Podcasts about Moscow

In this episode of The PDB Afternoon Bulletin: First up — the Strait of Hormuz is rapidly turning into a war zone as multiple cargo ships are struck by projectiles in a single day. We'll examine the latest attacks on commercial shipping and why the geography of this narrow waterway gives Iran a dangerous advantage as tensions escalate in the Persian Gulf. Later in the show — new reporting raises fresh questions about Russia's role in the conflict. Intelligence sources say Moscow may be advising Iran on drone tactics, potentially helping Tehran refine the attacks now being launched across the region. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief.  YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief HomeServe: Protect your home systems from costly repairs with HomeServe—plans start at $4.99/month at https://HomeServe.com.  Cardiff: Get fast business funding without bank delays—apply in minutes with Cardiff and access up to $500,000 in same‑day funding at https://Cardiff.co/PDB  StopBox: Get firearm security redesigned and save 10% off @StopBoxUSA with code PDB10 at https://stopboxusa.com/PDB10 #stopboxpod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Day 1,476.Today, as US envoy Steve Witkoff says “we can take them at their word” after Russia denies sharing intelligence about American forces with Iran – before adding “let's hope they're not sharing” – we examine the latest tensions between Washington, Moscow and Tehran. We also analyse a Ukrainian deep-strike operation that raised fresh questions about Russian air defences after a loitering drone was able to film the attack. Then we bring updates on Ukrainian counterattacks in the south, where two operations now appear to have pushed around 10 kilometres into Russian lines, and hear a final dispatch from Adélie in Ukraine. Later, we speak to former NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen.Contributors:Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Adelie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @Adeliepjz on X.With thanks to former NATO chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen and Roland Oliphant.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCdHjleMvPSs-JEjiQ8_D2cACONTENT REFERENCED:'I am no spy': Courier in Russian exploding parcels plot against UK talks to BBC (BBC):https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cpd83zwqlvno Kremlin backs covert campaign to keep Viktor Orbán in power (Financial Times):https://www.ft.com/content/34df20f9-487b-4cb6-9dc9-d676d959d1ed Ukraine makes ‘China-free' drones (New York Times):https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/europe/ukraine-drones-china.html Strike on Bryansk, confronting hostile social media: Kremlin spokesman's remarks (TASS):https://tass.com/politics/2099953EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Welcome back to the bunker. The bureaucratic backlog has cleared, and we are diving straight into the abyss. The Russian civilian economy has officially entered what high-altitude mountaineers call the “Zone of Death”—that critical altitude where the body stops regenerating and begins consuming its own muscle tissue just to survive. The Kremlin has run out of fat, and it is now actively eating its own organs to keep the war machine fed.In Part 1 of this massive deep dive, we rip open the telemetry of an empire in multi-organ failure. We cover the devastating budget crater, the localized collapse of regional industrial production, and a state apparatus taxing its own peasantry into bankruptcy while local bureaucrats literally slaughter their remaining cattle.But it gets darker. We also expose the Kremlin's impending “Digital GULAG”—the insidious plans to freeze 67 trillion rubles of citizen savings under the guise of “fighting scammers,” the return to the 19th-century “company store” via the programmable Digital Ruble, and the terrifying live-beta test of a white-listed, default-deny internet currently paralyzing central Moscow. And if the youth think they can escape it, they haven't met the university press-gangs yet.Welcome to the collapse. Part 2 drops tomorrow.SUPPORT INDEPENDENT GONZO JOURNALISM: This show runs on dark humor and your support, not state-sponsored whitelists or Kremlin grants.Keep the boiler running: patreon.com/theeasternborderLook stylish during the apocalypse (Merch): https://theeasternborder-shop.fourthwall.com/en-eurMake a tangible difference: The boys in the trenches need mobility to survive the drones and the artillery. Please help supply civilian trucks directly to the front lines at cars4ukraine.comSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/theeasternborder. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Sound bites obfuscate intent. Click bait headlines twist the truth. Deep fake videos destroy shared reality. And that makes critical thinkers and clear-eyed observers like M. Gessen all the more needed. Gessen does not talk down to people who are scared, does not suggest you should not believe your eyes as the famous George Orwell quote goes, does not downplay fear. As a journalist living in Moscow during Vladimir Putin's ascendancy, Gessen brings a perspective on democracy that slices knife-like through the stories America tells and shows how a few short years have changed us from a people who thought of ourselves a nation of immigrants to a country zipping up its borders, unsure of what truth means. Through their writing, Gessen sits with you on the page and discuss what happens when you no longer recognize the country you live in as your own.

Day 1,474.Today, as Ukrainian counter-drone specialists head to the Middle East to help counter Iranian drone attacks, Vladimir Putin offers “unwavering support” to Iran's new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei – a pledge that may come with significant conditions. We examine Russia's latest mass aerial attack on Ukraine following a pause that raised questions about Moscow's dependence on Tehran, then report on Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico's warning that Slovakia could follow Hungary in blocking EU funding for Ukraine if Hungary's Viktor Orbán loses the upcoming election. And later, we bring you highlights from a panel at the Black Sea Security Forum in Odesa discussing misinformation, defence innovation, and the flexibility of the defence industrial sector.Contributors:Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.With thanks to Roman Pohorilyi, co-founder of DeepState, Kurt Volker, former US Ambassador to NATO, and the Black Sea Security Forum.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCdHjleMvPSs-JEjiQ8_D2cACONTENT REFERENCED:Vlad the inhaler: Putin coughing fit shown in leaked video (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/08/vladimir-putin-coughing-video-leaked/ On the Road With Zelensky, Weathered, Weary and Fighting On (New York Times):https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/world/europe/ukraine-zelensky-frontline-tour.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share Ukraine just hit the fuel tank that feeds southern Russia's pipeline — here's why this strike hurts more than a refinery fire (Euromaidan):https://euromaidanpress.com/2026/03/08/ukraine-just-hit-the-fuel-tank-that-feeds-southern-russias-pipeline-heres-why-this-strike-hurts-more-than-a-refinery-fire/WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

Join us to hear from renowned historian Frank Dikötter, who offers a commanding history recasting how communists seized power in China. In April 1927, soldiers and detectives descended upon the Russian Embassy in Beijing, revolvers drawn. An hour later, they emerged with a trove of documents, some of them partly damaged by Russians who had tried quickly to destroy them. In these singed and soggy papers was proof that Moscow, despite agreeing three years earlier not to “propagate communistic doctrines,” had, in fact, sent what amounts to millions in today's dollars—along with shiploads of arms and advisors—to support nothing less than a revolution in China.  These findings are hardly ever mentioned by historians—until now. Dikötter says the history of modern China has long been framed as an organic enterprise, wherein Communists mobilized the “peasants,” took land from the rich and redistributed it to the poor. Drawing on the Beijing raid as well as several other overlooked archives, Dikötter's new book Red Dawn Over China reveals how unlikely a communist victory actually was, had it not been for massive financial and military support from the Soviet Union; a brutal war of occupation by Japan; severe miscalculations by the United States; and—most of all—the Communist Party's unflinching will to conquer at all costs. Dikötter reveals how what began in 1921 with 13 delegates in a dusty room led to a red flag being raised over the Forbidden City in 1949, forever altering the course of history for a quarter of humanity and shaping the global balance of power as we know it today.  About the Speaker: Frank Dikötter is the Milias Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He is also Chair Professor of Humanities at the University of Hong Kong. His books have changed the way historians view China, from the classic The Discourse of Race in Modern China to his award-winning People's Trilogy, a series of books that document the lives of ordinary people under Mao: Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe; The Tragedy of Liberation: A History of the Chinese Revolution, 1945-1957; and The Cultural Revolution: A People's History, 1962-1976. An Asia-Pacific Affairs Member-led Forum program. Forums and chapters at the Club are organized and run by volunteer programmers who are members of The Commonwealth Club, and they cover a diverse range of topics. Learn more about our Forums. Organizer: Lillian K NakagawaNotes Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Rory Johnston, host of ClearComm's Oil Ground Up podcast, joins the show to analyze the "broken and volatile" state of global oil markets following the catastrophic disruption of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. Johnston details how the acute loss of 20% of global oil supply has created a massive 200-million-barrel "air gap," potentially requiring oil prices to rise even more to force total demand destruction. The discussion identifies Moscow as the primary winner of this crisis, as the previous discounts on Russian crude have evaporated and the Kremlin finds itself in a powerful new negotiating position. Listeners will learn why the pinch in crude inventories hasn't fully hit shore yet, even though jet fuel prices are already skyrocketing due to preemptive refinery slowdowns in Asia. Finally, the episode explores the deadly consequences for emerging markets facing outright energy shortages while wealthy Western nations brace for historic, "extreme pain" at the pump.

Both had deals with prosecutors. Both were supposed to build the drug chain that ends with fentanyl in Eric Richins' Moscow mule. And they directly contradicted each other on the most critical question: was it fentanyl, or was it oxycodone?Retired FBI Special Agent Jennifer Coffindaffer breaks down exactly what happens to a prosecution when its two key immunity witnesses tell different stories about the same transaction — and why this isn't just a credibility problem. It is a chain-of-custody problem for the drug at the foundation of the entire case.Coffindaffer explains how FBI investigators typically handle witness contradiction of this magnitude, what options prosecutors have to shore up a chain that's already been undermined from inside their own courtroom, and how juries process the reality that both witnesses on the stand received deals that reduced their personal liability before agreeing to testify.She also breaks down Josh Grossman's testimony — Kouri's alleged boyfriend, visibly emotional at the stand, head in hands as intimate text messages were read aloud, including one asking whether he would marry her if she were divorced right now, sent less than a month before Eric's death. Coffindaffer explains what FBI investigators watch for in a witness's emotional performance — and what that testimony does for the prosecution's narrative of motive.She also gives her read on the back-to-back mistrial motions: deliberate appellate strategy, or genuine concern about what is still coming?Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichins #EricRichins #FentanylMurder #UtahMurderTrial #TrueCrimeTrial #MurderTrial2026 #JenniferCoffindaffer #HiddenKillers #TrueCrime #PoisoningCase

1. Alan Philps introduces *The Red Hotel*, detailing Moscow's Metropol Hotel in 1941. Foreign correspondentsstruggled with Soviet censorship while relying on Russian secretaries for survival. British communist Charlotte Haldane arrives, idealistically seeking to report on the "heroic" Red Army while navigating the starvation and chaos of the early war years. (18)1942 MOSCOW

2. Philps highlights Alice Moats, a socialite turned war correspondent. Defying British embassy orders to evacuate, "Mozy" stayed in Moscow and connected with Polish General Anders. Her story exposes the Soviet betrayal of Polish officers while providing a lighter, yet insightful, perspective on the grand tragedies of Moscow. (19)1942

7. Tanya, a glamorous Russian barred from education, becomes a translator for Ronnie Matthews. Through her determination, she secures a future within the Metropol. Ronnie eventually marries her and successfully negotiates her escape from the Soviet Union, leading to a new life in Cairo and London, despite suspicions of being a spy. (24)1942 MOSCOW

How does the Iran war look to Russia, at once a potential morass for the USA (and Europe) and a case study, many in policy circles feel, on why not to trust Washington. It's also a laboratory for what one Russian military theorist called "non-contact war," and may help shape Moscow's notions of the future of conflict.Then it's home to Moscow's underworld, where a fragile peace holds between Shakro Molodoi and Badri Kutaissky, while younger “thieves‑in‑law” turn old grudges into proxy fights. One death, one arrest, or a shock from Chechnya could snap the stalemate and pull the state into an ugly arbitration it can neither control nor ignore. The podcast's corporate partner and sponsor is Conducttr, which provides software for innovative and immersive crisis exercises in hybrid warfare, counter-terrorism, civil affairs and similar situations.You can also follow my blog, In Moscow's Shadows, and become one of the podcast's supporting Patrons and gain question-asking rights and access to exclusive extra materials including the (almost-) weekly Govorit Moskva news briefing right here. Support the show

A week into US and Israeli military operations against Iran, where does the conflict stand? GoodFellows regulars Niall Ferguson, John Cochrane and H.R. McMaster discuss the odds of hostilities expanding, what the aftermath of “regime alteration” might resemble, a possible economic backlash should energy prices spike, plus a geopolitical shock felt in Beijing and Moscow. Subscribe to GoodFellows for clarity on today's biggest social, economic, and geostrategic shifts — only on GoodFellows.

