Podcasts about leaguing

What a life in baseball for A.J. Burnett. Get ready for the real story behind smashing the truck window in Florida! What about the bat signal igniting the Pittsburgh home crowd? And the best part of the convo is an EPIC story about a parking space battle between Burnett and Pirates owner Robert Nutting. Burnett tells Scott Braun & AJ Pierzynski about being a locker mate with Derek Jeter & what made the '09 Yanks so special. Maybe Brian Cashman ripping into the team had something to do with it? The Pirates-Yankees connection helps him tell the story of how Gerrit Cole became MLB's best when he got back to high cheese. Legends Territory Tik Tok FTW Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What a life in baseball for A.J. Burnett. Get ready for the real story behind smashing the truck window in Florida!What about the bat signal igniting the Pittsburgh home crowd? And the best part of the convo is an EPIC story about a parking space battle between Burnett and Pirates owner Robert Nutting.Burnett tells Scott Braun & AJ Pierzynski about being a locker mate with Derek Jeter & what made the '09 Yanks so special. Maybe Brian Cashman ripping into the team had something to do with it?The Pirates-Yankees connection helps him tell the story of how Gerrit Cole became MLB's best when he got back to high cheese.Legends Territory Tik Tok FTW

What a life in baseball for A.J. Burnett. Get ready for the real story behind smashing the truck window in Florida! What about the bat signal igniting the Pittsburgh home crowd? And the best part of the convo is an EPIC story about a parking space battle between Burnett and Pirates owner Robert Nutting. Burnett tells Scott Braun & AJ Pierzynski about being a locker mate with Derek Jeter & what made the '09 Yanks so special. Maybe Brian Cashman ripping into the team had something to do with it? The Pirates-Yankees connection helps him tell the story of how Gerrit Cole became MLB's best when he got back to high cheese. Legends Territory Tik Tok FTW -- Shady Rays are giving out their best deal of the season. Go to shadyrays.com and use code FOUL for 50% off 2+ pairs of polarized sunglasses. Try for yourself the shades rated 5 stars by over 250,000 people. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What a life in baseball for A.J. Burnett. Get ready for the real story behind smashing the truck window in Florida!What about the bat signal igniting the Pittsburgh home crowd? And the best part of the convo is an EPIC story about a parking space battle between Burnett and Pirates owner Robert Nutting.Burnett tells Scott Braun & AJ Pierzynski about being a locker mate with Derek Jeter & what made the '09 Yanks so special. Maybe Brian Cashman ripping into the team had something to do with it?The Pirates-Yankees connection helps him tell the story of how Gerrit Cole became MLB's best when he got back to high cheese.Legends Territory Tik Tok FTW--Shady Rays are giving out their best deal of the season. Go to shadyrays.com and use code FOUL for 50% off 2+ pairs of polarized sunglasses. Try for yourself the shades rated 5 stars by over 250,000 people.

We go over some of the decks putting up results in Explorer. Take a look at the world of Modern. And check out some of the cards from Double Masters. And of course, we talk about Obi Wan. Thank you for your honor.

This episode, the guys get together and do some gaming. If you enjoy gaming, this podcast is for you. Or, if you just like randomness. The guys play Rocket League, and talk shit and fun things. They also discuss work things, and others. 

The Wide Men are back for another episode of the flagship show. This week the guys are joined by Robin Lundberg of Sports Illustrated, CBS sports and formerly of ESPN on first and last. They are also joined by Jacob Goldstein of Nylon Calculus and Real Ball Insiders. They guys also talk free agency and summer league.                                                                Brought to you by  Law Offices of Stephen P New  newlawoffice.com Wowfreecam.com Facebook.com/makeupkenned  

Back with a new episode where we catch up on life, and discuss the importance of Tenacious D in metal. Other things are blabbered about like Dio, KISS, and Metallica. Plus  we play a song from our Baddass Band Of The Week Freely Spoken!!! Freely isn't a band, and this isn't really a weekly show these days, but it's our show, dammit. We do what we want.

Welcome to LAisOurHouse! The Unofficial Podcast of the LA Galaxy. Three life long friends and Galaxy fans discuss the Galaxy, MLS, U.S. Soccer, and other World Football The LA Galaxy go out with a thud and we beat that dead horse. We also congratulate Pete Vagenas on getting promoted due to incompetence. We also revisit preseason playoff scenarios and run down the final MLS recap of the regular season. Be sure to follow us on Twitter! @LAisOurHouse Instagram LA_is_Our_House Send us an email at LAisOurHouse@gmail.com Facebook www.facebook.com/LAisOurHouse/ and check out our website www.LAisOurHouse.com

In this week's episode of Super Nerd Pals, Stan, Andy, and Chris discuss the greatest Wolverine movie pitch ever, Emperor Palpatine's love for books, the joys of Rocket League, Batgirl #42, Batgirl Annual #3, Thors #2, and Antman. +++ You can find our podcast on iTunes, Soundcloud, Google Play and Stitcher! https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/super-nerd-pals/id957518932?mt=2 https://soundcloud.com/supernerdpals https://goo.gl/app/playmusic?ibi=com.google.PlayMusic&isi=691797987&ius=googleplaymusic&link=https://play.google.com/music/m/Ihoznbclg7ez2mqpqrz6knfsfu4?t%3DSuper_Nerd_Pals http://www.stitcher.com/podcast/super-nerd-pals Here is our RSS Feed for you to upload to your podcast player of choice - http://feeds.soundcloud.com/users/soundcloud:users:128938125/sounds.rss Please like, rate, share, subscribe, and tell your friends about us! And feel to comment and reach out to us. We love talking to our Super Pals of Nerding! And as always, you can find us on our flagship channels for Super Nerd Pals! Website: https://supernerdpals.com/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/groups/SuperNerdPals/ Twitter: @SuperNerdPals - https://twitter.com/supernerdpals ; @AnimeIsWeird - https://twitter.com/animeisweird ; @FanimeshonDesu - https://twitter.com/fanimeshondesu Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/supernerdpals/ Tumblr: http://supernerdpals.tumblr.com/ Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCpkEkUQwSwMBX74ruvbzR9w You can find us individually on Twitter at: Stan - @StanDoom ; https://twitter.com/standoom Andy - @SweetJusticeOne ; https://twitter.com/sweetjusticeone Chris - @KyoNinjaForHire ; https://twitter.com/KyoNinjaForHire Thank you and enjoy!!

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR. But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America’s uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP’s right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates. What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America’s uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR. But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America’s uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP’s right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates. What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America’s uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR. But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America’s uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP’s right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates. What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America’s uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR. But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America’s uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP’s right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates. What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America’s uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR. But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America's uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP's right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates. What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America's uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies