Podcasts about yegor gaidar

Slouching Towards Utopia is the new book from Brad DeLong, Professor of Economics at University of California, Berkeley. Professor DeLong joins show host Gene Tunny to discuss the long twentieth century from 1870 to 2010. The conversation considers the three factors which came together to massively raise living standards post-1870, and how nonetheless we've struggled to achieve the Utopia that once appeared possible. The “neoliberal turn” beginning in the 1970s and 1980s is considered, and DeLong explains why he writes that “Hayek and his followers were not only Dr. Jekyll–side geniuses but also Mr. Hyde–side idiots.”You can buy Slouching Towards Utopia via this link:https://amzn.to/3TK4evmPlease get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored. HighlightsThe big story after 1870: technological progress becomes rapid, the technological competence of the human race globally doubles every generation. [6:50]The importance of industrial research labs in the big story since 1870 [16:35]The role of the modern corporation [18:23]Globalization in the late nineteenth century and pre WWI [23:25]How bad governance can make a country very poor very quickly [29:09]The neoliberal turn [35:56]Prof. DeLong thinks the big lesson of history is that trying to maintain social and economic systems past their sell-by date doesn't work [58:28]About this episode's guest: Brad DeLongBrad DeLong is a professor of economics at U.C. Berkeley, a research associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research, a weblogger at the Washington Center for Equitable Growth, and a fellow of the Institute for New Economic Thinking. He received his B.A. and Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1982 and 1987. He joined UC Berkeley as an associate professor in 1993 and became a full professor in 1997.Professor DeLong also served in the U.S. government as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy from 1993 to 1995. He worked on the Clinton Administration's 1993 budget, on the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, on the North American Free Trade Agreement, on macroeconomic policy, and on the unsuccessful health care reform effort.Before joining the Treasury Department, Professor DeLong was Danziger Associate Professor in the Department of Economics at Harvard University. He has also been a John M. Olin Fellow at the National Bureau of Economic Research, an Assistant Professor of Economics at Boston University, and a Lecturer in the Department of Economics at M.I.T.Links relevant to the conversationBrad DeLong's substack:https://braddelong.substack.com/DeLong on Hobsbawm's short 20th century (1914 to 1989) compared with his long 20th century:https://www.bradford-delong.com/2016/12/the-short-vs-the-long-twentieth-century.htmlRe. Yegor Gaidar's analysis of the collapse of the Soviet Union:https://sites.dartmouth.edu/asamwick/2007/06/08/the-soviet-collapse-grain-and-oil/Lant Pritchett's book Let Their People Come: Breaking the Gridlock on Global Labor Mobility:https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/9781933286105-Pritchett-let-their-people-come.pdfCreditsThanks to Brad DeLong for a great conversation, Nicholas Gruen for connecting Gene with Prof. DeLong, and Josh Crotts for mixing the episode and to the show's sponsor, Gene's consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Please consider signing up to receive our email updates and to access our e-book Top Ten Insights from Economics at www.economicsexplored.com. 