We're in the company of an eminent foreign correspondent, a no less eminent expert in the field of flowers, and the woman who's built the most beautiful spaces for cancer care. Our journalist is our man in Moscow - our last man in Moscow, really - Steve Rosenberg. Bringing colour, fragrance and joy to our studio is the queen of cut flowers, Sarah Raven.And we'll all be scattering rose petals at the feet of Dame Laura Lee for all her work leading the cancer support charity Maggies.All that, plus the Inheritance Tracks of the comedian Mike Wozniak.Presenter: Adrian Chiles Producer: Ben Mitchell Assistant Producers: Lowri Morgan and Alice McKee Researcher: Jesse Edwards Editor: Ed Prendeville

FULL STREAM### March 4: Operation Fury and Global Power Shifts (9)SEPTEMBER 1978 TEHRANHeadline: Operation Fury Decimates Iranian Defenses as Allies Watch Closely (10)Summary: By day five, "Operation Fury" has significantly degraded Iranian military capabilities, rendering Chinese and Russian-supplied missile defense systems ineffective. Victoria Coates reports that Iran is increasingly isolated, as Beijing and Moscow have declined requests for direct military help. China, while issuing statements about international law, is facing an energy squeeze as 25% of Gulf oil exports—much of which it relies on—are disrupted. General Blaine Holt discusses the "missile math" of the conflict, noting the asymmetry of $20,000 Iranian drones forcing the use of $4 million Patriot missiles, though massive US bombing campaigns have already serviced over 2,000 targets. Allied nations like Japan and Taiwan are closely monitoring the effectiveness of US missile defense technology for their own security templates. Meanwhile, the US Senatedebates war powers as the air campaign is expected to continue for several weeks. (11)Guest(s): Victoria Coates (Heritage Foundation), Gordon Chang(Author), General Blaine Holt (USAF, Ret.), Steve Yates (Heritage Foundation). (12)

Day 1,471.Today, as the United States asks Ukraine to help intercept Iranian drones over the Gulf, Washington simultaneously removes sanctions on Russian oil trade and votes alongside Moscow against a motion condemning attacks on Ukraine's nuclear power plants. We assess the deepening diplomatic crisis between Ukraine and Hungary after Kyiv accuses Budapest of detaining seven Ukrainian banking officials and seizing a large stash of gold, and ask whether President Zelensky's sharp response could ultimately strengthen Viktor Orbán's election campaign. Then, in a special interview, we talk to Roman Trokhymets: a sniper in the Ukrainian Army who fought in several of the major battles we have reported on these past four years.Contributors:Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Latika Bourke (The Nightly). @LatikaMBourke on X.With thanks to Roman Trokhymets.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCdHjleMvPSs-JEjiQ8_D2cACONTENT REFERENCED:Belgian F-16s can carry JDAMs and AIM-120Ds — but Ukraine cannot use them yet (Euromaidan):https://euromaidanpress.com/2026/03/05/belgian-f-16s-can-carry-jdams-and-aim-120ds-but-ukraine-cannot-use-them-yet/WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Howdy,On this week’s show Denise and I give a few strategies for dealing with the first 90 days of sobriety.Enjoy!Radio Johnny Recovery Radio is originally broadcast on KRFP FM in Moscow, ID. radio4all.net/files/anonymous@radio4all.net/Recovery Radio 03-05-26.mp3

SHOW SCHEDULE 3-4-20261910 CARTHAGEVictoria Coates argues China's interest in international law masks an inability to project power compared to the United States, which remains the regional "strong horse." (1)General Blaine Holt explains "missile math," where cheap drones force expensive defensive responses, requiring a strategy of targeting adversary production capabilities and launch sites directly. (2)Steve Yates discusses how Asian allies find assurance in US missile defense tech while Beijing faces internal military purges and doubts about its own technology. (3)Steve Yates explores the fragile nature of the War Powers Act and praises Senator John Fetterman for his clear, principled stance regarding the Middle East conflict. (4)Peter Berkowitz traces the current conflict to the October 7 atrocities, emphasizing the Islamic Republic of Iran's long-term funding and coordination of its proxy groups. (5)Peter Berkowitz examines Secretary Rubio's speech on Western traditions, arguing the US fights to secure Americanfreedom and global interests against hostile, non-democratic regional actors. (6)Anatoly Zak reveals the history of the T2K, a secret Soviet lunar lander prototype tested in Earth orbit to compete with the American Apollo program. (7)Anatoly Zak attributes the Soviet failure to reach the moon to late funding, lack of military interest, and the unreliability of the super-heavy N1 rocket engines. (8)Ivana Stradner warns that Moscow uses the Iran conflict to spread propaganda claiming US abandonment of Ukraine, aiming to polarize the West and demoralize allies. (9)Ivana Stradner explains how manipulated satellite imagery and AI-generated footage are used by Iran and Russia to spread fear and claim false victories in war zones. (10)Gregory Copley analyzes European responses, noting UK Prime Minister Starmer's perceived weakness and the largely symbolic nature of French nuclear and naval deployments in the region. (11)Gregory Copley explores regional reactions, noting Australia's military integration with the US and Beijing's shock as its propaganda regarding Iranian invulnerability is proven false. (12)Mariam Wahba explains why Egypt remains unattacked by Iran and discusses President Al-Sisi's potential future role in regional rebuilding and stabilizing the Suez Canal. (13)Michael Bernstam analyzes how spiked oil prices temporarily benefit Russia's budget, though the loss of Iranian drone supplies creates significant strategic and long-term logistical setbacks. (14)Bob Zimmerman highlights SpaceX's routine orbital successes while contrasting them with China's rational, long-term plan to land humans on the moon by the year 2030. (15)Bob Zimmerman details the sun's unpredictable sunspot decline and its influence on climate, alongside deep-space observations of the Cat's Eye nebula by the Euclid telescope. (16)

Ivana Stradner warns that Moscow uses the Iran conflict to spread propaganda claiming US abandonment of Ukraine, aiming to polarize the West and demoralize allies. (9)1909 CAIRO

Day 1,470.Today, as the Pentagon and at least one Gulf state are revealed to be in talks with Kyiv to buy Ukrainian-made interceptors to fend off attacks by Iranian drones, we look at the latest expansion of the Russian armed forces, before looking at what Moscow is telling its population about the war in the Middle East. Then we bring you an exclusive interview with the French Ambassador to Ukraine to hear how prepared they are for boots on the ground.Contributors:Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Adelie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @Adeliepjz on X.James Kilner (Russian Analyst). @Jkjourno on X.With thanks to the French Ambassador to Ukraine, Gaël Veyssière.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCdHjleMvPSs-JEjiQ8_D2cACONTENT REFERENCED:France and Germany dash Ukraine's hopes of fast-track EU membership (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/04/france-germany-dash-ukraines-hopes-fast-track-eu-membership/ Putin is failing: these charts prove it (Washington Post): https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/03/04/russia-ukraine-war-territorial-gains-putin/ Anniversary of the occupation of the ZNPP: sanctions should cover the entire Rosatom ecosystem (dixigroup):https://dixigroup.org/richniczya-okupaczi%D1%97-zaes-sankczi%D1%97-mayut-ohopiti-vsyu-ekosistemu-rosatoma/ Exclusive: Ukraine's F-16 jets were starved of US-made missiles for weeks (Reuters):https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/ukraines-f-16-jets-were-starved-us-made-missiles-weeks-2026-03-05/?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=Social Pentagon eyes Ukrainian interceptor drones to counter Iran (Financial Times):https://www.ft.com/content/d077e9c6-1573-46dc-8658-3db3aaf7cdfb?shareType=nongift Ukraine Unbroken: 5 short plays by acclaimed writers about Ukraine's resilience, now on at the Arcola Theatre in London until March 28::www.arcolatheatre.com WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Death of the Ayatollah. Now what? The Supreme Leader has fallen. The streets of Tehran are silent, but the corridors of power are screaming. The Death of the Ayatollah. Now What? is a high-stakes, investigative limited series that explores the immediate aftermath of a power vacuum in the Islamic Republic of Iran. We move beyond the headlines to dissect the shadow plays, the constitutional crises, and the global ripples of a post-Khamenei world. What's Inside the Series:The Succession Struggle: An inside look at the Assembly of Experts. Who are the frontrunners, and who are the dark horses waiting in the wings?The IRGC Factor: Will the Revolutionary Guard maintain the status quo, or is this their moment to transition from the "deep state" to the "only state"?Voices from the Underground: Exclusive interviews with activists, students, and everyday citizens dreaming of a "normal life" vs. the reality of the crackdowns.Global Aftershocks: How do Washington, Beijing, and Moscow pivot when their most complex Middle Eastern chess piece is removed from the board?Why Listen? This isn't just a history lesson; it's a real-time forensic analysis of a geopolitical earthquake. We combine deep-dive political science with the pulse-pounding pace of a political thriller. "The king is dead, but the crown is up for grabs. In Iran, the transition of power is never a ceremony,it's a battle."Get the Full StoryDon't wait for the news cycle to catch up. Gain the context you need to understand the future of the Middle East.

This episode of 35 West originally aired on February 23, 2024. As the war in Ukraine passes four years of high-intensity fighting, Latin American foreign fighters are playing an increasingly key role. Recent estimates suggest that as many as 7,000 Colombians are fighting on behalf of Ukraine, while thousands of Cubans are present in Russia's ranks. Within this context, CSIS is re-releasing this special episode of 35 West. In this Best of 35 West episode, Christopher Hernandez-Roy, sat down with Elizabeth M.F. Grasmeder, Adjunct Professor of National Security Policy with Duke University, and Andrei Serbin Pont, Executive Director of CRIES-LAC, for a conversation on X (formerly Twitter) about the role of foreign fighters from LAC on both sides in Ukraine. Together, they unpacked the motivations of fighters for joining both Ukraine and Russia, why Moscow and Kyiv have turned to recruiting foreign fighters, and the broader implications of war in Ukraine for Latin American countries.

