Podcasts about Soviet Union

Listen to the rest of this premium episode by subscribing at patreon.com/knowyourenemyWe wanted to offer something of a palette cleanser for our subscribers, so we decided to watch the recent movie, Reagan, with our intrepid producer, Jesse Brenneman. Even better, it's based on the 2006 book, The Crusader: Ronald Reagan and the Fall of Communism, by Paul Kengor—who just happens to have been Matt's close mentor as an undergraduate student. Reagan clocks in at over two hours and twenty minutes, and it's a wild, even fantastical ride that offers a revealing glimpse into the conservative psyche and a faithful rendition of the most hagiographic version of the Reagan mythology, especially his personal responsibility for ending the Cold War and finally putting the Soviet Union on the ash heap of history.Sources:Reagan (2024)Paul Kengor, The Crusader: Ronald Reagan and the Fall of Communism(2006)— God and Ronald Reagan: A Spiritual Life(2004)— A Pope and a President: John Paul II, Ronald Reagan, and the Extraordinary Untold Story of the 20th Century(2017)Edmund Morris, Dutch: A Memoir of Ronald Reagan (1999)

The Abraham Accords marked a significant foreign policy achievement for President Donald Trump at the end of his first term in 2020. What's next for the Abraham Accords under a new Trump administration?  Joining us is Rob Greenway, Director of the Allison Center for National Security at the Heritage Foundation and former senior director for Middle Eastern and North African Affairs on the National Security Council, to discuss the opportunities and challenges President Trump will face in the Middle East. Guest hosted by Benjy Rogers, AJC's Director for Middle East and North Africa Initiatives, Greenway draws on his firsthand experience with the Abraham Accords to explore how these agreements can be expanded and how security and economic cooperation between Israel and its neighbors can be strengthened. Resources: AJC Experts Assess the Global Impact of Trump's Election What President-Elect Trump's Nominees Mean for Israel, Antisemitism, and More The Abraham Accords, Explained Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus: with Hen Mazzig, Einat Admony, and more. People of the Pod:  Honoring Israel's Lone Soldiers This Thanksgiving: Celebrating Service and Sacrifice Away from Home The ICC Issues Arrest Warrants: What You Need to Know What President-Elect Trump's Nominees Mean for Israel, Antisemitism, and More Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. __ Transcript of Conversation with Rob Greenway: Manya Brachear Pashman: The landmark achievement of the first Trump Administration was President Trump's ability to successfully broker peace treaties between Israel and the Arab countries of the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco. While much has changed since the September 2020 signing of the Abraham Accords, there are high hopes that a second Trump Administration will once again focus on brokering Arab-Israeli peace. This week, my colleague Benjy Rogers, AJC's Director for Middle East and North Africa Initiatives, invited an expert from the first Trump administration to share his insights on what to expect. Benjy, the mic is yours.    Benjamin Rogers:   What can we expect from the incoming Trump administration, particularly when it comes to the committee's policy and the future of the Abraham Accords and regional integration? To help us break it all down, we're joined by someone who's been at the center of these historic developments, Rob Greenway.  Rob is the director of the Allison Center for National Security at the Heritage Foundation, where he formulates policy to defend American freedom and prosperity. Rob has first hand experience with the Abraham Accords, having served as Deputy Assistant to the President and senior director of the National Security Council's Middle Eastern and North African Affairs Directorate during the first Trump administration.  Rob has more than 30 years in public service, including as President and Executive Director of the Abraham Accords Peace Institute, advocating for the expansion of the agreements he helped craft. Rob has also served as Senior Intelligence Officer at the Defense Intelligence Agency, and is a decorated combat veteran within the US Army Special Forces.  Rob, welcome to People of the Pod. We are honored to have you here. Rob Greenway:   It's my great pleasure. Thanks for having me. Benjamin Rogers:   Let's jump right into it. Much has changed in the Middle East since the last Trump administration, while the hope of the Abraham Accords continued into the Biden administration, the horrors of October 7 in its aftermath have transformed the region.  How do you think the next Trump administration will address the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, and do you see renewed hope for continuing to deepen and expand the Abraham Accords? Rob Greenway:   It's a great question. I'll start in reverse order, because that's the optimistic part, right? The hope in all of the relatively dark circumstances and the escalation of the conflict that's really accelerated, but didn't begin in October the seventh, but it certainly accelerated dramatically. I certainly judge that there is hope. And there's hope because the shared interest between Israel and its neighboring countries is, in fact, very strong.  And that the US fundamentally, and certainly under a Trump administration, I think, will reprioritize efforts to normalize Israel's relations with its neighbors, to confront shared adversaries, which obviously is Iran, its surrogates and proxies, including Hamas and Hezbollah. But also because the economic potential has to be unlocked through integration of Israel and its neighbors and the countries within the region.  They all know this, and they all recognize the intrinsic importance of it, so both for security purposes and for economic reasons, the normalization process will be resumed, certainly under a Trump administration as a matter of policy. It is, in many ways, the solution to the problems we're seeing in the region right now. Benjamin Rogers:   Say a little bit more about that, Rob, if you would, what particular solutions do you think can come as a result of expansion of Abraham Accords, regional integration? Rob Greenway:   Sure. On the one hand, the practical side of it is Israel's defense is better done working with and through with other partners, not just the United States, but its neighbors, so the extent to which cooperation could be expanded, they can jointly meet the threat from Iran, and will, in fact, have to do so.  Iran, unfortunately, has been fed too long by appeasement the last four years. It's flush with cash. It's at nuclear threshold. The only way for Israel to effectively defend itself is more often than not, working with like-minded partners, and certainly the United States. Together, I think it's easier to provide a defense. Remember the ballistic missile attacks against Israel, which now unfortunately, have happened twice. It took a regional neighborhood response to that in order to effectively detect and intercept the range of missiles and drones and cruise missiles coming from Iran. That's a picture of what the potential is and should be.  It's also a strong deterrent. When Israel's standing with its partners and allies in the region, it discourages the escalation that Iran is responsible for. And again, the economic potential is also critical, and it's so important that they would protect and defend the relationship, because it's so vital to all of their future potential. Benjamin Rogers:   I appreciate what you said on defense, and I think that makes a lot of sense, but I want to drill into a little bit more on the economic side of things, because it's easiest to say, hey, look, there's greater ties, there's greater business. This is a region that, little over 10 years ago, went through the Arab Spring. This is a region that is not all the Gulf. This is a region where there's lots of poverty and there's lots of struggles. A region that is impacted by the daily changes throughout the globe. How does economic cooperation address some of those concerns? Address some of those issues? How does a more integrated Middle East, will it actually make your average person on the streets, life better? How do you get there? Rob Greenway:   So first, a couple of points. If you talk to countries in the region. They all share similar concerns. They look a little different, but they have similar concerns. One is the security environment. Again, each of them have a different focus, but they're all concerned about the security environment, largely again, the threat from Iran.  Second is that they've got a domestic population that, in all too many cases, ultimately will have difficulty finding employment for its large youth population, growing population below the age of 25. They're all very cognizant of this, and they know that the solution is economic integration, regionally and perhaps globally. And so they know that they have a problem. They know that the solution is better integration. It's historically not been the case. Intra-GCC trade has always been less than 15% historically, Europe and Russia are probably still trading more than that now, even though they're at war essentially in Europe, but the GCC has not done so, but they know that they can't sustain it. Second, how it helps average individuals. The employment opportunities. And look, it's not just integrating the country's economies. The reality is, the strongest economic potential is allowing market markets to be connected between Europe and Asia, through the Middle East. So to move goods and services between Asian and European markets, the Middle East has to be transited.  If you integrate the countries from a transportation standpoint and from an economic standpoint, the potential becomes vast. That's the real economic promise. Integrating a company's bilateral trade with UAE, with Israel, is absolutely spectacular to watch, but that's the beginning. The end is to better integrate economies and markets globally through which the region is a critical transport link. It can happen. They want it to happen, and I think we can make it happen, and I hope we do.  Benjamin Rogers:   That's fascinating. I think it's just such a stark difference in the way we've been approaching the region recently, which is doom and gloom. This is cause for hope. This is a cause for a way forward.  But October 7, we saw, and you've mentioned this country repeatedly, we saw how spoilers can completely upend this hope. You mentioned a little bit, but can you say a little bit more about how the Trump administration is thinking about countries like the Iranian regime, how the Trump administration will ensure that terror organizations like Hezbollah, like Hamas, will not ever be able to threaten this, this pretty remarkable vision that you're sharing today. Rob Greenway:   It's a great question. Maybe the central question. First, we didn't see this threat manifest itself, even though it was there, latent. It didn't just come into creation on October the seventh. Obviously, it existed during the first Trump term, but it never manifested itself this way because it had boundaries. The boundaries come in two ways. First is an absolute, demonstrable commitment to Israel's security, not question, not speculative, not changing or dynamic as it is now and unfortunately, wanting in too many cases, it was ironclad. Everyone in the region knew it, and everyone saw it, and that's an incredibly important part of deterrence. The second and perhaps even more important is denying resources to your adversaries. It sounds fundamental. You shouldn't pay your enemies to attack you, but that's what appeasement is, and that's what's happened in the last four years of the Biden administration.  You can't give the world's largest state sponsor of terrorism $120 billion of excess revenue and not expect them to engage in terrorism. And so they did. The principal applied the first Trump term will absolutely come back in the second and that's denying them the resources. And so for us, you know, I watched Hezbollah for decades, and to see them ask for members to donate their organs to raise funds at the end of the maximum economic pressure campaign, by the end of 2020, as a sign of success, in a sense that they were they were deprived and unable to conduct attacks and enter into that risk. I know that that will have a similar result. It's going to take a while to get back to it, but I strongly believe it has to happen, and I believe that it will happen. Benjamin Rogers:   Thanks Rob. I want to also dive into what's been front and center on a lot of people's rights now, which is Israeli-Palestinian relations. What do you think the Trump approach will be? And this, to me, is particularly interesting, because, you know, we saw early in the Trump administration, the focus on the deal of the century, focus on peace and prosperity. We saw an initial rejection by the Palestinian Authority, by the PLO to any sort of agreement.  We know that many in the Israeli government have a range of views, quite strong views. And I would say the population as a whole, any mechanisms of peace while an ongoing war is happening, particularly in the aftermath of October 7 and something that is more challenging than ever to talk about. How do you see the Israeli Palestinian conflict, and how do you see a Trump administration approaching it? Rob Greenway:   I believe I've read somewhere. I'm sure you did too. There's nothing new under the sun. And in most cases, there are precedents and examples. Look, for over four decades, people pursued the Israel-Palestine conflict as the central issue in the region, and they made no progress on either front. The region didn't get better, and Israel's relationship with the Palestinians didn't improve, empirically and objectively.  The approach in the Trump administration was, what are the most pressing threats to our interest in the region's interest, including Israel? The answer is Iran, its surrogates and proxies. And ISIS in 2017 as you recall. And so the premise is, start with the highest order of threat. If you get the sequence wrong, you know you're going to inevitably have adverse consequences.  