POPULARITY
Na Alemanha, França e Romênia, decisões judiciais tentam conter partidos autoritários — mas isso, por si só, talvez não seja suficiente. A última semana marcou mais um capítulo nas tensões entre a extrema-direita e a justiça — desta vez, na Europa. Thomás Zicman de Barros, analista político, especial para a RFIForam dias de decisões e indecisões. Na Alemanha, na segunda-feira (5), o Escritório de Proteção da Constituição declarou o partido AfD, Alternativa para a Alemanha, como um grupo extremista, citando sua proximidade com setores neonazistas e a negação do princípio de igualdade — de acordo com a lógica do partido, imigrantes seriam cidadãos de segunda classe.Essa classificação tem implicações jurídicas importantes: o partido passa a ser monitorado pelos serviços de inteligência e pode, em última instância, ser banido. Mas, diante da reação e da pressão de apoiadores da AfD, o mesmo órgão recuou na quinta-feira (8), afirmando que o caso ainda precisa ser mais bem avaliado.A indefinição gerou surpresa. Afinal, não é evidente que a AfD é um partido de extrema direita? Por que ainda se hesita em chamá-los pelo nome? Parte da resposta está no esforço — hoje quase reflexo — de acadêmicos e políticos de criar tipologias para grupos reacionários, como se a urgência estivesse em classificá-los, e não em enfrentá-los. Cria-se assim uma taxonomia que termina por complexificar o que, no fundo, deveria ser simples."Cinquenta tons de fascismo"No debate acadêmico, costuma-se distinguir diferentes tipos de ultradireita — os chamados "cinquenta tons de fascismo". Nessa tipologia, separa-se a extrema-direita da direita radical. A diferença teórica entre elas seria esta: a extrema-direita se caracteriza por buscar o poder por meio da força. Já a direita radical, embora também antidemocrática em seus valores, opera prioritariamente dentro das regras eleitorais e institucionais.Essa distinção pode ter alguma utilidade no terreno conceitual. Mas, na prática, tem sido usada para relativizar os riscos concretos que esses grupos representam, normalizando-os. No fim, essa taxonomia pouco nos ajuda a compreender o passado, tampouco o presente — e menos ainda a nos preparar para o futuro.Historicamente, a extrema direita recorreu a todos os meios para chegar ao poder. O caso da Alemanha dos anos 1930 é exemplar: a extrema direita ascendeu por vias legais, com apoio decisivo da centro-direita, que a normalizou e acreditou poder controlá-la.O resultado foi a destruição das instituições republicanas por dentro. Mesmo hoje, líderes eleitos não hesitam em flertar com o autogolpe assim que consolidam sua posição. O debate sobre banir ou não a extrema direita da vida política não se restringe à Alemanha, onde o quadro legal prevê explicitamente essa possibilidade.Na França, no mês passado, Marine Le Pen foi declarada inelegível após ser condenada por desvio de verbas do Parlamento Europeu. Se o veredito for mantido, ela estará fora das eleições de 2027, mesmo liderando as pesquisas.Já na Romênia, as conturbadas eleições de dezembro de 2024 — vencidas no primeiro turno pelo então desconhecido candidato de extrema-direita Călin Georgescu — foram anuladas pela Corte Suprema, após denúncias de manipulação da opinião pública por agentes russos nas redes sociais.Esses episódios nos obrigam a fazer uma pergunta difícil: tais medidas são legítimas? Cada caso tem suas especificidades, mas todos podem ser interpretados à luz de uma doutrina conhecida como democracia defensiva — ou democracia militante.O conceito foi formulado nos anos 1930 pelo jurista alemão Karl Loewenstein, exilado nos Estados Unidos após a ascensão