From the archives: 2-3-23On today's edition of the morning update, we get right back into the headlines that we might have missed from overnight and see where things currently stand as of this morning.(commercial at 7:03)to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Idaho murders updates: FBI denies losing Bryan Kohberger as students recall him ‘staring' on Moscow campus | The IndependentBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-moscow-murders-and-more--5852883/support.

Bioweapons labs. Weaponized crop blight. Engineered pests targeting livestock. For years, the fear has been simple: What if China doesn't fight a conventional war… but a biological one? Today, Tara breaks down explosive reporting about Chinese-linked biological threats, shifting oil leverage, and why recent U.S. military actions may have completely flipped Beijing's strategic calculus. Retired Admiral James Stavridis says recent U.S. operations are getting attention in Beijing and Moscow. Is this escalation — or deterrence? And could unpredictability be the one thing preventing catastrophe?

Day 1,468.Today, as war in the Middle East escalates and Putin attempts to position Russia as a potential peace broker, we examine Zelensky's claim that if Gulf States pressure Moscow towards a ceasefire in Ukraine, Kyiv could offer air defence support in return. We analyse claims that Ukraine captured more territory in February than Russia, and assess France's extraordinary shift in its nuclear posture and what it means for European security. Then we bring you a dispatch from Adélie in Irpin, and speak to an elections expert to debate whether Ukraine can realistically hold presidential elections in the event of a ceasefire.Contributors:Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Adélie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @adeliepjz on X.With thanks to Ben Graham Jones.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://youtu.be/UJebwNfLBwYCONTENT REFERENCED:Listen and watch ‘Iran: The Latest', covering events in the Middle East:https://linktr.ee/IranTheLatestYou can learn more and contact Ben Graham Jones at:https://www.bengjones.com/about-ben Propaganda Video from Africa:https://ghostarchive.org/varchive/NCZ0YSyWVhk Zelensky offers to save Gulf states –⁠ if they stop Putin (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/03/zelensky-offers-to-save-gulf-states-iran-war-putin-drones/ Ukraine captured more territory than it lost to Russia over February 2026, Syrskyi says (Kyiv Independent):https://kyivindependent.com/ukraine-captured-more-territory-than-it-lost-to-russia-over-febraury-2026-syrskyi-says/ I Can Buy a British Election for $25m: Here's How (Andy Pryce for CEPA):https://cepa.org/article/i-can-buy-a-british-election-for-25m-heres-how/ WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Carmen Lauber is the prosecution's star witness in the Kouri Richins murder trial. She claims she bought fentanyl for Kouri four times before Eric Richins died. But she was using meth during that period. She got immunity from three jurisdictions. Her supplier now says he sold oxycodone, not fentanyl. She admitted confusion on the stand. The defense is hammering her credibility. The prosecution needs the jury to believe her anyway. Robin Dreeke explains how to read what's real.Dreeke spent 21 years with the FBI, including serving as Chief of the Counterintelligence Behavioral Analysis Program. His job was detecting deception and assessing credibility in high-stakes situations. He understands how to separate a witness with baggage from a witness who's lying — and the behavioral indicators that reveal which is which.The Richins trial hinges on competing narratives. The prosecution says Kouri positioned insurance policies for years, escalated to sourcing drugs through her housekeeper, and poisoned her husband for money. The defense says no fentanyl was found in the home, the Moscow mule glasses went through the dishwasher, the pill bottle wasn't tested, and the key witness is saying whatever keeps her out of prison.Dreeke breaks down the specific behaviors that would indicate whether Lauber's core testimony is reliable despite the noise. He reads Robert Crozier's reversal — fentanyl in the original statement, oxycodone on the stand. He assesses Kouri's sustained composure through five days of people describing how she allegedly murdered her husband. And he addresses the moment when behavioral patterns become more persuasive than the physical evidence that doesn't exist.Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichins #EricRichins #RobinDreeke #FBI #CarmenLauber #RobertCrozier #MurderTrial #BehavioralAnalysis #HiddenKillers #TrueCrime

​Sonja Lyubomirsky​ is one of the most influential happiness researchers of our time. Sonja moved to the United States from Moscow at age 9 in the 70s. She went to Harvard and Stanford in the 80s and began studying happiness in 1989 ... longer than almost anyone else alive! Positive psychology wasn't "founded" by ​Martin Seligman​ and ​Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi​ for another decade. Sonja has published hundreds of papers including her ​Most Cited 2005 paper​ which defined the field by flipping a long-held assumption on its head: That happiness doesn't follow success but causes it. Sonja is now following up her bestsellers '​The How of Happiness​' and '​The Myths Of Happiness​' with a new book called '​How to Feel Loved​', a joint effort co-written with relationship expert ​Dr. Harry Reis​, which is a culmination of 30 years of research that all point to one central truth: that feeling loved (not just being loved!) is a crucial ingredient of happiness. In this conversation we talk about the four horsemen that can ruin a marriage, what MDMA does to our brains, why small talk doesn't build connection, the best advice for dating, how our brains respond to love, the single best way to feel happier today, and, of course, the eminent Professor Sonja Lyubomirsky's 3 most formative books. Let's flip the page to Chapter 158 now...

The United States is once again considering military strikes to curb Iran's nuclear activities and missile program. China has emerged as a particularly important partner of Iran, serving as the country's largest trade partner and one of its few sources of consistent diplomatic backing. For Beijing, the stakes in the relationship extend beyond energy security, but also include great power competition with the US and China's broader strategic ambitions in the Middle East. There are reports that Iran is close to finalizing a deal to purchase supersonic anti-ship cruise missiles from China.  To unpack China-Iran relations and these recent dynamics, we are joined today by Jonathan Fulton. Jonathan is a nonresident senior fellow with the Middle East Programs at the Atlantic Council and an associate professor of political science at Zayed University in Abu Dhabi. His research focuses on China-GCC relations, China's Belt and Road Initiative, and Chinese foreign policy.  This episode was recorded on February 26, 2026.   Timestamps:  [00:00] Introduction   [01:33] China's Interests in Iran and Possible Reactions  [04:55] Challenges to Diversifying Oil Imports   [09:40] Using Oil Purchases as Leverage with the US  [10:59] Frictions in the China-Iran Relationship  [12:41] Iran in China's Middle East Strategy  [16:00] Iran–China 25-year Cooperation Program   [21:56] China-Russia Coordination in Iran Strategy  [25:54] Tehran's Points of Leverage with Beijing and Moscow  [29:14] Potential Disruptors to the China-Iran Relationship 

In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: First up — just days into Operation Epic Fury, Israel says it now controls Iran's airspace and is operating directly over Tehran after dismantling key air defense systems and missile infrastructure. We break down what aerial supremacy means strategically — and why Iran, though wounded, remains dangerous. Later in the show — the world reacts. From the United Nations to Brussels, from Moscow to Beijing, global leaders weigh in as the conflict reshapes diplomatic alignments and raises fears of broader escalation. Plus — while the war rages abroad, the FBI shifts into a heightened defensive posture at home. Director Kash Patel orders counterterrorism teams onto high alert as intelligence officials monitor for potential asymmetric blowback inside the United States. And in today's Back of the Brief — a mass shooting in Austin leaves three dead and more than a dozen injured. We bring you the latest details as authorities investigate the motive and whether terrorism may be a factor. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com . Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief Ethos Life Insurance: Protect your family's future with fast, online life insurance from Ethos—get your free quote in minutes at https://Ethos.com/PDB  American Financing: Call American Financing today to find out how customers are saving an avg of $800/mo. NMLS 182334, http://nmlsconsumeraccess.org -. APR for rates in the 5s start at 6.196% for well qualified borrowers. Call 866-885-1881 for details about credit costs and terms. Visit http://www.AmericanFinancing.net/PDB DeleteMe: Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to https://joindeleteme.com/PDB and use promocode PDB at checkout. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Former US ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul returns to Uncommon Knowledge with Peter Robinson to discuss his new book, Autocrats vs. Democrats: China, Russia, America, and the New Global Disorder. McFaul explains why Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and today's autocratic leaders fundamentally do not think like we do—and why that misunderstanding has shaped some of America's most consequential foreign-policy mistakes. Drawing on decades of scholarship and firsthand experience inside the Kremlin, McFaul traces Russia's post–Cold War slide back into autocracy; challenges the claim that NATO expansion caused the rupture with Moscow; and argues that the true threat to authoritarian regimes is democratic example rather than Western military power. He examines the war in Ukraine, its implications for Taiwan, the limits of transactional diplomacy with ideologues like Putin, and the enduring lessons of Cold War statecraft. He also reflects on his unlikely journey from Butte, Montana, to Spaso House —the Moscow home of the U.S. ambassador to Russia— and why he remains convinced that democracy, however fragile, is still the West's greatest strategic advantage. Subscribe to Uncommon Knowledge at hoover.org/uk