You can't paint the kitchen when your house is on fire. It's not a perfect analogy, but the idea is, we have to deal with the most primary threats first, and if you don't deal with Iran as the principal source of instability in the region, you can't make progress on anything else, including this issue. Second, as we heard from, John Kerry's famous remarks in 2016, deeply held belief then, and I fear still now, you cannot make progress on Israel-Arab relations without making progress on the Palestinian file. And he emphasized, you can't. And obviously you can. We proved it in the form of the Abraham Accords, and President Trump led the way. And I think that will come back again. And that, I think, is the key to success. But everyone I talked to in Israel tells me the same thing, the two state solution is dead after October the seventh. At some point it may resurrect itself. I think at the end of the day, we focus on the primary threat, build a stronger relationship between Israel and its neighbors, and then we can also improve the lives of the Palestinian people in a variety of ways, which the Abraham Accords were designed to do and its members insisted on.  And second, as you mentioned, the peace to prosperity plan, I think we'll end up leveraging the work done there, the fantastic work that Jared did, just he did with the Abraham Accords, and resurrect that for what needs to happen next in places like Gaza and South Lebanon. And I think that will improve the lives of the Palestinian people. So it's a reverse sequencing, essentially. I think that gets to a different outcome. But if you start with an impossible, intractable problem, everything else becomes difficult. Benjamin Rogers:   Fascinating. Saudi Arabia. What do you think can be done? What do you think relations are between the US and Saudi Arabia, between Israel and Saudi Arabia. I know there's been strong comments that have got a lot of attention as of late, but where do you see that relationship going? Rob Greenway:   I think the good news is that President Trump's relationship with the kingdom and with Saudi leadership like the region, was exceptional. His first visit as President of the United States on May 17, was to Riyadh and then to Jerusalem, and then to Rome, very deliberately and very intentionally. And the policies he set forth were what we carried as guidance for the four years that followed. And I think it bore fruit.  That relationship is key, and I think it's going to be restored. It was deeply damaged on a number of fronts under the Biden-Harris administration, I think that damage is going to be undone by a different relationship and approach. And second, look, we've had decades, generations of cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as we have with Israel, and that puts President Trump in a unique position to be able to broker the inevitable peace between the two.  But I think it's something that, like most negotiations, and certainly in the Middle East, we should give space for the new administration to do this privately and not have a public negotiation, because all that's going to do is complicated for all parties, and it'll make the end objective more difficult. I think it'll happen. I think it needs to happen.  Last thing I'll say is, it isn't as much about security, although that's certainly a critical part of it. It's also, again, about managing global markets between the United States and Saudi Arabia, because this is what, obviously, for our purposes and for the region's purposes, we've got to be able to do. As long as China is dependent upon Middle Eastern oil and gas, we've got to be able to exercise some control over it. And we can't let Russia, as an exporter and our partners and allies in the region, manage global exports to China.  So this isn't limited to the region itself. Our relationship with Riyadh is vital. It is strategic. It is necessary. It helped us prevail in the Cold War against the Soviet Union. It'll be absolutely vital in competition with China and with Russia. So it's critical on a number of fronts. President Trump instinctively understands this better than I think anyone, and I think he's in a unique position to close the real deal of the century. Benjamin Rogers:   Staying on this topic, for a little bit, where else, what other countries in the Middle East do you think are going to be of a particular focus to the incoming Trump administration? Rob Greenway:   So not surprisingly, Riyadh would unlikely be the only country to join the Accords, not followed by others. So I could think of most other countries in the Gulf would be good candidates. But I also think it's not limited to the region, right? There are a number of other Muslim majority countries that are not necessarily Arab, that reside outside the region that would be enormously beneficial from an economic standpoint and from a diplomatic standpoint. And we had a number of conversations with many countries that fall into this category.  So there's, I think, a new vista that opens with the successful conclusion of getting the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish normalized diplomatic relations. And again, I think if you confront Iran, this becomes possible. If you don't confront Iran, it's virtually impossible. Benjamin Rogers:   I want to zoom out, but before I do, you have, you have explained how you've explained in detail, where the Trump administration may go. You've expressed some criticism of the Biden administration. Is there anything related to Middle East policy that the Biden administration pursued?  Things like the Negev Forum, things like the concept of I2U2, of IMEC, things where do you think those are actually helpful mechanisms that may continue into a Trump administration? Or do you think this is essentially going to be a return to priorities that were started in the first Trump administration? Rob Greenway:   I think it's going to be more of the latter than the former. Negev ultimately was taking the Abraham Accords and introducing it into a multilateral fora. But the attempt, I think, was ultimately not successful, not because of October the seventh, but because one they made it a diplomatic conference, which we deliberately didn't do with the Abraham Accords. We were more focused on getting the businessmen together and the parts of the government that dealt with trade and concrete relationships, because that's what they wanted.  So we didn't try and impose a forum on them. We tried to allow it to grow organically in the areas where they were interested, and, frankly, where you could measure the progress. I mean, as you know, having a diplomatic conference is not a difficult thing to do. Having one with an outcome might be a bit of a challenge. So we were inclined to approach it from an economic perspective. Ultimately, we'd like to see it get to the security domain. I think there is a difference. But again, it's an extension of the Accords that were built during the Trump administration. They also intended to insert the Palestinian issue into the equation, and they worked to get it introduced into the forum. I don't know the wisdom behind it, and ultimately, I think it became an impediment, but I will say that ultimately, they did come to the conclusion the Abraham Accords was a good thing. The Abraham Accords was beneficial to the region, and the region wanted to see the US invested in it.  Unfortunately, I think it came too late, and it was overshadowed by the intrinsic policy contradiction of feeding Iran and attempting to deal with the consequences of it. So you can't feed the greatest threat to instability in the region and attempt to work together towards normalization at the same time, the two objectives are in complete opposition to one another. And so they were working across purposes, and the region saw it, and I think they were unable to get progress because of it.  Sudan is probably the only accord member country that unfortunately has collapsed into virtual civil war, which was again a very tragic and unnecessary result of bad policy choice. And it can and it must be reversed. And I trust the Trump second Trump administration would make that a priority as well. Benjamin Rogers:   I'm happy to hear that, because that's an area that we have focused on, and I think absolutely heartbreaking to see what's unfolding in Sudan right now.  I'd be remiss if I didn't make a plug for AJC Center for a New Middle East, which is something our CEO Ted Deutch announced in June, and essentially our concept is, let's take the decades of trust that AJC has cultivated over the last 70+ years. Let's take the network that we have in places like Europe, in the Middle East, with our office in Abu Dhabi and in Jerusalem. We have offices across Asia. We've got offices in Africa.  How can we use that architecture to be a helpful model in bringing people together? So I wanted to ask you, as someone with so much experience on this, what role do you see for civil society organizations in being able to help cultivate, reinvigorate, bring together more hope to a region that is really reeling? Rob Greenway:   Having come from the Abraham Accords Peace Institute, where this was our purpose, and having worked with your offices and your organization and many others, I'm convinced that there is an absolute necessity for private organizations to help contribute to and to ensure that there's continuity and successes are sustained. Especially in the people to people contact, but areas like education, in sports and athletics, enormous potential. And it will require private organizations. This is one of many areas where government doesn't do it well. So I think government has opened a door. It can open others.  Private organizations ultimately are going to determine success and failure, and that includes, of course, businesses. So I think it's absolutely essential, and I think that organizations like AJC and others are uniquely positioned to be able to translate the potential into concrete success in a number of different fronts that either government can't do or it's just not well equipped to do.  So 100% agree, and in fact, again, this is too, where more people external to the region can really make a contribution, and small ways can have a massive impact. And we had the luxury of being able to work on a number. And we saw the fruits of that, and I think we'll continue to see. Some of them take decades to materialize, but it's worth it. Benjamin Rogers:   Amazing. Thanks, Rob. So I promised I would zoom out a little bit, because I know you're not only an expert in the Middle East, but look at the whole globe. Outside of the Middle East, where do you think when it comes to foreign affairs, the Trump administration will be focused?  How will it address issues like Russia, Ukraine? How will it address issues like China?  Rob Greenway:   So if you just consider the staggering array of security challenges that the new Trump administration is going to inherit and confront, it can be overwhelming. For two reasons. First, because it's happening on virtually every continent, right, in every cardinal direction you look, there's not just a crisis, but in many cases, a conflict that is unprecedented or hasn't been seen at this level in a generation. First land war in Europe since the Second World War, a Middle East that hasn't been this unstable since, I think at least 1979, perhaps earlier. These are generational challenges. And I could add to that, of course, China in both the first second island chains and the potential threat against Taiwan. Massive challenges to the international order and the US vital national security interests.  Number two, they're not just connected in a temporal space. Yes, unfortunately, Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, are working together in unprecedented ways. The provision of ballistic missiles and drones from Iran, nuclear technology going in the other direction. All horrible. But the fact that they are connected in ways that are impossible to segregate, so you can't solve one problem while you're waiting to solve the other two. Because the solution to each is integrated to the problem in the other.  And energy, as I mentioned already, is just one of those ways, and perhaps one of the most important.  So if you want to restore maximum economic pressure against Iran–and we have to–you're going to be taking them gradually off the international market. Without disrupting prices in everyone's economies, including ours, you've got to compensate for it. There are ways to do it, but Russia is an exporter too, and China is a consumer. So you think about the sequencing behind how to confront these challenges, it is going to be absolutely one of the most complex I think any presidential administration has faced. And again, economic insecurity is integral. And I say that too, because the Trump administration thankfully at the top, with the President himself and many of his trusted advisors and cabinet officials come from a business background, and they understand the economics, because that's the world in which they grew up in. As well as the security domain.  And I think they're uniquely configured to be able to solve this. And they have the experience of working in these regions. A daunting series of challenges. And I think all of us watching this progress need to give them time and patience, because the scope of these challenges are massive. And I didn't mention, you know, the interior crisis at the border and the millions of illegal immigrants, tens of thousands of which are terrorists or known criminals. And that just adds to the complexity, and also can't be addressed in isolation. So massive challenges, all of them connected, security and economic standpoint, and it's going to take time, but this team and the president, I think, are uniquely postured to be able to do it. Benjamin Rogers:   Rob, I really want to thank you for everything today. Before we conclude, any final thoughts? Rob Greenway:   So I'd like to end again on a positive note, because it's easy to get distracted with the crises. The solution to these problems are what make them possible. Seeing the potential is what gives you the drive, the resolve, to fix it, and it also makes it possible. So if there wasn't a good solution to these problems, they would persist.  The reality is that integrating the Middle East and Israel and its neighbors and connecting global markets is key to solving these problems. It's also what's going to prevent it from happening again. If we can lean into it and do it successfully and follow through on what was started, we'll be able to see not only a cessation of these problems, we'll be able to see a real improvement in regional quality of life, and hopefully peace and prosperity will again dominate, rather than conflict and chaos.  Benjamin Rogers:   Alright Rob, thank you so much for your time. We really appreciate it. Rob Greenway:   My great pleasure. Thanks for having me.

