State tells the government to think again on Schiphol flights. And in sport, Max Verstappen hopes to rally in Nuremberg after crashing out in Melbourne.

In this episode, we sat down with Eric Tistounet, founder of the Lake Room Initiative and former Chief of the Human Rights Branch at the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. During the discussion, Eric reflects on 20 years since the establishment of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) and how it has responded to human rights crises across the globe. The conversation also explores the Council's unique tools for atrocity prevention, the gap between Geneva and New York and what reforms could strengthen the HRC's effectiveness in an increasingly polarized international system.

Gil Fronsdal explores practicing in accord with nature, showing how mindfulness and honesty help us release resistance and move with the natural flow of the Dharma.Today's podcast is brought to you by BetterHelp. Give online therapy a try at betterhelp.com/beherenow and get on your way to being your best self.This time on the BHNN Guest Podcast, Gil Fronsdal lectures on:Being in accord with the dharma, with truth, and with natureThe painful attitudes that we often bring to changeAccepting our feelings rather than pushing them awayHow resistance to reality causes more suffering Mindfulness: creating the ideal conditions for the natural process of healingFloating down the stream of Dharma rather than struggling up a mountainStudying nature rather than rushing into conclusionsBecoming an observer of our own lives with child-like openness and adult-like resolveAbout Gil Fronsdal:Gil Fronsdal is the co-teacher for the Insight Meditation Center in Redwood City, California; he has been teaching since 1990. He has practiced Zen and Vipassana in the U.S. and Asia since 1975. He was a Theravada monk in Burma in 1985, and in 1989 began training with Jack Kornfield to be a Vipassana teacher. Gil teaches at Spirit Rock Meditation Center where he is part of its Teachers Council. Gil was ordained as a Soto Zen priest at the San Francisco Zen Center in 1982, and in 1995 received Dharma Transmission from Mel Weitsman, the abbot of the Berkeley Zen Center. He currently serves on the SF Zen Center Elders' Council. In 2011 he founded IMC's Insight Retreat Center. He is the author of The Issue at Hand, essays on mindfulness practice; A Monastery Within; a book on the five hindrances called Unhindered; and the translator of The Dhammapada, published by Shambhala Publications. You may listen to Gil's talks on Audio Dharma.This recording was originally published on Dharmaseed"We're in this stream of the dharma, this stream of practice. It is not fighting up a mountain and struggling so much. It is finding a place to rest in the stream and we find ourselves being carried along beautifully into the ocean. The ocean is so big it can hold all of us. Isn't that nice? It's not like you're going to be king of the mountain. We're all going to be brothers and sisters in this great ocean of the dharma." –Gil FronsdalSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Our guest on this week's episode is Mike Van Bree, director of product safety and engineering at Louisville Ladder Inc. and current president of the American Ladder Institute (ALI). This is Friday the 13th, and you have probably heard that old adage not to walk under ladders. That warning is probably not so much because it might bring you bad luck, but because it is an unsafe thing to do. And that brings us to our guest today: March is National Ladder Safety Month in the United States – a reminder to follow proper safety procedures while working at heights in warehouse and distribution centers, among other places.  Mike Van Bree brings some safe practices when working with ladders to our discussion.This week we saw the launch of a new plan by businesses in Europe to cooperate on joining together to set standards and practices for cybersecurity, specifically for software used in industrial automation and manufacturing. Ben Ames tells you what their plans are to defend themselves against cyber criminals.Global demand for sensors in logistics is set to double between 2024 and 2033, according to recent industry reports. Victoria Kickham shares about a feature she wrote for DC Velocity's March issue that examines how sensor technology is helping companies improve the efficiency, accuracy, and security of their supply chains. Specifically, she looked into an inventory project by Walmart and a recent market expansion by a transportation industry security startup that shows just how powerful sensors are in logistics.Supply Chain Xchange  also offers a podcast series called Supply Chain in the Fast Lane.  It is co-produced with the Council of Supply Chain Management Professionals. The latest series is now available on Top Threats to our Supply Chains. It covers topics including Geopolitical Risks, Economic Instability, Cybersecurity Risks, Threats to energy and electric grids; Supplier Risks, and Transportation Disruptions  Go to your favorite podcast platform to subscribe and to listen to past and future episodes. The podcast is also available at www.thescxchange.com.Articles and resources mentioned in this episode:American Ladder InstituteNational Ladder Safety Month websiteLadder Safety Training resourcesEuropean groups form cybersecurity initiative for industrial automationSensing your way to a smoother supply chainVisit DC VelocityVisit Supply Chain XchangeListen to CSCMP and Supply Chain Xchange's Supply Chain in the Fast Lane podcastSend feedback about this podcast to podcast@agilebme.comThis podcast episode is sponsored by: Storage SolutionsOther linksAbout DC VELOCITYSubscribe to DC VELOCITYSign up for our FREE newslettersAdvertise with DC VELOCITY