Day 1,467.Today, as the world reacts to escalating conflict in the Middle East and the devastating use of attack drones against civilian areas, we examine how Donald Trump's confrontation with Iran could impact Russia's war in Ukraine and the strategic calculations in both Kyiv and Moscow. We report on the latest shadow fleet tanker boarding operation linked to sanctions enforcement against Russia, and bring you an update from Adélie in Kyiv. And later, we feature a panel recorded at the Black Sea Security Forum in Odesa, with former Ukrainian Ambassador to the United States Valeriy Chalyi, former US Ambassador to Ukraine William Taylor, and former Italian Senator and Deputy Foreign Minister Gianni Vernetti, discussing transatlantic security and the future of Ukraine.Contributors:Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Adélie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @adeliepjz on X.With thanks to former Ukrainian Ambassador to the United States Valeriy Chalyi, former US Ambassador to Ukraine William Taylor, and former Italian Senator and Deputy Foreign Minister Gianni Vernetti.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/@UkraineTheLatest CONTENT REFERENCED:Our sister podcast ‘Battle Lines', covering events in Iran and the Middle East:https://linktr.ee/BattleLines What Khamenei's death means for Russia and China (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/01/what-khamenei-death-means-for-russia-and-china/ Oil surges to seven month high as Iran war hits supply (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/business/2026/03/01/opec-moves-to-cash-in-on-iran-crisis-as-oil-prices-surge/ Sunak to advise Zelensky on economy (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2026/02/27/rishi-sunak-advise-volodymyr-zelensky-ukraine-economy/ WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's armor offensives at Nomohan. Following heavy Japanese losses in May and June, General Georgy Zhukov arrives in June, reorganizes the Soviet 1st Army Group, and bolsters it with tanks, artillery, and reinforcements. The July offensive sees General Komatsubara's forces cross the Halha River undetected, achieving initial surprise. However, General Yasuoka's tank assault falters due to muddy terrain, inadequate infantry support, and superior Soviet firepower, resulting in heavy losses. Japanese doctrine emphasizing spiritual superiority clashes with material realities, undermining morale as intelligence underestimates Soviet strength. Zhukov learns key lessons in armored warfare, adapting tactics despite high casualties. Reinforcements pour in via massive truck convoys. Japanese night attacks and artillery duels fail, exposing logistical weaknesses. Internal command tensions, including gekokujo defiance, hinder responses. By August, Stalin, buoyed by European diplomacy and Sorge's intel, greenlights a major offensive. Zhukov employs deception for surprise. Warnings of Soviet buildup are ignored, setting the stage for a climactic encirclement on August 20.   #191 Zhukov Steel Ring of Fire at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha River into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank. Two weeks of nightly Soviet sound effects had paid off: Japanese perimeter troops failed to distinguish the real deployment from the frequently heard simulations. Zhukov's order of battle was as follows: "Northern force, commanded by Colonel Alekseenko—6th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 601st Infantry Regiment (82nd Division), 7th Armored Brigade, 2 battalions of the 11th Tank Brigade, 82nd Artillery Regiment, and 87th Anti-tank Brigade. Central force, where Zhukov was located, commanded by his deputy, Colonel Petrov—36th Motorized Infantry Division, 82nd Infantry Division (less one regiment), 5th Infantry Machine Gun Brigade. Southern force, commanded by Colonel Potapov—8th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 57th Infantry Division, 8th Armored Brigade, 6th Tank Brigade, 11th Tank Brigade (less two battalions), 185th Artillery Regiment, 37th Anti-tank Brigade, one independent tank company. A mobile strategic reserve built around the 212th Airborne Regiment, the 9th Mechanized Brigade, and a battalion of the 6th Tank Brigade was held west of the Halha River." The Soviet offensive was supported by massed artillery, a hallmark of Zhukov's operations in the war against Germany. In addition to nearly 300 antitank and rapid-fire guns, Zhukov deployed over 200 field and heavy artillery pieces on both sides of the Halha. Specific artillery batteries were assigned to provide supporting fire for each attacking infantry and armored unit at the battalion level and higher. In the early hours of August 20, the sky began to lighten over the semiarid plain, with the false promise of a quiet Sunday morning. The air was clear as the sun warmed the ground that had been chilled overnight. General Komatsubara's troops were in no special state of readiness when the first wave of more than 200 Soviet bombers crossed the Halha River at 5:45 a.m. and began pounding their positions. When the bombers withdrew, a thunderous artillery barrage began, continuing for 2 hours and 45 minutes. That was precisely the time needed for the bombers to refuel, rearm, and return for a second run over the Japanese positions. Finally, all the Soviet artillery unleashed an intensive 15-minute barrage at the forwardmost Japanese positions. Komatsubara's men huddled in their trenches under the heaviest bombardment to which they or any other Japanese force had ever been subjected. The devastation, both physical and psychological, was tremendous, especially in the forward positions. The shock and vibration of incoming bombs and artillery rounds also caused their radiotelegraph keys to chatter so uncontrollably that frontline troops could not communicate with the rear, compounding their confusion and helplessness. At 9:00 a.m., Soviet armor and infantry began to move out along the line while their cover fire continued. A dense morning fog near the river helped conceal their approach, bringing them in some sectors to within small-arms range before they were sighted by the enemy. The surprise and disarray on the Japanese side was so complete, and their communications so badly disrupted, that Japanese artillery did not begin firing in support of their frontline troops until about 10:15 a.m. By then, many forward positions were overrun. Japanese resistance stiffened at many points by midday, and fierce combat raged along the front, roughly 40 miles long. In the day's fighting, Colonel M. I. Potapov's southern force achieved the most striking success. The 8th MPR Cavalry Division routed the Manchukuoan cavalry holding Komatsubara's southern flank, and Potapov's armor and mechanized infantry bent the entire southern segment of the Japanese front inward by about 8 miles in a northwesterly direction. Zhukov's central force advanced only 500–1,500 yards in the face of furious resistance, but the frontal assault engaged the center of the Japanese line so heavily that Komatsubara could not reinforce his flanks. Two MPR cavalry regiments and supporting armor and mechanized infantry from Colonel Ilya Alekseenko's northern force easily overran two Manchukuoan cavalry units guarding the northern flank of the Japanese line, about 2 miles north of the Fui Heights. But the heights themselves formed a natural strong point, and Alekseenko's advance was halted at what became the northern anchor of the Japanese line. As the first phase of the Soviet offensive gathered momentum, General Ogisu, the 6th Army's new commander, assessed the situation. Still unaware of Zhukov's strength, he reassured KwAHQ that "the enemy intends to envelop us from our flanks, but his offensive effectiveness is weak… Our positions in other areas are being strengthened. Set your mind at ease." This optimistic report contributed to Kwantung Army's delay in reinforcing the 23rd Division. Some at KwAHQ suspected this might be another limited Soviet push, like Aug 7–8, that would soon end. Others worried it was a diversion prior to a larger offensive and were concerned but not alarmed about Komatsubara's position. On Aug 21–22, Potapov's southern force pierced the Japanese main defense line at several points, breaking the southern sector into segments that the attackers sealed off, encircled, and ground down. Soviet armor, mechanized infantry, and artillery moved swiftly and with deadly efficiency. Survivors described how each pocket of resistance experienced its own hellish period. After the Japanese heavy weapons in a pocket were neutralized, Soviet artillery and tanks gradually tightened the ring, firing at point-blank range over open sights. Flame-throwing tanks incinerated hastily constructed fortifications and underground shelters. Infantry mopped up with grenades, small arms, and bayonets. By the end of Aug 23, Potapov had dismembered the entire Japanese defensive position south of the Holsten River. Only one significant pocket of resistance remained. Meanwhile, Potapov's 8th Armored Brigade looped behind the Japanese, reaching southeast of Nomonhan, some 11 miles east of the river junction, on the boundary claimed by the MPR, and took up a blocking position there athwart the most likely line of retreat for Japanese units south of the Holsten. In those two days, the Japanese center yielded only a few yards, while the northern flank anchored at Fui Heights held firm. Air combat raged over the battlefield. Soviet air units provided tactical support for their armor and infantry, while Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group strove to thwart that effort and hit the Soviet ground forces. Before Nomonhan, the Japanese air force had not faced a modern opponent. Japanese fliers had roamed largely unchallenged in Manchuria and China from 1931 to 1939. At Nomonhan, the Soviets enjoyed an advantage of roughly 2:1 in aircraft and pilots. This placed an increasingly heavy burden on Japanese air squadrons, which had to fly incessantly, often against heavy odds. Fatigue took its toll and losses mounted. Soviet and Japanese accounts give wildly different tallies of air victories and losses, but an official Japanese assessment after the battle stated, "Nomonhan brought out the bitter truths of the phenomenal rate at which war potential is sapped in the face of superior opposition." As with tank combat, the Soviet air superiority was qualitative as well as quantitative. In June–early July, the Soviet I-16 fighters did not fare well against the Japanese Type 97 fighter. However, in the lull before the August offensive, the Soviets introduced an improved I-16 with armor-plated fuselage and windshield, making it virtually impervious to the Type 97's light 7.7-mm guns. The Japanese countered by arming some planes with heavier 12.7-mm guns, which were somewhat more effective against the new I-16s. But the Soviet pilots discovered that the Type-97's unprotected fuel tank was an easy mark, and Japanese planes began to burn with horrendous regularity. On Aug 23, as Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow to seal the pact that would doom Poland and unleash war in Europe, the situation at Nomonhan was deemed serious enough by Kwantung Army to transfer the 7th Division to Hailar for support. Tsuji volunteered to fly to Nomonhan for a firsthand assessment. This move came too late, as Aug 23–24 proved the crucial phase of the battle. On Tue night, Aug 22, at Japanese 6th Army HQ, General Ogisu ordered a counterattack to push back the Soviet forces enveloping and crushing the Japanese southern flank. Komatsubara planned the counterattack in minute detail and entrusted its execution to his 71st and 72nd Regiments, led by General Kobayashi Koichi, and the 26th and 28th Regiments of the 7th Division, commanded by General Morita Norimasa. On paper this force looked like two infantry brigades. Only the 28th Regiment, however, was near full strength, though its troops were tired after marching about 25 miles to the front the day before. This regiment's peerless commander was Colonel Morita Toru (unrelated to General Morita). The chief kendo fencing master of the Imperial Army, Morita claimed to be invulnerable to bullets. The other three regiments were seriously understrength, partly due to combat attrition and partly because several of their battalions were deployed elsewhere on the front. The forces Kobayashi and Morita commanded that day totaled less than one regiment each. It was not until the night of Aug 23 that deployment and attack orders filtered down to the Japanese regiment, battalion, and company commanders. Due to insufficient truck transport and the trackless terrain, units were delayed reaching their assigned positions in the early morning of Aug 24, and some did not arrive at all. Two battalions of the 71st Regiment did not reach Kobayashi in time; his attack force that morning consisted of two battalions of the 72nd Regiment. Colonel Sumi's depleted 26th Regiment did not arrive in time, and General Morita's assault force consisted of two battalions of the 28th Regiment and a battalion-equivalent independent garrison unit newly arrived at the front. Because of these delays, the Japanese could not reconnoiter enemy positions adequately before the attack. What had been planned as a dawn assault would begin between 9:30 and 10:00 a.m. in broad daylight. The light plane carrying Tsuji on the final leg of his flight from Hsinking-Hailar-Nomonhan was attacked by Soviet fighters and forced to land behind the 72nd Regiment's staging area. Tsuji managed to reach General Kobayashi's command post by truck and on foot, placing him closer to the fighting than he anticipated. Just before the counterattack began, a dense fog drifted across part of the battlefield, obscuring visibility and limiting artillery effectiveness. Using the fog to mask their movement, lead elements of the 72nd Regiment moved toward a distant stand of scrub pines. As they approached, the trees began to move away—the stand was a well-camouflaged Soviet tank force. The tanks then maneuvered to the south, jeopardizing further Japanese advance. As the fog cleared, the Japanese found themselves facing a much larger enemy force. A vastly heavier Soviet barrage answered their renewed artillery fire. Kobayashi and Morita discovered too late that their counterattack had walked into the teeth of far stronger Soviet forces. One account calls it "The Charge of Two Light Brigades."   Kobayashi's 72nd Regiment encountered the Soviet T-34, with its thick sloped armor and 76-mm gun—the most powerful tank in 1939. In addition, the improved Soviet BT-5/7 tanks, powered by diesel, were less prone to ignition. On gasoline-powered vehicles, the Soviets added wire netting over the ventilation grill and exhaust manifold, reducing the effectiveness of hand-thrown gasoline bombs. Japanese infantry regiments suffered near 50% casualties that day. Nearly every battalion and company commander was lost. Kobayashi was gravely wounded by a tank shell fragment and nearly trampled by fleeing troops. He survived the battle and the Pacific War but died in a Soviet POW camp in 1950. Morita's 28th Regiment fared little better. It was pinned down about 500 yards from the Soviet front lines by intense artillery. Unable to advance and not permitted to retreat, Morita's men dug into the loose sand and withstood the bombardment, but were cut to pieces. Shortly after sunset, the remnants were ordered to withdraw, but both regiments were shattered. Tsuji, a survivor, rejoined Komatsubara at his command post. Upon receiving combat reports from the 72nd and 28th Regiments, General Komatsubara "evinced deep anxiety." 6th Army chief of staff Major General Fujimoto Tetsukuma, at Komatsubara's command post, "appeared bewildered," and announced he was returning to headquarters, asking if Tsuji would accompany him. The major declined and later recalled that he and Komatsubara could barely conceal their astonishment at Fujimoto's abrupt departure at such a time. Meanwhile, at the northern end of the line, Colonel Alekseenko's force had been hammering at Fui Heights for 3 days without success. The position was held by about 800 defenders under Lieutenant Colonel Ioki Eiichiro, consisting of two infantry companies; one company each of cavalry, armored reconnaissance, and combat engineers; and three artillery batteries (37-mm and 75-mm guns). The defenders clung tenaciously to the strongpoint created by the heights and their bunkers, inflicting heavy losses on Alekseenko's force. The unexpectedly strong defense disrupted the timing of the entire Soviet offensive. By Aug 23, Zhukov was exasperated and losing patience with the pace in the north. Some of Zhukov's comrades recall a personable chief who played the accordion and urged singing during happier times. Under stress, his harshness and temper surfaced. Zhukov summoned Alekseenko to the telephone. When the northern commander expressed doubt about storming the heights immediately, Zhukov berated him, relieved him on the spot, and entrusted the attack to Alekseenko's chief of staff. After a few hours, Zhukov called again and, finding that the new commander was slow, fired him as well and sent a staff member to take charge. Accounts record that his tirades sometimes included the phrase "useless bag of shit," though others note harsher language was used toward generals who did not meet expectations. That night, reinforced by the 212th Airborne Regiment, heavier artillery, and a detachment of flame-throwing tanks, the northern force renewed its assault on Fui Heights. The battered Japanese defenders were thoroughly overmatched. Soviet artillery fired at two rounds per second. When the last Japanese artillery was knocked out, they no longer could defend against flame-throwing tanks. From several miles away, Colonel Sumi could see the heights shrouded in black smoke and red flames "spitting like the tongues of snakes."  After Aug 22, supply trucks could no longer reach Fui Heights. The next afternoon, Colonel Ioki's radio—the last link to the 23rd Division—was destroyed. His surviving men fought on with small arms and grenades, repelling Soviet infantry with bayonet charges that night. By the morning of Aug 24, Ioki had about 200 able-bodied men left of his original 800. Soviet tanks and infantry had penetrated defenses at several points, forcing him to constrict his perimeter. Red flags flew on the eastern edge of the heights. Ioki gathered his remaining officers to discuss last measures. With little ammunition and almost no food or water, their situation seemed hopeless. But Ioki insisted on holding Fui Heights to the last man, arguing that the defense should not be abandoned and that orders to break out should come only with reinforcements and supplies. Some subordinates urged retreat. Faced with two dire options, Ioki drew his pistol and attempted suicide, but a fellow officer restrained him. Rather than see his men blown to bits, Ioki decided to abandon Fui Heights and retreat east. Those unable to walk received hand grenades with the injunction to blow themselves up rather than be captured. On the night of Aug 24–25, after moonrise, the remaining resistance at the heights was quelled, and Soviet attention shifted south. Ioki's battered remnant slipped out and, the next morning, encountered a Manchukuoan cavalry patrol that summoned trucks to take them to Chaingchunmiao, forty miles away. Russians occupying Fui Heights on Aug 25 counted the corpses of over 600 Japanese officers and men. After securing Fui Heights, the Soviet northern force began to roll up the Japanese northern flank in a wide arc toward Nomonhan. A day after the fall of Fui Heights, elements of the northern force's 11th Tank Brigade linked up with the southern force's 8th Armored Brigade near Nomonhan. A steel ring had been forged around the Japanese 6th Army. As the Japanese northern and southern flanks dissolved under Zhukov's relentless assaults, Komatsubara's command ceased to exist as an integrated force. By Aug 25 the Japanese lines were completely cut, with resistance remaining only in three encircled pockets. The remnants of two battalions of General Morita's "brigade" attempted a renewed offensive on Aug 25, advancing about 150 yards before being hammered by Soviet artillery and tanks, suffering heavier casualties than the day before. The only hope for the surrounded Japanese troops lay in a relief force breaking through the Soviet encirclement from the outside. However, Kwantung Army was spread thin in Manchuria and, due to a truck shortage, could not transport the 7th Division from Hailar to the combat zone in time. By Aug 26 the encirclement had thickened, with three main pockets tightly invested, making a large-scale breakout nearly impossible. Potapov unleashed a two-pronged assault with his 6th Tank Brigade and 80th Infantry Regiment. Japanese artillery from the 28th Regiment temporarily checked the left wing of the armored attack, but the Soviet right wing overran elements of Sumi's 26th Regiment, forcing the Japanese to retreat into a tighter enclave. Morita, the fencing-master commander who claimed to be immune to bullets, was killed by machine-gun fire while standing atop a trench encouraging his men. The Japanese 120-mm howitzers overheated under the August sun; their breech mechanisms swelled and refused to eject spent casings. Gunners had to leap from behind shelter to ram wooden rods down the barrels, drastically reducing rate of fire and life expectancy. Komatsubara's artillery units suffered a bitter fate. Most were deployed well behind the front lines with their guns facing west toward the Halha. As the offensive developed, attackers often struck the batteries from the east, behind them. Even when crews could turn some guns to face east, they had not preregistered fields of fire there and were not very effective. Supporting infantry had already been drawn off for counterattacks and perimeter defense. One by one, Japanese batteries were smashed by Soviet artillery and tanks. Crews were expected to defend their guns to the last man; the guns themselves were treated as the unit's soul, to be destroyed if captured. In extremis, crews were to destroy sensitive parts like optics. Few survived. Among those who did was a PFC from an annihilated howitzer unit, ordered to drive one of the few surviving vehicles, a Dodge sedan loaded with seriously wounded men, eastward to safety during the night. Near a Holsten River bridge he encountered Soviet sentries. The driver hesitated, then honked his horn, and the guards saluted as the sedan sped past. With water supplies exhausted and unable to reach the Halha or Holsten Rivers, the commander of the easternmost enclave ordered his men to drain radiator water from their vehicles. Drinking the foul liquid, at the cost of immobilizing their remaining transport, signaled that the defenders believed their situation was hopeless. On Aug 27 the rest of the Japanese 7th Division, two fresh infantry regiments, an artillery regiment, and support units totaling barely 5,000 men—reached the northeastern segment of the ring around Komatsubara. One day of hard fighting revealed they lacked the strength to break the encirclement. General Ogisu ordered the 7th Division to pull back and redeploy near his own 6th Army headquarters, about 4 miles east of Nomonhan and the border claimed by the enemy. There would be no outside relief for Komatsubara's forces. Throughout Aug 27–28, Soviet aircraft, artillery, armor, and infantry pounded the three Japanese pockets, compressing them into ever-smaller pockets and grinding them down. The surrounded Japanese fought fiercely and inflicted heavy casualties, but the outcome was inevitable. After the remaining Japanese artillery batteries were silenced, Soviet tanks ruled the battlefield. One by one, major pockets were overrun. Some smaller groups managed to slip through Soviet lines and reach safety east of the border claimed by the MPR, where they were left unmolested by the Red Army. Elements of Potapov's 57th and 82nd Divisions eliminated the last remnants of resistance south of the Holsten by the evening of Aug 27. North of the Holsten, during the night of Aug 28–29, a group of about 400 Japanese tried to slip east through the Soviet lines along the riverbank. They were spotted by the 293rd Regiment (57th Division), which struck them. The fleeing Japanese refused to surrender and were wiped out attempting to recross the Holsten.   Japanese soldiers' refusal to surrender is well documented. Surrender was considered dishonorable; the Army Field Manual was silent on surrender. For officers, death was not merely preferable to surrender; it was expected, and in some cases required. The penal code (1908, not revised until 1942) stated that surrender was dereliction of duty; if a commander did his best to resist, imprisonment could follow; if not, death. Stemming from Bushido, regimental colors were treated as sacred. On the afternoon of Aug 28, with much of his 64th Regiment destroyed, Colonel Yamagata saw no alternative but to burn the regimental colors and then commit suicide. Part of the flagpole had been shattered; the chrysanthemum crest damaged. Yamagata, Colonel Ise (artillery regimental commander), an infantry captain, a medical lieutenant, and a foot soldier—the last survivors of the headquarters unit—faced east, shouted "banzai" for the emperor, drenched the pennant in gasoline, and lit it. Yamagata, Ise, and the captain then shot themselves. The flag and crest were not entirely consumed, and the unburned remnants were buried beneath Yamagata's unmarked body. The medical officer and the soldier escaped and reported these rites to 6th Army HQ, where the deaths of the two colonels were mourned, but there was concern over whether the regimental colors had been entirely destroyed. On Aug 29, Lieutenant Colonel Higashi Muneharu, who had taken command of the 71st Regiment, faced the same dilemma. The regimental standard was broken into four pieces and, with the flag and chrysanthemum crest, drenched with fuel and set on fire. The fire kept going out, and the tassels were especially hard to burn. It took 45 minutes to finish the job, all under enemy fire. Afterward, Higashi urged all able to join him in a suicide charge, and the severely wounded to "kill themselves bravely when the enemy approached." Soviet machine-gun fire and grenades felled Higashi and his followers within moments. When it became clear on Aug 29 that all hope was lost, Komatsubara resolved to share the fate of his 23rd Division. He prepared to commit suicide, entrusted his will to his aide, removed his epaulets, and burned his code books. General Ogisu ordered Komatsubara to save himself and lead as many of his men as possible out of the encirclement. Shortly before midnight on Aug 30, the bulk of the Soviet armor briefly pulled back to refuel and resupply. Some of the Soviet infantry also pulled back. Komatsubara and about 400 survivors of his command used the opportunity to slip through the Soviet lines, guiding wounded by starlight to safety at Chiangchunmiao on the morning of Aug 31. Tsuji was among the survivors. In transit, Komatsubara was so distraught he needed to be restrained from taking his own life. A fellow officer took his pistol, and two sturdy corporals helped to support him, preventing him from drawing his sword. On August 31, Zhukov declared the disputed territory between the Halha River and the boundary line through Nomonhan cleared of enemy troops. The Sixth Army had been annihilated, with between 18,000 and 23,000 men killed or wounded from May to September (not counting Manchukuoan losses). The casualty rate in Komatsubara's 23rd Division reached 76%, and Sumi's 26th Regiment (7th Division) suffered 91% casualties. Kwantung Army lost many of its tanks and heavy guns and nearly 150 aircraft. It was the worst military defeat in modern Japanese history up to that time. Soviet claims later put total Japanese casualties at over 50,000, though this figure is widely regarded as inflated. For years, Soviet-MPR authorities claimed 9,284 casualties, surely an underestimate. A detailed unit-by-unit accounting published in Moscow in 2002 put Soviet losses at 25,655 (9,703 killed, 15,952 wounded), plus 556 MPR casualties. While Soviet casualties may have exceeded Japanese losses, this reflects the fierceness of Japanese defense and questions Zhukov's expenditutre of blood. There was no denying, however, that the Red Army demonstrated substantial strength and that Kwantung Army suffered a serious defeat. Knowledgeable Japanese and Soviet sources agree that given the annihilation of Komatsubara's forces and the dominance of Soviet air power, if Zhukov had pressed beyond Nomonhan toward Hailar, local Japanese forces would have fallen into chaos, Hailar would have fallen, and western Manchuria would have been gravely threatened. But while that might have been militarily possible, Moscow did not intend it. Zhukov's First Army Group halted at the boundary line claimed by the MPR. A Japanese military historian notes that "Kwantung Army completely lost its head." KwAHQ was enraged by the battlefield developments. Beyond the mauling of the Sixth Army at Nomonhan, there was anxiety over regimental colors. It was feared that Colonel Yamagata might not have had time to destroy the imperial crest of the 64th Regiment's colors, which could have fallen into Soviet hands. Thousands of dead and wounded littered the field. To preserve "face" and regain leverage, a swift, decisive counterstroke was deemed necessary. At Hsinking, they decided on an all-out war against the USSR. They planned to throw the 7th, 2nd, 4th, and 8th Divisions into the Sixth Army, along with all heavy artillery in Manchukuo, to crush the enemy. Acknowledging shortages in armor, artillery, and air power, they drafted a plan for a series of successive night offenses beginning on September 10. This was viewed as ill-advised for several reasons: September 10 was an unrealistic target given Kwantung Army's limited logistical capacity; it was unclear what the Red Army would be doing by day, given its superiority in tanks, artillery, and air power; autumn would bring extreme cold that could immobilize forces; and Germany's alliance with the Soviet Union isolated Japan diplomatically. These factors were known at KwAHQ, yet the plan proceeded. Kwantung Army notified AGS to "utilize the winter months well," aiming to mobilize the entire Japanese Army for a decisive spring confrontation. However, the Nomonhan defeat coincided with the Hitler-Stalin pact's diplomatic fallout. The push for close military cooperation with Germany against the Soviet Union was discredited in a single week. Defeated and abandoned by Hitler, pro-German, anti-Soviet policy advocates in Tokyo were furious. Premier Hiranuma Kiichiro's government resigned on August 28. In response, more cautious voices in Tokyo asserted control. General Nakajima, deputy chief of AGS, went to Hsinking with Imperial Order 343, directing Kwantung Army to hold near the disputed frontier with "minimal strength" to enable a quick end to hostilities and a diplomatic settlement. But at KwAHQ, the staff pressed their case, and Nakajima eventually approved a general offensive to begin on September 10. The mood at KwAHQ was ebullient. Upon returning to Tokyo, Nakajima was sternly rebuked and ordered to stand down. General Ueda appealed to higher authority, requesting permission to clear the battlefield and recover the bodies of fallen soldiers. He was denied and later relieved of command on September 6. A reshuffle followed at KwAHQ, with several senior officers reassigned. The Japanese Foreign Ministry directed Ambassador Togo Shigenori to negotiate a settlement in Moscow. The Molotov-Togo agreement was reached on September 15–16, establishing a temporary frontier and a commission to redemarcate the boundary. The local cease-fire arrangements were formalized on September 18–19, and both sides agreed to exchange prisoners and corpses. In the aftermath, Kwantung Army leadership and the Red Army leadership maintained tight control over communications about the conflict. News of the defeat spread through Manchuria and Japan, but the scale of the battle was not fully suppressed. The Kwantung Army's reputation suffered further from subsequent punishments of officers deemed to have mishandled the Nomonhan engagement. Several officers were compelled to retire or commit suicide under pressure, and Ioki's fate became a particular symbol of the army's dishonor and the heavy costs of the campaign. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In August 1939, Soviet General Georgy Zhukov launched a decisive offensive against Japanese forces at Nomonhan. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the Halha River, unleashing massive air and artillery barrages on August 20. Fierce fighting ensued, with failed Japanese counterattacks, the fall of Fui Heights, and annihilation of encircled pockets by Soviet tanks and infantry. 