Unlike militant Islam, our enemies in the West don't want the Jews wiped out. But what they are aiming for is far more sinister. It is a battle between Sheker and Emess, that goes back to Biblical times and encompasses Politics, Art & Science. The quest for peace may seem elusive, but in certain ways, we hold the keys to changing the narrative.   Summary This conversation delves into the complexities of Jewish identity, the historical context of anti-Semitism, and the current political landscape in the West, surrounding Israel and the ICC. It explores the philosophical underpinnings of truth, the influence of Greek thought on Jewish tradition, and the dangers of assimilation. The podcast looks at the Soviet Union, the Church, Blood Libels and the recent US elections.   Chapters 00:00 The ICC and Its Jurisdiction Over Israel 02:52 Historical Context of Jewish Enmity 06:14 The Nature of Modern Anti-Semitism 09:06 The Role of Truth and Falsehood 11:59 The Intersection of Science and Religion 14:52 The Influence of Greek Philosophy 18:12 The Political Landscape and Jewish Identity 21:09 The Dangers of Assimilation 24:03 The ICC's Bias Against Israel 26:51 The Call to Action for the Jewish Community 29:45 The Importance of Truth in Jewish Life

December 5th 2024 Yuriy uncovers a deeply personal chapter of his family history. He talks about how his grandfather, caught in the clutches of Nazi slavery during World War II, displayed astounding bravery in his quest for freedom — a legacy that fuels Yuriy's fight for Ukraine's independence today. You can email Yuriy, ask him questions or simply send him a message of support: fightingtherussianbeast@gmail.com    You can help Yuriy and his family by donating to his GoFundMe: https://www.gofundme.com/f/help-yuriys-family   Yuriy's Podbean Patron sign-up to give once or regularly: https://patron.podbean.com/yuriy   Buy Yuriy a coffee here: https://bmc.link/yuriymat  Subscribe to his substack: https://yuriymatsarsky.substack.com/  ----more---- TRANSCRIPT: (Apple Podcasts & Podbean app users can enjoy accurate closed captions)    It is December five.  I am the grandson of a slave. My grandfather, after whom I was named was a slave. A real one. He was born a freeman. Not in the modern sense. Of course, Ukraine was when occupied by the Bolsheviks, and people had almost no rights. When my grandfather was a very young man, second World War began. Very soon he was drafted into the Red Army and sent to the front. After a few months, he was captured by the Germans. At first, he was held in a prisoner's camp, but later he was sent to work at a factory in Germany. That was when he became a slave. The Third Reich was built by slaves- people stripped of rights, forced to work under inhumane conditions, beaten, killed at any moment and left with no chance of freedom had the Nazis won with war. There were millions of such slaves: Jewish and Roma people, Soviet prisoners, homosexuals, and anti-fascists. All of them worked day and night waiting for a horrific death by starvation, beatings, or complete physical exhaustion.  But my grandfather was young, intelligent, and brave, realizing he had no chance of surviving in slavery. He decided to escape and he succeeded. A miracle, but miracles do happen from time to time.  After same time, he rejoined the Soviet army, but for many years he hid the fact, but he had been a prisoner of war and forced into slavery. Do you know why he kept it in a secret? Because Soviet soldiers were forbidden to surrender. Surrender was a crime. If anyone had found about his past as a slave, he would have become a slave again- not at the Nazi factory, but in a Soviet gulag. The Soviet Union to real reli on the forces labor of millions.   My grandfather was a slave and risked becoming one again. But he lived to see Ukraine liberated from the Russians to see independence, to see freedom, but the Russians love the gulag: they are deeply annoyed that we no longer want to be slaves, that we refuse to accept it.  If someone asks me what we are fighting for, I can honestly say that I fight so that my grandchildren, unlike me, will never be able to say their grandfather was a slave.   

What can the Cold War teach couples about financial conflict? More than you might think. Tune into this episode of the Money and Marriage Podcast to learn more. To schedule a free breakthrough session with me, visit ⁠https://pacesetterplanning.com/contact

Donate to Conversations with Tyler Give Crypto Other Ways to Give In his landmark multi-volume biography of Stalin, Stephen Kotkin shows how totalitarian power worked not just through terror from above, but through millions of everyday decisions from below. Currently a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution after 33 years at Princeton, Kotkin brings both deep archival work and personal experience to his understanding of Soviet life, having lived in Magnitogorsk during the 1980s and seen firsthand how power operates in closed societies. Tyler sat down with Stephen to discuss the state of Russian Buddhism today, how shamanism persists in modern Siberia, whether Siberia might ever break away from Russia, what happened to the science city Akademgorodok, why Soviet obsession with cybernetics wasn't just a mistake, what life was really like in 1980s Magnitogorsk, how modernist urban planning failed there, why Prokofiev returned to the USSR in 1936, what Stalin actually understood about artistic genius, how Stalin's Georgian background influenced him (or not), what Michel Foucault taught him about power, why he risked his tenure case to study Japanese, how his wife's work as a curator opened his eyes to Korean folk art, how he's progressing on the next Stalin volume, and much more. Read a full transcript enhanced with helpful links, or watch the full video. Recorded November 13th, 2024. Other ways to connect Follow us on X and Instagram Follow Tyler on X Sign up for our newsletter Join our Discord Email us: cowenconvos@mercatus.gmu.edu Learn more about Conversations with Tyler and other Mercatus Center podcasts here.

Live from Bitcoin Beach in El Zonte, El Salvador, in this episode, I sit down with the one and only Tone Vays, a long-time Bitcoin advocate, educator, and Wall Street veteran. We dive into Tone's fascinating journey into Bitcoin—starting with how the Cyprus banking crisis and WikiLeaks opened his eyes to Bitcoin's power as censorship-resistant money. Tone shares stories from his Wall Street days, his transition to becoming a full-time Bitcoin educator, and his experiences traveling the world promoting Bitcoin's core values.We also get into Tone's passion projects, like his Unconfiscatable event, which started as a Bitcoin conference and is now evolving into a high-stakes poker tournament for Bitcoiners. Plus, Tone gives his take on Prospera ZEDE, a private city initiative in Honduras, and why he believes projects like it are critical for advancing freedom and capitalism.If that's not enough, Tone shares his Bitcoin price predictions, some insights into his trading strategies, and even his new love for scuba diving. Tune in!- MikeSupport and follow Bitcoin Beach:https://twitter.com/Bitcoinbeachhttps://www.instagram.com/bitcoinbeach_sv/https://www.tiktok.com/@livefrombitcoinbeachWeb: https://www.bitcoinbeach.com/Follow and connect with Tone:X: https://x.com/ToneVayshttps://www.youtube.com/tonevayshttps://unconfiscatable.com/https://www.youtube.com/@unconfiscatablehttps://understandingbtc.com/https://thefinancialsummit.com/https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCMZe3aGArxffPZKpMve82wQBrowse through this quick guide to learn more about the episode:0:00 - Introduction1:50 – How did Tone Vays discover Bitcoin and what role did Max Keiser play?4:32 – What stopped Tone Vays from getting into Bitcoin mining in 2012?4:50 – How did the Cyprus banking crisis push Tone Vays toward Bitcoin?6:10 – How did growing up in the Soviet Union shape Tone Vays' views on Bitcoin and wealth?7:47 – How did Tone Vays get started with Bitcoin conferences and public speaking?9:30 – What does it mean to be a Bitcoin influencer, and how did Tone Vays become one?12:10 – What is the "Unconfiscatable" Bitcoin conference and why did Tone Vays create it?14:50 – Why is Bitcoin's "unconfiscatability" so important to Tone Vays?16:21 – How did the Unconfiscatable conference evolve into a Bitcoin poker tournament?23:25 – Why does Tone Vays think shadow banning hurts Bitcoin education?26:13 – What is The Financial Summit, and how does it help traders and investors?27:52 – Why are small financial retreats better for networking than big conferences?29:42 – What does Tone Vays think about Bitcoin adoption in El Salvador?40:31 – What is Prospera ZEDE, and why is it important for Bitcoin and private cities?47:15 – Why is Prospera facing challenges in Honduras, and what could happen next?56:15 – What are Tone Vays' Bitcoin price predictions for the next year?57:23 – Where can you follow Tone Vays and join his Bitcoin poker tournaments?Live From Bitcoin Beach

China's push to revise the international security order entered a new phase with the launch of the Global Security Initiative (GSI) in April 2022. A few months after Xi Jinping proposed GSI, host Bonnie Glaser did a podcast episode with Manoj Kewalramani to discuss the drivers behind GSI and analyze the initial statements outlining its content. More than 2 ½ years have elapsed since then, and scholars have begun to investigate how China is implementing GSI in various regions around the world. A new report from the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) examines how GSI is being operationalized and received in two priority regions of Chinese foreign policy: mainland Southeast Asia and Central Asia. The study draws on field research in both regions. The report is titled “China's Global Security Initiative Takes Shape in Southeast and Central Asia.” The report has three authors: Bates Gill, Carla Freeman and Alison McFarland. Bonnie Glaser is joined by Bates Gill for this episode to discuss the report's findings. Bates is a senior fellow with the National Bureau of Asian Research, a Senior Associate Fellow with the Royal United Services Institute, and associated with USIP.Timestamps[00:00] Start[01:53] Objectives of China's Global Security Initiative [04:22] GSI as an Additive or a Replacement[07:21] Fieldwork in Southeast and Central Asia[12:06] Concerns about China's Intentions and Influence[15:24] GSI Initiatives and Sources of Funding[19:58] GSI and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation[23:55] Moscow's View of GSI [29:27] Implications of GSI for the United States