Send a text This episode  explores the fundamental theological conflict between merit-based religious practices and the concept of divine mercy.The Scale of JudgmentConrad uses the visual of "the scales" to compare how different traditions approach righteousness:Islam: Highlights the concept of the Mizan, where a believer's good deeds are weighed against their bad deeds on the day of judgment.Catholicism/Orthodoxy: Discusses how traditions like Lent, the rosary, and penance are sometimes viewed as a means to earn merit or shorten time in purgatory.General Secularism: Notes that even non-religious people often hope their "kindness" or "charity" will eventually outweigh their faults.The Problem of Human Effort Human goodness is an insufficient "currency" because the scale is actually measured against God's perfect holiness.Inadequate "Rags": Citing Isaiah 64, he explains that human righteous deeds are viewed by God as "polluted garments".The Debt of Sin: He asserts that even a single sin outweighs a lifetime of fasting, and religious merit cannot bridge the gap between humanity and a holy God.The Gospel Solution: Grace and FaithSalvation must be received as a gift rather than earned through performance:The Divine Transfer:  Christian Gospel is a "divine transfer" where Christ takes on human sin on the cross and, in exchange, grants His perfect righteousness to the believer.Gift vs. Debt: Drawing from Ephesians 2 and Romans,  salvation is a gift of grace received through faith, not a result of works.A New Motive: He clarifies that while believers should still perform good deeds, the motive changes from earning merit to expressing love and gratitude for the favor they have already received.The Scale of JudgmentConrad uses the visual of "the scales" to compare how different traditions approach righteousness:Islam: Highlights the concept of the Mizan, where a believer's good deeds are weighed against their bad deeds on the day of judgment.Surah 9:101-103: The trumpet is blown on that day.."those whose good deeds weigh heavy will be successful but those whose balance is light will have lost their souls forever and will stay in hell."Catholicism/Orthodoxy: Discusses how traditions like Lent, the rosary, and penance are sometimes viewed as a means to earn merit or shorten time in purgatory.Council of Trent: Conrad references the teaching that a justified person merits an increase in grace and eternal life through good deeds.Canon XXIV: States that justice received is preserved and also increased before God through good works.Canon XXXII: Asserts that the good works of a justified person truly merit an increase of grace and eternal life.General Secularism: Notes that even non-religious people often hope their "kindness" or "charity" will eventually outweigh their faults.Bible Insights with Wayne ConradContact: 8441 Hunnicut Rd Dallas, Texas 75228email: Att. Bible Insights Wayne Conradgsccdallas@gmail.com (Good Shepherd Church) Donation https://gsccdallas.orghttps://www.youtube.com/channel/UCJTZX6qasIrPmC1wQpben9ghttps://www.facebook.com/waconrad or gscchttps://www.sermonaudio.com/gsccSpirit, Truth and Grace MinistriesPhone # 214-324-9915 leave message with number for call backPsalms 119:105 Your word is a lamp for my feet, a light on my path.

Council raises transit fees by 10% and struggle to find money to fulfill their commitment to borrow money for Regina Public Library's Central Branch Renewal Project. Music by Guidewire (aka Ryan Hill). Originally broadcast on 91.3FM CJTR AccessNow community radio.

In this episode, panelists discuss Iran's current political climate, concerns for civilians on the ground, and how the country's rapidly evolving internal dynamics are shaping U.S. objectives as well as broader regional and international considerations.   Background Reading: In this article, International Affairs Fellow Sam Vigersky discusses the global economic disruption caused by the Iran war and its effects on existing humanitarian crises.    Host: Deborah Amos, Ferris Professor of Journalism in Residence, Princeton University; CFR Member   Guests: Elliott Abrams, Senior Fellow for Middle Eastern Studies, Council on Foreign Relations   Mahmood Reza Amiry-Moghaddam, Professor, University of Oslo; Founder and Director, Iran Human Rights NGO   Mara Karlin, Professor of Practice, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies; Visiting Fellow, Brookings Institution; CFR Member   Ray Takeyh, Hasib J. Sabbagh Senior Fellow for Middle East Studies, Council on Foreign Relations   Want more comprehensive analysis of global news and events sent straight to your inbox? Subscribe to CFR's Daily News Brief newsletter.   To keep tabs on all CFR events, visit cfr.org/event. To watch this event, please visit it on our YouTube channel: Iran's Internal Dynamics and U.S. Objectives

Council debated changes to the single-use item bylaw, especially related to drive-thrus. Plus, we discuss a funding cut for Boyle Street, reaction to the police chief's recent trip to Israel, and some new jobs for Amarjeet Sohi and Tim Cartmell.(00:00) - Introduction (01:43) - Ad: Capital Awards (02:23) - Waste reduction update (14:53) - Boyle Street funding cut (20:18) - Ad: GoodMorning (21:21) - Police chief's Israel trip (30:17) - Arterial roads (33:19) - New jobs for Sohi and Cartmell (36:01) - Become a member (37:21) - Close Here are the relevant links for this episode:Audience surveyWhat we learned from Taproot's 2026 audience surveyWaste reduction updateEdmonton's single-use waste rules unpopular — but workingEdmonton ban on disposable items has reduced use of plastic bags and straws: city dataCalgary's single-use items bylaw repealed, businesses no longer required to charge bag feeBoyle Street funding cutBoyle Street housing program to lose Alberta government funding, province seeks new providerAlberta government ends funding for Edmonton housing programPolice chief's Israel tripEdmonton police chief travels to Israel to meet police leadersEdmonton police chief's trip to Israel draws criticism and supportArterial roadsCouncil questions when to expand arterial roads to four lanesNew jobs for Sohi and CartmellSohi lands role at public affairs firm, Cartmell at NAITNAIT's LinkedIn postTim Cartmell's LinkedIn postState of the City 2026Become a memberIndividual MembershipJoin using promo code SURVEY10 by March 31!This episode is brought to you by the IABC Edmonton's 2026 Capital Awards. You've already done the work. Now bring it into focus. The Capital Awards are Northern Alberta's benchmark for communications excellence, recognizing strategy, creativity, and results that stand up to scrutiny. Turn results into recognition! Submit your work by April 12This episode is also brought to you by GoodMorning, one of Canada's largest mattress retailers, founded right here in Edmonton. GoodMorning's first-ever flagship retail store is now open at 144 Mayfield Common NW. It's the best place to see, touch, and test the full collection of award-winning Canadian mattresses. Enjoy a relaxed, no-pressure way to find your next great night's sleep. Learn moreSpeaking Municipally is produced by Taproot Edmonton, the most reliable source of intelligence about what's happening in the Edmonton region. Through curiosity-driven original stories, tailored and useful newsletters, a comprehensive and innovative events calendar, and thought-provoking podcasts, we inform, connect, and inspire a more vibrant, engaged, and resilient Edmonton region.Sign up to get The Pulse, our weekday news briefing. It's free!Want to reach the smartest, most-engaged people in the Edmonton region? Learn more about advertising with Taproot Edmonton! ★ Support this podcast ★

A €1.3 million investment is expected to secure an Ennis athletics track as the "jewel in the crown" of Clare County Council when it comes to sporting facilities. The local authority has announced a major upgrade of the track and associated facilities at John O'Sullivan Park on Lees Road in the county town. The redevelopment, which will result in the temporary closure of the amenity, will include the installation of an internationally-recognised, high-performance track system with a 15-year lifespan. Clare County Council Senior Executive Officer for Sport and Recreation, Eoin Troy, says it'll make the park a strong contender in attracting regional competitions.

On this Alfacast: Prolific author & conspiracy researcher, James Perloff. James brings his decades long quest for the truth to discuss the escalating Spiritual war against humanity. James and Dr. Lando discuss present geopolitical events as a culmination of the centuries and the actual intentions behind the dark forces of war. James Perloff has been an alt media journalist since 1986, when he began writing for The New American magazine. He is author of 8 books. His first, in 1988, The Shadows of Power, an exposé of the Council on Foreign Relations, has sold well over 100,000 copies; the publisher released a new edition last year. His 2013 book, Truth Is a Lonely Warrior, is a comprehensive primer on the New World Order, supplemented by his 2019 book, Thirteen Pieces of the Jigsaw. Join Our Private Community And Join In The Discussion: https://community.alfavedic.com Alfa Vedic is an off-grid agriculture & health co-op focused on developing products, media & educational platforms for the betterment of our world. By using advanced scientific methods, cutting-edge technologies and tools derived from the knowledge of the world's greatest minds, the AV community aims to be a model for the future we all want to see. Our comprehensive line of health products and nutrition is available on our website. Most products are hand mixed and formulated right on our off grid farm including our Immortality Teas which we grow on site. Find them all at https://alfavedic.com​​​​​​​​​​​​​​ Follow Alfa Vedic: https://linktr.ee/alfavedic

We talk with a Council member who pushed for the new Office of Strategic Growth, a developer and community leaders.

This episode Dr. Jenkins finishes looking at the tumultuous 25 years that followed the retaking of Constantinople, examining the Council of Blachernae's decision on how the Spirit proceeds “through the Son," and what this entails for the Nicene doctrine of the Trinity.

Ohio Rep. Sean Patrick Brennan (D-Parma) knows if you're not at the table, you get the scraps. After a 30-year career in a public school classroom, he's now at the table in the General Assembly, serving as the Ranking Member on the House Education Committee. He joins us for this episode for a deeper dive into House Bill 523, a bill he has co-sponsored to allow paid student teaching and remove other barriers for Aspiring Educators trying to enter the education field. He also shares his thoughts on the importance of our union in this moment, as someone who recently made the choice to become a Lifetime member.WATCH | Rep. Brennan wrote a guest column for the April/May edition of Ohio Schools called "Why Our Union Matters More Than Ever." Click here to watch a short video of him sharing that message. LEARN MORE ABOUT HB 523 | Click here to read the full text of the bill and to track its progress in the Ohio General Assembly. Click here to read OEA President Jeff Wensing's testimony in support of House Bill 523 in the House Education Committee in February, 2026. TELL YOUR STORY | Help advocate for a more accessible path to becoming an educator by sharing your perspective about your own time as a student teacher - past or present. Click here to share your experience.  SUBSCRIBE | Click here to subscribe to Public Education Matters on Apple Podcasts or click here to listen on Spotify so you don't miss a thing. You can also find Public Education Matters on many other platforms. Click here for some of those links so you can listen anywhere. And don't forget you can listen to all of the previous episodes anytime on your favorite podcast platform, or by clicking here.Featured Public Education Matters guest: Ohio Rep. Sean Patrick Brennan, (D-House District 14)State Representative Sean Patrick Brennan has dedicated his life to public service. He firmly believes that his story informs his calling to public service and proves that the American Dream survives. After his father abandoned his family, his strong mother modeled the importance of family and the satisfaction of a hard day's work, making their trailer a home and utilizing public assistance only as needed. Sadly, his mother later suffered through an abusive relationship. As a result, Rep. Brennan was blessed when his loving grandmother took him in to help tend the family farm and focus on his studies.Rep. Brennan went on to attend the University of Dayton where he graduated summa cum laude earning a Bachelor's Degree in International Studies concentrating in Russian, Soviet, and East European Studies. While there, he fell in love with Deena Denk from Parma, where they currently reside and raised their two beautiful children. He has also completed graduate-level coursework in history, political science, economics, and pedagogy at several colleges and universities and has a Master's Degree in Secondary School Administration from Cleveland State University. Brennan's scholarly activities involve projects on the subjects of the U.S. Constitution, religious freedom in America, and various other American political and historical topics at George Washington's Mount Vernon, James Madison's Montpelier, Thomas Jefferson's Monticello, the University of Oxford in England, George Washington University in Washington, D.C., the Bill of Rights Institute in Arlington, Virginia, and the Ashbrook Center at Ashland University.Rep. Brennan served as an award-winning public school teacher for three decades, as well as a Parma councilman for nearly two decades, including over a decade as the at-large elected President of Council and the Public Housing Board of Ohio's 7th largest city. He is active in civic, professional, and charitable organizations, which include founder and board member of the Andrew Boyko Scholarship Foundation, St. Charles Borromeo Parish lector and adult server, Friends of Parma Libraries life member, founder of the Parma Peanut Butter Drive benefitting All Faiths Pantry, founder and past adviser of the Parma Youth Commission, advisory board member of Big Creek Connects, member of West Creek Conservancy, Parma Historical Society, the City Club of Cleveland, German Central Foundation, National Education Association, Ohio Education Association, and Northeast Ohio Education Association.An avid runner and advocate of healthy living, Rep. Brennan has completed over 100 full marathons, as well as countless other smaller running events. His love of running led to his creation of the annual Parma Run-Walk for Pierogies, which has raised tens of thousands of dollars for local charities. Among other projects, his charitable work led to the creation of the script Parma sign which was subsequently donated to the City of Parma and adorns Anthony Zielinski Park and raising thousands of dollars to assist residents whose incomes were negatively impacted by the pandemic.Rep. Brennan was nominated Ohio Teacher of the Year, selected for the Parma Senior Veterans Appreciation Award, “Citizen of the Year” by the Friends of Parma Libraries, “Friend of PEA” by the Parma Education Association, “Conservationist of the Year” by the Cuyahoga Soil and Water Conservation District, “Parma Democrat of the Year” by the Parma Democratic Party, “Teacher of the Year” by the Cleveland American Middle Eastern Association (C.A.M.E.O.), and the “Good Partner Award” by Goodwill Industries.Rep. Brennan joined the Ohio House of Representatives in 2023 and is now serving his second term. He is proud of his perfect session attendance, 96% bipartisan voting record, being named the “Most Bipartisan Legislator,” sponsoring more bills than any other legislator in the Ohio General Assembly, and passing 5 bills in his first term. Most of all he is committed to providing excellent constituent services to the residents who contact his office. He cares deeply for the people of the great state of Ohio and works doggedly to improve the quality of life for all of those who reside in the Buckeye State. He is deeply honored to serve the residents of Ohio's 14th House District which includes, Parma, Parma Heights, and Cleveland Wards 12, 13, and 14, which encompass the Old Brooklyn, South Hills, Brooklyn Centre, and Clark-Fulton neighborhoods. Connect with OEA:Email educationmatters@ohea.org with your feedback or ideas for future Public Education Matters topicsLike OEA on FacebookFollow OEA on TwitterFollow OEA on InstagramGet the latest news and statements from OEA hereLearn more about

