Podcasts about soviet

When a new job turns Oleg Gordievsky into MI6's top spy in the KGB, the West is shocked to learn that Soviet nuclear paranoia isn't just for show.Have you got a spy story you would like us to tell? Email your ideas to thespywho@wondery.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

As the USA and Soviet Union race for supremacy in the 1960s, Premier Khrushchev sizes up his rival, President John F Kennedy. Hosts Max Kennedy and Nina Khrushcheva, relatives of the superpower leaders, explore their rise to power - one wealthy, smooth-talking and Harvard educated, the other a hardened Soviet war leader from a peasant family. As they prepare to meet for the first and only time as world leaders, the stakes couldn't be higher: they are fierce rivals in the race to build ever more devastating missiles. This is the personal and political history of the Cuban Missile Crisis.Nina Khrushcheva is the great-granddaughter of Nikita Khrushchev and Max Kennedy is the nephew of President John F Kennedy, and the son of Robert F Kennedy.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M8v8iG0btgs&list=PL3fsZgrmuTzdtIOJrggRJGDMo6RQt-RkU&index=6 Ranjeet speaks about the life of his father and mentor, founder of the CPGB-ML, Harpal Brar. This video was shot in January 2025 at Harpal Brar's memorial service in Bolivar Hall, London. It was a moving tribute and celebration of his life, held with his friends and family, representatives of Socialist nations and fraternal political organisations. Many comrades spoke in moving and generous terms, giving solidarity with his family and party, and paying tribute to his political contribution. We will share the tributes of all the comrades who spoke at the service. Harpal Brar was the inspirer and founding Chairman on the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist). He was a lecturer in Law, a barrister, a historian, a marxist scholar, theorist, thinker and teacher. Harpal was one of the foremost leaders of the British working class, and the Indian working class in Britain. He was a great leader of the world communist movement, holding aloft the torch of reason, of proletarian class consciousness and struggle in the dark days after the collapse of the USSR - when the imperialist bourgeoisie were riding high and proclaiming their rotten and parasitic system to be "the end of history". You can read his full obituary here: https://www.lalkar.org/article/4613/h... And find his books here: https://shop.thecommunists.org/produc... He was the editor of the paper of the Indian Workers' Association, and the anti-imperialist workers' journal LALKAR, which can be found here: https://www.lalkar.org Harpal played a role in many of the great liberation struggles of his time, from Zimbabwe and South Africa, Vietnam and Korea, Palestine and the Middle East to the great anti-imperialist cause of Irish reunification and national liberation. And of course he struggled tirelessly to solve the central question of the liberation of the working class from capitalist exploitation and imperialism. Harpal wrote extensively on the question of proletarian revolution and womens liberation. Harpal's criticism of the Labour Party as an imperialist party of Social Democracy is essential reading for all British workers. He wrote on Indian, Zimbabwean, Korean and Vietnamese national liberation, on bourgeois nationalism, black separatism and identity politics. He wrote of course extensively on the great revolutionary movements of the Soviet people and of China, and he wrote on the historical roots of Zionism and imperialism in the Middle East with specific reference to the cause of the Palestinian people for national liberation and self determination. Harpal was undoubtedly a great disciple of Marx and Lenin, and recognised that the Great Socialist October Revolution in Russia as a watershed of cultural enlightenment and freedom for Humanity. Harpal's critique of Trotskyism, his defence of the revolutionary teaching and leadership of Joseph Stalin, and his critique of Khrushchevism and revisionism that caused the downfall of Soviet Socialism is among the lasting theoretical contributions he bequeathed to the communist movement. We are grateful and moved by all of the tributes from his friends and comrades - that flowed to us even before we could speak to any but our closest comrades and family. To all of Harpal's comrades and loved ones: we are sorry for your loss too. We are united in our grief. And our determination to carry on his work. Which is all of our work. The Party was Harpal's wider family in every sense. And remains ours. If Harpal could say one thing to us it would be: “guard the party as you guard the apple of your eye.” He struggled to found and build it in the most difficult conjunction of circumstances, after the fall of the once mighty USSR. It is a great gift - the best of British - that he leaves us. A lutta continua!

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jNl06AXBznw&list=PL3fsZgrmuTzdtIOJrggRJGDMo6RQt-RkU&index=7&t=9s Nick Joshi was a lifelong friend of Harpal's. This video was shot in January 2025 at Harpal Brar's memorial service in Bolivar Hall, London. It was a moving tribute and celebration of his life, held with his friends, family, and representatives of Socialist nations and political organisations. Many comrades spoke in moving and generous terms, giving solidarity with his politics. We will share the tributes of all the comrades who spoke at the service. Harpal Brar was the inspirer and founding Chairman on the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist). He was a lecturer in Law, a barrister, a historian, a marxist scholar, theorist, thinker and teacher. Harpal was one of the foremost leaders of the British working class, and the Indian working class in Britain. He was a great leader of the world communist movement, holding aloft the torch of reason, of proletarian class consciousness and struggle in the dark days after the collapse of the USSR - when the imperialist bourgeoisie were riding high and proclaiming their rotten and parasitic system to be "the end of history". You can read his full obituary here: https://www.lalkar.org/article/4613/h... And find his books here: https://shop.thecommunists.org/produc... He was the editor of the paper of the Indian Workers' Association, and the anti-imperialist workers' journal LALKAR, which can be found here: https://www.lalkar.org Harpal played a role in many of the great liberation struggles of his time, from Zimbabwe and South Africa, Vietnam and Korea, Palestine and the Middle East to the great anti-imperialist cause of Irish reunification and national liberation. And of course he struggled tirelessly to solve the central question of the liberation of the working class from capitalist exploitation and imperialism. Harpal wrote extensively on the question of proletarian revolution and womens liberation. Harpal's criticism of the Labour Party as an imperialist party of Social Democracy is essential reading for all British workers. He wrote on Indian, Zimbabwean, Korean and Vietnamese national liberation, on bourgeois nationalism, black separatism and identity politics. He wrote of course extensively on the great revolutionary movements of the Soviet people and of China, and he wrote on the historical roots of Zionism and imperialism in the Middle East with specific reference to the cause of the Palestinian people for national liberation and self determination. Harpal was undoubtedly a great disciple of Marx and Lenin, and recognised that the Great Socialist October Revolution in Russia as a watershed of cultural enlightenment and freedom for Humanity. Harpal's critique of Trotskyism, his defence of the revolutionary teaching and leadership of Joseph Stalin, and his critique of Khrushchevism and revisionism that caused the downfall of Soviet Socialism is among the lasting theoretical contributions he bequeathed to the communist movement. We are grateful and moved by all of the tributes from his friends and comrades - that flowed to us even before we could speak to any but our closest comrades and family. To all of Harpal's comrades and loved ones: we are sorry for your loss too. We are united in our grief. And our determination to carry on his work. Which is all of our work. The Party was Harpal's wider family in every sense. And remains ours. If Harpal could say one thing to us it would be: “guard the party as you guard the apple of your eye.” He struggled to found and build it in the most difficult conjunction of circumstances, after the fall of the once mighty USSR. It is a great gift - the best of British - that he leaves us. A lutta continua! Support our work: https://www.thecommunists.org/join/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=geI5r-tvCK8&t=1s Keith Bennett, an old friend and comrade of Harpal's, and leader of the "Friends of Socialist China" campaign, gives a moving message of condolence. This video was shot in January 2025 at Harpal Brar's memorial service in Bolivar Hall, London. It was a moving tribute and celebration of his life, held with his friends and family, representatives of Socialist nations and fraternal political organisations. Many comrades spoke in moving and generous terms, giving solidarity with his family and party, and paying tribute to his political contribution. We will share the messages of all the comrades who spoke at the service. Harpal Brar was the inspirer and founding Chairman on the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist). He was a lecturer in Law, a barrister, a historian, a marxist scholar, theorist, thinker and teacher. Harpal was one of the foremost leaders of the British working class, and the Indian working class in Britain. He was a great leader of the world communist movement, holding aloft the torch of reason, of proletarian class consciousness and struggle in the dark days after the collapse of the USSR - when the imperialist bourgeoisie were riding high and proclaiming their rotten and parasitic system to be "the end of history". You can read his full obituary here: https://www.lalkar.org/article/4613/h... And find his books here: https://shop.thecommunists.org/produc... He was the editor of the paper of the Indian Workers' Association, and the anti-imperialist workers' journal LALKAR, which can be found here: https://www.lalkar.org Harpal played a role in many of the great liberation struggles of his time, from Zimbabwe and South Africa, Vietnam and Korea, Palestine and the Middle East to the great anti-imperialist cause of Irish reunification and national liberation. And of course he struggled tirelessly to solve the central question of the liberation of the working class from capitalist exploitation and imperialism. Harpal wrote extensively on the question of proletarian revolution and womens liberation. Harpal's criticism of the Labour Party as an imperialist party of Social Democracy is essential reading for all British workers. He wrote on Indian, Zimbabwean, Korean and Vietnamese national liberation, on bourgeois nationalism, black separatism and identity politics. He wrote of course extensively on the great revolutionary movements of the Soviet people and of China, and he wrote on the historical roots of Zionism and imperialism in the Middle East with specific reference to the cause of the Palestinian people for national liberation and self determination. Harpal was undoubtedly a great disciple of Marx and Lenin, and recognised that the Great Socialist October Revolution in Russia as a watershed of cultural enlightenment and freedom for Humanity. Harpal's critique of Trotskyism, his defence of the revolutionary teaching and leadership of Joseph Stalin, and his critique of Khrushchevism and revisionism that caused the downfall of Soviet Socialism is among the lasting theoretical contributions he bequeathed to the communist movement. We are grateful and moved by all of the tributes from his friends and comrades - that flowed to us even before we could speak to any but our closest comrades and family. To all of Harpal's comrades and loved ones: we are sorry for your loss too. We are united in our grief. And our determination to carry on his work. Which is all of our work. The Party was Harpal's wider family in every sense. And remains ours. If Harpal could say one thing to us it would be: “guard the party as you guard the apple of your eye.” He struggled to found and build it in the most difficult conjunction of circumstances, after the fall of the once mighty USSR. It is a great gift - the best of British - that he leaves us. A lutta continua!

After the kidnapping of hundreds of children, we hear from a Nigerian minister about the difficulties that the government has in providing security to the Nigerian people. The government has declared a nationwide security emergency and ordered the recruitment of 20,000 more police.Also on the programme: President Trump has said he'll pardon the former president of Honduras, Juan Orlando Hernandez, who's serving a prison sentence in the United States on drugs and weapons charges; and an award winning children's programme about communist politics in Soviet era East Germany(Photo: Nana Aisha Shemsudeen teaches her younger siblings and neighbors at her parents' house in Minna following the closure of all government schools due to insecurity in Niger State, Nigeria Credit: Marvellous Durowaiye)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9_ZhD0VWN9M 10 Nov 2025 Joti Brar, chair of the Communist party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist), introduces our meeting to celebrate the 108th anniversary of the great socialist October Revolution. This fantastic celebration was hosted by our party and held in Saklatvala Hall, in Southall, on Saturday, the 8th of November 2025. After a brief introduction the audience stand and sing the Soviet anthem together with Paul Robson in commemoration and tribute both to the October Revolution, the Bolsheviks' great victory in the Russian Civil War, and this year the 80th anniversary of the heroic sacrifices made both by the people of the Soviet Union and the peoples Republic of China who gave respectively 27 million and 40 million lives to defeat the dark armies of fascism and to whom we owe our very existence in the modern world today. Glory to the Red Army of the Soviet Union! Glory to the People's Liberation of the People's Republic of China! Workers of all countries unite! Join us! Also seen in the video: Comrade Ismara Vargas Walter, Ambassador of Cuba Comrade Tha Vone Singharaj, deputy head of mission of the People's Democratic Republic of Laos. Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! www.thecommunists.org www.lalkar.org www.redyouth.org Telegram: t.me/thecommunists Twitter: twitter.com/cpgbml Soundcloud: @proletarianradio Rumble: rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: www.facebook.com/cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: Each one teach one! www.londonworker.org/education-programme/ Join the struggle www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: www.thecommunists.org/donate/  

Segment 11 — Training Soviet Spies: Ray Bennett Instructs in American Culture and Etiquette — Svetlana Lokhova — Bennett educated Russian agents, including Shumovski, in English language proficiency and Americancultural customs—including proper silverware usage and appropriate business attire—to prepare them for assignments at elite American institutions like MIT. This meticulous cultural preparation proved essential to establishing credible cover identities within academic and scientific communities. 1931

Segment 10 — Training Soviet Spies: Ray Bennett Prepares Agents for American Missions — Svetlana Lokhova — Lokhova examines Ray Bennett, a veteran intelligence operative and Soviet ideologue born in Tsarist Russia, who trained Russian students for covert missions in America. Bennett emphasized operational security protocols, including instructions that agents never speak Russian immediately upon waking, ensuring consistent cover and preventing operational compromises. 1929

Segment 9 — Stanislav Shumovski: Polish Nobleman to Master Spy of Soviet Technology Theft — Svetlana Lokhova — Lokhova introduces Stanislav Shumovski, a Polish nobleman and Russian Civil War hero selected to lead Soviet science and technology (S&T) espionage operations. Stalin prioritized technology acquisition to overcome Russia's industrial backwardness, reportedly stating: "if we do not bridge that gap within 5 to 10 years they will crush us." 1925

Segment 14 — The Price of Service: Purges and Arrests of Soviet Agents and Designers — Svetlana Lokhova — The 1935 Kremlin affair investigation, triggered by Kirov's assassination, exposed plots against Stalin's authority. Chernowski, a military intelligence officer and committed Trotskyite, was arrested and executed, naming Ray Bennettduring interrogation protocols. Airplane designer Sergei Tupolev was also arrested but continued critical design work within a special prison facility before his eventual release and subsequent honors from the regime. 11934

Segment 16 — Twin Targets: Stealing the Atomic Bomb and the B-29 Bomber Technology — Svetlana Lokhova — During WWII, Guyk Avakyan supervised the theft of atomic bomb secrets in coordination with physicist Igor Kurchatov. Agent Semyonov (code name "Twain") successfully recruited scientist Klaus Fuchs, obtaining critical Manhattan Project data. Shumovski, operating openly under the Lend-Lease program, filmed B-29 production technology, enabling Soviet engineers to rapidly construct the Tupolev 4 strategic bomber and accelerate nuclear weapons delivery capability. 1936

Segment 13 — MIT and Espionage: Shumovski Targets American Aviation and Mass Production Secrets — Svetlana Lokhova — Soviet agents including Stanislav Shumovski systematically targeted crucial American industrial and aeronautical secrets. Shumovski focused on acquiring advanced bomber designs, particularly high-altitude variants, and studying Ford's mass production methodologies to enable Soviet armament manufacturing using unskilled labor. Classmate Chernowski, however, began meeting American Trotskyites, developing plots against Stalin that would later prove catastrophic. 1934IP                    

Segment 15 — Propaganda Triumph: The Transpolar Flight, Shirley Temple, and Stanislav Shumovski's PR Genius — Svetlana Lokhova — In 1937, the Tupolev ANT-25RD completed a dramatic transpolar flight to California—a major Soviet propaganda triumph made possible by stolen American technology. Shumovski, acting as master propagandist, orchestrated publicity arrangements including photographs with Shirley Temple. The aviators' tour, featuring meetings with President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, transmitted a powerful military message to regional rivals including Japan. 1935

Instead of a news roundup, we are releasing the second episode of our new miniseries ⁠Chinese Prestige⁠. Annual subscribers already have access, while everyone else can get the 8 episodes for $5 for two weeks only. This conversation examines China's early post-Korean War period and the political and social campaigns that defined the new PRC. The group discusses land reform, the Three-anti and Five-anti campaigns, Soviet-style economic planning centered on heavy industry, and the technocratic overhaul of higher education. They also explore China's deteriorating relationship with the United States, shifting ties with the Soviet Union after Stalin's death, early signs of the Sino-Soviet split, and Mao's tightening control. Theme music by Jake Aron, based on the song “The East is Red.”

For Afghans, listening to a traditional song can bring them back "home." In 2021, when the Taliban seized power again in Afghanistan, orchestras disbanded and musicians fled for their lives. They brought with them their distinctive and storied music, embedded with notes hailing from classical music from Iran and India. IDEAS takes a journey to Afghanistan with members of the Afghan diaspora, and asks how the idea of home is encapsulated in music and how conflict has played a role in reshaping Afghan music.*This is the final episode in a five-part series called The Idea of Home exploring the multiple and contested meanings of home. This episode originally aired on June 16, 2022.Guests in this episode:Mir Mahdavi is a poet, a writer, and a researcher in the area of art, literature and poetry, originally from Afghanistan. He lives in Hamilton, Ontario and holds a Ph.D. in cultural studies from Trent University and a MA of cultural studies from McMaster University. He was the publisher and the editor in chief of Atab, a weekly newspaper published during 2002-2003 in Kabul.Hangama is one of the most renowned female Afghan singers of her generation. Born in 1962 in Kabul, Hangama's stage name was chosen by her mother when she decided to pursue a career in music. She left Afghanistan during the Soviet occupation and now lives in the Greater Toronto Area.Sara Soroor is an Afghan-Canadian singer-songwriter and childhood educator in the Greater Toronto Area. She is Hangama's daughter and started singing and playing the piano at age four.Wares Fazelyar was born and raised in Toronto, and plays the rubab. He is an advisory board member for the Afghan Youth Engagement and Development Initiative. He and his brother Haris perform Afghan folk music in the Greater Toronto Area.Wolayat Tabasum Niroo is a researcher and Fulbright scholar currently based in the United States. She has a PhD in Education from Old Dominion University and a MPhil in Cultural Anthropology from the University of Oxford. She grew up in Afghanistan and has studied how Afghan women's folk music creates an alternative space for political expression, grief and imagining other possibilities.

Spy's Mate: A Conversation with Bradley W. Buchanan About Chess, Cold War Intrigue, and the Stories That Save UsAfter a few months away, I couldn't stay silent. Audio Signals is back, and I'm thrilled that this conversation marks the official return.The truth is, I tried to let it go. I thought maybe I'd hang up the mic and focus solely on my work exploring technology and society. But my passion for storytellers and storytelling—it cannot be tamed. We are made of stories, after all, and some of us choose to write them, sing them, photograph them, or bring them to life on screen. Brad Buchanan writes them, and his story brought me back.I'll admit something upfront: I'm not particularly good at chess. I love the game—the strategy, the mythology, the beautiful complexity of it all—but I'm no grandmaster. That's what made this conversation so fascinating. Brad has created an entire fictional world where chess isn't just a game; it's a matter of life and death, set against the backdrop of Cold War espionage and Soviet propaganda.His debut novel, Spy's Mate, weaves together two worlds I find endlessly intriguing: the intellectual battlefield of competitive chess and the shadow games of international espionage. But what makes this book truly compelling isn't just the plot—it's the man behind it.Brad is a retired English professor from Sacramento State, a two-time blood cancer survivor, and what he calls a "chimera"—someone whose DNA was literally altered by a stem cell transplant from his brother. He was blind for a year and a half. He nearly died multiple times. And through it all, he held onto this story, this passion for chess that manifested in literal dreams where the pieces hunted him across the board.When we spoke, what struck me most was how deeply personal this novel is beneath its spy thriller exterior. The protagonist, Yasha, is an Armenian chess prodigy whose mother teaches him the game before falling gravely ill. In a moment that breaks your heart, young Yasha asks his mother to promise she'll live long enough to see him become world chess champion—an impossible promise that drives the entire narrative.Brad wrote Spy's Mate after his own mother's death from blood cancer in 2021. When he told me he was crying while writing the final pages, I understood something essential about storytelling: we write to process what life won't let us finish. He gave Yasha the closure he wished he'd had with his own mother.But this isn't just a meditation on loss. Brad brings genuine chess expertise and meticulous historical research to create a world where the KGB manipulates tournaments, computers calculate moves at the glacial pace of one per hour, and Soviet chess dominance serves as proof of communist superiority. He recreates famous chess games with diagrams so readers can follow the battlefield. He fictionalizes Soviet leaders (his Gorbachev character is named "Ogar," his Putin figure has "the nose of a proboscis monkey") but keeps the oppressive atmosphere authentic.What I love about Brad's approach is that he wrote this novel almost like a screenplay—action and dialogue, visual and kinematic, built for the screen. Having taught Virginia Woolf while secretly wanting to write page-turning thrillers tells you everything about the tension between academic life and creative passion. Now, finally free to write full-time after early retirement due to his medical challenges, he's doing what he always wanted.We talked about the hero's journey, about Joseph Campbell's mythical structure that still works because it mirrors how our minds work. We reminisced about the 1982 World Cup and Marco Tardelli's iconic scream (we're the same generation, watching from different continents). We discussed whether characters should plot their own paths or whether writers should map everything from the beginning.As someone who writes short, magical stories with my mother, I understand the pull toward something bigger, something that requires more than 1,200 words can contain. Brad waited 55 years to publish his first novel. I'm 56 and still working up to it. There's hope for all of us yet.Spy's Mate is available now, with an audiobook coming after Thanksgiving. And yes, I can absolutely see this as a Netflix series—chess looks incredibly sexy on screen when the stakes are high and the lighting is good.Welcome back to Audio Signals. Let's keep telling stories.Learn more about Bradley and get his book: https://www.bradthechimera.comLearn more about my work and podcasts at marcociappelli.com and audiosignalspodcast.com Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

What makes the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church so unique? Why is it such a remarkable attempt to bridge the divide between Eastern and Western Christianity? How can its history help us better understand the history of Europe and of the Christian religion? How has it shaped Ukrainian national identity? And how did it survive the Soviet era, when the authorities sought to eradicate it? *** Explaining Ukraine is a podcast by UkraineWorld, an English-language media platform about Ukraine, run by Internews Ukraine. Listen on various platforms: https://li.sten.to/explaining-ukraine UkraineWorld: https://ukraineworld.org/en *** Host: Volodymyr Yermolenko, a Ukrainian philosopher, editor-in-chief of UkraineWorld, and president of PEN Ukraine. Guest: Natalia Shlikhta, a well-known Ukrainian historian and professor at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy. *** SUPPORT: You can support our work on https://www.patreon.com/c/ukraineworld Your help is crucial, as we rely heavily on crowdfunding. You can also contribute to our volunteer missions to frontline areas in Ukraine, where we deliver aid to both soldiers and civilians. Donations are welcome via PayPal at: ukraine.resisting@gmail.com. *** This episode is made in partnership with Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and under the framework of the project “HER-UKR: Challenges and opportunities for EU heritage diplomacy in Ukraine”, co-funded by the EU within the ERASMUS+ Jean Monnet Policy Debate action.

PREVIEW — Svetlana Lokhova — Soviet Espionage in the US: The Role of Ray Bennett. Lokhova discusses the extensive Soviet espionage network established by Stalin in the 1930s to systematically steal American intellectual property, particularly aeronautics and aviation secrets. Lokhova examines Ray Bennett, a Hunter College graduate who served as a trainer for the espionage ring. Bennett, daughter of a communist newspaper editor, maintained extensive associations with communist operatives throughout New York, facilitating recruitment and operational security.

PREVIEW — Svetlana Lokhova — The Atomic Spy Ring: Shamovski, Ovakimian, and Scientific Recruitment. Lokhova examines Soviet operatives Stanislav Shamovski and Gennady Ovakimian, who directed the espionage network stealing atomic weapons secrets. Ovakimian, a credentialed scientist, deliberately integrated himself into the American scientific community through published academic research and conference participation. His agents, including Shamovski, systematically recruited scientists and engineers from universities and government research institutes, who then reported operational intelligence up the chain through Ovakimian to Moscow Center. 1921

The Berlin Blockade was one of the first major international crises of the Cold War when the Soviet Union blocked the Western Allies' railway, road, and canal access to the sectors of Berlin under Western control. I speak with Joseph Pearson, the author of “The Airlift Victories, Myths, and the Berlin Blockade. This is not your standard military history. Drawing on first-hand interviews and untapped sources from both German and Anglo-American archives, Pearson interweaves personal tales into an extraordinary story: an American pilot crashing in Soviet territory; a Jewish photographer struggling to reconcile with the Germans; the 17,000 women who built Tegel Airport; Cambridge University actors performing in the ruins for British intelligence and Hollywood star Montgomery Clift filming at Tempelhof Airport. Through this deeply human lens, Pearson offers crucial historical insight into how lasting new battlelines were formed. The Berlin Airlift didn't just supply a city; it wrote the playbook of the Cold War and continues to influence Western thinking and diplomacy with Russia to this day. Help me preserve Cold War history. ⁠⁠ You'll become part of our community, get ad-free episodes, and get a sought-after CWC coaster as a thank you and you'll bask in the warm glow of knowing you are helping to preserve Cold War history. Just go to ⁠⁠⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/donate/⁠⁠⁠ If a monthly contribution is not your cup of tea, We also welcome one-off donations via the same link. Related episodes: Veteran of the Cold War Berlin Airlift – the Candy Bomber ⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/episode56/⁠ A 98 Year Old USAF Veteran Remembers the Berlin Airlift ⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/episode417/⁠ A visit to Cold War base RAF Burtonwood ⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/episode74/⁠ Book Giveaway ⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/giveaway1/⁠ Episode Extras ⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/episode432/⁠ Find the ideal gift for the Cold War enthusiast in your life! Just go to ⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/store/⁠ CONTINUE  THE COLD WAR CONVERSATION Follow us on BlueSky ⁠https://bsky.app/profile/coldwarpod.bsky.social⁠ Follow us on Threads ⁠https://www.threads.net/@coldwarconversations⁠ Follow us on Twitter/X ⁠https://twitter.com/ColdWarPod⁠ Facebook ⁠https://www.facebook.com/groups/coldwarpod/⁠ Instagram ⁠https://www.instagram.com/coldwarconversations/⁠ Youtube ⁠https://youtube.com/@ColdWarConversations Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

» Produced by Hack You Media: pioneering a new category of content at the intersection of health performance, entrepreneurship and cognitive optimisationInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/hackyoumedia/Website: https://hackyou.media/Richard M Dolan started researching UFOs to answer one simple question for his PhD work, and thirty years later, he still can't look away from what the declassified documents are telling him.In this episode, you'll hear why mainstream historians ignore military reports from the 1940s that explicitly state these objects aren't Soviet or American technology, what “high strangeness” means and why even sceptical researchers can't dismiss it, and how the 2017 New York Times articles changed everything about who's allowed to discuss this publicly.00:00 Introduction03:13 How the 2017 New York Times article changed everything07:24 Declassified documents that made it impossible to look away13:15 Belief in a non-human intelligence with its own agenda16:07 Questioning ancient aliens with a historian's lens20:57 Why UFO sightings skyrocketed after the 19th century23:22 Earth's potential draw for advanced civilisations25:10 Why aliens might not even be able to talk to us29:32 How WWII possibly triggered deeper alien involvement32:51 The logic behind the Roswell crash actually happening36:33 Would they intervene in a nuclear war, or let us burn?44:08 The psychological chaos true disclosure might unleash46:05 Could public alien contact lead to totalitarian control?50:21 Why democracy isn't what we pretend it is58:06 Internal battles are slowing disclosure attempts01:03:31 The Tic Tac encounter and why no one followed up01:13:56 Richard's favourite UFO case from 193601:22:29 Why advanced propulsion breakthroughs remain hidden01:33:43 Finding focus in a noisy, hype-driven UFO media world01:37:30 Inside his upcoming book series on USO encounters01:46:48 Which book to start with if you're new to Richard's work» Escape the 9-5 and build your dream life: https://www.digitalplaybook.net/» Transform your physique: https://www.thrstapp.com/» My clothing brand, THRST: https://thrstofficial.com» Custom Bioniq supplements: https://www.bioniq.com/mikethurston• 40% off your first month of Bioniq GO• 20% off your first month of Bioniq PRO» Join our newsletter for actionable insights from every episode:https://thrst-letter.beehiiv.com/» Join Whoop and get your first month for free:https://join.whoop.com/FirstThingsThrst» Follow RichardInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/richard_dolan/X: https://x.com/I_D_OfficialWebsite: https://i-sml.mtrbio.com/public/smartlink/richard-dolan-intelligent-disclosure

Hanna amazes Andy & Fish with the story of Lona Cohen, the Soviet spy who is likely the only Massachusetts native ever featured on a Russian stamp. Intro music is from "Across the Line" by the Wellington Sea Shanty Society.