Gerrard Williams is an esteemed international journalist and Historian with a career span of over thirty years.His resume includes Duty Editor for Reuters, as well as the BBC and Sky News. Williams' groundbreaking reporting has taken him to the front lines of the fall of the Soviet Union, the Rwandan Genocide, the 2004 tsunami in Thailand and the US occupation of Iraq among many other international stories. Ten years ago, while reporting in Argentina, Williams came across evidence in a local archive that changed the way he looked at historical reporting. That lead was to the existence of Nazi war criminals, including Adolf Hitler, using clandestine international routes to flee defeated Germany for safe haven in Argentina and other South American countries.The outcome of William's mission through these archives, eyewitness reports, and local history was the book, Grey Wolf: The Escape of Adolf Hitler. Despite the rigour in his journalism and adherence to facts and evidence, the international community has largely ignored Williams. Today, with the release of the classified FBI and OSS documents, his work is finally getting the credit and respect it deserves.Williams has taken over a dozen trips to Argentina and visited locations like Hotel Eden, Bariloche, and the Inalco House years before the FBI files pointed squarely to them. Williams believes that where he lacked the finances and technology to dig deep enough, this team won't be held back in the same way. Despite the newly released intelligence material, Williams understands how sensitive the subject is to discuss and unfathomable it is to comprehend, but stands by his work and welcomes a spirited debated revolving around the facts.From a death claims standpoint, Steven Rambam believes Williams is an invaluable asset to the team. Williams has spent over a decade laser focused on the facts surrounding this investigation and has access to a legion of declassified information, buried contemporaneous BBC reports, and knows everything about the Nazi movements, motives, and capabilities of the time. As a journalist, his devotion to facts provides the precise framework that Rambam demands to make this investigation the most in-depth and revealing the world has ever seen.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/houseofmysteryradio. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/houseofmysteryradio. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last time we spoke about the fourth encirclement campaign against the CCP. In 1931, the CCP survived brutal encirclement campaigns while the threat of Japanese invasion in Manchuria shifted focus in China. The new leadership, known as the 28 Bolsheviks, seized control after the downfall of Li Lisan, leading to infighting within the CCP. Despite initial successes, Mao Zedong opposed the aggressive military strategies favored by the Bolsheviks. As the Red Army expanded, Mao's calls for caution clashed with the Central Committee's ambitions, highlighting the struggle for power and differing strategies within the party during a time of upheaval. As the 28th Bolsheviks gained power, they stripped Mao Zedong of key positions, deeming his strategies outdated. The Red Army, while suffering losses, adapted tactics and launched further offensives. Political tensions rose, leading to purges and reorganization under more orthodox leadership. Ultimately, despite setbacks, the CCP's resilience and guerrilla tactics allowed them to persist against KMT forces.   #128 the fifth encirclement campaign Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So the CCP had just survived 4 encirclement campaigns. Now each time an encirclement campaign was unleashed, it was done so during a very tumultuous time to say the least. The first three were done between 1930-1931 where the Central Plains War and multiple large scale rebellions were kicking off. It was also on the cusp of the re-unification of China, thus Chiang Kai-Shek arguably had bigger fish to fry. During the fourth encirclement campaign Chiang Kai-Shek was very much taking notice of the red menace in his interior, however a rather earth shattering moment occurred, the Japanese had invaded Manchuria. And yes, we will get to the 15 year war in good time no worries folks your boy has a lot of goodies coming. So one can understand Chiang Kai-Shek could not very well fully go after the Reds when the Japanese had invaded northeast China and there was absolutely no telling where or when they would stop. Well the fourth encirclement campaign did not provide the results the KMT needed, so obviously there was to be a fifth…and guess what, the Japanese began an invasion of North China that same year of 1933. Now if you really are itching to hear more about these events we will tackle in a few episodes, over at the Pacific War Channel on Youtube or on all major podcast platforms might I suggest the following: my Kanji Ishiwara series covering his entire involvement in these events and during WW2, my full documentary/podcast on the Japanese invasion of Manchuria and lastly my full podcast on the Japanese invasion of North China. I am a very busy boy over there as you can see.  In the late winter and early spring of 1933, the Kwantung Army had begun an invasion of North China. They specifically began by invading the province of Rehe, modern day Jehol. After this they attacked the Great Wall of China, a pretty insane story to be honest, and descended further into north china. Understandably Chiang Kai-Shek shifted his focus from the Red menace to the Japanese at his front door. Beginning in July, the KMT established a review team to examine why the encirclement campaigns were failing to provide real results and what improvements could be made. They also established division level training units to retrain the forces with the lessons learned against the Reds. There was also a lot of integration of foreign military advisers, particularly Germans who helped develop better tactics and strategies. The Germans immediately proposed a more deliberate strategy against the Soviets. The first step they argued was to establish an economic blockade. Raw materials and durable goods could not be allowed to enter or leave the Soviet areas. Foods like rice and salt were especially targeted, there was to be an absolute ban on them going in or out. The second step was to establish a series of fortifications, basically blockhouses made out of concrete to provide fire support to offensive operations in nearby cities. As NRA forces advanced into areas to clear them, the previous blockhouses would be abandoned as new ones were built. There also needed to be lines of operation, requiring road development in rear areas to expedite logistical needs to the front. Now none of this sounds new compared to what we spoke about in the previous campaigns, but what was the issue was that it was not being done by all units prior. The KMT was also going to introduce political reforms that complemented the new standardized military strategies. New slogans arose such as “Thirty Percent Military, Seventy Percent Political,”. They were going to revive the baojia system.  The Baojia system was an administrative structure that emerged during the Song Dynasty 960–1279 AD and was prevalent in various forms throughout subsequent dynasties. Its primary purpose was to enhance local governance, community responsibility, and social stability. The system was based on the grouping of households into units known as "bao" and "jia". Each bao typically consisted of ten households, while a jia consisted of ten baos, totaling about one hundred households. This hierarchical structure allowed for more manageable governance and oversight, facilitating communication and administration at the local level. Under the Baojia system, each household was assigned to a bao, and the head of the bao was responsible for maintaining order, collecting taxes, and ensuring the compliance of families with local laws and regulations. The heads of the baojia units worked in conjunction with local officials to enforce state policies and maintain social harmony. This system not only provided a means for effective local governance but also fostered a sense of community among families. Neighbors were encouraged to cooperate and support one another, creating a network of mutual responsibility. In addition to its administrative functions, the Baojia system played a significant role in maintaining social order. By organizing families into these small units, it facilitated surveillance and mutual accountability among community members. Residents were motivated to monitor each other's behavior, discouraging misconduct and promoting adherence to social norms. As a result, the system contributed to the overall stability and cohesion of society, particularly in rural areas where government presence was often limited. Now to get all of this done, the KMT increased the NRA forces deployed to Jiangxi to nearly 700,000 who were broken down into 4 area armies and 5 air corps. They deployed the Northern Route NRA Army consisting of 33 divisions in Jinzhi, Jishui, Nangeng and the Le'an front; and the Southern Route NRA Army, consisting of eleven Guangdong divisions and one independent regiment, established a blocking position along a line connecting the cities of Wuping, Anyuan, Shangyou and Ganxian. The Southern Route NRA army would move to the blocking positions north in coordination with the other NRA forces to try and squeeze the Reds. The Western Route NRA army consisting of 9 Hunanese divisions and 3 independent regiments were responsible for blocking the Reds from advancing west of the Gan River. The Fujian-Zhejiang-Jiangxi area army HQ was assigned 11 divisions and 4 security regiments to block any Reds from escaping through northeast Jiangxi. All of this encompassed the fifth encirclement campaign.  When the NRA was ready to commence the campaign, it was too late for the Reds to properly mount a counter encirclement campaign. The only thing the Reds had going for them was their recruitment efforts that saw them grow perhaps 100,000 strong. The Red Army even began touting a slogan “Million Man Army” to further recruit. By late October 1933, the Reds were certainly numerous, but this also meant they needed more supplies and equipment. With their Eastern Front Army now in Fujian, the Central Front Army and local populace should have been raising revenues and stockpiling supplies, especially rice and salt, but that is of course if they knew a fifth encirclement campaign was coming.  On September 25th, the NRA deployed 3 divisions south from Nanchang to attack Lichuan. Within 3 days of battle, the city fell, which greatly shocked the CCP. The Central Front Red Army fell back, waiting for the Eastern Front Red Army to rush back over from Fujian to meet the threat. By October 6th both front Red armies consolidated to perform a counterattack. They first attacked Xunkou, where they annihilated 3 NRA brigades. However the success was to be short lived. For the proceeding two months, the Red Army attacked multiple NRA blockhouses in Zixi, Huwan Bajiaoting, Xiaoshi, Daxiongguan and Yuangai Mountain. Yet they were unsuccessful at breaching the defensive line. The concrete block houses were acting as pillboxes allowing the NRA to concentrate fire using brand new German made machine guns. They also were utilizing new Krupp artillery pieces and German made aerial bombs against the Red army formations whenever they assaulted the blockhouse line. By November the KMT's attention was slightly diverted as Fujian had just seen a full blown rebellion, more about that in the next episode, but to summarize a bit. On November 30th, the KMT 19th route army in conjunction with the Fujian provincial government rebelled against the KMT and set up an independent government. As you might be guessing, they were also working with the CCP. Back in October they had formed a military alliance, better said cease fire. This little arrangement did not last long and there even emerged hostilities. During this chaos the revolutionary military council held an emergency meeting to figure out a course of action. Otto Braun advocated for a strong offensive to decisively defeat the KMT. He argued the golden age of guerrilla warfare in China was over and now the Red Army must conduct convention warfare against NRA positions. Thus Mao Zedong's “lure the enemy in deep” strategy was replaced by “defending against the enemy outside the Soviet”. In January of 1934 the second soviet congress was held where a series of resolutions were passed to focus the Red Army against the fifth encirclement campaign. The resolutions reiterated Otto Braun's offensive strategy and repeatedly attacked Mao Zedong's strategies. Building upon the strategy of defending against the enemy outside the Soviets, Otto Braun also proposed using “short, swift thrusts”. This would see the employment of repeated infantry assaults to overwhelm the NRA blockhouse lines. Otto Braun also advocated for continuing the mass recruitment efforts and brought up perhaps beginning a system of conscription to fill the ranks. After the Fujian rebellion situation simmered down, the NRA refocused their attention against the Reds. The NRA established a line of blockhouses going from Lichuan to Le'an and began clearing out the area south of Ruijin using 35 divisions. The NRA forces first targeted Guangchang, lying about halfway between Nanchang and Ruijin. The NRA's Eastern Front also began advancing west, totaling some 14 divisions. By March of 1934 the NRA Northern and Eastern Fronts linked up at Deshengguan where they began coordinated efforts towards Guangchang. In response to the NRA advances towards Guangchang, the Red Army built a series of fortifications and trenchworks to defend the area. On April 9th, the NRA began its attack on Guangchang, deploying the 3rd Route army's 10 divisions from Nanfeng with heavy artillery and aircraft support. The NRA forces advanced south along both sides of the Xu River leading towards Guangchang. The Northern Route NRA Army established new blockhouses on one side of the river before clearing the other side. It took the NRA forces roughly 2 weeks to advance down the riverway to Guangchang. By April 23rd, they breached the Red Army's defensive lines and seized control over some high ground surrounding the area. The Reds were forced to pull back into the city where they continued to build fortifications and trench lines. On the 27th the NRA began to artillery and aerially bomb the city, easily destroying the wooden fortifications and trench lines constructed by the Reds. On the 28th, the NRA stormed the city forcing the Reds to retreat south. The Reds had suffered 5093 casualties, roughly 20% of their defending force at Guangcheng whereas the NRA suffered 2000 casualties. It was very evident, the NRA were wielding superior equipment, notably the heavy artillery and aircrafts that the Red's had no real answer for.  After Guangchang the NRA advanced in all four directions. By May 1, NRA forces from the Western Front had taken control of both Shaxi and Longgang. Meanwhile, the Eastern Route NRA forces advanced and captured Jianning by May 16. By June, the CCP began feeling the strain from these assaults. A combination of the blockade and the baojia system was gradually eroded local support for the CCP. The attrition warfare strategy also took a toll on the quality of leadership and experience in the Red Army, as more inexperienced soldiers filled the ranks. Under pressure, many of these recruits deserted, further weakening the Red Army's effectiveness. Additionally, the shortage of supplies and food lowered morale and diminished public support for the Red Army's offensive. Even military and party publications gradually withdrew their support for the offensive, shifting focus to the promotion of guerrilla warfare to conserve resources. Recruitment efforts to replenish losses had little impact as the NRA's superior strategy continued to stifle the Soviet, reducing its control from seventeen counties to ten. In the summer of 1934, the Red Army began exploring new strategies, establishing a defensive perimeter stretching from Ninghua to Ningdu and Xingguo. By May, the Central Committee convened and concluded that the current offensive strategy was ineffective, likely necessitating the Red Army's evacuation from the Soviet area. They sought approval from the COMINTERN to change their approach, which was granted a few days later, stressing that the CCP's priority should be preserving the Red Army's combat strength. However, Braun and Bo Gu proposed a different method. Instead of immediately preparing to withdraw from the Soviet, they advocated for a final stand, urging everyone to give their all to defend the territory and secure victory. Alongside this shift in rhetoric, the Red Army maintained its defensive posture, constructing wooden blockhouses and trenches. Additionally, the CCP approved an expansion of guerrilla warfare across multiple fronts to defeat the NRA. In July, the NRA launched another offensive, focusing this time on the city of Shicheng, positioned between Ninghua and Ningdu as their entry point. The two forces clashed fiercely along this final line of defense for nearly a month. In early August, the Red Army mounted a strong counteroffensive during the battle of Gaohunao, inflicting over 4,000 casualties on the NRA. However, the Red Army also suffered heavy losses and was forced to retreat to the last defensive line just north of Shicheng. At Shicheng, the Red Army managed to hold the NRA in a stalemate. Ultimately, the NRA deployed twelve large howitzers, breaking through the defensive line in August. Shicheng eventually fell in October. The defense cost the Red Army 5,000 casualties, leaving it severely weakened and forcing its leaders to consider drastic actions. By this point, the Jiangxi Soviet had been reduced to a small area around Ruijin and Xingguo. With mounting casualties and the imminent threat of an NRA assault on Ruijin, the Red Army made a bold decision to retreat from Jiangxi on October 10, 1934, ending the Fifth Extermination Campaign. There has been a lot of thorough investigative work into why the CCP failed during the fifth encirclement campaign. This episode will be a bit different then previous ones as I thought it might be interesting to tell the overall story and then explain the finer details as to why it went down this way. Going back to when I discussed the NRA analyzing why their fourth encirclement campaign had failed. The analytics from that were incorporated into plans formed by the German advisers such as Hans von Seeckt and Alexander von Faulkenhausen. The Germans dramatically improved the NRA's performance across the board. This was seen in terms of training, the employment of more modern military tactics and of course the Germans sold the NRA some really good toys. Now again this was done in the vacuum of the Japanese invasion of Manchuria and Northern China. The real aim of the Germans' assistance was directed against the Japanese, but the advisers acknowledged how China must combat the external aggressor while not succumbing to internal threats. Ironically it was that exact situation that had toppled multiple Chinese dynasties in the past, take the Ming for example.  