On May 5th, 2019, Aeroflot Flight 1492 was scheduled to fly from Sheremetyevo Airport, Moscow to Murmansk Airport, in Russia. With 73 passengers and 5 crew on board, the pilots completed their pre-flight checks and lined up on the runway. At 18:03 they took off and began their climb. It was a little bumpy, but they'd handled worse. 5 minutes later, however, a deafening boom rocked the entire plane. All of a sudden the plane jolted, the primary radio went dead, and the autopilot became inoperative. But it was ok – the pilots knew this was a minor electrical failure, nothing major. What they didn't know though, was that in less than 30 minutes, the life of every passenger on board would be on the line. Not just because of what the pilots were about to do… oh no…. because of the dangerous decisions the passengers themselves made next. Our Sponsors:* Check out BetterHelp: https://www.betterhelp.comAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Three memes allegedly found on Kouri Richins' phone the morning her husband's body was removed. "I'm rich." Their three sons were still upstairs, unaware their father was dead.The Kouri Richins murder trial has opened with explosive allegations—and immediate credibility problems for the prosecution's key witnesses.Prosecutor Brad Bloodworth laid out the theory: $4.5 million in debt, an affair with Josh Grossman, Caribbean vacation plans for one month after Eric's death, nearly two million in life insurance allegedly taken out without his knowledge. A fifteen-minute gap before the 911 call—phone unlocked six times while Eric lay dead. Internet searches about women's prisons and lie detector tests.But the foundation is shaky. Carmen Lauber, the woman who claims she sold Kouri fentanyl, has been granted immunity—and allegedly changed her story only after police threatened prison time. Her own dealer signed an affidavit claiming he sold OxyContin, not fentanyl. The Moscow mule glasses Eric drank from were never tested. No pills were ever recovered. The house was never searched for fentanyl. The death certificate lists manner of death as unknown.Defense attorney Kathryn Nester played Kouri's 911 call for the jury—raw, sobbing, barely coherent. She painted Eric as a man struggling with Lyme disease, chronic pain, and painkiller dependence.Eighteen days before his death, Eric allegedly told friends he thought his wife tried to poison him. That testimony is still ahead.Criminal defense attorney Bob Motta breaks down where this case can be won—and lost.Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichins #KouriRichinsTrial #EricRichins #TrueCrimeToday #CarmenLauber #FentanylPoisoning #15MinuteGap #BobMotta #UtahTrial #TrueCrime