A Vietnam War hero with zero casualties wrote a manual about warrior monks who hug daily and use ESP in combat. Instead of dismissing it, the US Army turned it into Project Jedi—a decades-long experiment in psychic warfare. Generals tried walking through walls.  Intelligence officers hosted spoon-bending parties. Soldiers stared at goats until their hearts stopped. The CIA spent millions on remote viewers who claimed to see Soviet secrets thousands of miles away. Most experiments failed, but the successful techniques became foundational to modern Special Forces training.  This is the true story of America's psychic soldier program and how a hippie field manual accidentally revolutionized military operations. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zP3pOszdr5U

This week, Jason and Ben got together with friend and comrade Stephan Hammel of The Measures Taken Podcast to talk about his new book Toward a Materialist Conception of Music History. From the publisher:"This book argues for the relevance, appropriateness, and usefulness of historical materialism to the musicological project. It interrogates the history of encounters between Marxism and music studies — both within and without the Soviet sphere — before staging the missed encounter between classical musicology and Second International Marxism. It concludes with a framework for understanding style history in terms of changes in the forces and relations of musical production."https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2684-toward-a-materialist-conception-of-music-historyhttps://www.themeasurestaken.org/Send us a message (sorry we can't respond on here). Support the showVisit the Regrettable Century Merch Shop

This week on Forgotten Cinema, Mike Butler and Mike Field enlist for "Stripes" (1981), the early-80s Bill Murray/Harold Ramis comedy directed by Ivan Reitman.Butler has always had a soft spot for "Stripes"; he finds it fun, funny, and full of great bits, even if the movie goes completely off the rails in the third act with its top-secret Winnebago rescue mission behind Soviet lines. To him, the charm still lands, and the film plays like a proto-"Ghostbusters", where you can clearly see the seeds of Bill Murray, Harold Ramis, and Ivan Reitman finding the comedic rhythm they'd perfect a few years later. It's nowhere near "Ghostbusters" in terms of quality, but there's still plenty here he enjoys.Field…does not share that affection. While he insists he doesn't hate the movie, he doesn't like the characters, he doesn't like the jokes, and he doesn't find much of the story appealing at all. For him, "Stripes" lands closer to a relic than a comedy classic.So is "Stripes" an early comedy gem that deserves its fans, or just a messy draft of better things to come? The Mikes break it down; one laugh, and one grimace, at a time.

Mariam KhuberashviliProduct SupervisorMagic Roads Georgiahttps://adventuretravelmarketing.com/guest/mariam-khuberashvili/Mariam is an experienced tour guide and product manager with deep expertise in the Caucasus region, particularly in her home country, Georgia. She currently serves as Product Manager at Magic Roads Georgia, where she designs and develops unique travel experiences across Georgia and the wider Caucasus. With her background in guiding and her passion for cultural discovery, Mariam brings an authentic and insightful perspective to every journey she creates.SummaryIn this episode, Jason Elkins speaks with Mariam Khuberashvili, a product supervisor at Magic Roads, Georgia. They explore Mariam's journey from growing up in Georgia, the impact of the Soviet Union on Georgian identity, and the rich cultural heritage of Georgia, particularly its wine-making traditions. Mariam shares her experiences in the tourism industry, the influence of foreign teachers, and the unique aspects of Georgian cuisine, including cha-cha and tatara. The conversation highlights the safety and hospitality of Georgia, as well as the pride Georgians have in their culture and history.TakeawaysGeorgia is known as the birthplace of wine, with a history of 8,000 years.The Soviet Union attempted to erase Georgian identity, impacting language and culture.Generational divides exist in perceptions of the Soviet era and modern Georgia.Tourism has played a significant role in shaping Mariam's career and identity.Foreign teachers had a profound impact on the English language skills of Georgian youth.Wine is a central part of Georgian culture, with families often making their own.Cha-cha is a traditional Georgian spirit made from fermented grape skins.Tatara is a unique Georgian candy made from grape juice and flour.Georgia is considered one of the safest countries for travelers.Georgians take pride in their culture and are eager to share it with visitors. Learn more about Big World Made Small Adventure Travel Marketing and join our private community to get episode updates, special access to our guests, and exclusive adventure travel offers on our website.

In the West, World War II is commonly understood as the Allies' struggle against Nazism. Often elided, if not simply forgotten, is the Soviet Union's crucial role in that fight. With this book, acclaimed historian Jochen Hellbeck rectifies this omission by relocating the ideological core of the conflict. It was not the Western powers but Communist Russia that Nazi Germany viewed as an existential threat—in fact, “World Enemy No. 1.” Jewish revolutionaries, the Nazis believed, had seized power in 1917 and were preparing the Soviet state to destroy Germany and the world. And so, on June 22, 1941, a German army of three million attacked the Soviet Union to exterminate “Judeo-Bolshevism,” Hitler's cardinal obsession. While Europe's Jews were expelled, exiled, and persecuted by the Nazis, Soviet Jews were immediately slated for elimination. The Soviet lands thus became ground zero for systematic extermination, which was only later extended to all Jews, igniting the Holocaust.Hellbeck plumbs newly declassified archives and previously undiscovered sources—testimonies, diaries, and dispatches from soldiers and civilians, Soviet and German—to offer a unique history that takes account of both sides. He reconstructs the years leading up to the war when “Europe against Bolshevism” was the Nazis' most fervid rallying cry, and documents their annihilatory ambitions on the battlegrounds in the East. Widely disseminated accounts of German atrocities mobilized millions of Soviet citizens to join a people's war against the hated invaders. Hellbeck tracks the desire for revenge that drove the Red Army on its path of reconquest, an advance that further inflamed the belief in a murderous “Bolshevik Jew,” stirring the Germans to fight to the bitter end. Recounted here in vivid detail are the events at Babi Yar, the Battle of Stalingrad, the liberation of the concentration camps, and the arrival of the Red Army in the Nazi capital. Finally, Hellbeck reckons with the West's persistent disregard of the Soviet Union's incalculable contribution to winning the war—and its sacrifice of twenty-six million citizens—as anti-communism and the Cold War turned erstwhile allies into mortal enemies.Hellbeck's eye-opening work is an astonishing new reading of both the Second World War and how its history has been told. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

Rund Abdelfatah and Cristina Kim try to unravel the mystery of a Soviet scientist who was helping to spread the word about nuclear winter theory—until he disappeared. This is a peek at the kind of exclusive bonus content Throughline+ supporters get every month. Want more like this? Sign up via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org/throughline. And thank you!Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