”Ukraina vinner kriget” /A. Åslund Per Anders Åslund född 17 februari 1952, är en svensk ekonom och tidigare Senior Fellow vid Atlantiska rådet. Han är också ordförande i International Advisory Council vid Centre for Social and Economic Research (CASE). Hans arbete har fokuserat på ekonomisk övergång från centralt planerade till marknadsekonomier. Åslund fungerade som ekonomisk rådgivare till regeringarna i Kirgizistan, Ryssland och Ukraina och var från 2003 chef för det ryska och eurasiska programmet vid Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.  Åslund var tidigt en förespråkare, för omfattande och radikala ekonomiska reformer i Ryssland och Östeuropa efter Sovjetunionens fall. Han arbetade på Peterson Institute for International Economics från 2006 till 2015. 2013 skrev David Frum att "Anders Åslund vid Peterson Institute är en av världens ledande experter på kollapsen av den planerade sovjetiska ekonomin. Från 2010 till 2013 och igen 2022 bidrog han till The Moscow Times, en "oberoende" engelskspråkig tidning; han är också en långvarig bidragsgivare till Kyiv Post. Från 1989 till 1994 arbetade Åslund som professor i internationell ekonomi vid Handelshögskolan i Stockholm; och 1989 blev han grundare av Stockholm Institute of East European Economics. Den 22 april 1990 publicerade Åslund en kontroversiell artikel i Dagens Nyheter, som drog paralleller mellan de kollapsande kommunistregimerna i Östeuropa och den socialdemokratiska politiken i Sverige. Han menade att Sverige hade en för stor offentlig sektor; stödde kommunistiska diktaturer, som Kuba, i tredje världen; och hade överdrivet statligt ingripande på livets alla områden. Det styrande svenska socialdemokratiska partiet motsatte sig Åslunds åsikter i dussintals artiklar. I juni 1990 uttryckte den socialdemokratiske statsministern Ingvar Carlsson allmän oenighet med Åslund i riksdagen. Oppositionsledaren Carl Bildt försvarade dock Åslund. Från november 1991 till januari 1994 arbetade Åslund med Jeffrey Sachs och David Lipton som senior rådgivare till den ryska reformregeringen under president Boris Jeltsin och tillförordnad premiärminister Yegor Gaidar. Han arbetade också med vice premiärministrarna Anatolij Tjubais och Boris Fedorov. Åslund sammanfattade sina åsikter i sin bok "How Russia Became a Market Economy." Efter sina erfarenheter i Ryssland arbetade Åslund som ekonomisk rådgivare åt Ukrainas president Leonid Kutjma från 1994 till 1997 och från 1998 till 2004 för Kirgizistans president Askar Akayev. Åslund har också arbetat mycket med ekonomisk politik i de baltiska länderna, först som medlem av International Baltic Economic Commission från 1991 till 1993, och senare som informell rådgivare till Lettlands premiärminister Valdis Dombrovskis från 2009. -Dombrovskis var premiärminister fram till 2014. 2016 utsågs Åslund till förvaltningsrådet för Ukrainas 23:e största bank, Kredyt Dnipro, som ägs av den ukrainske miljardären Viktor Pinchuk. Hans arbete i Ukraina gjorde honom till en högljudd kritiker av Ukrainas president Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Åslund satt i styrelsen för de ukrainska järnvägarna från juni 2018 till september 2020, då han "avskedades" av president Zelensky.  Zelenskyy kommenterade Åslunds avgång. Han hävdade att Åslund avgick eftersom den ukrainske presidenten Volodymyr Zelenskyy och ledamöter av det ukrainska parlamentet "inte tror på god bolagsstyrning." Åslund hävdade att de utländska ledamöterna i tillsynsnämnderna för 13 stora statliga företag "enbart får förolämpningar och hinder från presidenten." Anders Aslund bor permanent i Washington, DC, med sin fru Anna och deras två barn. Optiskt så det förslår... #CarlNorberg #DeFria De Fria är en folkrörelse som jobbar för demokrati genom en upplyst och medveten befolkning!  Stöd oss: SWISH: 070 - 621 19 92 (mottagare Sofia S) PATREON: https://patreon.com/defria_se HEMSIDA: https://defria.se FACEBOOK: https://facebook.com/defria.se

The situation on the Russia – Ukraine border is becoming more serious by the day. There are now 130,000 Russian troops on the border, but what's it really all about? In this new episode of Twenty Minute Topic, Marcus Stead and Greg Lance-Watkins try to make sense of the situation. The history, politics and demography of Ukraine is complex and bloody. We're being told by the mainstream media that Russian president Vladimir Putin could be about to invade Ukraine. President Putin is many things – a bully, a tyrant and an egotist, but there is very little evidence that he is mad. There is a lot more to this story than the simple cliches we're seeing banded about on our TV news bulletins. Neither President Putin nor President Zelensky of Ukraine say an invasion is coming, so why are there so many Russian troops on the border? An understanding of Ukraine's history and population is vital when assessing the current situation. A significant minority of the Ukrainian population are Russian-speaking and identify culturally with Russia, particularly in the area around Donetsk. During the collapse of the USSR, Russia surrendered a great deal of land in Europe and Asia, mostly without violence, and it consented to the reunification of Germany. Documents in the George Washington University show that at the time, agreements were made that NATO would not expand towards the Russian border in return. George Kennan, the greatest anti-Soviet diplomat of the immediate post-Cold War era, warned against the expansion of NATO towards Russia's borders. He said: “The expansion of NATO right up to the Russian borders is the greatest mistake of the post-Cold War period.” Yegor Gaidar, the former Prime Minister of Russia, liked in the West because of his economic reforms., contacted Canada's ambassador, Chris Westdal, in Moscow in 2004, to say he had come ‘to beg, to plead' to advise Ottawa against further NATO expansion which would, he warned, ‘bring out the worst of Russian instincts'. In 2014, President Yanukovych, who refused to sign a political association or free trade agreement with the EU, was overthrown by a mob which included Nazi sympathisers and hardline football hooligans, with the support of the EU and the USA. At the time of the revolution, President Yanukovych was just one year away from facing re-election at the ballot box. The government that came next was much more friendly towards the EU, and an agreement followed. The Minsk II agreement, signed by the leaders of Ukraine, Russia, France and Germany in 2015, was intended to pave the way for a federal, peaceful Ukraine, allowing for enhanced rights for the significant section of the population that speaks Russian and identifies with Russia culturally. Not a single provision of the Minsk II agreement has been fully implemented. History teaches us that it is far easier to begin a conflict than it is to end it. Should NATO or any Western countries be involving themselves in a complex and dangerous conflict few people outside the region understand? The podcast is available on the Talk Podcasts website, iTunes, Google Podcasts, Stitcher, SoundCloud, Spotify and the iTunes app.

This week our guest on the podcast is Yury Vadimovich Samodurov. Yury Vadimovich is a Russian civic activist, writer, museum worker and public figure. He also has a PhD in geological and mineralogical sciences. Yury Vadimovich was one of the initiators of the Memorial Society and the Sakharov Museum and Public Centre. He himself was director of the Sakharov Museum from 1996 to 2008. The issues discussed in the podcast include: writer and museum worker, initiator of various projects -and human rights activist? - why the topic of human rights is so relevant to Russia - a comparison between the Soviet period and contemporary Russia - Andrei Sakharov and today's Russia - Elena Bonner - reforms - Yegor Gaidar - a generation and its destiny - the future of human rights in Russia. This podcast is in Russian. You can also listen to the podcast on our website or on SoundCloud, Spotify and iTunes. The music, from Stravinsky's Elegy for Solo Viola, is performed for us by Karolina Herrera. Sergei Nikitin writes on Facebook: "Yury Samodurov does not consider himself a human rights activist. Frankly, I have a different opinion. After all, the UN definition says that: "A human rights defender is a term used to describe people who, individually or together with others, act to promote or protect human rights peacefully. Human rights defenders are identified primarily by what they do." Last week Yury Vadimovich told Simon Cosgrove and me a great many interesting things from his life: about his personal impressions from his meetings with A. D. Sakharov, with Elena Bonner, with Lev Ponomarev, with Konstantin Kotov, with many others: the list is long. I personally found it interesting to hear Yury Samodurov's opinion about Sakharov's death: "I had the thought that Sakharov was killed. I must say that this was my first thought back in December 1989. Sergei Grigoryants held the same opinion. And A. Sobchak, who himself died a strange death, wrote in 1989: 'I don't believe in the naturalness of Sakharov's death - it was too unexpected and very opportune for his political opponents.' We have learned a great deal in the past years that makes us think seriously about what happened then. Yury Vadimovich Samodurov is a very interesting interlocutor. The hour flew by unnoticed, we had time to touch on many subjects, and, probably, we should meet again. For now - here is our conversation". Simon Cosgrove adds: A summary of some of the week's events in Russia relevant to human rights can be found on our website here.