do nazismo. A ideia central é que democracias não devem assistir passivamente à ascensão de forças que, uma vez no poder, trabalham para miná-las desde dentro.Como escreveu Karl Popper — filósofo austríaco e liberal convicto — no famoso paradoxo da tolerância: não se pode tolerar o intolerante, porque, ao ganhar espaço, ele destrói o próprio princípio da pluralidade.Vale lembrar: democracia nunca foi apenas uma questão de votos ou de eleições. Historicamente, o sufrágio universal e a escolha de representantes por meio do voto nem sempre foram considerados mecanismos democráticos — pelo contrário, a eleição era muitas vezes vista como um método aristocrático, destinado à seleção dos “melhores”. Medidas para banir extrema direita não bastamO que importa aqui é o núcleo constante da ideia de democracia: a igualdade. É isso o que está em jogo quando forças extremistas tentam capturar o aparato eleitoral para fins autoritários. Mas então essas medidas para banir a extremadireita bastam? Evidentemente, não. Impedir a participação da AfD, de Le Pen ou de candidatos extremistas em eleições pode ser necessário — mas não é suficiente.É preciso perguntar por que esses grupos têm, afinal, tanta força eleitoral. Nesse ponto, os defensores da democracia liberal também precisam fazer sua autocrítica. É preciso entender que a força da extrema-direita vem da crescente insatisfação de cidadãos precarizados, desamparados, angustiados.Cidadãos que percebem que, em sua forma atual, a democracia liberal não tem sido capaz de oferecer respostas convincentes aos dilemas contemporâneos. Nesse sentido, é preciso não apenas conservar a democracia, mas reconstruí-la em novas bases.Se a extrema direita impõe riscos concretos, não basta a democracia defensiva, é preciso uma democracia ofensiva — capaz de agir, disputar, transformar. Uma democracia que recupere e atualize seu princípio mais fundamental: a igualdade.É apenas com mais igualdade — e mais inclusão — que talvez se encontre, enfim, uma resposta à altura.
Frank Hermans from Let Me Free swings by the show to talk about his latest show coming to the Meyer Theater. It's called King of Krakow. The run starts on April 3rd and runs through the 19th. The show features Amy Riemer (as Angel of Angelica), Lisa Borley (as Wack Job), Sarah Galati (as Sarah the Italian), Tom Verbrick (King Brezinski), Paul Evansen (as Pauly Pencil Neck), Pat Hibbard (as Tick-Tock), Blake Hermans (as Stooley), Frank Hermans (as Lard Face). Sounds like another great time! Then Karl Loewenstein from Sturgeon Spirits in Oshkosh joins from our WISS studios. Sturgeon Spirits is part of our Maino & The Mayor's Top Craft Pick promotion. Karl is the founder and president of Sturgeon spirits, and is passionate about the craft and traditions of distilling. He retired from a 21-year career teaching history at UW Oshkosh in January 2024 and believes in community, sustainability, and spirited living. Maino and the Mayor is a part of the Civic Media radio network and airs Monday through Friday from 6-9 am on WGBW in Green Bay and on WISS in Appleton/Oshkosh. Subscribe to the podcast to be sure not to miss out on a single episode! To learn more about the show and all of the programming across the Civic Media network, head over to https://civicmedia.us/shows to see the entire broadcast lineup. Follow the show on Facebook and X to keep up with Maino and the Mayor! Guests: Frank Hermans, Karl Loewenstein
Teremos papo sobre democracia militante no canal com @lucasapaulino e @pontesdemadeira. Uma ideia de Karl Loewenstein elaborada para resistir ao fascismo nos anos 20/30 que se tornou mais atual que nunca.