Estonian conductor Paavo Järvi is one of the most in-demand maestros in the world, and one of Alec’s favorite conductors. Järvi is currently the chief conductor of the NHK symphony orchestra in Tokyo and the Tonhalle Orchester-Zürich. Over his career, he’s led orchestras in Paris, Frankfurt, Stockholm, Malmö, and, for the decade between 2001 and 2011, here in the United States, as the musical director of the Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra. He and his musical family are pillars of the thriving classical music scene in his home country of Estonia. Paavo Järvi talks to Alec about how slowing down in the pandemic offered Paavo time to think, his early love of music, what it was like to come to the United States from Soviet-era Estonia as a 17-year-old, and what he took away from a decade of conducting the Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra. Originally aired November 30, 2021See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Last time we spoke about the Changkufeng Incident. In a frost-bitten dawn along the Chaun and Tumen rivers, a border notched with memory becomes the stage for a quiet duel of will. On one side, Japanese officers led by Inada Masazum study maps, mud, and the hill known as Changkufeng, weighing ground it offers and the risk of war. They glimpse a prize, high ground that could shield lines to Korea—yet they sense peril in every ridge, every scent of winter wind. Across the line, Soviet forces tighten their grip on the crest, their eyes fixed on the same hill, their tents and vehicles creeping closer to the border. The air hums with cautious diplomacy: Moscow's orders pulse through Seoul and Harbin, urging restraint, probing, deterring, but never inviting full-scale conflict. Yet every patrol, every reconnaissance, seems to tilt the balance toward escalation.   #177 The point of no return for the USSR and Japan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Days passed and the local emissaries had not been released by the Russians. Domei reported from Seoul that the authorities were growing worried; the "brazen" actions of Soviet front-line forces infuriated the Manchurians and Japanese. From Seoul, too, came ominous news that villagers were preparing to evacuate because they feared fighting would soon begin in the Changkufeng area. While diplomatic activity continued in Moscow without effect, the Tokyo press continued to report intense military activity throughout the Soviet Far East—the greatest massing of troops in months, with planes, armored cars, and motorized equipment choking the Trans-Siberian railway. The press was dominated by commentary about the danger of war. One enterprising Tokyo publisher ran advertisements under the heading: "The Manchukuo-Soviet Border Situation Is Urgent—Ours Is the Only Detailed Map of the Soviet Far East: Newspaper-size, in seven clear colors, offset printed, only 50 sen." Although the Manchukuoan foreign office issued a statement on 20 July about the dire consequences the Soviets were inviting, it is probable that the next Russian actions, of a conciliatory nature, were reached independently. Either Moscow had taken almost a week to make the decision, or the diplomatic conversations there had had an effect. Local Japanese authorities reported inactivity on the Changkufeng front from the morning of 23 July. On the next day, word was received that the USSR proposed to return the two emissaries as "trespassers." At midday on 26 July, the Russians released the blindfolded agents at a border site along the Novokievsk road. After completing the formalities, the Japanese asked the Russians for a reply concerning local settlement of the incident. According to Japanese sources, the "flustered" Colonel Grebennik answered: "My assignment today was merely to turn over the envoys. As for any request about the Changkufeng Incident, our guard commander must have asked for instructions from the central government. I think this is the type of matter which must be answered by the authorities at Moscow through diplomatic channels." Grebennik's postwar recollection does not differ appreciably from the Japanese version. Soviet sources mention a second effort by the Japanese military to deliver a message under more forceful circumstances. On 23 July a Soviet border unit drove off a four-man party. Russian cavalry, sent to investigate, discovered that the Japanese had pulled down a telegraph pole, severed lines 100–150 meters inside Soviet territory, absconded with wire, and left behind a white flag and a letter. Undated, unsigned, and written in Korean, the message struck Grebennik as being substantively the same as the communication delivered formally by the emissaries on 18 July. Japanese materials make no reference to a second, informal effort by local forces, but there is little reason to doubt that such an attempt, perhaps unauthorized, was made. Although Japanese efforts at low-level negotiations came to naught, two observations emerged from the local authorities and the press. First, on-the-spot negotiations had broken down; it had been difficult even to reclaim the emissaries, and the Russians in the Posyet region were using various pretexts to refer matters to diplomatic echelons. Second, the Russians had released the men. Some interpreted this as the first evidence of Soviet sincerity; possibly, the USSR would even return Matsushima's body as a step toward settlement. Other Japanese observers on the scene warned the public that it was imperative to stay on guard: "All depends on how diplomacy proceeds and how the front-line troops behave." Yet the excitement in the Japanese press began to abate. It is difficult to ascertain the nature of the decision-making process on the Russian side after the Japanese attempted local negotiations. The Soviets contend that nothing special had been undertaken before the Japanese provoked matters at the end of July. Grebennik, however, admits that after receiving the two Japanese communications, "we started to prepare against an attack on us in the Lake Khasan area." He and a group of officers went to Changkufeng Hill and sent as many border guards there as possible. Although he personally observed Japanese troops and instructed his officers to do the same, he denied categorically that the Russians constructed trenches and fortifications. Only the observation of Manchurian territory was intensified while instructions were awaited from higher headquarters. For its part, the Korea Army was carrying out Imperial general headquarters first instructions while pursuing a wait-and-see policy. On 16 July, Korea Army Headquarters wired an important operations order to Suetaka. With a view toward a possible attack against intruders in the Khasan area, the army planned to make preparations. The division commander was to alert stipulated units for emergency dispatch and send key personnel to the Kyonghun sector to undertake preparations for an attack. Lt. Col. Senda Sadasue, BGU commander of the 76th Infantry Regiment, was to reconnoiter, reinforce nearby districts, and be ready for emergencies. Particular care was enjoined not to irritate the Soviet side. Maj. Gen. Yokoyama Shinpei, the Hunchun garrison commander, was to maintain close contact with the BGU and take every precaution in guarding the frontiers. Like Senda, Yokoyama was warned against irritating the Russians. Korea Army Headquarters also dispatched staff to the front and had them begin preparations, envisaging an offensive. Upon receipt of the army order, Suetaka issued implementing instructions from his Nanam headquarters at 4:30 A.M. on the 17th. The following units were to prepare for immediate alert: the 38th Infantry Brigade Headquarters, 75th Infantry Regiment, 27th Cavalry Regiment, 5th Antiaircraft Regiment, and 19th Engineer Regiment. The same instructions applied to the next units, except that elements organic to the division were designated: the 76th Infantry Regiment, 25th Mountain Artillery Regiment, and 15th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment. Another order enjoined utmost care not to irritate the Russians; Japanese actions were to be masked. Next came a directive to the forces of Senda and K. Sato. The former comprised mainly the 76th Infantry BGU and a cavalry platoon. The latter was built around the 75th Infantry Regiment, the Kucheng garrison unit, another cavalry platoon, two mountain artillery and one heavy field artillery battalion, and the 19th Engineers. Suetaka's idea about a solution to the border troubles had become concrete and aggressive. From the night of July 17, concentration would be accomplished gradually. The exact timing of the attack would be determined by subsequent orders; in Senda's area, there was no such restriction regarding "counteraction brought on by enemy attack." Division signal and intendant officers would conduct reconnaissance related to communications, billeting, food, and supplies. Sato and his subordinates were to reconnoiter personally. Having ordered the division to begin concentration and to stand by, Korea Army Headquarters was prepared the next morning, July 17, to direct the movement. Nevertheless, there was concern in Seoul that Suetaka's advance elements might cross the Tumen River into Manchurian territory, which could result in a clash with Soviet troops. Such an outcome might run counter to the principle established by Imperial general headquarters. Consequently, it was decided that "movement east of the river would therefore have to be forbidden in the Korea Army's implementing order." Nakamura transmitted his operational instructions to Suetaka at 6:00 on July 17: "No great change in latest situation around Lake Khasan. Soviet forces are still occupying Changkufeng area. Diplomaticlevel negotiations on part of central authorities and Manchukuoan government do not appear to have progressed. Considering various circumstances and with view to preparations, this army will concentrate elements of 19th Division between Shikai, Kyonghun, Agochi." Restrictions stipulated that the division commander would transport the units by rail and motor vehicle and concentrate them in the waiting zone in secret. Movement was to begin on the night of July 17 and to be completed the next day. Further orders, however, must govern unit advance east of the Tumen as well as use of force. The remainder of the division was to stay ready to move out. Troops were to carry rations for about two weeks.   Late that day, Suetaka received an order by phone for his subordinates in line with Seoul's instructions. Senda would handle the concentration of elements assembling at Kyonghun, and Sato would do the same for the main units arriving at Agochi. A communications net was to be set up quickly. Caution was to be exercised not to undertake provocative actions against the opposite bank of the Tumen, even for reconnaissance. The division would dispatch two trains from Hoeryong and four from Nanam. At 11:58 pm on 18 July, the first train left Hoeryong for Agochi. Concentration of units was completed by dawn. By that time, the Japanese had dispatched to the border 3,236 men and 743 horses. Past midnight on 20 July, Division Chief of Staff Nakamura wired headquarters that the division was ready to take any action required, having completed the alert process by 11 pm. Japanese scouting of the Changkufeng sector began in earnest after mid-July. Although the affair had seemed amenable to settlement, Sato took steps for an emergency from around the 14th. His thoughts centered on readiness for an attack against Changkufeng, which simultaneously required reconnaissance for the assault and preparation to pull the regiment back quickly to Hoeryong if a withdrawal was ordered. After arriving at Haigan on 18 July, Sato set out with several engineers. At Kucheng, the officers donned white Korean clothing, presumably the disguise directed by the division—and boarded native oxcarts for a leisurely journey southward along the Korean bank of the Tumen across from Changkufeng. The seemingly innocent "farmers" studied the river for crossing sites and Changkufeng Hill for the extent of enemy activity. On the hill's western slope, in Manchurian territory, three rows of Russian entanglements could be observed 300 feet below the crest. Only a handful of soldiers were visible, probably a platoon, certainly not more than a company. Infantry Captain Yamada Teizo conducted secret reconnaissance of the entire Changkufeng-Hill 52 sector for 314 hours in the afternoon of 18 July. Even after intense scanning through powerful binoculars, he could detect no more than 19 lookouts and six horsemen; camouflage work had been completed that day, and there were ten separate covered trench or base points. Barbed wire, under camouflage, extended about four meters in depth, yet even Yamada's trained eye could not determine whether there was one line of stakes or two. He jotted down what he could see and compared his information with that learned from local police. Artillery Colonel R. Tanaka shared the view that the Soviets had intruded. When he went reconnoitering along the Korean bank, he observed Russian soldiers entrenched around the hilltop, easily visible through binoculars at a range of two kilometers. Trenches had been dug 20 to 30 meters below the crest on the western slope. Eventually, there were three rows of barbed wire, the first just below the trenches and the lowest 100 meters under the summit. Tanaka estimated Soviet strength at two companies (about 200 men). Suetaka's intelligence officer, Sasai, recalls seeing barbed wire after Japanese units deployed to the front on 18–19 July; he had surmised then that the entanglements were being prepared out of fear of a Japanese assault.   To obtain first-hand information, the Gaimusho ordered a section chief, Miura Kazu'ichi, to the spot. Between 23 July and the cease-fire in August, Miura collected data at Kyonghun and transmitted reports from the consulate at Hunchun. On 28 July he visited Sozan on the Korean bank. He observed Soviet soldiers on the western slopes of Changkufeng, digging trenches and driving stakes. These actions were clearly on Manchukuoan territory even according to Soviet maps. Miura insisted that he saw no friendly troops on territory claimed by the Russians and observed no provocative actions by the Japanese. These statements are supported by a map drawn for him in early August by Division Staff Officer Saito Toshio, a sketch Miura retained as late as 1947. Miura's testimony is tempered by his assertion that he saw a red flag flying near the top of Changkufeng Hill. This contention conflicts with all evidence, as Russian lawyers at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East argued, it is improbable that a Soviet frontier post, highly interested in camouflage, would have hoisted a pennon so large that it could be seen from Sozan. Russian sources are unanimous in stating that no flag was put up until 6 August and that no trenches or entanglements were established by Soviet border guards in July, at least prior to the 29th. The two Army General staff consultants, Arisue and Kotani, arrived in Seoul on 16 July, the day Korea Army Headquarters was ordering an alert for the 19th Division "with a view toward a possible attack against enemy intruders." Inada dispatched them mainly to inspect the frontline situation; but he had not fully decided on reconnaissance in force. At Shikai, Arisue and Kotani donned Korean garb and traveled by oxcart on the Korean side of the Tumen, reconnoitering opposite the Shachaofeng sector. Kotani was convinced that hostile possession of Changkufeng posed a serious threat to the Korean railway. He agreed with the division's estimate that, if the Japanese did decide to seize Changkufeng, it ought not to be too difficult. Arisue, as senior observer, dispatched messages from Kyonghun to Tokyo detailing their analysis and recommendations. Meanwhile, in Tokyo, on 17 July the central military authorities received a cable from the Japanese envoy in Moscow, Colonel Doi Akio, reporting that prospects for a diplomatic settlement were nil. The USSR was taking a hard line because Japan was deeply involved in China, though there were domestic considerations as well. The Russians, however, showed no intention of using the border incident to provoke war. It would be best for Japan to seize Changkufeng quickly and then press forward with parleys. Meanwhile, Japan should conduct an intensive domestic and external propaganda campaign. There was mounting pressure in the high command that negotiations, conducted "unaided," would miss an opportunity. Based on reports from Arisue and Kotani, that army seemed to be contemplating an unimaginative, ponderous plan: an infantry battalion would cross the Tumen west of Changkufeng and attack frontally, while two more battalions would cross south of Kyonghun to drive along the river and assault Changkufeng from the north. Inada sent a telegram on 17 July to Arisue for "reference." Prospects had diminished that Soviet troops would withdraw as a result of negotiation. As for the attack ideas Arisue mentioned, Inada believed it necessary to prepare to retake Changkufeng with a night attack using small forces. To avoid widening the crisis, the best plan was a limited, surprise attack using ground units. The notion of a surprise attack drew on the Kwantung Army's extensive combat experience in Manchuria since 1931.  The next morning, after the forward concentration of troops was completed, Suetaka went to the front. From Kucheng, he observed the Changkufeng district and decided on concrete plans for use of force. Meanwhile, Nakamura was curbing any hawkish courses at the front. As high-command sources privately conceded later, the younger officers in Tokyo sometimes seemed to think the commander was doing too good a job; there was covert sentiment that it might be preferable if someone in the chain of command acted independently before the opportunity slipped away. This is significant in light of the usual complaints by responsible central authorities about gekokujo—insubordination—by local commands. An important report influencing the high command's view arrived from Kwantung Army Intelligence on 19 July: according to agents in Khabarovsk, the USSR would not let the Changkufeng incident develop into war; Russians also believed there would be no large-scale Soviet intrusion into their territory. By 19 July, the Tokyo operations staff was considering the best method to restore control of the lost hill by force, since Seoul appeared to maintain its laissez-faire stance. On 18 July, Arisue and Kotani were instructed by Imperial General headquarters to assist the Korea Army and the 19th Division regarding the Changkufeng Incident. What the Army general staff operations officers sought was an Imperial General headquarters order, requiring Imperial sanction, that would instruct the Korea Army to evict the Russian troops from Changkufeng the way the Kwantung Army would, using units already under Nakamura's command. The sense was that the affair could be handled locally, but if the USSR sought to escalate the incident, it might be prudent for that to occur before the Hankow operation began. The IGHQ and War Ministry coordinated the drafting of an IGHQ order on 19–20 July: "We deem it advisable to eradicate Soviet challenges . . . by promptly delivering blow on this occasion against unit which crossed border at Changkufeng. That unit is in disadvantageous spot strategically and tactically; thus, probability is scant that dispute would enlarge, and we are investigating countermeasures in any case. Careless expansion of situation is definitely not desired. We would like you people also to conduct studies concerning mode of assault employing smallest strength possible for surprise attack against limited objective. Kindly learn general atmosphere here [Tokyo] from [Operations] Major Arao Okikatsu." The 20th of July proved to be a hectic day in Korea, and even more so in Tokyo. The division had informed the Korea Army that it was finally "ready to go," a message received in Seoul in the early hours. Then Arisue received a wire from Inada presenting limited-attack plans and noting that Arao was on the way. By that day, Japanese intelligence judged there were 400 Soviet troops and two or three mountain guns south of Paksikori. Russian positions at Changkufeng had been reinforced, but no aggressive intentions could be detected. Soviet ground elements, as well as materiel, appeared to be moving from Vladivostok and Slavyanka toward Posyet. Suetaka headed back to the front. Sato told him that it was absolutely necessary to occupy Chiangchunfeng Hill across the Tumen in Manchurian territory. Upon reaching the Wuchiatzu sector and inspecting the situation, Suetaka agreed to send a small unit to Chiangchunfeng on his own authority.  Colonel Sato Kotoku had ordered one company to move across the Tumen toward Chiangchunfeng on 21 July, a maneuver that did not escape the Russians' notice. On 24 July, the same day another Japanese unit occupied Shangchiaoshan Hill, Marshal Blyukher ordered the 40th Rifle Division, stationed in the Posyet area to be placed on combat readiness, with a force of regulars assigned to back the Soviet border guards; two reinforced rifle battalions were detached as a reserve. According to Japanese records, Russian border patrols began appearing around Huichungyuan, Yangkuanping, and Shachaofeng from 26 July, but no serious incidents were reported at that stage. At about 9:30 am on 29 July, Captain Kanda, the 2nd Company commander of Lieutenant Colonel Senda's 76th Border Garrison Unit, was observing the Shachaofeng area from his Kucheng cantonments. Through his glasses, Kanda observed four or five Soviet soldiers engaged in construction on high ground on the west side of Shachaofeng. Kanda notified Senda, who was at BGU Headquarters inspecting the forward areas. Senda transmitted the information to Suetaka. Deciding to cross the Tumen for a closer look, Senda set off with Kanda. A little after 11 am, they reached Chiangchunfeng Hill, where the men from Captain Noguchi's company were already located. Senda verified, to his own satisfaction, that as many as 10 enemy infantrymen had "violated the border" to a depth of 350 meters, "even by the Soviets' contention", and were starting construction 1,000 meters south of Shachaofeng. Senda decided to oust the Russian force "promptly and resolutely," in light of the basic mission assigned his unit. He telephoned Suetaka, who was in Kyonghun, and supplied the intelligence and the recommendation. Subordinates recalled Suetaka's initial reaction when the BGU reported a Soviet intrusion about a mile and a half north of Changkufeng. "The arrogant Russians were making fools of the Japanese, or were trying to. At stake was not a trifling hill and a few invaders, but the honor of the Imperial Army. In the face of this insult, the general became furious. He insisted upon smashing the enemy right away."  Kanda phoned 2nd Lieutenant Sakuma, who was still at Kucheng, and told him to bring his 25-man platoon across the river by 2 pm Sakuma crossed by boat and arrived at 1:30. Kanda set out from Chiangchunfeng at 2:20, took over Sakuma's unit, bore east, and approached within 700 meters of the enemy. He ordered the men not to fire unless fired upon, and to withdraw quickly after routing the Russians. It is said that the Japanese troops were fired upon as they advanced in deployed formation but did not respond at first. In a valley, casualties were incurred and the Japanese finally returned fire. Sakuma's 1st Squad leader took a light machine gun and pinned down the Russians facing him. Sakuma himself pressed forward with his other two squads, taking advantage of the slope to envelop the enemy from the right. At the same time, he sent a patrol to the high ground on the left to cover the platoon's flank. Thanks to the 1st Squad's frontal assault, the Russians had no chance to worry about their wings, and Sakuma moved forward to a point only 30 meters from the foe's rear. Kanda was now 50 meters from the Russians. When the enemy light machine gun let up, he ordered a charge and, in the lead, personally cut down one of the foe. Sakuma also rushed the Soviets, but when about to bring down his saber he was stabbed in the face while another Russian struck him in the shoulder. Grappling with this assailant, Sakuma felled him. Other Japanese attackers sabered two more Russians and shot the rest. By 3:10 pm the eight enemy "trespassers" had been annihilated. The covering patrol reported that five Soviet horsemen, with a light machine gun, were galloping up from Khasan. Sakuma had his platoon fire grenade dischargers, which smashed the enemy. Seventy more Russian soldiers now came, attacking from northwest of the lake and supported by fire from the east side. Using light machine guns and grenade dischargers, Sakuma checked them. Meanwhile, Miyashita's platoon, part of Noguchi's company, had departed from Chiangchunfeng at 2:20 pm and swung right until it reached the crestline between Changkufeng and Kanda's company. One squad faced 200 Russians on Changkufeng; the other faced the enemy south of Shachaofeng. Soviet forces opened intense machine-gun fire from Changkufeng and from the high ground east of the lake. After 20 minutes, Kanda's unit charged, two or three Russians fled, and Miyashita's platoon shot one down. Senda, who had gone with Miyashita, directed the platoon's movements and proceeded north, under fire, to Kanda's unit. Once the Russians had been cleared out, Senda forbade pursuit across the boundary and gradually withdrew his forces to the heights line 800 meters southwest. It was 4:30 then. By 5 pm Soviet reinforcements, apparently brought up from the Changkufeng and Paksikori sectors, advanced anew. With 80 men in the front lines, the enemy pushed across the border to a depth of at least 500 meters, according to the Japanese, and began to establish positions. Several tanks and many troops could be observed in the rear. Senda had Noguchi's company hold Chiangchunfeng. Kanda's unit, reinforced by 33 men from Kucheng, was to occupy the heights southwest of Shachaofeng, while Imagawa's company of the 76th Regiment was to occupy other high ground to the west. Senda then reported the situation to Suetaka in Kyonghun and asked for reinforcements. In Seoul, Army headquarters understood the developments reported by Suetaka as a response to the hostile border violation, and about 20 men of the Kucheng BGU under Lt. Sakuma drove the enemy out between 2:30 and 3 pm. Afterward, Sakuma pulled back to high ground two kilometers south of Yangkuanping to avoid trouble and was now observing the foe. Although Seoul had heard nothing about Japanese losses, Corp. Akaishizawa Kunihiko personally observed that Kanda had been wounded in the face by a grenade and bandaged, that Sakuma had been bayoneted twice and also bandaged, and that the dead lay on the grass, covered with raincoats. According to Suetaka "the enemy who had crossed the border south of Shachaofeng suffered losses and pulled back once as a result of our attack at about 2:30 pm". By about 4:30, Suetaka continued, the Russians had built up their strength and attacked the platoon on the heights southwest of Shachaofeng. Behind the Russian counterattack, there were now several tanks. Earlier, Suetaka noted ominously that several rounds of artillery had been fired from the Changkufeng area; "therefore, we reinforced our units too, between 5 and 6 pm., and both sides are confronting each other." Details as to the fate of Sakuma's platoon are not given, but it is now admitted that casualties were incurred on both sides. The Korea Army Headquarters consequently reported to Tokyo in the evening that, according to information from the division, 20 Japanese had driven out the Russians near Shachaofeng; 25 men from Senda's unit were occupying the heights 600 meters west of Changkufeng; and another 16 men were deployed in ambush at Yangkuanping. Such an enumeration would have tended to suggest that only a few dozen Japanese were across the Tumen on the 29th. But a review of the numbers of combat troops committed and the reinforcements sent by Senda reveals that Japanese strength across the river was in the hundreds by nightfall. In Moscow, Tass reported that on 29 July detachments of Japanese-Manchukuoan intruders had attempted to seize high ground apparently located 0.5 miles north of a Russian position. The assailants had been "completely repelled from Soviet territory, as a result of measures taken by Russian frontier guards," and instructions had been sent to the embassy in Tokyo to protest strongly. Walter Duranty, the veteran American correspondent in Moscow, heard that the Japanese press had published reports, likely intended for internal consumption, that hours of furious fighting had occurred at the points in question. Since the dispatches were unsubstantiated and "failed to gain credence anywhere outside Japan," Duranty claimed this may have forced the Japanese to translate into action their boast of "applying force" unless their demands were satisfied. "Now, it appears, they have applied force, unsuccessfully." The Soviet communiqué on the Shachaofeng affair, despite its firm tone, appeared unostentatiously in the following day's Pravda and Izvestiya under the headline, "Japanese Militarists Continue Their Provocation." The Japanese Embassy in Moscow heard nothing about the Shachaofeng affray until the morning of the 30th, when a wire was received from the Gaimusho that ten Russian soldiers had occupied a position northwest of Changkufeng and had begun trench work until ejected by frontier guards. Since the Russian communiqué spoke of afternoon fighting, American correspondents concluded that Soviet troops must have counterattacked and driven off the Japanese. No additional information was available to the public in Moscow on the 30th, perhaps because it was a holiday. Nevertheless, in the afternoon, Stalin's colleague Kaganovich addressed an immense crowd in Moscow on "Railroad Day" and at the conclusion of a long, vigorous speech said:  "The Soviet Union is prepared to meet all enemies, east or west." It certainly was not a fighting speech and there is no reason to suppose the Soviet will abandon its firm peace policy unless Japan deliberately forced the issue. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Diplomacy flickered as Moscow pressed restraint and Tokyo whispered calculated bravado. As July wore on, both sides massed troops, built trenches, and sent scouts across the river. A tense, hidden war unfolded, skirmishes, patrols, and small advances, until a fleeting moment when force collided with restraint, and the hill's future hung in the frost.

Under Yezhov's leadership the NKVD launched a campaign of arrests targeting party members, military officers, and civilians that saw widespread purges, forced confessions, and executions. Estimates of those killed range into the hundreds of ...

When KGB man Oleg Gordievsky is spotted shopping in Copenhagen's red-light district, Western intelligence sees a chance to recruit him. But they're going to get more than that. They're going to get a Soviet insider who will help the world step back from the edge of nuclear war and end the Cold War.Have you got a spy story you'd like us to tell? Email your ideas to thespywho@wondery.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In this chapter, Ghost turns his attention to Dmitry Medvedev, exploring how his rise, presidency, and partnership with Vladimir Putin reveal critical patterns in modern geopolitics. Using Medvedev's biography as a lens, Ghost walks through Russia's post-Soviet power struggles, the Aluminum Wars, Gazprom restructuring, oligarch crackdowns, and the emergence of competing factions inside the Kremlin. He breaks down Medvedev's technocratic “Strategy 2020,” the Russian-Georgian war, the tandemocracy with Putin, national security reforms, and the deeper geopolitical echoes between Russia, the West, and today's shifting alliances. Through Medvedev's story, Ghost highlights the recurring historical “reruns” that shape current events, showing how this era set the stage for today's multipolar world, and why understanding Medvedev is essential to understanding Trump, Putin, and the broader sovereign movement.