The defense strategy in the Kouri Richins trial targets two primary vulnerabilities: witness credibility and physical evidence gaps. Their argument for reasonable doubt is methodical and substantial.Carmen Lauber's credibility faces systematic challenge. She admitted testing positive for methamphetamine during the precise time frame she claims she conducted fentanyl transactions—late January through early March 2022. She acknowledged her memory was impaired, telling investigators it was "messed up" and "foggy," and that she had "fried her brain" through decades of drug use. Her testimony evolved: initial statements referenced three pre-death drug purchases; later accounts became four. Critically, fentanyl entered her narrative only after investigators informed her of Eric Richins' cause of death.Her supplier, Robert Crozier, has submitted a sworn affidavit recanting his original statement, now claiming he provided only oxycontin—never fentanyl—and that cognitive impairment during detox affected his initial interview. If the alleged source of the murder weapon denies providing the murder weapon, the prosecution's foundational theory faces serious challenge.Interrogation methodology raises additional concerns. Video evidence showed investigators telling Lauber that avoiding prison required providing "the details that ensure Kouri gets convicted of murder." Statements like "this whole case depends on you" and instructions to "finish painting the picture" suggest potential witness coaching rather than neutral information gathering.Physical evidence deficiencies compound credibility issues. Nineteen items tested for fentanyl—all negative. The hydrocodone bottle on the victim's nightstand remains untested. The alleged delivery mechanism—Moscow mule glasses—was destroyed through dishwasher processing before collection. The toxicologist's finding of acetylfentanyl—a marker exclusive to illicit manufacture—potentially supports defense theories of self-ingestion rather than poisoning.Interview recordings are missing. The boyfriend's phones were returned and re-collected multiple times. Evidence collection occurred years post-mortem. The cumulative effect raises substantial reasonable doubt questions.Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichins #DefenseAnalysis #ReasonableDoubt #RichinsTrial #WitnessCredibility #EvidentiaryGaps #CarmenLauber #ForensicDeficiencies #TrueCrimeLaw #TrialAnalysis

The prosecution has their theory. The defense has their wrecking ball. And they're swinging it at everything.Carmen Lauber is the whole case—and she admitted on the stand she was high on meth during the entire time period she's describing. Late January, mid-February, early March 2022. The exact window of the alleged drug buys. She told police her memory was "messed up" and "foggy." She said she'd "fried her brain" using drugs since sixth grade. She asked investigators to just "write it all down and I'll sign it."Her story changed. Three drug buys became four. She didn't mention fentanyl until after cops told her Eric died from fentanyl. Her supplier Robert Crozier has now filed a sworn affidavit saying he never gave her fentanyl—only oxycontin. If the source says there was no fentanyl, where does that leave the prosecution?Video played in court showed detectives telling Carmen the only way she avoids prison is to give them "the details that ensure Kouri gets convicted of murder." One detective told her, "This whole case depends on you." Another said to "finish painting the picture." The defense is arguing that's not interrogation—that's coaching.The physical evidence is worse. Nineteen items tested for fentanyl—all negative. The hydrocodone bottle on Eric's nightstand was never tested. The Moscow mule glasses went through the dishwasher. No fentanyl was found anywhere in the house. No delivery method was established.The boyfriend's phones were collected, returned to him, collected again—he apparently broke them in between. Audio from key witness interviews is missing. Evidence was collected years after Eric's death. The defense says you can't convict someone of poisoning when you can't prove how the poison was delivered.Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichins #DefenseCase #ReasonableDoubt #RichinsTrial #CarmenLauber #WitnessProblems #EvidenceGaps #HiddenKillers #InvestigationFailures #UtahMurder