Send a textWhat does it truly mean to master your energy and live in a state of effortless abundance?In this powerful episode of the Spiritual Spotlight Series, host Rachel Garrett sits down with renowned transformational leader, intuitive energy channel, and two-time New York Times bestselling author Christy Whitman to explore the energetic principles behind alignment, manifestation, and living in the flow of the universe.Christy shares her personal journey of spiritual awakening—from a pivotal therapy session and broken engagement to discovering meditation, channeling higher guidance, and ultimately connecting with a group consciousness known as The Council. Through decades of teaching energy mastery and the universal laws that shape our reality, Christy has helped thousands transform their lives by shifting their vibration and aligning with their true power.In this inspiring conversation, we explore insights from Christy's latest book, The Flow Factor: How to Master Your Energy and Enter a State of Flow, and what it really takes to move beyond overwhelm and into a life of ease, clarity, and authentic abundance.In this episode, you'll discover:• What the flow state truly means from an energetic and spiritual perspective • How your thoughts, words, emotions, beliefs, and actions shape your reality • Why life's challenges—what Christy calls “contrast”—can actually guide you toward clarity and alignment • Practical tools to shift negative self-talk, self-sabotage, and limiting patterns • How compassion can become a powerful energy practice for healing and nervous system regulation • The secret to staying energetically aligned even when others are not • How Christy channels guidance from The Council—and how you can begin accessing your own higher wisdomWith more than 25 years of experience guiding transformation, Christy Whitman offers grounded spiritual wisdom and practical tools that help people step into their power and consciously create their lives.If you've been feeling overwhelmed, stuck, or disconnected from your purpose, this episode will show you how to shift your energy, reclaim your alignment, and step into the natural flow of the universe.Whether you're new to energy work or a seasoned spiritual seeker, you'll walk away with powerful insights and practical strategies to reset your energy, harness the superpower of compassion, and become the “flow factor” in your own life. Support the show

Welcome to the 5th and final part of this Pulse Check series. In this episode, we turn to one of the most nuanced and hopeful findings in Ologie's national study: across political identities, people want colleges and universities to be places for ideas, not ideologies. That sounds inspiring in theory. In practice, it raises harder questions. What does healthy dialogue actually look like on campus right now? How do students learn to navigate disagreement without collapsing into silence, defensiveness, or division? And what role should universities play in helping them build those skills? Host Day Kibilds is joined by two student leaders who are doing this work in real time. Kathleen Parks, student body vice president at Texas A&M University, and Mac Mahoney, president of the Dartmouth Political Union at Dartmouth College, share what it takes to create spaces for conversation, respectful disagreement, and meaningful exchange among peers. Together, they explore the difference between safe spaces and brave spaces, the importance of shared values and trust, and why civil discourse is not just a campus ideal but a lifelong skill. This episode is about what happens when students are given the chance to practice dialogue with honesty, humility, and courage, and why that matters far beyond graduation.Guest Bio (Kathleen Parks): Kathleen Parks is a senior at Texas A&M University studying society, ethics, and law, with minors in philosophy and leadership. She currently serves as student body vice president, where she helps represent student perspectives in university decision-making and works to support conversations rooted in shared values, leadership, and civil discourse. Guest Bio (Mac Mahoney): Malcolm “Mac” Mahoney is a senior at Dartmouth College studying politics, philosophy, and economics. He serves as president of the Dartmouth Political Union, Dartmouth's student-run nonpartisan political organization, which hosts weekly meetings and debates that expose students to a wide range of political thought and encourage open, respectful dialogue across difference. Host Bio (Dayana Kibilds): With 15 years of experience, Dayana Kibilds has led award-winning work with universities around the world. An international keynote speaker and one of London, Ontario's 20 Under 40, she is known for making complex ideas clear, practical, and possible. She loves to teach and share what she knows through her email book Mailed It!, as well as through her workshops, courses, her work with young professionals at the Council for Advancement and Support of Education's Summer Institutes, and her weekly newsletter. A lifelong immigrant who grew up in six countries, Day is now happily Canadian and lives with her husband, Bruno, and son, Romeo. - - - -Connect With Our Host:Mallory Willsea https://www.linkedin.com/in/mallorywillsea/https://twitter.com/mallorywillseaAbout The Enrollify Podcast Network:The Higher Ed Pulse is a part of the Enrollify Podcast Network. If you like this podcast, chances are you'll like other Enrollify shows too!Enrollify is made possible by Element451 — The AI Workforce Platform for Higher Ed. Learn more at element451.com. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Natalie Tealdi from The Best Podcast Guest team welcomes death doula, end-of-life educator, transformational soul coach, author and national advocate for grief literacy, Julie Wright Halbert to the podcast.They talk about:The role of a death doulaWhat it means to live and die awakeWhat grieving people truly need from othersAbout Julie Wright HalbertJulie Wright Halbert, Esq. is a death doula, end-of-life educator, transformational soul coach, author and national advocate for grief literacy whose work bridges legal rigor, lived experience, and soul-centered presence.A former Legislative Counsel for the Council of the Great City Schools, Julie spent decades shaping education policy and advancing civil rights, earning multiple honors including the Education Law Association's Best Brief Award for impactful work before the U.S. Supreme Court.Julie's professional path pivoted following the sudden death of her husband, an experience that transformed her relationship to grief, identity, and meaning. What emerged was a calling to accompany individuals and families through the complex terrain of dying, death, and bereavement work that emphasizes presence over fixing, honesty over platitudes, and dignity at every stage of life.Today, Julie speaks and writes about death literacy, widowhood, emotional integration, and the cultural consequences of avoiding mortality. Her work invites individuals, professionals, and institutions to engage death not as a failure, but as a profound human threshold that shapes how we live, love, and lead.Julie is the founder of Rising Phoenix LIFE, where she integrates end-of-life education, grief support, and advocacy to support people navigating life's most significant transitions. She is the author of the forthcoming book Divine Ashes Ascending, which explores grief, presence, and the possibility of meaning after profound loss.Julie's work has been featured in: The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, NPR, Education Week, and The 74.She lives a life grounded in nature and connection, finding restoration through water activities, hiking, snow skiing, and time with her two sons and life partner.Key TakeawaysLoss reshapes our identity and the way we move through the world. While grief never truly disappears, we can learn to carry it with meaning and compassion. Living 'awake' means being fully present in each moment, approaching life with intention, gratitude, and connection. Grieving can feel isolating, but healing often begins when we allow others to support us and accept help from our community. Many cultures avoid conversations about death, yet openness around the end of life can help reduce fear and create more meaningful experiences for individuals and families. Death doulas support people emotionally, spiritually, and practically at the end of life, helping individuals plan how they wish to experience their final stage of life.QuoteGrief doesn't just end. It's something that we carry and we learn to move into presence.Connect with Julie Wright HalbertWebsite: www.RisingPhoenix.lifeInstagram: instagram.com/transformational_soul_coachingLinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/julie-wright-halbertJulie's free gift to you is a meditation which is designed to support growth, clarity, and emotional alignment. It can be accessed here: https://risingphoenix.life/?scroll_to=meditationsConnect with The Best Podcast Guest TeamLearn more about us: https://thebestpodcastguest.co.uk/Download our Podcast Guest Starter Kit: The Podcast Guest Starter Kit gives you a proven plan to find the right shows, craft a winning pitch, and maximise every interview. https://thebestpodcastguest.co.uk/podcast-guest-starter-kit/Follow us on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thebestpodcastguestJoin the Best Podcast Guest Facebook Group https://www.facebook.com/groups/thebestpodcastguestSubscribe to our YouTube channel https://www.youtube.com/@victoriabennionConnect with Founder, Victoria Bennion on LinkedIn https://www.linkedin.com/in/victoriabennion/