In the West, World War II is commonly understood as the Allies' struggle against Nazism. Often elided, if not simply forgotten, is the Soviet Union's crucial role in that fight. With this book, acclaimed historian Jochen Hellbeck rectifies this omission by relocating the ideological core of the conflict. It was not the Western powers but Communist Russia that Nazi Germany viewed as an existential threat—in fact, “World Enemy No. 1.” Jewish revolutionaries, the Nazis believed, had seized power in 1917 and were preparing the Soviet state to destroy Germany and the world. And so, on June 22, 1941, a German army of three million attacked the Soviet Union to exterminate “Judeo-Bolshevism,” Hitler's cardinal obsession. While Europe's Jews were expelled, exiled, and persecuted by the Nazis, Soviet Jews were immediately slated for elimination. The Soviet lands thus became ground zero for systematic extermination, which was only later extended to all Jews, igniting the Holocaust.Hellbeck plumbs newly declassified archives and previously undiscovered sources—testimonies, diaries, and dispatches from soldiers and civilians, Soviet and German—to offer a unique history that takes account of both sides. He reconstructs the years leading up to the war when “Europe against Bolshevism” was the Nazis' most fervid rallying cry, and documents their annihilatory ambitions on the battlegrounds in the East. Widely disseminated accounts of German atrocities mobilized millions of Soviet citizens to join a people's war against the hated invaders. Hellbeck tracks the desire for revenge that drove the Red Army on its path of reconquest, an advance that further inflamed the belief in a murderous “Bolshevik Jew,” stirring the Germans to fight to the bitter end. Recounted here in vivid detail are the events at Babi Yar, the Battle of Stalingrad, the liberation of the concentration camps, and the arrival of the Red Army in the Nazi capital. Finally, Hellbeck reckons with the West's persistent disregard of the Soviet Union's incalculable contribution to winning the war—and its sacrifice of twenty-six million citizens—as anti-communism and the Cold War turned erstwhile allies into mortal enemies.Hellbeck's eye-opening work is an astonishing new reading of both the Second World War and how its history has been told. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In the West, World War II is commonly understood as the Allies' struggle against Nazism. Often elided, if not simply forgotten, is the Soviet Union's crucial role in that fight. With this book, acclaimed historian Jochen Hellbeck rectifies this omission by relocating the ideological core of the conflict. It was not the Western powers but Communist Russia that Nazi Germany viewed as an existential threat—in fact, “World Enemy No. 1.” Jewish revolutionaries, the Nazis believed, had seized power in 1917 and were preparing the Soviet state to destroy Germany and the world. And so, on June 22, 1941, a German army of three million attacked the Soviet Union to exterminate “Judeo-Bolshevism,” Hitler's cardinal obsession. While Europe's Jews were expelled, exiled, and persecuted by the Nazis, Soviet Jews were immediately slated for elimination. The Soviet lands thus became ground zero for systematic extermination, which was only later extended to all Jews, igniting the Holocaust.Hellbeck plumbs newly declassified archives and previously undiscovered sources—testimonies, diaries, and dispatches from soldiers and civilians, Soviet and German—to offer a unique history that takes account of both sides. He reconstructs the years leading up to the war when “Europe against Bolshevism” was the Nazis' most fervid rallying cry, and documents their annihilatory ambitions on the battlegrounds in the East. Widely disseminated accounts of German atrocities mobilized millions of Soviet citizens to join a people's war against the hated invaders. Hellbeck tracks the desire for revenge that drove the Red Army on its path of reconquest, an advance that further inflamed the belief in a murderous “Bolshevik Jew,” stirring the Germans to fight to the bitter end. Recounted here in vivid detail are the events at Babi Yar, the Battle of Stalingrad, the liberation of the concentration camps, and the arrival of the Red Army in the Nazi capital. Finally, Hellbeck reckons with the West's persistent disregard of the Soviet Union's incalculable contribution to winning the war—and its sacrifice of twenty-six million citizens—as anti-communism and the Cold War turned erstwhile allies into mortal enemies.Hellbeck's eye-opening work is an astonishing new reading of both the Second World War and how its history has been told. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Hello everyone, a big thanks to all of you who joined the patreon and voted for this to be the next episode, you all are awesome. This is a part 2 about Hirohito's responsibility during the wars of 1931-1945, so if you have not heard part 1, perhaps go do so, or maybe you just don't care about 1931-1940 and just want to hear about the 1941-1945 period, hell by all means enjoy.   So last time we kind of left it on a bit of a dramatic cliff hanger. I spoke about Emperor Hirohito's involvement in what was called at the time the “China Incident”. It was not an official declared war until December of 1941. We left off in 1940, Hirohito was struggling with a situation of juggling two things: 1) how the hell to finally end the China War 2) how to do it without receiving horrible ramifications from the international world. On July 22nd of 1940, Konoe was back and formed a second cabinet. Notably General Hideki Tojo went from vice to army Minister during this time. If you guys ever want a podcast on Hideki Tojo, let me know, he is one rather bizarre figure that's for sure. Konoe tackled his job by holding an imperial HQ government liaison conference. For 90 minutes everyone worked on a new national policy designed to exploit the international situation, IE: Germany bulldozing europe.  The result was a document on national policy dated July 27th. It shifted focus to the “southern area” IE: southeast asia and the Pacific if the China war did not end quickly. Its basis was to exploit the foreign nations that had their hands full in europe, France, Britain and the Netherlands. It called for an invasion of French Indochina to establish bases to launch assaults against the Dutch East Indies for natural resources if diplomatic means failed. It acknowledged if the Dutch East Indies were seized through military means, Japan would also seek to fight Britain, but not the US, instead Japan would prepare for a possible war with the Americans. To all of this Hirohito approved. The army also kept pressuring its desire to ally with Germany. Throughout 1939-1940 Hirohito rejected this idea, not because of any ideological differences, it was because of Germans anti aggression pact with the USSR. If Japan were to ally to Germany, Hirohito wanted it to be mutually to fight the USSR. The Navy likewise opposed allying to Germany because they believed it would force Britain and the US to increase their aid to Chiang Kai-shek.   However the Blitzkrieg changed everything. Everyone was shocked at how well Germany was doing. Prince Chichibu repeatedly argued with Hirohito to change his mind over the alliance idea. Then suddenly the Navy changed their mind and began favoring an alliance. This changed came about in June of 1940 when the France fell. The Navy changed their mind based on a few factors, a major component was the belief if Germany and the USSR were allied, than at least Japan would not have to worry about the USSR and could focus on the pacific. Both the IJA and the IJN believed Hitler would soon take Britain and thus there was a huge desire to join the new international order on the winning side. A third factor was a new clause in negotiations with Germany and Japan, that if they allied Japan would not automatically be drawn into a war with Britain against her will. Some in the navy also believed perhaps Germany could help their diplomatic situation with the Americans. So the army and navy were now both demanding an alliance with Germany, it was all up to hirohito.    At an imperial briefing on June 19th of 1940, Hirohito asked chief of staff Prince Kan'in and the Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” Such as question revealed Hirohito's perception at the time that Germany was on the verge of victory and that he was gradually considering the deployment of troops in French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies as neither parent nation were in a position to defend their holdings. In regards to the China war, the Japanese sought to end leaks of materials getting into China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicated Britain would not accept closing the movement of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military acknowledged it would probably be required to invade Hong Kong and thus declare war on Britain. Upon hearing of this Hirohito remarked “Should that happen, I am sure America will use the method of an embargo, don't you agree?” To this his lord of the privy seal, Kido reassured him stating “the nation must be fully resolved to resist to proceed cautiously and not to be dragged into events precipitated by the overseas agencies”. Konoe's second cabinet resolved to end the China war, construct a new order in greater east asia and to complete war preparations as a national defense state. On July 27th at a liaison conference a document was adopted, affirming a course of advancing to the south and to ally with Germany. Japan would incorporate the Dutch East Indies, British Malaya and other resource rich areas of Southeast Asia into its new order while simultaneously bolstering its relationship with the Axis states. After hearing and reading everything, Hirohito sanctioned it all. Thus Hirohito had sanctioned the preliminary actions that would set Japan into a collision course with the US.   In September Japan began sending troops into northern French Indochina after concluding its Tripartite alliance with Germany and Italy. Now Hirohito was briefed beforehand by Army Minister Tojo and other chiefs of staff about securing bases in northern French indochina. Hirohito agreed to this under the belief acquiring such bases would stop more leaked materials going into China and thus contribute to the fall of Chongqing. But Hirohito also sanctioned it under the full knowledge it was preparing the Nanshin-ron advance and that carried a risk of going to war with Britain and by proxy the US. Naturally he wanted to thwart any war breaking out with the US by it seems his officials had convinced him they could manage most of their plans without aggravating the US.   On July 29th with the German offensive aimed at finishing off Britain, Hirohito summoned his chiefs and vice chiefs of staff to the imperial HQ. He began to question the prospects of war with the US. Prince Fushimi replied “[u]nless we complete our domestic preparations, particularly the preparation of our material resources, I do not think we should lightly start war even if there is a good opportunity to do so.” Hirohito then asked if  “the Army were planning to occupy points in India, Australia, and New Zealand.” But overall Hirohito seemed to be the most concerned about the US, Germany and the USSR. “Could Japan, obtain a victory in a naval battle with the United States as we once did in the Battle of the Japan Sea? . . . I heard that the United States will ban exports of oil and scrap iron [to Japan]. We can probably obtain oil from other sources, but don't you think we will have a problem with scrap iron?” In regards to the USSR “If a Japan-Soviet nonaggression treaty is made and we advance to the south, the navy will become the main actor. Has the army given thought to reducing the size of its forces in that case? . . . How do you assess the future national power of Germany? . . . Both Germany and the Soviet Union are untrustworthy countries. Don't you think there will be a problem if one of them betrays us and takes advantage of our exhaustion fighting the United States?I]t seems as though you people are thinking of implementing this plan by force because there is a good opportunity at this moment for resolving the southern problem even though some dangers are involved. . . . What does a good opportunity mean? [To this question Sawada replied: “For example, if a German landing in England commences.”] In that case wouldn't the United States move to aid Britain? . . . Well, I've heard enough. I take it, in short, that you people are trying to resolve the southern problem by availing yourselves of today's good opportunities.”   You can tell Hirohito understood the very real threat of an Anglo-American alliance and was very cautious. It seemed to Hirohito, that his officials were trying to take the limelight off the abysmal situation in China but emphasizing a southern advance. Well Americans response to the Japanese movement into northern French indochina was to see it as a direct threat. Something I have not paid much attention to was Hirohito's decision making being the direct result of trying to mediate between competing entities, ie: the IJA and IJN. At this point in time the IJA and IJN top officials had the power to simply stop governmental functions from occurring altogether whenever they were displeased with a decision. As you can imagine the IJA and IJN were also competing for resources and political power. Thus Hirohito spent a lot of time and effort trying to formulate decisions that at a minimum kept the governance going.    In the end Hirohito sanctioned Imperial HQ army order number 458, ordering the area army to begin the entry into French Indochina. Thus once again Hirohito sanctioned aggression aboard. America began what it called a “moral embargo” on aircraft parts, scrap iron and aviation gasoline. This was one of many gradual steps America took to incrementally sanction Japan, while aiding China to keep it bogged down. Japan's direct response was joining the Axis with a clause “to assist one another with all political, economic and military means if attacked by a power at present not involved in the European War or in the Sino-Japanese conflict”. This clause was designed specifically to check Britain and the US. Hirohito knew this was a turning point carrying the possibility of war with the US. Later he would blame some officials and even his brothers Chichibu and Takamatsu, but not his own actions sanctioning the Axis pact.    Speaking of his brothers, at this time Chichibu got severely ill with tuberculosis and as a result retired from active public life, now Prince Takamatsu stood as next regent. Thus Takamatsu would begin reading reports and advise Hirohito. Takamatsu like Chichibu approved the Tripartite Pact and found his brother Hirohito's performance lacking. Meanwhile Britain responded to the Tripartite pact by opening up the Burma road and America made a loan to Chiang Kai-shek.   The Soviets came to Japan for a neutrality pact and sweetened the deal by offering Soviet coal and oil concessions in North Sakhalin. Hirohito ratified the treaty on April 25th of 1941. 5 weeks later on June 5th, the Japanese ambassador to Berlin, General Oshima Hiroshi reported to Hirohito and the high command that Hitler was about to invade the Soviets. The Army high command sprang into action drafting plans to open a war with the Soviets while simultaneously advancing south into French Indochina. But many in the military also sought to wait until the time was ripe, and a rift emerged. Operation barbarossa commenced and on June 23rd the IJN high command gave their opinion that Japan should seize all military bases and airfields in southern French Indochina even at the risk of war with Britain and America. Can you say boy that escalated quickly?   There was obvious temptation to invade Siberia towards Lake Baikal, but at the same time the western powers were tightening sanctions on Japan, she needed resources. At this point Japan had been stuck in China for 4 years and 5 months, the army had expanded from 17 divisions totalling 250,000 men in july of 1937 to 51 divisions at 2.1 million men in December 8th of 1941. On July 2nd, 10 tens into Operation barbarossa, Konoe summoned an imperial conference to debate actions going forward. The consensus was that southern French Indochina needed to be taken and that it probably would not provoke the US going to war with Japan. Hirohito sanctioned it and on July 30th made a major operational intervention by advising General Sugiyama to build up forces in Manchukuo to prevent the Soviet Far Eastern Army.   Japan negotiated with Vichy France to allow Japanese troops to occupy southern parts of French Indochina. What was to be originally just 40,000 IJA forces turned into 185,000 and in response America increased sanctions and began preparing the Philippines for war. Roosevelt froze Japanese assets in the US on July 26th and by August the 1st a total embargo of oil and gasoline exports to Japan. Konoe's cabinet, the military high command, pretty much everyone was shocked by how harsh the economic sanctions were. Emperor Hirohito told Sugiyama to halt mobilizing forces in Manchukuo and the army basically dropped all plans of attacking the USSR. A month after the US oil embargo suddenly the army had changed its mind to go all in on the southern advance. Britain likewise began sanctions against Japan and both Britain and the US managed to convince the Dutch to follow suit by refusing to sell oil to Japan. The Dutch even took it a step further and followed Americans lead in freezing Japanese assets.    Konoe was in full panic mode, be believed his ambassador to washington was a moron and sought to go in person to speak to Roosevelt. At 11:40am on August 4th Konoe spoke to Hirohito about the plan, but Washington kept making up excuses prolonging any meeting from taking place. Meanwhile Washington was building up its navy, and the IJN were stressing, in the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.    On september 3rd at a liaison conference it was decided Japan was to prepare for a war against the US, UK and Netherlands while simultaneously pursuing diplomacy. If diplomacy failed by early October the decision for war would be made. Konoe presented everything to Hirohito on September 5th and requested an imperial conference on the matter. The most important decision of his life was about to be made.    Now take a second to feel the moment. Germany's invasion of the USSR was in its 6th week and not producing a decisive victory; Britain was still in the fight and the Japanese ambassador to London reported back Britain would allow Japan to maintain its great power status and exert influence in asia if they stayed out of the European War and “re-examined their current policy”. An olive branch. Hirohito had options is what I am arguing. He could stale things, he could mobilize units into Manchukuo to simply threaten the Soviet border, he could simply stay out of new wars, even it the China war would get worse, but try to profit from the situation in Europe. He could stop the southern advance, lose the chance to seize the resource in southeast asia, but perhaps the US, UK and Netherlands would lift some sanctions.   After speaking back and forth with Konoe while scolding Sugiyama here is a bit of their conversation:    Emperor: In the event we must finally open hostilities, will our operations have a probability of victory?  Sugiyama: Yes, they will.  Emperor: At the time of the China Incident, the army told me that we could achieve peace immediately after dealing them one blow with three divisions. Sugiyama, you were army minister at that time. . . .  Sugiyama: China is a vast area with many ways in and many ways out, and we met unexpectedly big difficulties. . . . [ellipses in original]  Emperor: Didn't I caution you each time about those matters? Sugiyama, are you lying to me? Nagano: If Your Majesty will grant me permission, I would like to make a statement.  Emperor: Go ahead.  Nagano: There is no 100 percent probability of victory for the troops stationed there. . . . Sun Tzu says that in war between states of similar strength, it is very difficult to calculate victory. Assume, however, there is a sick person and we leave him alone; he will definitely die. But if the doctor's diagnosis offers a seventy percent chance of survival, provided the patient is operated on, then don't you think one must try surgery? And if, after the surgery, the patient dies, one must say that was meant to be. This indeed is the situation we face today. . . . If we waste time, let the days pass, and are forced to fight after it it is too late to fight, then we won't be able to do a thing about it.  Emperor: All right, I understand. [He answered in a better mood.]  Konoe: Shall I make changes in tomorrow's agenda? How would you like me to go about it? Emperor: There is no need to change anything.   There is no need to change anything. Konoe grabbed Hirohito for a private audience afterwards and tried to get Hirohito to revise the outline, but Hirohito ignored this. Hirohito at that point could have stopped or at least slowed down the countdown to all out war. Hirohito instead did not want to displease the pro-war factions in his military, perhaps he saw them as a threat to his authority. Hirohito was not at all pleased with the policy plan. When he was shown in on september 5th, he looked extremely irritated and blew up on Sugiyama and the army high command as a whole. 20 minutes before the Imperial conference on September 6th, Hirohito spoke with his lord of the privy Kido and told him he was going to raise some questions at the meeting. Kido told him that it would be best to leave the questions at the very end, basically he was advising to allow for things to go through. Thus Hirohito sat through the meeting and sanction the preparations for war. Here is a conversation between Hirohito and the Chiefs of the general staff:   Emperor: You may go ahead and mobilize. But if the Konoe-Roosevelt talks go well, you'll stop, won't you?  Chief of the General Staff: Indeed, your majesty, we will.  Emperor: I will ask you one more time: Is there any possibility that the north [that is, the Soviet Union] may move against us while we are engaged in the south [emphasis added]?  Chief of the General Staff: I cannot say that will absolutely not occur. However, because of the season it is inconceivable that large forces will be able to attack us   Meanwhile Konoe's deadline to reach a diplomatic resolution with the US was fast approaching. On October 13th Hirohito told Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.” The next day Konoe held his last cabinet meeting and Army minister Tojo took the lionshare of talking:   For the past six months, ever since April, the foreign minister has made painstaking efforts to adjust relations [with the United States.] Although I respect him for that, we remain deadlocked. . . . Our decision was “to start the war . . . if by early October we cannot thoroughly achieve our demands through negotiations.” Today is the fourteenth. . . . We are mobilizing hundreds of thousands of soldiers. Others are being moved from China and Manchuria, and we have requisitioned two million tons of ships, causing difficulties for many people. As I speak ships are en route to their destinations. I would not mind stopping them, and indeed would have to stop them, if there was a way for a diplomatic breakthrough. . . . The heart of the matter is the [imposition on us of] withdrawal [from Indochina and China]. ...If we yield to America's demands, it will destroy the fruits of the China Incident. Manchukuo will be endangered and our control of Korea undermined   And so Konoe resigned two days later, but before he did his last official action was to recommend Prince Higashikuni to succeed him, in fact he got Tojo to do the same. Prince Higashikuni was deemed capable of controlling both the Army and Navy. And what did Hirohito say to this? He said no, and appointed Hideki Tojo. Why? As going back to the beginning of this series, to protect the Kokutai. He did not want a member of the royal family to hold the seat as Prime Minister during a time when war might be declared, a war that Japan might lose, which would toss the responsibility onto the imperial house. It was a threat to the Kokutai. Hirohito chose Tojo because Tojo was 100% loyal subject to the emperor. Tojo was the perfect fall guy if one ever existed.    Between November 8-15th, Hirohito received a full rundown of the Pearl Harbor surprise attack plan and sanctioned it. The deadline to reach a diplomatic solution with the US was set for midnight December 1st.    Hirohito ever since the Mukden Incident had expressed fear that not taking warlike actions, not pumping up the kokutai or not suppressing dissent would jeopardize the imperial system of government and damage the imperial institution itself. For Hirohito domestic conflicts were more dangerous than external ones, because they carried the risk of eroding the monarchy. As the time approached for his finally decision on declaring war, Hirohito requested a last round of discussion. The carriers enroute to Pearl harbor departed on november 27th, while on December 1st, 19 leaders, the entire Tojo cabinet and Emperor met. Tojo pulled a rather cheeky maneuver, he reported the response from America, the famous Hull note by stating “the United States . . . has demanded that we withdraw troops from all of China [emphasis added],” but in fact, Hull had used only the word “China.” Hara asked “I would like to know,whether Manchukuo is included in the term ‘China'? Did our two ambassadors confirm this point?” Togo's reply to this was “However . . . the American proposal [early in the negotiations on] April 16 stated that they would recognize the state of Manchukuo, so Manchukuo would not be part of China. . . . On the other hand . . . there has been a change in their position . . . they look upon Chungking as the one and only legitimate regime, and . . . they want to destroy the Nanking regime, [so] they may retract what they have said previously” A nonsensical gibberish answer, intentionally done to make everyone think America did in fact include Manchukuo, thus forcing everyone to see the demands as impossible to comply with. Togo finished the meeting : “Once His Majesty decides to commence hostilities, we will all strive to meet our obligations to him, bring the government and the military ever closer together, resolve that the nation united will go on to victory, make an all-out effort to achieve our war aims, and set his majesty's mind at ease. I now adjourn the meeting.” Hirohito simply nodded. Sugiyama remarked that the emperor did not show the slightest sign of anxiety, in fact he looked like he was in a good mood.   Hirohito's naval aid Jo Eiichiro wrote minutes on the first day of the pacific war, recording the emperors actions. 4 A.M. (Japan time): Japan issued a final ultimatum to the United States. 3:30 A.M.: the Hawaiian surprise attack was successful. 5:30 A.M.: Singapore bombed. Great results. Air attacks on Davao, Guam, Wake. 7:10 A.M.: All the above was reported to the emperor. The American gunboat Wake was captured on the Shanghai front. The British gunboat Petrel was sunk. From 7:15 to 7:30 the chief of the Navy General Staff reported on the war situation. At 7:30 the prime minister informally reported to the emperor on the imperial rescript declaring war. (Cabinet meeting from 7 A.M.). At 7:35 the chief of the Army General Staff reported on the war situation. At 10:45 the emperor attended an emergency meeting of the privy council. At 11:00 A.M. the imperial rescript declaring war was promulgated. 11:40 A.M. Hirohito conferred with Kido for about twenty minutes.] At 2:00 P.M. the emperor summoned the army and navy ministers and bestowed an imperial rescript on them. The army minister, representing both services, replied to the emperor. [At 3:05 P.M. the emperor had a second meeting with Kido, lasting for about twenty minutes.] At 4:30 P.M. the chiefs of staff formally reported on the draft of the Tripartite (Germany-Italy-Japan) Military Pact. At 8:30 P.M. the chief of the Navy General Staff reported on the achievements of the Hawaii air attack. . . . Throughout the day the emperor wore his naval uniform and seemed to be in a splendid mood.   Hirohito believed Germany would win, thus if with their help he believed Japan could thwart off the US until a negotiated peace. Having made his choice, Hirohito devoted himself to presiding over and guiding the war to victory at all costs. He was a extremely cautious person, every single campaign he looked for what could go wrong, made worse case scenario predictions and was very suspicious of reports from his high officials. He was notably very harsh and critical on said high commanders. Although he did not visit the war theaters as did other commanders in chief, he exercised and controlled influence on theater operations, both in the planning and execution whenever he chose to do so. As was the same case with the China war before it, he issued the highest military orders of the Imperial HQ, performed audited conferences and led to decisions transmitted in his name. He received generals and admirals to the imperial palace who gave full reports of the battlefront. He visited bases, battleships, various army and naval headquarters. He inspected military schools, you know the full shebang.    After 26 months of war, the naval air force had lost 26,006 aircraft, nearly a third of its total power, thousands of veteran pilots were dead. Hundreds of thousands of tons of warship was sunk, the merchant and transport fleet was crippled. Late 1943 saw the Americans turning the initiative of the war, Japan was on the defensive. Guadalcanal had been the major turning point. During the staled battle for the philippines, Hirohito pressed upon Army chief of staff Sugiyama to increase troop strength to knock out Bataan. The problem persisted, on February 9th and 26th Hirohito pressed Sugiyama again about getting more troops to take Bataan.   Hirohito was confronted with the prisoner of war issue after the doolittle raid. When the pilots were caught, Togo initially opposed executions, but many in the IJA sought all 8 men executed. Hirohito chose to intervene and commuted the execution of 5 out of the 8. Why just 5, no one knows to this day, but its theorized it was to demonstrate his benevolence while simultaneously giving a bit of what the army wanted.    The CBI theater took the lionshare of his attention in 1942, he continuously pressed up Sugiyama when a final blow would be delivered against Chongqing. When the Midway disaster occurred, Hirohito was given a full report of what happened, but he chose to hid the extent of the loss from the IJA. In fact in response to the Guadalcanal campaign he was heard once asking “I wonder if this is not the start of the AmericanBritish counteroffensive?” He urged his commanders to increase offensive activities and to toss all weapons possible at the enemy, because Japan needed more time to secure its reserves of vital oil, rubber and iron. When he heard the first report of the Ichiki detachment being wiped out, he simply stated “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” With numerous reports pouring in about the men dying from tropical disease and starvation, Hirohito kept demanding greater efforts from them. Hirohito continuously applied pressure on his naval and land commanders to recapture the island. On September 15th, November 5th and November 11th he called for more IJA troops and aircraft to be allocated to it. Sugiyama was nervous about sending more IJA pilots as they were inexperienced in transoceanic combat and he sought to reinforce the north china army to hit Chongqing. Hirohito demanded it a second time and Sugiyama replied the IJA had deployed its air power instead to New Guinea and Rabaul. Hirohito continuously hammered the issue despite the high level commanders disagreeing with it. By late november it was clear guadalcanal was a lost cause.    At an imperial HQ conference on December 31st of 1942, the chiefs of staff reported they would cancel the attempts to recapture guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned it but stated “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” Hirohito forced the issue and it was decided the new strategic points would be in the solomons north of New Georgia and the Stanley range on New Guinea. Hirohito in fact threatened not to authorize the withdrawal of men from Guadalcanal until such a plan was made. Hirohito would go on to oppose the withdrawal from the Munda airfield on New Georgia since it contradicted the new defensive line. As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern solomons was crumbling, Hirohito continued to demand the navy fight decisive battles to regain the initiative so ships could begin transports supplies to the countless soldiers trapped on islands without them. When Hirohito heard of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd he stated  “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for awhile.” “Do this for me” would become his signature message.    In August of 1943 as the fall of the solomons progressed, Hirohito lambasted “Isn't there someplace where we can strike the United States? . . . When and where on earth are you [people] ever going to put up a good fight? And when are you ever going to fight a decisive battle?Well, this time, after suffering all these defeats, why don't you study how not to let the Americans keep saying ‘We won! We won!'[emphasis added]”” Hirohito berated his chiefs of staff and in the face of mounting defeats he remained undismayed, rigidly self disciplined and aggressive as ever. When he received a report on September 21st of 1943 that the allies were heading for Finschhafen he replied “Being ready to defend isn't enough. We have to do the attacking.”   When the Americans destroyed the main naval anchorage at Truk forcing the navy to evacuate it, leaving behind numerous tanks, the dream of fighting one great decisive naval battle in the central pacific was over.    On February 21st of 1944, Hirohito took the unprecedented action to force Sugiyama to resign so Tojo could assume his position, alongside that of army minister and prime minister. He did this to end dissent. Hirohito and Tojo oversaw the haymaker attempts in 1944, like operation Ichi-go and the Imphal campaign fall into ruins. It looked like the Philippines, Taiwan, Okinawa, the Bonin islands and eventually the home islands would be invaded. When Saipan fell, the home islands had at last come into range of the dreaded B-29 Super flying fortresses. Hirohito had warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” For two days his chiefs of staff explained the dire situation on Saipan was hopeless, but Hirohito ignored their advice and ordered Admiral Shimada to recapture it, the first department of the navy general staff immediately poured themselves into the problem. Day and night they worked, until a draft plan was created on June 21st, 3 days later the combined fleet gave opposition. Tojo and Shimada formally reported to Hirohito the recapture plan needed to be canceled. Hirohito refused to accept the loss of Saipan and ordered his chief aide General Hasunuma to convene in his presence the board of field marshals and fleet admirals. They all met on the 25th, upon which they all unanimously stated the reports indicating Saipan was a lost cause were valid, Hirohito simply told them to put it in writing and he left the room.    Hirohito finally decided to withdraw his support of Tojo, allowing Tojo's numerous enemies to take down his cabinet on July 18th 1944. But Hirohito was undaunted in determination to steal victory from the allies. Imperial HQ on October 18th ordered a decisive naval battle and the battle of Leyte Gulf was it. After the war Hirohito would go on the record stating “Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I agreed to the showdown battle of Leyte thinking that if we attacked at Leyte and America flinched, then we would probably be able to find room to negotiate.” This statement shows the facts as they were, Hirohito and his chiefs of staff forced the field commander, General Tomoyuki Yamashita to engage the American invasion force in a place Yamashita did not want to fight nor prepared adequate defenses. It was a horrible loss.   The Kamikaze attacks increased as Japan's desperation wore on. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?”  On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    Konoe re-entered the stage writing to Hirohito pleading with him to order a surrender because from his perspective “The Soviet Union is Japan's biggest threat. Defeat was inevitable, but more to be feared than defeat was the destruction of the Kokutai. Sue quickly for peace, before a Communist revolution occurred that would make preservation of the kokutai impossible”. Hirohito was taken aback by this, as he shared his military's hope that the Soviets would help Japan reach a peace settlement. So he rejected the advice of Konoe. Hirohito remarked “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.” Then Japan's intelligence units reported the Soviets were going to break the neutrality pact and join the war once the Germans were done. Meanwhile Tokyo was turned to rubble on March 9th 1945 by 334 B-29's dropping firebombs, 40% of the capital was destroyed, up to 100,000 were dead. Hirohito remained undaunted. 60 Japanese cities were leveled by firebomb campaigns. Europe's war finished. Then the battle for Okinawa was lost, suddenly Hirohito began looking for ways to end the war.   On June 22nd Hirohito personally informed the supreme war leadership council his desire to see diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. A special envoy was sent to Moscow, while Hirohito publicly issued an imperial rescript ordering the nation “to smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations and achieve the goals of the war”. B-29's began dropping leaflets with joint declarations issued by the US, UK and China requesting the citizens of Japan demand their government surrender. Prefectural governors, police chiefs and officers began submitting home ministry reports on the rapid deterioration of the nations spirit.   Germany signed the unconditional surrender documents on May 7th and 8th of 1945, Japan was alone. Newly installed President Truman declared on May 8th, Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people, but the unconditional surrender principles remained unaltered. The Japanese meanwhile were awaiting word from the Soviets. The Americans unleashed their first atomic bomb on Hiroshima on August 6th of 1945 killing up to 140,000 people. Then on August 8th the Soviet Union declared war on Japan and began an invasion of Manchuria. On August 9th the second atomic bomb hit Nagasaki killing around 40,000 people.   Thus began the surrender clock as I like to say. After the first atomic bomb, Hirohito said and did nothing about the surrender terms. Hirohito then authorized Togo to notify the world on August 10th that Japan would accept the allied terms of surrender with one condition “that the said declaration does not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler.” The next day, Secretary of State Byrnes replied by alluding to the subordination of the emperors authority to the supreme commander of the allied powers. It was ambiguous as hell. The Japanese leaders erupted into arguments, and on August 14th, Hirohito went before a microphone and recorded his capitulation announcement which aired on August 15th to all in Japan, they surrendered. Why did it take so long?   The peace talks between the Japanese and Soviets went on through June, July and early August. Japan offered the Soviets limited territorial concessions and they refused to accept the envoy on July 22nd because the Japanese were being too ambiguous in their terms. There was continuous back and forth between the intelligence of Moscow and Japan trying to figure out the stance of the other, but then Stalin heard about the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, he was shocked and ordered an invasion of Manchuria in response. In the meantime the Japanese were tossing all sorts of concessions at Moscow, they stated they would allow Japanese to be used as forced laborers in Siberia, a form of reparation as it were, that they would demobilize the military and so on. The response was the invasion of Manchuria.    Hirohito knew prior to the bombing of Hiroshima that the cabinet was divided on accepting the Potsdam terms. Hirohito also knew he and he alone could unify governmental affairs and military command. Why then did he wait until the evening of August 9th to surrender?   The reality of the matter is its complicated, numerous variables at play, but let me try to pick at it. The people of japan under the firebomb campaigns were becoming hostile towards the military, the government and many began to criticize the emperor. Hirohito was given reports from the Home Ministry from governors and police chiefs all over Japan revealing people were speaking of the emperor as an incompetent leader who was responsible for worsening the war situation. Does that sound like a threat to the Kokutai? People were starving en masse, the atomic bomb is flashy, but what really was killing the Japanese, it was starvation. The home islands were blockaded and the sea approaches mined as pertaining to the optimally named “operation starvation”. Hirohito knew full well how bad his people were suffering but he did not surrender for so long.   After Hiroshima was bombed, Hirohito delayed for 2 days before telling Kido at 10am on August 9th “quickly control the situation, the Soviet Union has declared war and today began hostilities against us”. Now here is a piece of Hirohito's surrender proclamation to the citizens of Japan    “Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable ”.   Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai. Did you know there was a rescript of this proclamation that was made to the entire IJA and IJN? Yes Emperor Hirohito gave out two different proclamations for surrender, here is what the armed forces heard.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The proclamation does not speak of the atomic weapons, but emphasizes the Soviet invasion of Manchuria. Hirohito was presented as a benevolent sage and an apolitical ruler that had ended the war. Hirohito sought to justify the surrender upon the bombs to the public, but did he believe so, did his armed forces believe so? People debate to this day why the surrender occurred, I love the fact there are two message offered because both are true. Hirohito's decision to surrender was based on numerous variables, the atomic bombs, the invasion of Manchuria by the soviets, but above all else, what really was important to the man, the emperor, the god? The kokutai. The Soviets were more of a threat to the kokutai, thus Hirohito jumped into the arms of the Americans. The language between the Americans and Japanese in the communications for unconditional surrender were ambiguous, but Hirohito and the high commanders knew there was zero chance of the kokutai surviving if the Soviets invaded Japan, perhaps the Americans would allow it to continue, which is just what they ended up doing. The entire purpose of this series would to emphasize how Hirohito definitely had a active role in the war of 1931-1945, he had numerous occasions where he could put the hammer down to stop the situation from escalating. But in the end when his back was against the wall, he did what he did to cling on to the Kokutai.   I shall leave you with this. On August 12th, as Hirohito came to inform the imperial family of his decision to surrender, Prince Asaka asked him whether the war would continue if the Kokutai could not be preserved, what do you think he said? “Of Course”. 

In the West, World War II is commonly understood as the Allies' struggle against Nazism. Often elided, if not simply forgotten, is the Soviet Union's crucial role in that fight. With this book, acclaimed historian Jochen Hellbeck rectifies this omission by relocating the ideological core of the conflict. It was not the Western powers but Communist Russia that Nazi Germany viewed as an existential threat—in fact, “World Enemy No. 1.” Jewish revolutionaries, the Nazis believed, had seized power in 1917 and were preparing the Soviet state to destroy Germany and the world. And so, on June 22, 1941, a German army of three million attacked the Soviet Union to exterminate “Judeo-Bolshevism,” Hitler's cardinal obsession. While Europe's Jews were expelled, exiled, and persecuted by the Nazis, Soviet Jews were immediately slated for elimination. The Soviet lands thus became ground zero for systematic extermination, which was only later extended to all Jews, igniting the Holocaust.Hellbeck plumbs newly declassified archives and previously undiscovered sources—testimonies, diaries, and dispatches from soldiers and civilians, Soviet and German—to offer a unique history that takes account of both sides. He reconstructs the years leading up to the war when “Europe against Bolshevism” was the Nazis' most fervid rallying cry, and documents their annihilatory ambitions on the battlegrounds in the East. Widely disseminated accounts of German atrocities mobilized millions of Soviet citizens to join a people's war against the hated invaders. Hellbeck tracks the desire for revenge that drove the Red Army on its path of reconquest, an advance that further inflamed the belief in a murderous “Bolshevik Jew,” stirring the Germans to fight to the bitter end. Recounted here in vivid detail are the events at Babi Yar, the Battle of Stalingrad, the liberation of the concentration camps, and the arrival of the Red Army in the Nazi capital. Finally, Hellbeck reckons with the West's persistent disregard of the Soviet Union's incalculable contribution to winning the war—and its sacrifice of twenty-six million citizens—as anti-communism and the Cold War turned erstwhile allies into mortal enemies.Hellbeck's eye-opening work is an astonishing new reading of both the Second World War and how its history has been told. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

In the West, World War II is commonly understood as the Allies' struggle against Nazism. Often elided, if not simply forgotten, is the Soviet Union's crucial role in that fight. With this book, acclaimed historian Jochen Hellbeck rectifies this omission by relocating the ideological core of the conflict. It was not the Western powers but Communist Russia that Nazi Germany viewed as an existential threat—in fact, “World Enemy No. 1.” Jewish revolutionaries, the Nazis believed, had seized power in 1917 and were preparing the Soviet state to destroy Germany and the world. And so, on June 22, 1941, a German army of three million attacked the Soviet Union to exterminate “Judeo-Bolshevism,” Hitler's cardinal obsession. While Europe's Jews were expelled, exiled, and persecuted by the Nazis, Soviet Jews were immediately slated for elimination. The Soviet lands thus became ground zero for systematic extermination, which was only later extended to all Jews, igniting the Holocaust.Hellbeck plumbs newly declassified archives and previously undiscovered sources—testimonies, diaries, and dispatches from soldiers and civilians, Soviet and German—to offer a unique history that takes account of both sides. He reconstructs the years leading up to the war when “Europe against Bolshevism” was the Nazis' most fervid rallying cry, and documents their annihilatory ambitions on the battlegrounds in the East. Widely disseminated accounts of German atrocities mobilized millions of Soviet citizens to join a people's war against the hated invaders. Hellbeck tracks the desire for revenge that drove the Red Army on its path of reconquest, an advance that further inflamed the belief in a murderous “Bolshevik Jew,” stirring the Germans to fight to the bitter end. Recounted here in vivid detail are the events at Babi Yar, the Battle of Stalingrad, the liberation of the concentration camps, and the arrival of the Red Army in the Nazi capital. Finally, Hellbeck reckons with the West's persistent disregard of the Soviet Union's incalculable contribution to winning the war—and its sacrifice of twenty-six million citizens—as anti-communism and the Cold War turned erstwhile allies into mortal enemies.Hellbeck's eye-opening work is an astonishing new reading of both the Second World War and how its history has been told. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/german-studies

November is a month when communities around the world commemorate the Holodomor–Stalin's genocide famine in Ukraine that, in 1933, starved millions to death, the vast majority of them Ukrainians. Conservative estimates place the death toll at 3.9 million. During the famine, a death certificate listed the cause of death simply as "Ukrainian." In the years leading up to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine today, Vladimir Putin's KGB dictatorship revived the cult of mass-murdering dictator Joseph Stalin–producing propaganda textbooks, putting up Stalin statues, and outlawing acknowledgment of the fact that Stalin helped launch World War II by invading Poland two weeks after Nazi Germany, then holding joint military parades with the Nazis. Stalin monuments and billboards are today in regions of Ukraine under Russian occupation. Back in the early 1930s, as Stalin laid the groundwork for his man-made famine–a diabolically efficient way of killing millions before the invention of the atomic bomb–the New York Times praised his regime. Walter Duranty, the paper's Moscow bureau chief, won a Pulitzer for Soviet propaganda and went on to gaslight readers by insisting, "There is no famine." Challenging the media establishment, political elites, and industry leaders eager to profit from helping Stalin modernize his empire was a young Welsh journalist, Gareth Jones. Idealistic and courageous, he risked his life and career to become a vital independent witness to the genocide. His story is told in the film Mr. Jones and in the award-winning graphic novel In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones. The film was developed with support from historical advisors, including Timothy Snyder, whose classic Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin opens with Jones's story. To commemorate the Holodomor this year, we're sharing the audio from a video interview from September 2024 featuring In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones, which recently won a Ringo Award for Best Nonfiction and received the honor of being a Junior Library Guild Gold Standard selection. (You can find the video in the show notes). Andrea Chalupa of Gaslit Nation, the writer/producer of the Mr. Jones film and comic In the Shadow of Stalin, speaks with Anastasia Ulanowicz, an Associate Professor of English at the University of Florida who specializes in comics as a medium for personal and historical memory. If you're looking for a way to help Ukraine, consider purchasing a copy of In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones for your local school or library. Hundreds of copies have already been given to members of Congress and sold to raise funds for Razom for Ukraine–Andrea has given away so many copies that she will never see any royalties for this as those books must be paid off to the publisher to cover their costs. When you purchase a book to give away to raise awareness, you're supporting Ukraine, not the author. Any effort to help spread this story is deeply appreciated. For those who haven't seen Mr. Jones, it's available here, and Andrea's short documentary Stalin's Secret Genocide–which screened at the United Nations in 2016 and features Timothy Snyder; Anne Applebaum; Norman Naimark of Stanford, author of Stalin's Genocides; Serhii Plokhii of Harvard, author of The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine; and other leading historians–is available here. Thank you to everyone who continues to raise their voices for Ukraine during the country's existential fight for survival–and for the freedom of the world against Russian fascist lawlessness.   Show Notes: Buy a copy for your local school or library: In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones By Andrea Chalupa, Illustrated by Ivan Rodrigues https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/In-the-Shadow-of-Stalin-The-Story-of-Mr-Jones/Andrea-Chalupa/9781637152775   Watch the video discussion of the Mr. Jones graphic novel In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones:  https://education.holodomor.ca/new-webinar-holodomor-hot-off-the-press/   Watch Stalin's Secret Genocide: https://youtu.be/Sr5WkhEiqcY   Where to watch Mr. Jones http://www.samuelgoldwynfilms.com/mr-jones/   Music: Prayer for Ukraine: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zn0_p1ZR3hg&list=RDzn0_p1ZR3hg&start_radio=1

HEADLINE: The Cultural Revolution and the Nihilistic Cult of Youth GUEST AUTHOR: Professor Sean McMeekin 50-WORD SUMMARY: The Cultural Revolution, spearheaded by the Red Guards, was a nihilistic, xenophobic cult of youth. Mao used this violent anarchy to purge rivals and overturn literate civilization, destroying books and attacking professors. Mao also exploited severe tension with Moscow, using anti-Soviet rhetoric as a cudgel against internal opponents and to gain geopolitical influence.