"I'm rich."Three memes allegedly found on Kouri Richins' phone the morning her husband Eric's body was removed from their home. Their three sons were still upstairs, unaware their father was dead.The prosecution's opening painted a devastating picture: $4.5 million in debt, an affair with Josh Grossman, Caribbean vacation plans for one month after Eric's death, nearly two million in life insurance taken out without his knowledge. And a fifteen-minute gap—Kouri's phone allegedly unlocked six times before she dialed 911. First responders noted Eric seemed like he had been dead a while.But the defense exposed cracks in the foundation. The key fentanyl supplier has recanted. Carmen Lauber allegedly changed her story only after police threatened prison time—and has now been granted immunity. Her own dealer signed an affidavit claiming he sold OxyContin, not fentanyl. The Moscow mule glasses were never tested. No pills were ever recovered. The house was never searched for fentanyl. The death certificate lists manner of death as unknown.Defense attorney Kathryn Nester played Kouri's 911 call—raw, sobbing, barely coherent—and closed with an optical illusion showing either a young woman or a witch. The state would show them the witch, she said. She'd reveal a widow.Eric's sister testified Kouri was composed and business-focused while the family collapsed in grief. Eric's friends will testify he called them eighteen days before his death and said he thought his wife tried to poison him.Criminal defense attorney Bob Motta analyzes where the prosecution is vulnerable—and where the defense has real opportunity.Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichins #KouriRichinsTrial #EricRichins #FentanylPoisoning #CarmenLauber #15MinuteGap #HiddenKillers #DefenseStrategy #BobMotta #TrueCrime

In this week's MBA Admissions podcast we began by discussing the current state of the MBA admissions season. We continue to see several top MBA programs rolling out their Round 2 interview invites. A few MBA programs are also beginning their next admissions rounds, including UNC / Kenan Flagler, CMU / Tepper, SMU / Cox, Boston College / Carroll and Georgia Tech / Scheller. Graham highlighted upcoming MBA webinar events. On March 19, we are hosting a series of panel discussions focused on international students who are targeting the top MBA programs in the United States. On May 11, Clear Admit is hosting our in-person admissions event in Atlanta. Signups for these events are here: https://www.clearadmit.com/events Graham then highlighted a recently published article that focuses on Stanford's deferred enrolment program. Quotes for this article came from the recently hosted deferred enrolment webinar series. Graham then noted an admissions tip focused on background checks, undertaken post admissions. We then had a detailed discussion on London Business School's Class of 2025 career report. Finally, Graham discussed two additional podcast episodes, featuring SMU / Cox and Juno. For this week, for the candidate profile review portion of the show, Alex selected two ApplyWire entries and one DecisionWire entry: This week's first MBA admissions candidate has a 4.0 GPA but is seeking a test waiver. We encourage them to take a test, if they are targeting the top MBA programs. This week's second MBA applicant has a very non-traditional profile overall, including diplomatic work in Moscow. They are also an older candidate, targeting top full-time MBA programs. This week's final MBA candidate is deciding between Columbia and Yale. This episode was recorded in Paris, France and Cornwall, England. It was produced and engineered by the fabulous Dennis Crowley in Philadelphia, USA. Thanks to all of you who've been joining us and please remember to rate and review this show wherever you listen!

Stewart Alsop sits down with Ulises Martins on the Crazy Wisdom podcast to explore how artificial intelligence is fundamentally disrupting professional careers, labor markets, and the pace of human adaptation itself. They discuss everything from Dario Amodei's concept of "technological adolescence" to the possibility that we're approaching a point where AI advancement accelerates beyond our ability to keep up, touching on topics ranging from the economics of software development and the future of warfare to generational differences in how people will respond to AI-driven change. Martins emphasizes that while we may not be able to predict exactly what's coming, we need to dramatically increase our efforts to learn and adapt—potentially doubling the time we invest in understanding AI—because this isn't optional change, it's disruption happening at an unprecedented speed. Connect with Ulises on Linkedin to follow his work in AI and generative technology.Timestamps00:00 — Stewart introduces Ulysses Martins, framing the conversation around accelerationism and the future of work.05:00 — Ulises uses the parent-child analogy to argue humans will no longer play the dominant role as AI surpasses us.10:00 — Both agree learning AI is non-negotiable, urging listeners to double their investment in staying current.15:00 — Discussion shifts to software as media, the collapsing cost of building products, and the risk of big players like Anthropic making your idea obsolete overnight.20:00 — Ulises raises ecology vs. cosmic ambition, questioning whether humanity should aim for civilizational-scale goals like the Dyson sphere.25:00 — Stewart's ESP32 hardware project illustrates AI's current blind spots beyond software, while both predict physical-world AI will arrive as a byproduct of bigger industrial goals.30:00 — Tesla's birthplace in Croatia sparks a reflection on human genius as luck versus deliberate investment, invoking the Apollo program as a model.35:00 — The US-China AI race is compared to the Cold War Space Race, with interdependency acting as a brake on outright conflict.40:00 — Drone warfare and AI reframe military power, making troop size irrelevant and potentially reducing total war.45:00 — Agile methodology and generational shifts are linked, asking how Gen Z's values will shape the AI era globally.50:00 — Argentine vs. American Zoomers are contrasted, with millennial expectations versus Gen Z's pragmatism explored.55:00 — Ulises closes urging everyone to enjoy the ride, taking the infinite stream of change one episode at a time.Key Insights1. The Death of Traditional Career Paths: The concept of professional careers as we know them—starting as a junior and progressively advancing—is becoming obsolete due to AI's rapid advancement. This applies far beyond just software and SaaS companies, extending to all industries as robots and AI systems gain capabilities that fundamentally disrupt labor markets. The question isn't whether we'll adapt, but whether humans can adapt fast enough to keep pace with exponential technological change.2. The Acceleration Imperative: People must dramatically increase their investment in learning about AI immediately. Whatever time you were previously dedicating to staying current with technology needs to be doubled or tripled. This isn't optional—it's comparable to the necessity of basic education. Unlike previous technological transitions where you had years to learn new frameworks or tools, the current pace demands immediate, intensive engagement or you risk becoming irrelevant.3. Software as Media and the Collapse of Development Economics: Software has become media—easily reproducible and increasingly commoditized through AI assistance. The fundamental economics of software development are collapsing because if building software requires dramatically fewer development hours, the value and price of that software must necessarily decrease. Entrepreneurs need a new evaluation framework that assesses the risk of their ideas being replicated by AI or absorbed by major players like Anthropic or OpenAI.4. The Parent-Child Analogy for AI Development: Humanity's relationship with AI will inevitably mirror that of parents with increasingly capable children. Initially, we understand and control what AI does, but as it advances, it will surpass human capabilities in most domains. Just as parents cannot control fully grown adult children who exceed their abilities, humans will need to reconcile with creating something superior to ourselves. Attempting to permanently control such systems may be both impossible and potentially pathologic.5. The Kardashev Scale and Civilizational Ambitions: AI represents a civilizational-level technology that should redirect humanity toward grander goals like capturing stellar energy through Dyson spheres and expanding beyond our solar system. The competition between China and the United States over AI mirrors the Apollo program's space race but with higher stakes—potentially making traditional concepts like money less relevant if we successfully crack general intelligence. This requires thinking beyond planetary constraints.6. The Changing Nature of Warfare and Geopolitics: AI and autonomous weapons systems are fundamentally changing warfare by making human soldiers less relevant, similar to how nuclear weapons reduced the importance of conventional military force. This shift may actually reduce bloody civilian casualties in conflicts between major powers, as drone warfare and AI-driven systems create new equilibriums. The geopolitical map may fracture into more sovereign states and city-states as centralized control becomes less effective.7. Generational Adaptation and Unpredictability: Different generations will respond uniquely to AI disruption based on their values and experiences. Generation Z, having grown up during the pandemic without traditional expectations, may adapt differently than millennials who experienced unmet expectations. However, we must remain humble about our predictive abilities—we're not good at forecasting technological change or its timing. The best approach is maintaining openness, trying to understand developments as they unfold, and accepting that we cannot consume all information in an era of unlimited AI-generated content.

The defense in the Kouri Richins trial is systematically dismantling the prosecution's case. Today we're going through every crack they're hammering—and there are a lot of them.Carmen Lauber admitted she tested positive for meth during the entire time frame she claims she was buying fentanyl for Kouri. The defense asked if she was high the whole time. She said yes. She told police her memory was "fried." She asked them to write her statement and she'd sign it. Her story changed—three drug buys became four. She didn't mention fentanyl until after cops told her that's what killed Eric.Her supplier Robert Crozier has filed a sworn affidavit saying he never gave her fentanyl—only oxycontin. If the source of the alleged murder weapon says there was no murder weapon, what's left of the prosecution's theory?Video played in court showed detectives telling Carmen the only way to avoid prison is to give them "the details that ensure Kouri gets convicted of murder." They told her to "finish painting the picture." That's not investigating—that's scripting.Nineteen items tested for fentanyl. All negative. The pill bottle on Eric's nightstand—never tested. The Moscow mule glasses—washed before collection. No fentanyl found anywhere. No delivery method established.The toxicologist found acetylfentanyl in Eric's system—a marker exclusively found in street drugs. The defense argues this supports secret use, not poisoning. The boyfriend's phones were returned to him multiple times during the investigation. Audio from witness interviews is missing. Evidence was collected years after death.The defense's argument: you can't convict someone of poisoning when you can't prove there was poison. Your questions about reasonable doubt, answered live.Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichinsLive #DefenseCase #ReasonableDoubt #LiveTrueCrime #RichinsTrial #CarmenLauber #EvidenceGaps #WitnessCredibility #InvestigationFailures #HiddenKillersLive

The prosecution's key fentanyl supplier has recanted. No pills were ever recovered. No pills were ever tested. And the woman who claims she sold Kouri Richins the drugs used to poison her husband has been granted immunity.We're breaking down every pressure point in this trial live.Opening statements delivered competing realities. The prosecution showed jurors memes allegedly found on Kouri's phone the morning Eric's body was removed—"I'm rich"—while their three sons were still upstairs unaware. They revealed a fifteen-minute gap before the 911 call, phone unlocked six times. Internet searches about women's prisons and lie detector tests. Nearly two million in life insurance taken out without Eric's knowledge. An affair with Josh Grossman. Caribbean vacation plans for the month after his death.The defense fired back hard. Kathryn Nester played Kouri's 911 call—raw, sobbing, barely coherent. She attacked Carmen Lauber's credibility, noting she changed her story only after police threatened prison. Lauber's own dealer signed an affidavit saying he sold OxyContin, not fentanyl. The Moscow mule glasses were never tested. The house was never searched for fentanyl. The death certificate says manner of death unknown.Then there's Eric's statement to friends eighteen days before his death: he thought his wife tried to poison him. That testimony is coming.Criminal defense attorney Bob Motta joins us to analyze where this case stands—and whether compromised witnesses and missing physical evidence can sustain a conviction.We're taking your questions live.Join Our SubStack For AD-FREE ADVANCE EPISODES & EXTRAS!: https://hiddenkillers.substack.com/Want to comment and watch this podcast as a video? Check out our YouTube Channel. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8-vxmbhTxxG10sO1izODJg?sub_confirmation=1Instagram https://www.instagram.com/hiddenkillerspod/Facebook https://www.facebook.com/hiddenkillerspod/Tik-Tok https://www.tiktok.com/@hiddenkillerspodX Twitter https://x.com/TrueCrimePodThis publication contains commentary and opinion based on publicly available information. All individuals are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Nothing published here should be taken as a statement of fact, health or legal advice.#KouriRichins #KouriRichinsTrial #EricRichins #HiddenKillersLive #CarmenLauber #FentanylPoisoning #LiveTrial #BobMotta #DefenseStrategy #TrueCrime