The NRA also employed effective counterinsurgent strategies that complimented their conventional warfare strategies. Beginning back in 1928 the KMT gradually re-instituted the baojia system. The NRA first cleared out Red areas and then established local administrators who were loyal to the KMT, protected by local militias. Through this the NRA was able to hold cleared areas and block any Red infiltration. Many residents in these areas actively began providing intel to the NRA. The Baojia system also supported the economic blockade, providing a system of sentries at the entrance of villages placing a lot of pressure on the Red Army and local populations. Chiang Kai-Shek's political reform “70% political, 30% military” also helped incorporate many disenfranchised Chinese, taking their support away from the Reds. The NRA also adopted a methodical, patient approach to tackle the Reds. The NRA quickly found out the Reds did not have the necessary weaponry to take out their concrete blockhouses, thus a war of attrition was on the table. Electing for a long campaign rather than a short one severely hurt the Reds who were incapable of conducting prolonged operations. The NRA also had learnt from the Red's usage of diversionary and feint attacks, not falling for them this time around. There was also obviously their NRA enormous advantage in numbers, they did toss nearly a million men at the Soviets. On the other side the Red Army suffered from numerous internal problems. The Red Army had undergone numerous measures to reform and professionalize the army, under the leadership of the 28 bolsheviks whom dominated the Central Committee. The mass recruitment efforts were directly primarily on uneducated peasants who required intensive training. Meanwhile the offensive strategy was decimating Red Army forces, many new recruits were tossed straight into the front lines without any training. The lack of training and political guidance, accompanied with low morale led to mass desertions. By the end of the fifth encirclement campaign the Red Army could not generate the proper forces to fill its demand and simply kept tossing more and more untrained peasants into the lines, degrading the combat effectiveness. The arrival of the Twenty-eight Bolsheviks in the CCP led to significant changes in the overall military strategy of the Red Army. Much of the new leadership's perspectives were shaped by Stalinist Soviet ideology, which markedly contrasted with the views of both Li Lisan and Mao Zedong, particularly in relation to Mao Zedong's approach, which was influenced by political considerations. These ideological differences also resulted in a substantial gap in military tactics. Nevertheless, both the Bolsheviks and Mao shared a similar stance on the expansion and training of the Red Army, emphasizing the vital importance of political training in building a robust party army. Ultimately, the CCP believed that the success of the Red Army hinged on the professionalization of the force, ensuring unity of command, a shared understanding of the mission, and an enhanced capacity to execute that mission. The primary advocate for the professionalization strategy of the Red Army was the Soviet Union. Stalin's interest in the Red Army was driven by both external and internal factors. The Soviet Union viewed an imminent threat from both Japan and Germany. Japan, a longstanding adversary of Russia, had expanded its presence in China, particularly following the 1932 occupation of Manchuria, which posed a direct risk to Russia's southern flank and national security. The Soviets believed that a large, professional Red Army, loyal to the Soviet Union, would serve as a formidable defense against Japanese aggression, and later, German threats. Additionally, the Soviets resumed discussions with the Nationalist government after years of silence to help ensure the security of their Chinese flank. For Stalin, the struggle for control over the CCP was intertwined with a broader power struggle within the Soviet Union against Trotsky. His internal conflicts with Trotsky solidified his communist ideology, resulting in a stringent approach within the COMINTERN and the new CCP. Through the COMINTERN and Bolsheviks, Stalin aimed to consolidate his power by eliminating Trotskyists in China. These internal Soviet political dynamics ultimately influenced the choice of Chinese political and military strategies, which had detrimental effects on the Red Army. At first glance, the policies of the Twenty-eight Bolsheviks closely resembled those of Li Lisan. Both groups viewed the urban proletariat as the central force in the communist revolution. They shared the conviction that merging the revolutionary spirit of the proletariat with modern strategies would empower the Red Army to achieve victory. Additionally, they felt that the conditions were ripe for revolution to spread into urban areas, emphasizing the necessity for the Red Army to engage in the cities to support students and workers involved in the movement. Wang Ming even remarked that although the 1930 assault on Changsha was a mistake, he did not see this failure as evidence against the soundness of the strategy of targeting urban centers. Upon closer inspection, the distinctions between the two factions were quite pronounced. Disputes between them arose early on; in June 1930, Li Lisan criticized Wang Ming, Bo Gu, and two other group members for opposing his plans. However, their differences ran deeper than mere political conflict. Ideologically, the Bolsheviks challenged Li Lisan's characterization of the bourgeoisie. In Wang Ming's The Two Lines, he asserted that all "capitalist bourgeois reformers were counterrevolutionary." This broadened the definition to encompass wealthy and middle-class peasants, who became targets during land reform efforts. Additionally, their strategies for confronting urban centers differed significantly. The factions also had contrasting views on the role of the Red Army: Li Lisan believed it should support urban proletariat uprisings to capture the cities, while the Bolsheviks regarded it as the primary force for seizing the metropolis. The distinctions between Mao Zedong and the 28 Bolsheviks were significant. Unlike Mao Zedong, the Bolshevik-led CCP rejected any form of alliance, insisting on the defeat of both the Nationalists and the Japanese. In their view, both groups were imperialists and posed equal threats to the Soviet Union and the communist movement. During the Mukden Incident, many nationalists and communists sought to forge a united front against Japanese aggression. However, the CCP opposed this, advocating for the overthrow of what they considered the agent of imperialism—the KMT.  The Bolsheviks also held a strong opposition to Maoist military strategies. They believed that an incorrect guerrilla warfare approach had infiltrated the Red Army, epitomized by the "lure the enemy in deep" tactic. Wang Ming likened this strategy to a form of "retreat" or "escape." The Bolsheviks advocated for the significant expansion and professionalization of the Red Army, aiming to move away from a peasant mentality. With a larger force, the Red Army could adopt an offensive stance, employing Soviet tactics to capture urban centers and extend Soviet influence. While guerrilla warfare was not entirely dismissed, it was relegated to local militias in rear and flank areas. In contrast, Mao had a more practical perspective on the capabilities of Red Army soldiers. He recognized that the Red Army lacked the technology necessary for conventional warfare. Moreover, Mao believed that achieving victory was not the sole priority; sustainability after victory and ensuring that the gains outweighed the losses were also crucial considerations. In hindsight, the positional warfare and offensive tactics advocated by Otto Braun and the students proved to be ineffective against the NRA. However, at the time, it is understandable why this approach was favored over Mao Zedongs strategy of "luring the enemy deep." This new offensive military strategy was predicated on the belief that the Red Army was strong and capable of launching attacks against the NRA. Although this assessment may have been overstated, the victories achieved during the Extermination Campaigns did boost the morale of the Red Army. Furthermore, their later success in resisting the Fourth Extermination Campaign reinforced the capabilities of the Communist military forces. This offensive strategy also marked a departure from the tactic of conceding territory, which had always posed challenges for the local population. The CCP garnered more support for its strategy by asserting that the Red Army was now strong enough to defend their territory and confront the enemy directly, allowing locals to remain in their homes. This simple shift fostered greater support for their cause. Conversely, Mao Zedong had a keen understanding of local conditions and recognized the detrimental effects of Bolshevik policies on land redistribution. The Bolshevik approach increased the burden on a larger portion of the local populace and threatened the fragile support necessary for waging a "people's war." Mao Zedong and his followers also aimed to delay and hinder large recruitment efforts, arguing that expansion would be an unnecessary distraction for locals who were already busy with agricultural work. Moreover, the Bolshevik offensive strategy was more conventional compared to Mao Zedongs concept of mobile warfare. At that time, Mao Zedongs approach of "luring the enemy deep" and other mobile warfare tactics were revolutionary in China and faced considerable criticism and skepticism. Even after the significant defeat of the Li Lisan line, the ability of the Bolsheviks and Otto Braun to revive a similar strategy two years later demonstrated the ongoing support for a more conventional military approach. In its new strategy, the Red Army blended traditional and modern tactics to engage the enemy. On the one hand, it maintained its reliance on established strengths in intelligence gathering and deception to outmaneuver the NRA. However, with the introduction of the Twenty-eight Bolsheviks and Otto Braun, the Red Army transitioned from a mobile defense approach to employing “short, swift thrusts” as offensive tactics against the NRA blockhouses during the Fifth Extermination Campaign. The Red Army also capitalized on advantages gained from previous campaigns. Improvements in signal intelligence, particularly through increased collection of wireless communications and the creation of training schools, enabled the Red Army to closely monitor NRA movements during the Fourth Extermination Campaign. Additionally, the Red Army integrated tactical intelligence into its operations, using plain-clothed soldiers and deploying double agents within KMT units to gather intelligence and disrupt them. The thoroughness of the Red Army's intelligence collection was a notable strength. For instance, an intelligence report on the KMT's Seventy-ninth NRA Division analyzed the background and motivations of its soldiers, revealing that many hailed from the same area as their commander, which fostered strong loyalties. This insight made the unit a less appealing target for subversion, given the traditional Confucian emphasis on hierarchical loyalty. The Red Army continued to execute feints and deceptive operations throughout its campaigns. The Eleventh Red Army effectively served as the main effort on two occasions. Moreover, the Red Army sent misleading communications to confuse NRA forces. For instance, while near Huangpi, NRA scouts “intercepted” a message claiming that the Red Army's main forces were positioned in Nanchang, prompting the division units to lower their guard in the city, only to be ambushed. The biggest change to Red Army tactics was the introduction of what Otto Braun described as “short, swift thrusts,” while Lin Biao defined this tactic as “sudden, rapid raids launched against the enemy who emerges from their blockhouses to advance the fortification line by a short distance, specifically between 2½ to 5 kilometers or even less. These thrusts aim to eliminate the main enemy forces before they can solidify their position. Although the tactics appeared straightforward, significant differences emerged in their application, particularly between Braun's theoretical approach and Lin Biao's practical execution. Firstly, the ultimate objectives of the tactics differed greatly. Braun's approach was part of a broader strategy aimed at safeguarding Soviet territory. Rather than seeking a decisive victory over the numerically superior NRA forces, the Red Army focused on defending territory and achieving small tactical victories that could translate into operational and strategic advantages. In contrast, Lin Biao viewed this tactic as a means to “annihilate the enemy or secure victory in the entire battle.”His emphasis was on defeating the enemy and achieving a decisive victory. Secondly, Braun promoted a more methodical strategy, where the Red Army would establish strong points with small clusters of fortifications. These areas provided defensive protection against artillery and air assaults, creating conditions conducive for the Red Army to launch rapid attacks on the NRA when they were away from their blockhouses. During an attack, Braun suggested that the Red Army should first fix the NRA in its rear, flank, or even front, followed by a strike aimed at weakening the enemy to disrupt its forces. Conversely, Lin Biao had a different perspective on the assault, prioritizing mobility and movement for the Red Army during these thrusts. The Red Army's primary defense relied on secrecy, moving quietly to occupy high ground while only establishing makeshift defensive structures for air and artillery protection. When the enemy entered their territory, the Red Army would encircle their forces, cutting off their retreat and swiftly attacking their flanks before they could construct fortifications. He advocated for the pursuit, believing it was the most effective way to convert a tactical victory into operational or strategic success. In contrast, Lin Biao rejected the idea of pursuit, reasoning that if his tactics were executed effectively, the enemy would have no escape route, making a pursuit unnecessary. These differing views on tactics underscored the challenges of translating theoretical military concepts into practical application. Otto Braun's offensive strategy stemmed from his experiences and understanding of Western military traditions. When applied to the Chinese battlefield, Lin Biao adapted his own experiences to formulate his interpretation of “short, swift thrusts,” which incorporated several of Mao's tactical principles. Given the circumstances of the Red Army, Lin Biao aimed for a quick, decisive victory, steering clear of prolonged battles with the NRA. He utilized intelligence and terrain—particularly through reconnaissance—to gain an advantage over the enemy. His strategy prioritized focusing on the enemy rather than merely securing territory, enabling his unit to engage in battle on favorable ground. While the localization of “short, swift thrusts” did not provide the Red Army with the decisive edge needed to overcome the NRA, it illustrated how the Red Army continued to adapt concepts to local conditions to achieve success in combat. Between 1932 and 1934, the Red Army reached its maximum size and level of professionalism, only to be outmatched by a stronger NRA force. With the rise of the Twenty-eight Bolsheviks, the Red Army adopted a more aggressive, offensive strategy. Although this approach would later be deemed a mistake, it initiated a series of reforms that enhanced the Red Army's professionalism. During this period, the Red Army nearly doubled its strength to six army corps. To promote uniformity and centralize command, all Red Army units, including local militia groups, were standardized. Additionally, the Red Army founded the Red Academy and the Red Army War College, alongside specialized schools to train and develop its officers. These reforms contributed to the Red Army's success in the Fourth Extermination Campaign against the NRA and facilitated the expansion of Soviet influence into four provinces. However, following their defeat, the NRA adapted and developed a more effective strategy against the Red Army. Lacking the necessary heavy weapons and supplies, the Red Army could not prevent the systematic encirclement of the Jiangxi Soviet during the Fifth Extermination Campaign. In order to survive the Red Army would have to embark on arguably one of the most important historic moments of the CCP's history, it was a notably very long march. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The 28 Bolsheviks wrestled control over the CCP and this had rather dramatic consequences. For one, Mao Zedong's strategies were thrown to the wind as full on offensive strategies took the center stage. In the face of the most intense NRA encirclement campaign as of yet, the CCP crumbled and would now have to march to away trying to survive.