Anita Deyneka has a long history of ministry to the people of Soviet and post-Soviet cultures, including children. She talks with Wayne Shepherd.  (click for more) Websites: missioneurasia.org Read about giving a gift of hope at Christmas afamilyforeveryorphan.orgAnita Deyneka is a longtime missionary, author, and advocate for vulnerable children, whose life and ministry have spanned the Soviet era, the collapse of communism, and the current crisis in Ukraine. Raised in Washington State and called to Christ at age 11, Anita later married missionary Peter Deyneka Jr., joining the influential Slavic Gospel Association founded by his father. Together they supported Christian radio broadcasts, distributed Bibles, and worked closely with persecuted believers across Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union—efforts that sometimes resulted in denied visas due to their advocacy writings.After communism fell, Anita played a major role in expanding ministry opportunities, including leadership of Peter Deyneka Russian Ministries (now Mission Eurasia) and development of programs for emerging Christian leaders. Her deepest long-term focus, however, has been orphan care. Inspired by Ukrainian believers after the Soviet collapse, she helped encourage national movements such as Ukraine Without Orphans, Russia Without Orphans, and eventually the global coalition World Without Orphans, now active in over 90 countries.Today, Anita's central concern is the plight of Ukrainian children affected by Russia's 2022 invasion, including the forcible abduction of more than 20,000 children into Russia and Russian-controlled territories, where they are separated from families, indoctrinated, or even forced into military service. She urges prayer, awareness, and support for bipartisan U.S. legislation aimed at ensuring the safe return of these children and upholding family unity.This conversation reflects Anita's lifelong commitment to bringing the hope of Christ to vulnerable communities and championing the well-being and protection of children in crisis.                                          NEXT WEEK:  Douglas ShawSend your support for FIRST PERSON to the Far East Broadcasting Company:FEBC National Processing Center Far East Broadcasting CompanyP.O. Box 6020 Albert Lea, MN 56007Please mention FIRST PERSON when you give. Thank you!

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aZw1prITHfg Comrade Vicky of the CPGB-ML speaks about the central role and tremendous impact that revolutionary working women had upon the Great Socialist October Revolution of November 7th 2017, at our celebration of its 108th anniversary held in Saklatvala Hall, Southall, London on Saturday November 8th 2025. Not only did the Women's struggle launch the strike that triggered the October Revolution, but the Bolshevik party and movement would not have succeeded were it not for the participation of very many women throughout its ranks - from Alexandra Kollontai (People's Commissar for Welfare in the initial Soviet government - unheard of and undreampt of in the capitalist nations in 1917!), to Krupskaya and tens of thousands more. Indeed no revolutionary workers movement can succeed unless it is able to mobilise the working women for the struggle. Having come to power, the Revolutionary Soviet government in the RSFSR, in re-building the economy, in uprooting norms of exploitative society, in educating the entire population, and in re-writing the laws and the constitution of the Russian and other Soviet Nations, remade society to suite the needs of the working class and peasant masses, and in so doing revolutionised relations between men and women. For the first time the communist society, under the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, put women on an equal footing, creating legal and actual physical social conditions that allowed women to take a full and active part in the running of society, to work and to govern -- including the mass provision of socialised childcare, creates, kindergartens, and high quality dining-rooms and restaurants throughout the territory of the Soviet Union. It was, of course, the Soviet government that not only decreed the equality of women, but gave the women full equality and full voting rights - more than a decade before the Suffaragist movement in Britain succeeded in wresting any voting concessions for women. Truly, in the Soviet Union, Women held up half the sky! Vicky explains the heroic role that Soviet Women took in the ranks of the Red Army, in smashing the Imperialist war of intervention and above all in defeating and dismantling the German Nazi War Machine, launched with vitriolic fury against he Soviet people on June 22nd 1941. This year is the 80th anniversary of the great victory of the Fatherland liberation war and great ant-fascist war, in which the Soviet people gave 27b million lives to Vanquish German and European Fascism - and China some 40 million to Vanquish Japanese Fascism. Glory to the USSR! Glory to the working women! long live the cooperation between men and women in building the new socialist world! Workers of all countries unite! Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! www.thecommunists.org www.lalkar.org www.redyouth.org Telegram: t.me/thecommunists Twitter: twitter.com/cpgbml Soundcloud: @proletarianradio Rumble: rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: www.facebook.com/cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: Each one teach one! www.londonworker.org/education-programme/ Join the struggle www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: www.thecommunists.org/donate/

Six hikers went into the Siberian mountains. Only one came back. In 1993, a group of young adventurers vanished in the Khamar-Daban range—and what rescuers found looked like a scene from a horror movie: bodies twisted and bloodied, faces frozen in panic, and a mystery that still defies science. Was it a Soviet experiment gone wrong? A toxic fog? Or did they awaken something ancient in the mountains? We're tracing the echoes of one of the world's most chilling unsolved mysteries—the Khamar-Daban Incident. Book mentioned: Into Thin Air by Jon Krakauer One by One by Freida McFadden  Watch the video version here. Have ghost stories of your own? E-mail them to us at twogirlsoneghostpodcast@gmail.com New Episodes are released every Thursday and Sunday at 12am PST/3am EST (the witching hour, of course). Corinne and Sabrina hand select a couple of paranormal encounters from our inbox to read in each episode, from demons, to cryptids, to aliens, to creepy kids... the list goes on and on. If you have a story of your own that you'd like us to share on an upcoming episode, we invite you to email them to us!  If you enjoy our show, please consider joining our Patreon, rating and reviewing on iTunes & Spotify and following us on social media! Youtube, Instagram, TikTok, Facebook, and Discord. Edited by Jaimi Ryan and produced by Emma Leventer and Jaimi Ryan, original music by Arms Akimbo! Disclaimer: the use of white sage and smudging is a closed practice. If you're looking to cleanse your space, here are some great alternatives! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The conversation moves back to the USSR with Nikita Khrushchev's 1956 Secret Speech, which led to disruption in Eastern Europe. The Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) is analyzed as an act of traditional great power politics driven by the desire to prove Soviet superiority and overturn the strategic balance in intercontinental ballistic missiles. The 1979 invasion of Afghanistan is highlighted as a remarkable mistake that undermined détente and gave the United States an opportunity to pressure the USSR. Mikhail Gorbachev attempted to reform and reinvigorate Soviet communism based on a close reading of Marx and Lenin, but failed because he did not understand that the system was not popular and rested entirely on force.

The Fall of Communism: Top-Down Collapse and the Legacy of Violence in Modern Russia Professor Sean McMeekin The final segment discusses the collapse of communist regimes in 1989, contending that these regimes generally did not fall because of a rising from the bottom. Instead, the collapse was largely top-down, driven by the disappearance of Soviet coercion or inside palace coups, such as the one that overthrew the Ceaușescus in Romania or the mutiny that lined the armed forces up behind Yeltsin in Russia. In modern Russia, there is a hybrid system that includes statism, control of media, and nostalgia for the Soviet period and Stalin's legacy as a "builder" and "conqueror," but it has jettisoned Lenin and full communism. The core thesis reaffirmed is that extreme violence is the predicate for the communist vision.

Max Pearson presents a collection of the week's Witness History interviews from the BBC World Service. Our guest is Mercedes Peñalba- Sotorrío, a senior lecturer in modern European history at Manchester Metropolitan University, England.We start with the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 ending 36 years of dictatorship over Spain.Then, we use archive to hear how King Juan Carlos reclaimed the Spanish throne in 1975 and led the country to a democracy. This episode was made in collaboration with BBC Archives.We hear from a Social Democrat politician about Chancellor Angela Merkel's decision to suspend asylum rules for Syrians fleeing war in 2015.How the Bosnian war ended with the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995.Next, how a substitute fielder ran out the Australian captain in the fourth test of the 2005 Ashes, turning the game in England's favour.Finally, we use archive to hear about cold war diplomacy in the Geneva summit in 1985.Contributors:José Antonio Martínez Soler - a journalist.King Juan Carlos - the former King of Spain (from archive).Aydan Özoğuz - a Social Democrat politician and former minister of state for immigration.Milan Milutinović - a negotiator in the Dayton Peace Accords.Gary Pratt - a fielder in the England cricket team in the 2005 Ashes series.Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev - The former US President and former Soviet leader (from archive).(Image: King Juan Carlos, 1975. Credit: Jacques Pavlovsky/Sygma via Getty images)

In this powerful and unfiltered part 3 of episode 266, host Mike Ritland sits down with former U.S. Army Green Beret and Afghan-American Kawa Mawlayee — a first-generation immigrant who fled Soviet-occupied Afghanistan as a child, grew up in the American Midwest, and went on to serve 23 years in Special Forces, including multiple combat tours. What starts as a discussion about Trump's leadership style, tariffs, and manufacturing quickly evolves into a raw, no-holds-barred exploration of the biggest issues facing America in 2025: foreign policy hypocrisy, the military-industrial complex, the Israel-Palestine conflict, Islamophobia and the myth of “Sharia law takeover,” America-First nationalism vs. endless overseas entanglements, accountability in leadership, the future of the U.S. military under Pete Hegseth, and whether the country is sliding toward internal conflict. Kawa brings a rare perspective: a Muslim Green Beret who loves America deeply, calls out both parties, refuses PAC money, and isn't afraid to criticize Israel, U.S. foreign policy, or the current administration — all while still serving in the National Guard Special Forces. The result is one of the most honest, nuanced, and at times uncomfortable conversations you'll hear from two combat veterans who actually agree on far more than they disagree. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

When Russia invaded Ukraine, hundreds of starving dogs were trapped inside the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone. For years, Oregon-based veterinarian Dr. Jenn Betz had been their lifeline. Now, with Putin’s troops occupying the site, she had only one thought: How do I get back there? * Hi, Disorganized Crime listeners! Check out this story from the Very Special Episodes podcast. You can listen to new episodes of VSE every Wednesday wherever you get your podcasts. Today's episode is a production of iHeartPodcasts and School of Humans.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this extremely enraged episode of Follow the Money, we ask the only question that actually matters in Trump's second crime spree through history: who is getting rich off of Trump chaos and the world's misery? Russian mafia expert Olga Lautman of Trump Tyranny Tracker and Andrea Chalupa of Gaslit Nation together trace a financial pipeline of blood money that runs from the Kremlin, through Qatar, through crypto, straight into Trump World and its favorite oligarch bagmen.  While Ukrainian kids are protesting, begging the world not to look away as Russia bombs their playgrounds and kindergartens, Trump's MAGA lackeys, like Matt Gaetz protege Rep. Anna Luna, are in Florida huddling with Putin's money man and messenger, Kirill Dmitriev, sketching out yet another fake "peace plan" that is nothing but a genocide plan for Ukraine and a launchpad for a larger war with Europe. In a blatant crime of access journalism that would make Michael Wolff jealous, Axios published Kremlin/MAGA disinformation by calling it a "peace proposal." In reality, it's a Kremlin bribe: sell off Ukraine's land, launder the theft through "diplomacy," and cash out in crypto for Trump and his longtime real estate buddy-turned-Kremlin fixer Steve Witkoff, and their sons.  Their plan is for Ukraine to give up Donbas and Crimea, which suffers under Soviet-style repression, disarm Ukraine' military, and expect the world to recognize stolen land as Russian. In exchange, Trump, Witkoff, and their sons would allegedly get crypto via Qatar and a chance to turn genocide into an investment opportunity. All of this is happening while Russia openly kidnaps Ukrainian children, erases their identities, and feeds them into a military pipeline of Putin's forever war, while half of Europe anxiously prepares for war with Moscow.  Follow the money, and you see the gaslighting of Trump once again being bribed to call the Kremlin's foreign policy his own.  Be sure to follow us on our new YouTube channel to help us get the word out about Follow the Money! https://www.youtube.com/@FollowTheMoneyTrail Want to hear bonus shows and listen to Gaslit Nation ad-free? Join our community of listeners for live events like our Monday 4pm ET salons over Zoom, bonus shows, exclusive Q&A sessions, our group chat, and more! Sign up at Patreon.com/Gaslit! Show Notes: Trump Tyranny Tracker: https://trumptyrannytracker.substack.com/ Putin ally suggests Seychelles meeting with Erik Prince more than chance encounter over a beer https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/putin-ally-seychelles-meeting-erik-prince-chance-encounter/story?id=55408942 The Story Behind Jared Kushner's Curious Acceptance Into Harvard https://www.propublica.org/article/the-story-behind-jared-kushners-curious-acceptance-into-harvard Kushner got emails about WikiLeaks, Russia in 2016, lawmakers say https://www.politico.com/story/2017/11/16/jared-kushner-wikileaks-emails-245197 Trump's Mideast Envoy Steve Witkoff & Sons Blur Peace & Profit, from Real Estate to Crypto Deals https://www.democracynow.org/2025/10/3/debra_kamin_steve_witkoff_real_estate Trump and special envoy Witkoff stand to reap rewards from official business https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/may/30/trump-steve-witkoff-envoy George Nader arrested on child pornography charges: Nader, a well-connected Middle East fixer, accused of having sexually explicit pictures of children on his mobile phone. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/6/4/george-nader-arrested-on-child-pornography-charges Former Trump lobbyist from Lake Norman charged with distribution of child porn https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/former-trump-lobbyist-lake-norman-193651678.html Maryland delegate for Trump charged with child pornography and possession of illegal gun and explosives https://www.cnn.com/2016/05/19/politics/trump-delegate-child-porn-gun-explosives Former Trump Commerce Department official and Turning Point USA ex-employee sentenced to 5.5 years in prison for child pornography possession https://www.businessinsider.com/former-trump-commerce-official-pleads-guilty-child-porn-charge-2022-10 Former GOP Hill aide pleads guilty in child porn case Ruben Verastigui, 27, faces 12 years or more in prison under a deal with prosecutors. https://www.politico.com/news/2021/07/09/former-hill-aide-pleads-guilty-child-porn-498937