American policymakers and scholars alike have looked to the rapid transformation of Germany, specifically West Germany, from a defeated Nazi state into a thriving democracy as one of the most successful postwar reconstructions of the twentieth century. Scholars have variously credited an influential U.S. occupation or Germans’ own revulsion at their Nazi past as the cause of the success. Udi Greenberg, Assistant Professor of History at Dartmouth College, pushes scholars to rethink these common explanations for the transformation in his new book The Weimar Century: German Emigres and the Ideological Foundation of the Cold War (Princeton University Press, 2015), Greenberg shows how a small group of German emigres, who came of age during Germany’s Weimar Republic, provided the intellectual leadership for West Germany’s postwar reconstruction as a democratic republic. The book focuses on five individuals, Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theoretician Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic journalist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations expert Hans Morgenthau. Each of these emigres became important leaders in the intellectual transformation of Germany and were key figures in facilitating a collaboration between American occupiers and Germany citizens. Beyond their role in the democratization of West Germany, Greenberg also shows that these emigres were key architects of the Cold War order. These emigres saw democracy and anti-communism as closely linked, an interpretation they brought not only to the reconstruction of Germany, but also to Cold War projects across the globe. These men became key players in U.S. Cold War policymaking in Korea, Latin America, and beyond. In doing so, they gained influential roles in at the center of American power and helped shape the early Cold War for better and worse. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
American policymakers and scholars alike have looked to the rapid transformation of Germany, specifically West Germany, from a defeated Nazi state into a thriving democracy as one of the most successful postwar reconstructions of the twentieth century. Scholars have variously credited an influential U.S. occupation or Germans’ own revulsion at their Nazi past as the cause of the success. Udi Greenberg, Assistant Professor of History at Dartmouth College, pushes scholars to rethink these common explanations for the transformation in his new book The Weimar Century: German Emigres and the Ideological Foundation of the Cold War (Princeton University Press, 2015), Greenberg shows how a small group of German emigres, who came of age during Germany’s Weimar Republic, provided the intellectual leadership for West Germany’s postwar reconstruction as a democratic republic. The book focuses on five individuals, Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theoretician Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic journalist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations expert Hans Morgenthau. Each of these emigres became important leaders in the intellectual transformation of Germany and were key figures in facilitating a collaboration between American occupiers and Germany citizens. Beyond their role in the democratization of West Germany, Greenberg also shows that these emigres were key architects of the Cold War order. These emigres saw democracy and anti-communism as closely linked, an interpretation they brought not only to the reconstruction of Germany, but also to Cold War projects across the globe. These men became key players in U.S. Cold War policymaking in Korea, Latin America, and beyond. In doing so, they gained influential roles in at the center of American power and helped shape the early Cold War for better and worse. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
American policymakers and scholars alike have looked to the rapid transformation of Germany, specifically West Germany, from a defeated Nazi state into a thriving democracy as one of the most successful postwar reconstructions of the twentieth century. Scholars have variously credited an influential U.S. occupation or Germans’ own revulsion at their Nazi past as the cause of the success. Udi Greenberg, Assistant Professor of History at Dartmouth College, pushes scholars to rethink these common explanations for the transformation in his new book The Weimar Century: German Emigres and the Ideological Foundation of the Cold War (Princeton University Press, 2015), Greenberg shows how a small group of German emigres, who came of age during Germany’s Weimar Republic, provided the intellectual leadership for West Germany’s postwar reconstruction as a democratic republic. The book focuses on five individuals, Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theoretician Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic journalist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations expert Hans Morgenthau. Each of these emigres became important leaders in the intellectual transformation of Germany and were key figures in facilitating a collaboration between American occupiers and Germany citizens. Beyond their role in the democratization of West Germany, Greenberg also shows that these emigres were key architects of the Cold War order. These emigres saw democracy and anti-communism as closely linked, an interpretation they brought not only to the reconstruction of Germany, but also to Cold War projects across the globe. These men became key players in U.S. Cold War policymaking in Korea, Latin America, and beyond. In doing so, they gained influential roles in at the center of American power and helped shape the early Cold War for better and worse. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