Send a textWe are joined by Leslie Myers, Clean Energy Product Manager with PSE who energizes us over the Green Power Challenge.  We also share how to throw out that old couch, put feelers out for parade planners, talk FIFA, and celebrate Kirkland firefighters' successful stair climb to raise money for a good cause. Plus, we preview the next council meeting and give a rundown of March events like the Shamrock Run, Coffee with a Cop, Conversations with Council, Kirkland Pitch, and the Kirkland Parks Job Fair.Shownotes: www.kirklandwa.gov/podcast#20260312

Ray Takeyh, senior fellow for Middle East studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and author of The Last Shah: America, Iran, and the Fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty, joins the show to talk about the origins, evolution, and possible future of the Islamic Republic of Iran. What forces produced the 1979 revolution, and how did it reshape Iran's political and religious order? What are the psychological and sociological impacts of this revolution? How have the regime's leaders interpreted and sustained the revolutionary project, and what have the major challenges been? As Iran enters a new and uncertain phase under Mojtaba Khamenei, can the Islamic Republic endure, or is there a potential for future revolution in Iran? ▪️ Times 02:07 Living through the Islamic Revolution 04:12 A diverse Iran      05:50 How did the revolution succeed?  14:06 Khomeini & Khamenei 20:46 Too cautious  22:35 Dynastic succession   34:00 Iran vs. Venezuela 38:35 Regime resiliency  44:30 Beginning of the end   50:14 Threshold states Follow along on Instagram, X @schoolofwarpod, and YouTube @SchoolofWarPodcast Find more content on our School of War Substack

Tommy and Ben unpack the latest twists in Donald Trump's chaotic regime-change war with Iran, which eleven days in is still plagued by shifting goals, contradictory messaging, and rising regional consequences. They break down the White House's confusing claims of victory despite unresolved threats—from the hundreds of pounds of highly enriched uranium still loose inside Iran to signs that Tehran may be mining the Strait of Hormuz. The guys discuss the war's mounting casualties, environmental devastation from Israeli strikes on Iranian fuel depots, and the dangerous escalation of attacks on desalination plants across the Gulf. They also dig into what we know about Iran's new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, explain why sending troops into Iran to secure its nuclear materials—or seize the oil hub of Kharg Island—would be a massive and risky military mission, and why Democrats in Congress must refuse to authorize more funding for the war. Plus: Israel's widening war in Lebanon, the U.S. military's new role in Ecuador's fight against drug cartels, and the election of a GenZ rapper-turned-politician in Nepal. Then Tommy speaks to Michael C. Horowitz, Senior Fellow for Tech & Innovation at the Council on Foreign Relations, about the Pentagon's fight with Anthropic and how AI is being used by the military.For Friends of the Pod the guys answer questions about whether assassination-as-foreign-policy is making a comeback, which US military interventions were actually successful in the post-WWII era, and, like…dude, what the fuck.Preorder Ben's book All We Say: The Battle for American Identity: A History in 15 Speeches and subscribe to his Substack here.

Lynne Olson, acclaimed historian and author of Those Angry Days: Roosevelt, Lindbergh, and America's Fight Over World War II, 1939–1941, sits down with James M. Lindsay to discuss the history of the Lend-Lease Act of 1941 and the domestic political struggles that shaped the United States' entry into the Second World War.   To mark the 250th anniversary of the U.S. declaration of independence, CFR is dedicating a year-long series of articles, videos, podcasts, events, and special projects that will reflect on two and a half centuries of U.S. foreign policy. Featuring bipartisan voices and expert contributors, the series explores the evolution of America's role in the world and the strategic challenges that lie ahead.   Mentioned on the Episode:   Winston Churchill, "Letter to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt," December 8, 1940   Council on Foreign Relations, The 10 Best and 10 Worst Decisions in U.S. Foreign Policy   Charles Lindbergh Testimony to the House Foreign Affairs Committee, January 23, 1941   Lynne Olson, Those Angry Days: Roosevelt, Lindbergh, and America's Fight Over World War II, 1939-1941   Wendel Wilkie Testimony to the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, February 10, 1941   For an episode transcript and show notes, visit The President's Inbox at: https://www.cfr.org/podcasts/presidents-inbox/america-250-the-lend-lease-act   Opinions expressed on The President's Inbox are solely those of the host or our guests, not of CFR, which takes no institutional positions on matters of policy.

Attorney Jim Walden calls in to discuss representing NYC Councilmember Vicki Paladino over disciplinary action tied to her tweets, arguing the City Council and Speaker Julie Menin are hypocritically targeting a Republican while ignoring Democrats' inflammatory social media statements. Walden says the Council has no power to police internet speech, that Paladino cannot be expelled under Supreme Court precedent, and that the worst penalty would be censure, noting she has already lost five committee assignments. He outlines a strategy to fight in court with the next date on April 7 and, if needed, build a coalition to block action by securing 18 votes. Walden rejects any plea bargain and says the issue is free speech and speaking about terrorism and extremist threats. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Carl Quintanilla, Sara Eisen, and Michael Santoli began the hour with a look at this morning's inflation report, and breaking headlines on the energy front. Longtime market veteran Chris Verrone discussed the market implications of it all - before the team dove into more on oil with one guest arguing we're seeing a "nightmare scenario" play out. Plus: hear Council on Foreign Relations President Emeritus Richard Haass give his take on what's needed for the Iran war to an end.   Also in focus: Oracle shares popping in the early trade after a strong report - Citi's Co-Head of Research broke down the numbers, and why he's raising his price targets here... and more on one bank's decision to rein in private credit lending, and mark down software portfolios.    Squawk on the Street Disclaimer Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

He was born in Damascus to an eminent family, and was well educated in his youth. Discontented with the wisdom of the world, he entered monastic life in the monastery of St Theodosius, where he became the lifelong friend and disciple of John Moschos. Together they visited the monasteries and hermitages of Egypt; they later wrote down their discoveries among the holy monks in the classic Spiritual Meadow. After the death of his teacher, St Sophronius traveled to Jerusalem, which had just been liberated from the Persians. He was there to see the Precious Cross returned from Persia by the Emperor Heraclius, who carried it into Jerusalem on his back. A few years later, in 634, St Sophronius was elected Patriarch of Jerusalem, where he served his flock wisely for three years and three months. He was zealous in the defense of Orthodoxy against the Monothelite heresy: He convoked a Council in Jerusalem which condemned it before it was condemned at the Sixth Ecumenical Council. The holy Patriarch even traveled to Constantinople to rebuke the Patriarch Sergius and Emperor Heraclius, who had embraced the Monothelite error.   The years of peace were few for the Holy Land; for just as the Persian Empire was decisively defeated by Heraclius, the followers of Islam erupted out of Arabia, conquering most of North Africa and the Middle East in a few years. The Saint was so grieved by the capture of Jerusalem in 637 by the Caliph Omar that begged God to take him, so that he might not live to see the desecration of the holy places. His prayer was granted, and he reposed in peace less than a year later.   St Sophronios is the author of the Life of Saint Mary of Egypt, appointed to be read in the churches during every Great Lent. He also wrote the service of the Great Blessing of the Waters. Some have attributed the Vesperal hymn "Gladsome Light" to him, but we know that it dates from before the time of St Basil the Great, who mentions it in his writings. It seems though, that St Sophronios supplemented the hymn, and that its present form is due to him.

The readings for this homily: https://bible.usccb.org/bible/readings/031126.cfmFather Chris Alar, MIC, addresses a common misconception: that the Old Testament portrays God as harsh while, in contradiction, the New Testament reveals a loving Jesus. He explains that the Old Testament functions like parental guidance for children — setting boundaries to protect us — while the New Testament calls adults to a higher standard of love and self‑discipline. Jesus stated He came not to abolish the law but to fulfill it, completing the dietary and ritual requirements through His self-sacrifice on the Cross.Father Chris clarifies that Christians are no longer bound by Old Testament rules on diet, circumcision, or animal sacrifices, yet the fundamental moral law remains unchanged. The Council of Jerusalem confirmed that Gentile converts must uphold even counter-cultural moral teachings while being freed from ceremonial obligations. This distinction guards against both legalism and license: freedom from ritual law does not mean freedom from moral responsibility.Father Chris emphasizes that Jesus elevated moral standards to a supernatural level, a level that demands grace building on natural virtue, teaching that anger equates to murder and lust to adultery. Society often misuses Scripture to justify moral relativism, yet Christ's words to the adulteress — “Go and sin no more” — reveal that mercy demands transformation. Divine Mercy is not permission to continue in sin. The Ten Commandments summarize this dual call: reverence for God and respect for man, or in other words, love of God and neighbor. ★ Support this podcast ★

Send a textEdgar Ruiz is the Director of the Council of State Governments West. The Council of State Governments (CSG), is a nonpartisan national organization that connects and informs all three branches of state government to help bring forth best practices. CSG is divided into four regions, and Alaska is part of the Western region. Edgar Ruiz has been the director of CSG west since 2011. He grew up in southern California on the border with Mexico and began with CSG in 2002 managing American-Mexican programs. CSG West runs a training program for new legislators called the Western Leadership Academy (WLA). This interview took place in Juneau while Edgar was visiting the state capitol as part of his duties as Director of CSG West.

On today's episode, we discuss the mystery of the Trinity and how Christians have tried to understand “the Father is God, the Son is God, the Spirit is God, and there is only one God.” James, Pastor Jimmy, Pastor Chris, and Glenn trace how early church debates—from the Montanists to Arius and the Council of Nicaea—wrestled with whether Jesus is eternally God or a created being. They explain key questions around Jesus' nature (fully God, fully man, or something in between), how the term “Trinity” emerged historically, and why Jehovah's Witnesses today echo some Arian ideas. The conversation also explores how much of this is philosophical framing versus lived discipleship, noting that faithful prayer, obedience, and service often look similar across traditions. Glenn shares his personal struggle over whether to pray to the Father, Jesus, or the Holy Spirit, and how he's come to address all three while grounding his prayers in the Lord's Prayer. Throughout, the group keeps things accessible with analogies, humor, and an emphasis that believers can debate the mechanics of the Trinity without breaking fellowship or losing sight of following Christ. Don't miss it!