What does it take to translate a 900-page Russian novel written before the fall of the Soviet Union? For Robert Chandler it meant living in a seaside cottage for four months to immerse himself completely in the characters' lives and to meet his publisher's deadline. Listen as Chandler, the translator of Vasily Grossman's masterpiece Life and Fate and many of his other works, speaks with EconTalk's Russ Roberts about Grossman, the art of translation, and the challenges of bringing a sprawling Russian classic to English-speaking readers.

Send us a textToday, we wrap up our history of the Cossacks, flowing them from the time of Catherine the Great, the Napoleonic Invasion, and though their tough times under the Bolsheviks. Support the show

President Biden has pardoned his son, Hunter Biden, who was awaiting sentencing for illegally purchasing a gun and evading $1 million in taxes. Despite previously stating he would not shield his son from legal consequences, the president argued that politics had “infected” the judicial process. Hunter Biden has pledged not to take his father's mercy for granted, vowing to dedicate his life to helping others struggling with addiction. President-elect Trump has chosen Kash Patel as his new FBI director. If confirmed, he will replace Chris Wray as head of the agency. Patel previously pledged to reform the FBI by closing its headquarters in Washington. To discuss how Patel would lead the FBI and why he was chosen, NTD speaks with Mike Leon, Policy and Strategy Director at the Free and Equal Elections Foundation and host of the ‘Can We Please Talk' podcast. The United States is not considering returning the nuclear weapons that Ukraine gave up after the Soviet Union collapsed. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan spoke to ABC on Sunday in response to a question about a New York Times article from last month. ⭕️ Watch in-depth videos based on Truth & Tradition at Epoch TV

https://www.franchisewithmax.com/ https://www.linkedin.com/in/maxemma/ The story of BooXkeeping starts with an 18-year-old Max emigrating from the former Soviet Union to the U.S., where he initially worked in corporate accounting and finance but found it deeply unfulfilling. He celebrated his "Freedom Day" from corporate America on July 3rd, 2002, when he shifted to a family-run landscape maintenance business. Despite initially growing the business to an impressive $4 million, a lack of financial oversight and the 2008 recession led to bankruptcy. “It was the greatest lesson in accounting, finance, and business ownership I could have ever received,” said Max. “Although it felt like the end of the world at the time, I knew I had to keep going and learn from my mistakes.” Max persevered, restarting with a smaller landscape maintenance business, this time outsourcing his bookkeeping to another company. He immediately noticed a significant discrepancy in how the bookkeeping industry operated. A lightbulb went off in his head. “For the same scope of work, I was seeing quotes from as low as $200 to as high as $2,000 — anyone in finance knows that means there is a big opportunity to dominate a fragmented market,” said Max. “So, we started the BooXkeeping business in our garage part-time while we ran our landscaping company to pay the bills.” Gradually, BooXkeeping became Emmas' full-time job, and they sold their landscaping company. Although the couple divorced a few years later, they continued working together to grow the brand, driven by their passion for redefining an outdated industry and putting the client first. Today, BooXkeeping is the preferred bookkeeping vendor for over 95 franchise brands in the U.S., including companies like FastSigns, Gameday Men's Health, Sport Clips, and more. “Hanging out with franchisors gave me the idea that I could become one of them myself,” said Max. “So, I decided to franchise the BooXkeeping concept.” Entrepreneurial Journeys and Immigrant Contributions Michael and Max discussed their entrepreneurial journeys. Max, who immigrated from the Soviet Union, shared his experience of starting from scratch after leaving a well-paying job at Qualcomm. He initially took a significant pay cut to join a small family business, which he grew from 3 to 96 employees. Michael acknowledged the entrepreneurial spirit that drives individuals like Max to take risks and pursue new opportunities. Max also referenced the quote from the musical Hamilton, "Immigrants. We get the job done," emphasizing the role of immigrants in driving growth and innovation. Bookkeeping Services for Small Businesses Michael and Max discussed the benefits of their bookkeeping services for small businesses. Max explained how the idea for their business, Bookkeeping with an X, came about after they received vastly different quotes for the exact scope of work. They decided to bring technology efficiency to the market, starting in 2011. Their services are still human resource-focused but aim to automate 60-70% of the job processes. This approach allows them to keep a low price point, providing significant savings to small businesses. Maintaining Clean Financial Records for Business Michael discussed the importance of maintaining clean financial records for businesses. He emphasized that this is crucial not only for tax compliance and reporting but also for the ease of transitioning the company to someone else, whether through sale, winding down, or passing on to another party. He highlighted the benefits of having organized records for business valuation and potential exit scenarios. Michael also shared his personal experience of losing his mother earlier in the year, using it as an example of the importance of planning. Financial Management in Business Operations Michael and Max discussed the importance of financial management in business operations. Michael, a former public accountant, emphasized the need to analyze trends and understand a business's ebbs and flows, especially in the context of the pandemic and supply chain challenges. Max agreed, noting that many companies struggle with financial management, which can hinder growth and make it difficult to sell the business. They both highlighted the importance of knowing one's finances to make informed decisions about investments and growth. Accounting Systems and Bookkeeping Experiences Michael and Max discussed their experiences with accounting systems and bookkeeping. Michael shared his involvement in the early versions of QuickBooks and emphasized the importance of clean accounting for a strong business. On the other hand, Max talked about his journey in bookkeeping, starting with franchises and eventually becoming the preferred bookkeeping provider for about 100 franchise brands in the US. He also mentioned his recent venture into franchising bookkeeping services, with plans to expand to around 40 or 50 franchises by the end of the following year. Both agreed on the importance of delegation and living life beyond work. Growing a Business and Franchise Opportunities Max discussed his work in growing a business and creating a franchise, which he learned about through his experiences. He also introduced Main Entrance, a franchise brokerage he founded to help people not a good fit for bookkeeping franchises find other opportunities. Max emphasized that his services are free to candidates, and he gets paid only if they buy a franchise. He highlighted the interconnectivity of his businesses, with franchisees becoming clients for his bookkeeping services and vice versa. Michael praised Max's work, noting its potential for growth and impact, and encouraged others not to be deterred by economic situations. 