American policymakers and scholars alike have looked to the rapid transformation of Germany, specifically West Germany, from a defeated Nazi state into a thriving democracy as one of the most successful postwar reconstructions of the twentieth century. Scholars have variously credited an influential U.S. occupation or Germans’ own revulsion at their Nazi past as the cause of the success. Udi Greenberg, Assistant Professor of History at Dartmouth College, pushes scholars to rethink these common explanations for the transformation in his new book The Weimar Century: German Emigres and the Ideological Foundation of the Cold War (Princeton University Press, 2015), Greenberg shows how a small group of German emigres, who came of age during Germany’s Weimar Republic, provided the intellectual leadership for West Germany’s postwar reconstruction as a democratic republic. The book focuses on five individuals, Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theoretician Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic journalist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations expert Hans Morgenthau. Each of these emigres became important leaders in the intellectual transformation of Germany and were key figures in facilitating a collaboration between American occupiers and Germany citizens. Beyond their role in the democratization of West Germany, Greenberg also shows that these emigres were key architects of the Cold War order. These emigres saw democracy and anti-communism as closely linked, an interpretation they brought not only to the reconstruction of Germany, but also to Cold War projects across the globe. These men became key players in U.S. Cold War policymaking in Korea, Latin America, and beyond. In doing so, they gained influential roles in at the center of American power and helped shape the early Cold War for better and worse. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
American policymakers and scholars alike have looked to the rapid transformation of Germany, specifically West Germany, from a defeated Nazi state into a thriving democracy as one of the most successful postwar reconstructions of the twentieth century. Scholars have variously credited an influential U.S. occupation or Germans’ own revulsion at their Nazi past as the cause of the success. Udi Greenberg, Assistant Professor of History at Dartmouth College, pushes scholars to rethink these common explanations for the transformation in his new book The Weimar Century: German Emigres and the Ideological Foundation of the Cold War (Princeton University Press, 2015), Greenberg shows how a small group of German emigres, who came of age during Germany’s Weimar Republic, provided the intellectual leadership for West Germany’s postwar reconstruction as a democratic republic. The book focuses on five individuals, Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theoretician Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic journalist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations expert Hans Morgenthau. Each of these emigres became important leaders in the intellectual transformation of Germany and were key figures in facilitating a collaboration between American occupiers and Germany citizens. Beyond their role in the democratization of West Germany, Greenberg also shows that these emigres were key architects of the Cold War order. These emigres saw democracy and anti-communism as closely linked, an interpretation they brought not only to the reconstruction of Germany, but also to Cold War projects across the globe. These men became key players in U.S. Cold War policymaking in Korea, Latin America, and beyond. In doing so, they gained influential roles in at the center of American power and helped shape the early Cold War for better and worse. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
American policymakers and scholars alike have looked to the rapid transformation of Germany, specifically West Germany, from a defeated Nazi state into a thriving democracy as one of the most successful postwar reconstructions of the twentieth century. Scholars have variously credited an influential U.S. occupation or Germans’ own revulsion at their Nazi past as the cause of the success. Udi Greenberg, Assistant Professor of History at Dartmouth College, pushes scholars to rethink these common explanations for the transformation in his new book The Weimar Century: German Emigres and the Ideological Foundation of the Cold War (Princeton University Press, 2015), Greenberg shows how a small group of German emigres, who came of age during Germany’s Weimar Republic, provided the intellectual leadership for West Germany’s postwar reconstruction as a democratic republic. The book focuses on five individuals, Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theoretician Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic journalist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations expert Hans Morgenthau. Each of these emigres became important leaders in the intellectual transformation of Germany and were key figures in facilitating a collaboration between American occupiers and Germany citizens. Beyond their role in the democratization of West Germany, Greenberg also shows that these emigres were key architects of the Cold War order. These emigres saw democracy and anti-communism as closely linked, an interpretation they brought not only to the reconstruction of Germany, but also to Cold War projects across the globe. These men became key players in U.S. Cold War policymaking in Korea, Latin America, and beyond. In doing so, they gained influential roles in at the center of American power and helped shape the early Cold War for better and worse. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
© 2020-2025 Ivy Podcast Discovery LLC