Re-Release:  How do you define success? In this episode of the Live Greatly podcast, Kristel Bauer sits down with Dominique Dawes, three-time Olympian and member of the legendary "Magnificent Seven," the first U.S. women's gymnastics team to win Olympic gold at the 1996 Olympic Games. Dominique shares powerful insights from her journey as an elite athlete, including the challenges she faced behind the scenes, how her definition of success has evolved over the years, and what helped her build resilience through difficult experiences. Kristel and Dominique also discuss how parents can better support children in sports, how to navigate high-pressure environments, and why redefining success is essential for long-term happiness and well-being. Today, Dominique continues to inspire the next generation through the Dominique Dawes Gymnastics & Ninja Academies, where she is helping create a healthier culture in youth athletics. If you are interested in high performance, resilience, leadership, and redefining success, you won't want to miss this conversation. Listen now! Key Takeaways from This Episode • How Dominique Dawes' definition of success has evolved throughout her life • Behind-the-scenes insights from Dominique's Olympic journey • Why defining success the wrong way can lead to unhappiness and burnout • What parents should and should not do when supporting children in athletics • The importance of staying present and enjoying the moment • How elite athletes manage high-pressure situations • What helped Dominique heal from trauma and build resilience • Why parents should research youth sports environments carefully • Strategies Dominique uses to manage stress and build mental strength • A look inside the Dominique Dawes Gymnastics & Ninja Academies ABOUT Dominique Dawes: Owner of the Dominique Dawes Gymnastics & Ninja Academies, Dominique opened the gyms to continue her commitment to developing a healthy and compassionate culture in the sport of gymnastics. Her first academy opened in the midst of a global pandemic, July 2020 and her second location opened April 2023.  Dawes also holds minority ownership of the Washington Spirit of the National Women's Soccer League, and served as the co-chair of the President's Council for Fitness, Sports and Nutrition under the Obama administration alongside Drew Brees. Alongside LeBron James and Maverick Carter, she recently served as Executive Producer of the Peacock docu-series "Golden", the journey of USA's elite gymnasts on the road to the Tokyo Olympics, which was nominated for a Sports Emmy.     Dawes holds her degree from the University of Maryland and was inducted into UMD's prestigious Hall of Fame in 2022.   In 2023, her hometown of Montgomery County, Maryland will honor her career and legacy with a life size statue to continue inspiring the next generation to follow in her footsteps.   As a wife, mother of four, Olympian and business owner, Dominique Dawes has transcended the world of sports, politics, entertainment and culture. Dominique Dawes Gymnastics & Ninja Academies Learn more: Dominique Dawes Gymnastics & Ninja Academies https://www.dominiquedawesgymnasticsacademy.com/ Instagram: @dawesgymnasticsacademy  @daweser Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/dawesgymnasticsacademy LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/dominique-dawes/ About the Host: Kristel Bauer Kristel Bauer is a corporate wellness expert, keynote speaker, TEDx speaker, and host of the Live Greatly podcast, where she shares insights to help individuals and organizations achieve greater success, well-being, and sustainable high performance. With a background in Integrative Medicine, business, and media, Kristel provides practical strategies to help leaders and teams strengthen resilience, improve mental well-being, and perform at their best. Her work focuses on high-performance habits, leadership development, resilience, mental well-being, and modern work-life balance. Kristel has been featured on ABC News Live, NBC News Daily, Fox Weather, ABC 7 Chicago, and WGN, and is a contributing writer for Entrepreneur. She has also been recognized as a Top 10 Social Media Influencer by Forbes in the business and wellness space. As an Integrative Medicine Fellow and Physician Assistant, Kristel brings a unique perspective to helping organizations create healthier, more successful workplaces. To book Kristel Bauer as a keynote speaker: https://www.livegreatly.co/contact  Website: www.livegreatly.co  Follow Kristel Bauer on: Instagram: @livegreatly_co  LinkedIn: Kristel Bauer Twitter: @livegreatly_co Facebook: @livegreatly.co Youtube: Live Greatly, Kristel Bauer To Watch Kristel Bauer's TEDx talk of Redefining Work/Life Balance in a COVID-19 World click here. Disclaimer: The contents of this podcast are intended for informational and educational purposes only. Always seek the guidance of your physician for any recommendations specific to you or for any questions regarding your specific health, your sleep patterns changes to diet and exercise, or any medical conditions.  Always consult your physician before starting any supplements or new lifestyle programs. All information, views and statements shared on the Live Greatly podcast are purely the opinions of the authors, and are not medical advice or treatment recommendations.  They have not been evaluated by the food and drug administration.  Opinions of guests are their own and Kristel Bauer & this podcast does not endorse or accept responsibility for statements made by guests.  Neither Kristel Bauer nor this podcast takes responsibility for possible health consequences of a person or persons following the information in this educational content.  Always consult your physician for recommendations specific to you.

Our Pippa Stevens breaks down oil's latest move before CSIS's Clayton Seigel and Clearview Energy's Kevin Book take a deeper look at supply dynamics, geopolitical risk and what could push crude higher or pull it back. Oracle earnings give investors the state of cloud demand and AI infrastructure spending; Patrick Walravens of Citizens JMP breaks down the numbers. Tim Hayes, Chief Global Investment Strategist at Ned Davis Research, evaluates the broader market backdrop and explains how positioning may shift from here. Michael Froman, President of the Council on Foreign Relations, analyzes rising tensions with Iran and what they could mean for global markets. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

In this episode of the Derek Hunter Podcast, guest host Dean Karayanis, New York Sun columnist and former Rush Limbaugh staffer, delivers a sharp-witted and historical analysis of the escalating conflict with Iran. Following the death of the previous Ayatollah, Dean mocks the appointment of his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, by the "Council of Experts" — a puppet organization designed to maintain a hereditary dictatorship under the guise of an Islamic “Republic.” He targets Western media, like the New York Times, for "romanticizing" the new leader as a "man of mystery" rather than a standard fanatic. The IRIS Dena vs. The Belgrano Strategy: A significant portion of the show is dedicated to Dean's recent column for the New York Sun, where he compares the recent sinking of the Iranian frigate IRIS Dena to the 1982 sinking of the ARA General Belgrano during the Falklands War. Just as the Argentine junta claimed the Belgrano was "sailing away" and outside an Exclusion Zone, Iran and its supporters are framing the destruction of the Dena as a war crime because it was in international waters. The Reality: Karayanis cites historical evidence—including a 1982 BBC interview with Margaret Thatcher and later admissions by the Belgrano's captain—to argue that "international waters" do not grant immunity to enemy combatants executing tactical maneuvers. In truth, the Dena was warned twice by the U.S. and offered safe harbor by India, but the captain chose to proceed, making the ship a legal military target. The Culture of Mockery and Free Speech: A broader critique of "useful idiots" in the West and the decline of creative freedom. Dean creative diversity, critiquing the "X-Men Reboot" social media account, arguing that modern writers have turned characters into political avatars for themsevles. He uses Nightcrawler and Magneto as examples of how true diversity includes diversity of belief and internal conflict. British "Tools of Hate": Dean mocks the U.K. labor government's labeling of the Union Jack and St. George's Cross as “symbols of hate,” exposed in a leaked report, a stance that outraged liberal (but not leftist) John Cleese. “The Germans” episode of Cleese's landmark series, “Fawlty Towers, illustrates that comedy is being stifled by people who refuse to analyze the "butt of the joke," which is often the person being unreasonable, not the victims of history. Dean concludes with a message of resilience, urging listeners to support the "flying machines" and the brave individuals fighting to dismantle the Iranian regime, while maintaining a sense of humor in the face of global tension.

Top Iranian clerics have picked Mojtaba Khamenei as the country's next Supreme Leader. He is the son of slain leader Ayotallah Ali Khameni and is known for sharing his father's hardline stance. It is a choice that both the US and Israel have said they won't accept. Gideon Sa'ar is Israel's Foreign Minister and he joined the show to react.  Also on today's show: CNN's Fred Pleitgen interviews former Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharazi; Jason Furman, Former Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers; Debbie Wei Mullin, Founder, Copper Cow Coffee & Sarah LaFleur, Founder and CEO, M.M. LaFleur  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

Markets respond to fast moving geopolitical headlines and fresh swings in energy. Oil dominates the market conversation. Pippa Stevens tracks price moves while Helima Croft, Global Head of Commodity Strategy at RBC Capital Markets, breaks down supply risks, geopolitical crosscurrents and what it would take for crude to move higher or stabilize. Matt Stucky of Northwestern Mutual Wealth Management and Anastasia Amoroso of Partners Group assess the broader market setup and debate how investors should position amid volatility. Earnings from HPE add another data point for tech. Jason Furman, former Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers, weighs in on the Fed and the economic outlook. Dan Levy of Barclays explains how higher oil prices could ripple through the auto sector. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

James and Al celebrate Talarico's win in Texas and share their excitement about the 2026 midterm elections, given the Democratic field's growing strength and Trump's weakening support among Republicans.  Then, they welcome Senior Fellow for National Security Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, Max Boot, to discuss the war in Iran.  Together, they investigate the true reasons for the attack, the dangers posed by military intervention, the stability of the wider Middle East, and the effect on the MAGA movement and public opinion. Email your questions to James and Al at politicswarroom@gmail.com or tweet them to @politicon.  Make sure to include your city– we love to hear where you're from! More from James and Al:Get text updates from Politics War Room and Politicon.Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube.James Carville & Al Hunt have launched the Politics War Room SubstackGet updates and some great behind-the-scenes content from the documentary CARVILLE: WINNING IS EVERYTHING, STUPID by following James on X @jamescarville and his new TikTok @realjamescarvilleGet More From This Week's Guest: Max Boot: Twitter | Threads | Website | WaPo | CFR | Author Please Support Our Sponsors:Quince:Upgrade your spring fashion and get 365-day returns and free shipping on high-quality, stylish, and affordable clothing you'll wear for years to come when you go to quince.com/warroom.  Now available in Canada.

“Did Constantine rig the Council of Nicea?” This question opens a discussion on early Church issues, including the specifics of the canon established at the Council of Florence and the complexities surrounding the organization of the early Church. Other topics include the role of Protestant pastors in critiquing Catholicism and the scriptural basis for attending Mass and confession. Join the Catholic Answers Live Club Newsletter Invite our apologists to speak at your parish! Visit Catholicanswersspeakers.com Questions Covered: 02:30 – Did Constantine rig the Council of Nicea? 07:51 – What is the specific canon of the council of Florence (1422) whereby the Catholics, Eastern Orthodox, and Coptics all agreed on the 73 book canon of scripture? 12:40 – How can we help stop this war in the Middle East? What can I do? 16:51 – How do I respond to a Protestant claim citing Eamon Duffy's book, Saints and Sinners, that Clement never makes the claim to be a bishop, that his letter from the whole Roman community (not just him), and that the church at that time was organized under a group of bishops, not a single bishop. 21:32 – Why do Protestant pastors feel compelled to put down the Catholic faith? If they don't believe it, why don't they just leave us alone? 29:12 – Where is it in scripture that we need to attend Mass once a week and go to confession once a year? And are there any exceptions for people who can't get there (like if they can't drive). 34:09 – Why do all of the apostolic Churches like the Oriental Orthodox have different canons on scripture and different christologies? 41:08 – If my mother and father are in Purgatory, do they know each other in Purgatory? Can souls in Purgatory pray for each other? 46:28 – In the early church, how did they know how to consecrate the bread and wine at Mass? 49:10 – How does the Catholic Church view the development of the election of a pope changing from Roman clergy to the College of Cardinals? 51:48 – I've heard people say that Peter and Paul had different gospel messages, and that since I'm American, I'm a gentile, therefore I should follow Paul instead of Peter.