James Poulos and Michael Cernovich, independent filmmaker and author of "Gorilla Mindset," discuss the concepts of time, end times, and Western culture's narrowed view of history. They break down the philosophical idea that time periods over the course of history have deteriorated rather than thrived, referring back to examples such as the collapse of the Soviet Union. Cernovich criticizes the mentality of our modern society and how people seek fulfillment through things like porn and social media rather than religion and family. Poulos and Cernovich also cover the dangers of modern technology and how AI has the potential to take over our lives. Are we doomed to rely on technology for the rest of our lives, or is there a way to stop humanity from relying on technology in our everyday lives? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

*) Hamas and Fatah discuss Egyptian proposals for border reopening The Palestinian National Liberation Movement has said it is holding discussions on the Egyptian proposal to reopen the Rafah border crossing in Cairo with the Hamas resistance group. A Fatah official said that the Palestinian National Liberation Movement is keen on an immediate end to the Israeli war on Gaza, expediting aid delivery and initiating reconstruction. A Fatah delegation is present in Cairo discussing the proposal and having the Palestinian Authority manage it on the Palestinian side. *) Death toll rises as Syrian regime targets civilians in Idlib In Syria's Idlib, the number of civilians killed in airstrikes carried out by regime forces in Idlib province rose to 16. Regime leader Bashar al-Assad's warplanes targeted many neighbourhoods in the city. Sources from the Syrian Civil Defense said that 59 civilians were also wounded, including 21 children and 19 women. Clashes broke out on November 27 between Assad regime forces and opposition groups in the western countryside of Aleppo province in northern Syria. *) US will not return nuclear weapons to Ukraine — official The White House has said the United States is not considering returning to Ukraine the nuclear weapons it gave up after the Soviet Union collapsed. When questioned, national security adviser Jake Sullivan made his remarks that some unidentified Western officials had suggested US President Joe Biden could give Ukraine the arms before he leaves office. *) Syrian National Army captures Tel Rifaat, deals blow to PKK/YPG terrorists The Syrian National Army (SNA) has gained full control over the central district of Tel Rifaat in its Operation Freedom Dawn, launched against the PKK/YPG terror group while continuing its advance in the outskirts. Entering the district from the western side near Deyr Jamal, troops cleared Tel Rifaat's centre of terrorists following intense clashes. The army also liberated Hirbil village to the east of the district and is progressing in other areas on the periphery. *) Flash flooding hits Australia's Queensland Heavy rainfall has resulted in riverine and flash floods across parts of Australia's northeastern Queensland, with more storms predicted. According to the Australia Broadcasting Corporation, parts of the state capital Brisbane have been submerged by flash flooding, with more storms predicted for south-east Queensland over the next 24 hours. The Bureau of Meteorology (BOM) said massive rainfall was recorded overnight, with the heaviest of about 77 mm falling inland from the Gold Coast in under four hours.

Welcome to Breaking Down Boxes. We have compelling conversations with entrepreneurs in the packaging space. In this episode of Breaking Down Boxes, hosts Jeff Pallini and George Perreira sit down with Mark Jared, Director and CEO of Cumberland Container in Monterey, TN, to explore his unconventional career path and the evolution of his business. From navigating international challenges in China to leading a box plant in Tennessee, Mark's story is a fascinating tale of resilience, innovation, and community.Mark shares his unique perspective on leadership, emphasizing the importance of trust and collaboration, and discusses the strategies that have driven Cumberland Container's growth. From investing in technology to building personalized customer relationships, Mark offers insights into the challenges and opportunities within the independent packaging industry.About MarkGrowing up in the countryside outside of a small town I learned to be fairly self-reliant and after a couple of extensive trips a love for travel. I started mountaineering at 14 with my Dad which has taken me to some pretty amazing places. At 18 I went west to work the wheat harvest before moving to Virginia to attend school at Washington & Lee University. My junior year was three of the best as I had multiple jobs over a 2 year period from construction to sales and made a trip to Mexico to climb the 3 highest peaks. Once back at school I took the opportunity to get selected for an exchange program W&L had with the Chinese University of Hong Kong. That was in 1979 when the US recognized the People's Republic Of China and it became the “new frontier” as few Westerners had traveled there since 1949. As a poor student I could not afford to join a tour but used my majors in history and philosophy and a bit of Chinese language to get a job leading tours to China. Over the next 5 years I lead over 45 trips all over China and also into Southeast Asia, India, Pakistan, the Soviet Union, Japan and others. During that period I also went to grad school and received my Masters in International Management. Not wanting to turn 30 leading tours I got a job with consortium of companies building the largest foreign invested real estate project in Shanghai. After working and managing the Shanghai Centre project for 20 plus years and also working on projects in Korea and Vietnam I went to work for Dubai World responsible for developing new real estate projects in Asia. In 2010 I received a fax from my father to come home and buy the box company he had started in 1969. He claimed I could continue to live in China as the company had a management team but that turned out to be stretch of the truth. In 2013 I moved the family away from their 23 million best friends to middle TN and began to work at Cumberland Container where I had no clue how a box was made. However the company had a very good team of leaders that I recognized I needed to even try to manage the business. After our GM left in 2016 taking a considerable amount of business we formed a management committee to run the business all of which are still at the company. I joined AICC around 2018 and began attending the meetings where I got a great introduction to a lot of new ideas and great people in the industry. I pretty quickly drank the kool-aid to get ahead we needed to have fast and precise equipment to be competitive and grow the business so over the past 5+ years we went on capital investment program buying new FFGs, RDC, Baysek, Speciality Folder Gluer, Partition Assembler, Automatan and Stitcher/Gluer. We also expanded the facility growing to 260K square feet, upgraded our shipping fleet, scrap system and graphics capability making us well positioned for the next 10+ years. Plus I bought 12 acres of property adjacent to the plant for future expansion. Cumberland has a great management group and a very capable workforce of 95...

In 1939, Finnish troops defied the odds, battling the Soviet Union in the icy landscapes of the Winter War. For three months, this David-and-Goliath struggle captivated the world, showing the resilience of a nation against an overwhelming force.

The Munich Agreement had bought peace. But at a price. The highest had, of course, been paid by Czechoslovakia which lost much of its territory. But there was also a cost in the increasing distrust of the Soviet Union, another of the protecting powers of the Czechs, which had simply been left out of the Munich negotiations, towards the Western Powers. In Britain, though, Chamberlain enjoyed a burst of popularity, as the man who'd preserved the peace. It would be short-lived, however, as the enormity of the betrayal of the Czechs sank in. And after the sheer horror of the pogrom across Germany known as Kristallnacht, there was a swing against appeasement and against the government. That became stronger after Germany occupied the rest of Czechoslovakia in March 1939. The invasion in effect tore the Munich Agreement to shreds. Now the pressure for a strong stance against Hitler, and in particular to come to an agreement with the Soviet Union to help, became too powerful for Chamberlain to resist. But the British conducted negotiations with the Soviet Union in such a casual way, so dismissively of the Soviets, that failure was unavoidable. Within days of the collapse of the negotiations, the Soviet Union announced that it had signed a Non-Aggression Pact with the Nazi Germany. This was one of the most shameful international agreements ever signed. But Britain's stance had contributed to it. What's worse, the pact, the second biggest shock of 1939, would lead within a week to the biggest of all. Which we'll tackle, appropriately, in a week's time. Illustration: David Low, ‘Rendez-vous'. Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License

Interview with Max Emma, who is a Certified Franchise Executive with extensive experience in franchising ranging from providing bookkeeping services to over 100 franchise brands in the US to creating and growing his own Bookkeeping Franchise brand called BooXkeeping to providing franchise consulting to individuals who either want to franchise their business or to buy an existing franchise. As an immigrant coming from the former Soviet Union almost 32 years ago, Max has come a long way from learning English using his own "know-how" to graduating with honors and working for corporate America. 22 years ago Max left the corporate world, became an entrepreneur, and has never looked back. With ups and downs that included bankruptcy, Max is the CEO of 3 companies built all about franchising and entrepreneurship.  His web site is https://www.booxkeepingfranchise.com/

Kristen Ghodsee reads the fourth section of Alexandra Kollontai's 1915 essay about World War I–"Who Needs the War?"–and looks for lessons applicable to the present day. This translation is from a 1984 collection of Kollontai's writing published by Progress Publishers in the Soviet Union, which claims that the essay was written while Kollontai was in exile in Norway. She sent it to Vladimir Lenin (then in exile in Switzerland) who also edited it before publication. The final pamphlet was first published in 1916. It went into multiple editions and was distributed widely across Europe and Russia.Mentioned in this episode:"How to do escapism in the Trump era," The New Republic"The Other Great Depression," Le Monde Diplomatique in English, French, Spanish, Farsi, Bulgarian, and EsperantoAnachoresis - withdrawal into the desertSend us a textThanks so much for listening. This podcast has no Patreon account and receives no funding. If you would like to support the work being done here, please spread the word and share with your friends and networks, and consider exploring the following links:Buy Kristen Ghodsee's new book now: Everyday UtopiaSubscribe to Kristen Ghodsee's (very occasional) free newsletter. Learn more about Kristen Ghodsee's work at: www.kristenghodsee.com

Today on The Truth Central, Dr. Jerome Corsi takes a deep dive into New York Times' Reporter Walter Duranty, who was given a Pulitzer Prize for his fictional accounts of Josef Stalin's rule over the Soviet Union, serving as the communist dictator's public relations agent and promoter. Duranty's glowing stories about Stalin and the communist oppression included lies about life under the dictatorship, propping the murderous tyrant up into celebrity status (at least for those who believed the stories) and willfully hiding Holodomor - the starvation of Ukrainians - from the world.Still, there was an even darker side to Duranty and his alliance with evil: the disgraced reporter's life was one of debauchery, sinister behavior, quid-pro-quo deals with Soviet leaders and a close bond with Satanist Aleister Crowley.Visit The Truth Central website: https://www.thetruthcentral.comIf you like what we are doing, please support our Sponsors:Get RX Meds Now: https://www.getrxmedsnow.comMyVitalC https://www.thetruthcentral.com/myvitalc-ess60-in-organic-olive-oil/Swiss America: https://www.swissamerica.com/offer/CorsiRMP.phpGet Dr. Corsi's new book, The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy: The Final Analysis: Forensic Analysis of the JFK Autopsy X-Rays Proves Two Headshots from the Right Front and One from the Rear, here: https://www.amazon.com/Assassination-President-John-Kennedy-Headshots/dp/B0CXLN1PX1/ref=sr_1_1?crid=20W8UDU55IGJJ&dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.ymVX8y9V--_ztRoswluApKEN-WlqxoqrowcQP34CE3HdXRudvQJnTLmYKMMfv0gMYwaTTk_Ne3ssid8YroEAFg.e8i1TLonh9QRzDTIJSmDqJHrmMTVKBhCL7iTARroSzQ&dib_tag=se&keywords=jerome+r.+corsi+%2B+jfk&qid=1710126183&sprefix=%2Caps%2C275&sr=8-1Join Dr. Jerome Corsi on Substack: https://jeromecorsiphd.substack.com/Visit The Truth Central website: https://www.thetruthcentral.comGet your FREE copy of Dr. Corsi's new book with Swiss America CEO Dean Heskin, How the Coming Global Crash Will Create a Historic Gold Rush by calling: 800-519-6268Follow Dr. Jerome Corsi on X: @corsijerome1Our link to where to get the Marco Polo 650-Page Book on the Hunter Biden laptop & Biden family crimes free online:https://www.thetruthcentral.com/marco-polo-publishes-650-page-book-on-hunter-biden-laptop-biden-family-crimes-available-free-online/Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-truth-central-with-dr-jerome-corsi--5810661/support.

“When America had defeated Japan by detonating an atomic bomb, the Führer had sent a V-3 rocket to explode in the skies of New York to prove he could retaliate in kind if struck.  After that, the war had dwindled to ... a nuclear stalemate the diplomats called the cold war.”  - Robert Harris, from the novel Fatherland.In this episode we continue to look at one of the most common “What If?” questions in history: the plausibility of the Axis powers (specifically Germany) winning the Second World War.  Also, probably the most complicated.  In the first part, we looked at historical patterns and the major factors that greatly favored the Allies.  Nevertheless, Germany seemed to be in a good position by the Autumn of  1940, even if it was defeated in the Battle of Britain.  The British Empire's position in the Mediterranean and the Middle East seemed vulnerable, the Soviet Union was still collaborating with Nazi Germany, and the United States was still neutral.   We pick up the story here and explore possible alternative paths history might have taken.  We try to stay true to the historical circumstances and key factors that weighed on leaders and decision makers that made the events of WWII unfold as it did.  While the obstacles of an Axis powers seem daunting, maybe there was an alternative path Germany and Japan could have taken for a different outcome.

In 1941 the USSR was desperate for American war materiel from trucks to tanks to aircraft and grain but the intensity of German submarine and aircraft attacks on convoys sailing to the Soviet Arctic ports meant that in the summer of 1942 they had to temporarily be suspended and re-routed by the Pacific. In the meantime the complex web of diplomacy, suspicion and mistrust between western allies and the USSR had side effects including the further mistreatment of Stalin's Polish prisoners.Help the podcast to continue bringing you history each weekIf you enjoy the Explaining History podcast and its many years of content and would like to help the show continue, please consider supporting it in the following ways:If you want to go ad-free, you can take out a membership hereOrYou can support the podcast via Patreon hereOr you can just say some nice things about it here Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/explaininghistory. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Though he has not been glorified by the Church, Fr Lazarus was a pioneer and exemplar of Orthodoxy in the West.   He was born in England in 1902. In his early manhood he moved to western Canada, where he worked as a farm laborer for several years. While working in Alberta, he sensed a call to become a missionary and went to an English missionary college for five years.   Sad to say, our sources are unclear about how he came to the Orthodox faith from this unlikely beginning. But in 1934 he spent seven weeks on Mt Athos, then lived as a monk in Yugoslavia. He was ordained to the priesthood by Archbishop Theophan (Russian Orthodox Church Abroad), then sent to Palestine to serve the Russian Mission in Jerusalem.   In 1948, the new State of Israel gave the Mission's property to the Soviet Union and the mission was left dispossessed. Fr Lazarus served as priest to the Russian Convent in Aïn Karim and Transjordan, then was sent to India in 1952, where he helped in Orthodox missionary work for twenty years. Several of his books and translations, such as his biography/study of St Seraphim of Sarov, were written while he lived in India. While there, he met Mother Gavrilia of Greece, whose beautiful biography Ascetic of Love includes good descriptions of him during his life in India. Though very strict in his Orthodoxy, he was flexible in externals: in India he wore a white rather than a black cassock, because black clothing had offensive connotations to the Indian people.   In 1972 Fr Lazarus was called to Greece, then in 1974 to Australia, where he served for nine years. In 1983 he moved to California in answer to call from Fr Peter Gillquist to assist members of the former 'Evangelical Orthodox Church' in their move to Orthodoxy. In 1989 he moved to Alaska, where he continued this work. He reposed in Eagle River, Alaska in 1992. Following is an excerpt from an account of his last days by members of his community in Eagle River:   "Father always signed his name with TWA, "Traveling With Angels". A few days before his death, after battling cancer many years, faithfully using the Jesus Prayer as the medicine for his affliction, the Archangel Michael appeared to help him. His final journey homeward had begun, TWA... 'the time of my departure is at hand. I have fought the good fight, I have finished the race, I have kept the faith.' (2 Timothy 4: 6-8)."

Woke culture isn't just some passing trend or a punchline about purple-haired activists. It's a dangerous ideology that's infiltrating everything-our schools, universities, corporations, and governments. If we don't wake up to what's really going on, the values that built Western society are at risk of being completely torn apart. In this video, we're going to take a deep dive into where wokeism came from, tracing it back to Marxism, postmodernism, and other critical theories that laid the foundation for the chaos we see today. We'll explore how ideas like "diversity, equity, and inclusion" aren't as harmless as they sound, and how these woke doctrines are used to manipulate us into silence. More importantly, we'll talk about what we're fighting for-the values that made the West great: reason, individual freedom, and a belief in objective truth. If you're ready to really understand the woke mind virus and how to stand up to it, then let's dive in. * (00:00) Intro * (02:58) The Current Woke Narrative * (04:27) Marxism * (07:17) Socialism * (10:08) The tragedies of Soviet Union and Mao's China * (12:39) Communism * (14:46) Post-modernism * (23:31) Critical Race Theory* (26:13) Radical Feminism* (27:46) Red-pill is a backlash against radical feminism * (28:46) Post-colonialism* (33:45) Queer Theory* (38:08) Modern Wokeism* (39:30) All movies are woke now * (47:16) DEI: Diversity, Equity, & Inclusion * (53:52) The Western Legacy* (58:18) The youth are taught to HATE Western culture Get full access to Human Nature by Roni Fouks at ronifouks.substack.com/subscribe

Dissident brings to the audience the history of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army that fought against both Nazi Germany and the communist Soviet Union for Ukrainian independence during World War II. The post “Dissident”, interview the producer Aleksandr Omelyanov and the actor Dima Yaroshenko appeared first on Fred Film Radio.

What happened to the deadly contagious diseases that Russian scientists had when the Soviet Union collapsed... and what does that have to do with Avian Flu?  Listen as I talk with Edie Marshall

The Masterchef graduate and cookbook author grew up in Georgia as the Soviet Union was crumbling, gorging on plums in her grandfather's garden. During this time the young, voracious Alice couldn't keep her food down at kindy. And it took years to work out why.Cookbook author and TV presenter, Alice Zaslavsky grew up in Georgia as the Soviet Union was crumbling.She would gorge herself on plums in her grandfather's garden, and her voracious spirit was celebrated and encouraged by her parents and grandparents.In 1989, a Georgian independence protest was violently quashed by Soviet soldiers, in the street where she went to kindergarten.Alice repressed the fear of that time, through her Jewish family's emigration to Australia.Alice eventually became a teacher — the fourth generation in her family — and ended up on Masterchef in 2012, as a way to encourage her students to study her elective at school.She has passed on her love of Georgian food to her daughter, through lashings of rye bread and sunflower oil.This episode of Conversations touches on origin stories, family stories, life story, family dynamics, personal stories, reflection, Georgia, USSR, former Soviet Union, Tbilisi, Jewish, immigration, cookbooks, cooking and cooking with family.

The Cognitive Crucible is a forum that presents different perspectives and emerging thought leadership related to the information environment. The opinions expressed by guests are their own, and do not necessarily reflect the views of or endorsement by the Information Professionals Association. During this episode, John Kinder discusses his new book: World War Zoos: Humans and Other Animals in the Deadliest Conflict of the Modern Age. This discussion focused on the historical use of animals in international diplomacy and wartime propaganda. Pandas, initially unknown outside China, became popular after being brought to the US in the 1930s. They were used as symbols of friendship and diplomatic gestures between countries. During World War II, zoos and animals played a significant role in propaganda efforts. The evacuation of a panda from the London Zoo boosted morale, while in the United States staged photographs of animals performing patriotic tasks were used to inspire support for the war. In contrast, the Tokyo Zoo euthanized animals to demonstrate sacrifice, and the Soviet Union's efforts to keep animals alive during the siege of Leningrad symbolized resistance. John highlights how different countries utilized animals in zoos during wartime, reflecting their varying approaches to propaganda and morale-boosting. Recording Date: 19 Nov 2024 Research Question: John Kinder suggests an interested student or researcher examine What roles can zoos play in 21st century conservation efforts? What are zoos' limitations? How do we limit the suffering of zoo animals caught up in contemporary military conflicts, such as those in Ukraine and Gaza? To what extent do contemporary governments continue to use institutions like zoos to leverage their power and influence on the global stage? For the longest time, Americans have tended to view World War II as the “Good War”? Is that changing? Should we criticize World War II's reputation, in historian Michael C. C. Adams' words, as the “best war ever”? Increasingly, scholars argue that we need to seek out “multispecies” solutions (involving humans, animals, plants, bacteria, fungi, etc.) to solve 21st century problems such as climate change. Do you think that's the case? How might multispecies perspectives help us see the world—and its problems—in new ways? War is not the only danger facing zoo animals. In recent years, zoo animals have died in floods, wildfires, earthquakes, droughts, famines, and periods of social, economic, and political unrest. How does society manufacture “vulnerability,” and what are some of the ways we can ensure that the most vulnerable—human and animal—don't bear the brunt of disasters? Resources: John Kinder Oklahoma State University World War Zoos: Humans and Other Animals in the Deadliest Conflict of the Modern Age by John M. Kinder Paying with Their Bodies: American War and the Problem of the Disabled Veteran by John M. Kinder Panda Diplomacy Ping-pong diplomacy Whipsnade Zoo near London Haus des Meeres zoo/aquarium in Vienna Austria Link to full show notes and resources Guest Bio: John M. Kinder is director of American Studies and professor of history at Oklahoma State University. He is the author of Paying with Their Bodies: American War and the Problem of the Disabled Veteran, published by the University of Chicago Press, and coeditor of Service Denied: Marginalized Veterans in Modern American History. About: The Information Professionals Association (IPA) is a non-profit organization dedicated to exploring the role of information activities, such as influence and cognitive security, within the national security sector and helping to bridge the divide between operations and research. Its goal is to increase interdisciplinary collaboration between scholars and practitioners and policymakers with an interest in this domain. For more information, please contact us at communications@information-professionals.org. Or, connect directly with The Cognitive Crucible podcast host, John Bicknell, on LinkedIn. Disclosure: As an Amazon Associate, 1) IPA earns from qualifying purchases, 2) IPA gets commissions for purchases made through links in this post.