 In this episode of Straight White American Jesus: The Sunday Interview, Brad Onishi speaks with CNN Chief Investigative Correspondent Pamela Brown about her new documentary examining Christian nationalism, the rise of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches (CREC), and the growing influence of Idaho pastor Doug Wilson. Brown discusses her viral interview with Wilson, her reporting from Moscow, Idaho, and how Christian Reconstructionist theology is gaining mainstream political visibility. The conversation explores Christian nationalism's connection to classical Christian schools, patriarchal theology, and its alignment with contemporary conservative politics. The documentary also centers the voices of survivors who left CREC-aligned and other Christian nationalist communities. Women share firsthand accounts of spiritual abuse, rigid gender hierarchy, and authoritarian church structures that made leaving extraordinarily difficult. Brown and Onishi examine how movements promising certainty, biblical order, and “traditional values” have expanded in the wake of COVID-19 and cultural polarization. This interview offers critical insight into Christian nationalism, church and state debates, religious extremism, and the future of American democracy. Subscribe for $3.65: ⁠https://axismundi.supercast.com/⁠ Subscribe to our free newsletter: ⁠https://swaj.substack.com/⁠ Order American Caesar by Brad Onishi: ⁠https://static.macmillan.com/static/essentials/american-caesar-9781250427922/⁠ Donate to SWAJ: https://axismundi.supercast.com/donations/new Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This week, Scott was joined by Lawfare Managing Editor Tyler McBrien, Lawfare Senior Editor Molly Roberts, and University of Virginia Professor of Law Paul Stephan to talk through the week's big news in national security, including:“Textual Healing.” On Friday, a 6-3 Supreme Court majority brought an end to at least the current iteration of President Trump's controversial tariff policies, ruling that language in the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (or IEEPA) authorizing the “regulation of…importation” doesn't include the authority to impose tariffs. That said, President Trump himself has already indicated that he intends to reinstate many of the tariffs he had installed using IEEPA under other statutory authorities. How big a setback is this for the Trump administration's trade policies? And what might it mean for other aspects of its policy agenda?“Mayhem in Mexico.” Over the weekend, an elite unit of the Mexican army killed one of the country's most powerful drug kingpins, Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, also known as “El Mencho.” His syndicate, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, immediately retaliated, through attacks on Mexican security forces, roadblocks throughout the country, and other measures intended to terrorize the public, particularly in areas frequented by American and Western tourists. The decision to move against El Mencho followed an intense pressure campaign by the Trump administration, which has pushed Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum to take a hard stand against the cartels. Should this be seen as a win for the Trump administration? Or Sheinbaum? And what could the long-term implications be for the U.S.-Mexico relationship?“Clap if You Believe.” On Tuesday, President Trump delivered his annual State of the Union address, the longest of its kind. Many had braced for a contentious speech, expecting Trump to ridicule the justices seated in front of him and potentially even announce strikes on Iran. But Trump appeared to pull his punches on both of those fronts—he instead saved his harshest words for congressional Democrats and focused on laying out a rose-colored picture of the state of the country. How effective was Trump's speech? And what does it tell us about the current state of his second presidency?In object lessons, Tyler just has this strange sense that you will enjoy the Otherworld podcast. Molly (and her dog) find comfort in the soft, squishy claws of Cthulhu. Scott eased his travel woes with a twist on the Vieux Carre at Birch & Bloom in Charlottesville. And Paul mixed his object lesson with three parts: Peter Suderman's Cocktails if you're into all things shaken and stirred; Mark Galeotti's podcast, In Moscow's Shadow, if you're into all things Russia-related; and Dan Wang's New York Times Best Seller book, “Breakneck,” if you're into all things China-related. To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Craig Unger traces Trump's political ascent back to his 1987 Moscow trip, suggesting Russian connections and talking points have influenced his foreign policy for forty years. 16.1917 KREMLIN

Craig Unger reports that the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow served as a platform for Trump to court Putin and oligarchs, marking a turning point as Russia transitioned into a mafia state. 15.

1900 BAKUGordon Chang and Steve Yates discuss Japan deploying missiles near Taiwan and concerns regarding a potential Chinese biological weapons facility discovered in Las Vegas. 1.Rebecca Grant and Gordon Chang detail the US Navy's massive deployment around Iran to counter Chinese-supported missile threats and prepare for possible sustained offensive strike options. 2.Charles Burton and Gordon Chang analyze Mark Carney's shift toward Beijing, seeking trade concessions like visa-free access while Canadians harbor resentment over Trump's proposed tariffs and economic policies. 3.Charles Burton and Gordon Chang debate the dangers of Canada's "strategic partnership" with China, focusing on espionage operations, the potential expulsion from Five Eyes, and theft of aerospace technology. 4.Simon Constable reports on skyrocketing copper and silver prices alongside the arrest of Lord Mandelson for allegedly passing privileged state information to Jeffrey Epstein. 5.Simon Constable reports that the UK government faces investigations for allegedly threatening media personalities and smearing critics as pro-Russian, while struggling with housing shortages and high taxes. 6.Jonathan Adler explains the Supreme Court ruling that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act does not grant the president unilateral power to impose taxes or tariffs. 7.Jonathan Adler reports that following the tariff decision, the administration must now use specific statutes with procedural strings, limiting the president's ability to adjust trade penalties on a whim. 8.Andrea Stricker discusses reports that the Iranian regime used illicit chemicals and pharmaceutical-based agents to debilitate protesters during recent, highly lethal national unrest. 9.Michael Bernstam describes Europe's liberation from Russian energy, replaced by cheap American and Qatari LNG, leaving Russia with abandoned gas fields and flaring wells. 10.Bob Zimmerman details a helium flow problem that cancelled the Artemis March launch, while SpaceX continues breaking records for booster reuse and commercial efficiency. 11.Bob Zimmerman reports that astronomers are using infrared capabilities to identify a supernova's origin and detect the first heliosphere around a distant star, advancing our understanding of stellar deaths. 12.Craig Unger explores how Trump's licensing model in Panama and elsewhere allowed the Russian mob to wash hundreds of millions through luxury real estate. 13.Craig Unger reports that the Trump brand served as a status symbol for Russian oligarchs, facilitating money laundering in failed developments while FBI counterintelligence efforts reportedly failed to intervene. 14.Craig Unger reports that the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow served as a platform for Trump to court Putin and oligarchs, marking a turning point as Russia transitioned into a mafia state. 15.Craig Unger traces Trump's political ascent back to his 1987 Moscow trip, suggesting Russian connections and talking points have influenced his foreign policy for forty years. 16.

This week, Scott was joined by Lawfare Managing Editor Tyler McBrien, Lawfare Senior Editor Molly Roberts, and University of Virginia Professor of Law Paul Stephan to talk through the week's big news in national security, including:“Textual Healing.” On Friday, a 6-3 Supreme Court majority brought an end to at least the current iteration of President Trump's controversial tariff policies, ruling that language in the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (or IEEPA) authorizing the “regulation of…importation” doesn't include the authority to impose tariffs. That said, President Trump himself has already indicated that he intends to reinstate many of the tariffs he had installed using IEEPA under other statutory authorities. How big a setback is this for the Trump administration's trade policies? And what might it mean for other aspects of its policy agenda?“Mayhem in Mexico.” Over the weekend, an elite unit of the Mexican army killed one of the country's most powerful drug kingpins, Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, also known as “El Mencho.” His syndicate, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, immediately retaliated, through attacks on Mexican security forces, roadblocks throughout the country, and other measures intended to terrorize the public, particularly in areas frequented by American and Western tourists. The decision to move against El Mencho followed an intense pressure campaign by the Trump administration, which has pushed Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum to take a hard stand against the cartels. Should this be seen as a win for the Trump administration? Or Sheinbaum? And what could the long-term implications be for the U.S.-Mexico relationship?“Clap if You Believe.” On Tuesday, President Trump delivered his annual State of the Union address, the longest of its kind. Many had braced for a contentious speech, expecting Trump to ridicule the justices seated in front of him and potentially even announce strikes on Iran. But Trump appeared to pull his punches on both of those fronts—he instead saved his harshest words for congressional Democrats and focused on laying out a rose-colored picture of the state of the country. How effective was Trump's speech? And what does it tell us about the current state of his second presidency?In object lessons, Tyler just has this strange sense that you will enjoy the Otherworld podcast. Molly (and her dog) find comfort in the soft, squishy claws of Cthulhu. Scott eased his travel woes with a twist on the Vieux Carre at Birch & Bloom in Charlottesville. And Paul mixed his object lesson with three parts: Peter Suderman's Cocktails if you're into all things shaken and stirred; Mark Galeotti's podcast, In Moscow's Shadow, if you're into all things Russia-related; and Dan Wang's New York Times Best Seller book, “Breakneck,” if you're into all things China-related. To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this episode of The PDB Afternoon Bulletin: First up — a high stakes shootout on the high seas leaves four dead after Cuban forces open fire on a U.S.-registered speedboat. Havana claims it foiled an armed terrorist infiltration, but with nearly all the details coming from the Cuban government, serious questions remain. Later in the show — Russia's asymmetric warfare campaign against Europe appears to be expanding underground. New reports allege secret tunnels are being used to funnel migrants into European territory, with specialists from the Middle East reportedly recruited to construct the routes. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief American Financing: Call American Financing today to find out how customers are saving an avg of $800/mo. NMLS 182334, https://nmlsconsumeraccess.org APR for rates in the 5s start at 6.196% for well qualified borrowers. Call 866-885-1881 for details about credit costs and terms. Visit http://www.AmericanFinancing.net/PDB  Ultra Pouches: Don't sleep on @ultrapouches. New customers get 15% Off with code PDB at https://takeultra.com! #UltraPouches #ad Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: First up — new reporting reveals how a five-minute phone call between President Trump and Nicolás Maduro may have sealed the Venezuelan strongman's fate, as misread intentions helped turn diplomacy into military action and, ultimately, a prison cell. Later in the show — amid mounting pressure on Tehran, the CIA launches a rare recruitment push aimed directly at Iranians. Plus — the United Kingdom slaps sanctions on nearly 300 Russian-linked entities after an email blunder exposed a network of illicit oil traders tied to Moscow's energy and military sectors. And in today's Back of the Brief — Russia accuses Ukraine of seeking to acquire a nuclear weapon with help from the UK and France, a claim Kyiv and Western officials dismiss as baseless disinformation.  To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief American Financing: Call American Financing today to find out how customers are saving an avg of $800/mo. NMLS 182334, https://nmlsconsumeraccess.org APR for rates in the 5s start at 6.196% for well qualified borrowers. Call 866-885-1881 for details about credit costs and terms. Visit http://www.AmericanFinancing.net/PDB  Ultra Pouches: Don't sleep on @ultrapouches. New customers get 15% Off with code PDB at https://takeultra.com! #UltraPouches #ad Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices