Podcast appearances and mentions of edward vallance

En 1688 fue derrocado Jacobo II Estuardo, el último rey católico de Inglaterra. Fue víctima de una conjura urdida por el parlamento con la inestimable ayuda de Guillermo de Orange, un príncipe neerlandés que ambicionaba la corona inglesa porque estaba casado con María Estuardo, hija de Jacobo. En principio se trató de un simple golpe de Estado, pero como alumbró una nueva legitimidad pronto empezaron a referirse a este acontecimiento como revolución gloriosa, un episodio glosado miles de veces en la historia de Inglaterra como punto de partida de la Gran Bretaña actual. Lo cierto es que esta revolución tuvo algo de fortuito y bastante de inesperado. Jacobo II había accedido al trono sólo tres años antes, en 1685, tras la muerte de su hermano Carlos II. Unos años antes el nuevo monarca se había convertido al catolicismo renegando de la Iglesia de Inglaterra, lo que ocasionó un pequeño escándalo, pero no fue a mayores. El rey tenía un gran apoyo popular y muchos aliados en el parlamento. Pero, una vez en el trono, suspendió las reuniones parlamentarias, tanto en Escocia como en Inglaterra y empezó a gobernar por decreto. Eso lo podían llegar a tolerar, Jacobo II tenía ya cierta edad y María, su hija y heredera, había sido criada en el protestantismo. Por lo que no estaba dispuesta a pasar la nobleza reformada era por el nacimiento de su hijo Jacobo Francisco, fruto de su segundo matrimonio con una princesa italiana. Esto desplazaba a María como legítima heredera y creaba un conflicto dinástico y, lo más preocupante de todo, que el siguiente rey fuese también católico, lo que revertiría la reforma efectuada siglo y medio antes por Enrique VIII. El temor a que eso llegase a suceder convenció a muchos parlamentarios de dar un golpe de Estado y destronar a Jacobo. Pero no querían cometer el error de 1642, que había culminado con la ejecución de Carlos I y que había traído la dictadura de Oliver Cromwell. Necesitaban un rey de repuesto. Quién mejor que Guillermo de Orange, estatúder de las Provincias Unidas con credenciales nobiliarias y casado con la hija de Jacobo. En aquel momento Luis XIV se encontraba listo para atacar a Holanda, con quien se encontraba en guerra. Para Guillermo era una oportunidad dorada de atraerse un aliado y poder contar con sus recursos. En noviembre de 1688 el de Orange desembarcó con un ejército holandés en un pueblo de la costa de Cornualles y se dirigió a Londres con él. Por el camino se le unió la parte del ejército inglés que se había apuntado al golpe. Luis XIV le ofreció ayuda, pero Jacobo la rechazó en la creencia de que con sus fieles le bastaría para repeler a los invasores. Nada de eso sucedió. Sus hombres le abandonaron y fue incluso apresado por los holandeses, que le permitieron exiliarse en Francia, donde moriría años después. El golpe fue rápido, a finales de año la facción reformada del parlamento ya se había hecho con el poder y ofreció la corona a Guillermo y a María, que habrían de compartirla. Tanto Jacobo como su hijo Jacobo Francisco no se resignaron, siguieron reclamando el trono inglés durante décadas y dieron origen a un movimiento, el de los jacobitas, que pretendía devolver la corona a los Estuardo. Durante el siglo XVIII fueron muy activos, especialmente en Escocia. Ni en Inglaterra ni en Escocia volvió jamás a reinar un católico y la historia se precipitó. La Ley de Tolerancia de 1688 concedió la libertad de culto a los protestantes que no formaban parte de la Iglesia de Inglaterra, pero las restricciones para los católicos permanecieron en vigor hasta entrado el siglo XIX. La revolución puso también fin a un siglo de disputas políticas confirmando definitivamente la primacía del Parlamento sobre la Corona, un principio establecido en la Declaración de Derechos de 1689. Para conocer más a fondo la revolución gloriosa visita hoy La ContraHistoria Lorena Carrasco, a quien los contraescuchas conocen bien porque nos ha acompañado en otros episodios sobre historia de Inglaterra, y, como complemento, a Alberto Garín, cuya sabiduría es casi infinita y que con su sola presencia ennoblece este programa. Bibliografía: - "Glorious Revolution" de VVAA - https://amzn.to/3mr0rDC - "The Glorious Revolution" de Edward Vallance - https://amzn.to/3mztEMY - "The Glorious Revolution" de John Miller - https://amzn.to/3lmB5ra “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

People value loyalty. We prize it in our dogs. We loyally carry loyalty cards to claim discounts at our favourite stores and coffee shops. We follow sports teams, even when they lose. Loyalty is also deeply political. It is signified in oaths of office, in pledges of allegiance, and in the machinations of party politics. Loyalty, like justice, is taken to be an unalloyed good. As Don Corleone taught us: ‘Blood makes you related, loyalty makes you family'. It is not surprising that loyalty has a deep and complex history in Anglophone political thought. The seventeenth century in Britain was a period in which political loyalties were shaped, tested, and sometimes fractured. Edward Vallance is Professor of History at the University of Roehampton. He was written widely on the politics of early modern Britain, and on topics such as oaths and covenants, the Revolution of 1688, and the radical history of Britain. In a range of essays, he has explored topics in political thought from the Renaissance to Thomas Paine. His new book Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019), examines ‘loyal addresses' as mechanisms for the expression of public opinion, and as links between the local and national contexts of politics. Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), who has written on the politics of religion in early modern Britain, and whose work has recently expanded to the intersection of colonial, indigenous, and imperial politics in early America. He co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

People value loyalty. We prize it in our dogs. We loyally carry loyalty cards to claim discounts at our favourite stores and coffee shops. We follow sports teams, even when they lose. Loyalty is also deeply political. It is signified in oaths of office, in pledges of allegiance, and in the machinations of party politics. Loyalty, like justice, is taken to be an unalloyed good. As Don Corleone taught us: ‘Blood makes you related, loyalty makes you family’. It is not surprising that loyalty has a deep and complex history in Anglophone political thought. The seventeenth century in Britain was a period in which political loyalties were shaped, tested, and sometimes fractured. Edward Vallance is Professor of History at the University of Roehampton. He was written widely on the politics of early modern Britain, and on topics such as oaths and covenants, the Revolution of 1688, and the radical history of Britain. In a range of essays, he has explored topics in political thought from the Renaissance to Thomas Paine. His new book Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019), examines ‘loyal addresses’ as mechanisms for the expression of public opinion, and as links between the local and national contexts of politics. Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), who has written on the politics of religion in early modern Britain, and whose work has recently expanded to the intersection of colonial, indigenous, and imperial politics in early America. He co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

People value loyalty. We prize it in our dogs. We loyally carry loyalty cards to claim discounts at our favourite stores and coffee shops. We follow sports teams, even when they lose. Loyalty is also deeply political. It is signified in oaths of office, in pledges of allegiance, and in the machinations of party politics. Loyalty, like justice, is taken to be an unalloyed good. As Don Corleone taught us: ‘Blood makes you related, loyalty makes you family’. It is not surprising that loyalty has a deep and complex history in Anglophone political thought. The seventeenth century in Britain was a period in which political loyalties were shaped, tested, and sometimes fractured. Edward Vallance is Professor of History at the University of Roehampton. He was written widely on the politics of early modern Britain, and on topics such as oaths and covenants, the Revolution of 1688, and the radical history of Britain. In a range of essays, he has explored topics in political thought from the Renaissance to Thomas Paine. His new book Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019), examines ‘loyal addresses’ as mechanisms for the expression of public opinion, and as links between the local and national contexts of politics. Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), who has written on the politics of religion in early modern Britain, and whose work has recently expanded to the intersection of colonial, indigenous, and imperial politics in early America. He co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

People value loyalty. We prize it in our dogs. We loyally carry loyalty cards to claim discounts at our favourite stores and coffee shops. We follow sports teams, even when they lose. Loyalty is also deeply political. It is signified in oaths of office, in pledges of allegiance, and in the machinations of party politics. Loyalty, like justice, is taken to be an unalloyed good. As Don Corleone taught us: ‘Blood makes you related, loyalty makes you family’. It is not surprising that loyalty has a deep and complex history in Anglophone political thought. The seventeenth century in Britain was a period in which political loyalties were shaped, tested, and sometimes fractured. Edward Vallance is Professor of History at the University of Roehampton. He was written widely on the politics of early modern Britain, and on topics such as oaths and covenants, the Revolution of 1688, and the radical history of Britain. In a range of essays, he has explored topics in political thought from the Renaissance to Thomas Paine. His new book Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019), examines ‘loyal addresses’ as mechanisms for the expression of public opinion, and as links between the local and national contexts of politics. Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), who has written on the politics of religion in early modern Britain, and whose work has recently expanded to the intersection of colonial, indigenous, and imperial politics in early America. He co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

People value loyalty. We prize it in our dogs. We loyally carry loyalty cards to claim discounts at our favourite stores and coffee shops. We follow sports teams, even when they lose. Loyalty is also deeply political. It is signified in oaths of office, in pledges of allegiance, and in the machinations of party politics. Loyalty, like justice, is taken to be an unalloyed good. As Don Corleone taught us: ‘Blood makes you related, loyalty makes you family’. It is not surprising that loyalty has a deep and complex history in Anglophone political thought. The seventeenth century in Britain was a period in which political loyalties were shaped, tested, and sometimes fractured. Edward Vallance is Professor of History at the University of Roehampton. He was written widely on the politics of early modern Britain, and on topics such as oaths and covenants, the Revolution of 1688, and the radical history of Britain. In a range of essays, he has explored topics in political thought from the Renaissance to Thomas Paine. His new book Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019), examines ‘loyal addresses’ as mechanisms for the expression of public opinion, and as links between the local and national contexts of politics. Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), who has written on the politics of religion in early modern Britain, and whose work has recently expanded to the intersection of colonial, indigenous, and imperial politics in early America. He co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

People value loyalty. We prize it in our dogs. We loyally carry loyalty cards to claim discounts at our favourite stores and coffee shops. We follow sports teams, even when they lose. Loyalty is also deeply political. It is signified in oaths of office, in pledges of allegiance, and in the machinations of party politics. Loyalty, like justice, is taken to be an unalloyed good. As Don Corleone taught us: ‘Blood makes you related, loyalty makes you family’. It is not surprising that loyalty has a deep and complex history in Anglophone political thought. The seventeenth century in Britain was a period in which political loyalties were shaped, tested, and sometimes fractured. Edward Vallance is Professor of History at the University of Roehampton. He was written widely on the politics of early modern Britain, and on topics such as oaths and covenants, the Revolution of 1688, and the radical history of Britain. In a range of essays, he has explored topics in political thought from the Renaissance to Thomas Paine. His new book Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019), examines ‘loyal addresses’ as mechanisms for the expression of public opinion, and as links between the local and national contexts of politics. Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), who has written on the politics of religion in early modern Britain, and whose work has recently expanded to the intersection of colonial, indigenous, and imperial politics in early America. He co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

People value loyalty. We prize it in our dogs. We loyally carry loyalty cards to claim discounts at our favourite stores and coffee shops. We follow sports teams, even when they lose. Loyalty is also deeply political. It is signified in oaths of office, in pledges of allegiance, and in the machinations of party politics. Loyalty, like justice, is taken to be an unalloyed good. As Don Corleone taught us: ‘Blood makes you related, loyalty makes you family’. It is not surprising that loyalty has a deep and complex history in Anglophone political thought. The seventeenth century in Britain was a period in which political loyalties were shaped, tested, and sometimes fractured. Edward Vallance is Professor of History at the University of Roehampton. He was written widely on the politics of early modern Britain, and on topics such as oaths and covenants, the Revolution of 1688, and the radical history of Britain. In a range of essays, he has explored topics in political thought from the Renaissance to Thomas Paine. His new book Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019), examines ‘loyal addresses’ as mechanisms for the expression of public opinion, and as links between the local and national contexts of politics. Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), who has written on the politics of religion in early modern Britain, and whose work has recently expanded to the intersection of colonial, indigenous, and imperial politics in early America. He co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Edward Vallance discusses a 17th century radical and Hugh Doherty on true life Robin Hoods. Also, survivors of the Blitz in the Second World War relive the experience. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Edward Vallance explores the story of Thomas Paine, hated in England in his lifetime but loved in America, June Purvis tackles the subject of the force feeding of suffragettes 100 years ago. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.