Podcasts about Soviet Union

The Irish War of Independence often conjures images of guerrilla fighters on lonely mountainsides, on the run from the Black and Tans. While that is part of the story, Ireland's struggle for independence unfolded against the backdrop of a world in total crisis. As empires frayed and global movements for equality surged, the IRA sought out their own 'Brothers in Pain' navigating a shadow world of smugglers, gun runners, and unlikely international allies from the Soviet Union to the United States.This overlooked international dimension is the focus of a new series on the Irish History Podcast, hosted by historian Dr. Brian Hanley. This marks a new chapter for the show as we expand to two episodes per week.Brothers in Pain: The IRA in a Revolutionary World officially begins this Friday, March 20th. In this preview episode, I speak with Brian about what you can expect from this unique series as we uncover the story of the Irish Revolution as you have never heard it before. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

How much power does The New York Times really have , and what happens when that power is used to shape narrative instead of pursue truth? In this episode of The Curious Middle, we speak with Ashley Rindsberg, author of The Gray Lady Winked, about the Times' reporting on some of the most important stories of the last century: the Nazi invasion of Poland, Stalin's Soviet Union, the Holocaust, Israel, the 1619 Project nd more. Ashley Rindsberg is an investigative journalist and author focused on media malfeasance, information warfare, and the hidden systems influencing public discourse. Ashley joins us to explain why he believes the paper has repeatedly protected power, buried inconvenient truths, and helped shape public opinion in ways that changed history. We also talk about the Sulzberger family, the culture inside elite newsrooms, the collapse of trust in journalism, and how listeners can build a healthier media diet today. Follow Ashley's Substack In this episode: What first inspired Ashley to write The Gray Lady Winked Why the New York Times is unlike any other media institution The Times' Holocaust coverage and what was buried Soviet propaganda, Stalin, Hitler, Cuba, Iraq, Israel and the Intifada, The 1619 Project and narrative-driven reporting The Tom Cotton op-ed controversy, safe spaces, silencing dissent and newsroom ideology Why media trust has collapsed How to find better journalism in a fractured media environment Key Quotes "They set cultural agendas, they set the news agenda, they influence politics, they influence culture." "They didn't want to appear to be the Jewish newspaper that was advocating for Jewish lives or Jewish people. So they did the exact opposite." "You don't bury a story about tens of thousands of people being murdered in Europe by accident." "The narrative was so overpowering for them that it obliterated what was in front of their faces." "It became a culture of silence."   Follow @thecuriousmiddlepod Contact us: thecuriousmiddlepod@gmail.com

In episode 333 of the Glass and Out Podcast we had the honour of being joined by the greatest hockey coach of all time, Scotty Bowman. As a head coach, Bowman led the Montreal Canadians, Pittsburgh Penguins and Detroit Red Wings to a combined 9 Stanley Cups. He also captured another five cups in front office roles. He is the NHL's all-time wins leader, with a total of 1,467 between the regular season and playoffs and was twice awarded the Jack Adams trophy as the NHL's Coach of the Year. But above all else, Scotty Bowman is the ultimate student of the game. He was able to adapt to new rules, new generations of players, the introduction of Europeans to the NHL, and eventually, the influx of Russians that arrived with the collapse of the Soviet Union. He saw drastically different versions of the game from the rough and tumble 70's to the high flying 80's and the dead puck era in the 90's. At 92, his memory, as you are about to hear, is simply remarkable and there is no doubt that ability helped him gain a competitive advantage from behind the bench based on his ability to recall the slightest detail and nuance within a game. Listen as he shares a lesson in hockey history, practice tips from the legend Dick Irvin, and the how he views the current state of today's game. Watch on YouTube: https://youtu.be/HNY5McdMjUU Secure your TCS Live ticket: https://thecoachessitelive.com/ Download the TCS app: https://www.thecoachessite.com/app Learn more about our presenting sponsors: Benchmark: benchmarkgoals.com Biosteel: BioSteelTeams.com/Glassandout Hudl: hudl.com/tcs

Muller co-founded International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, the Nobel Prize-winning group that sought to build connections between the U.S. and the Soviet Union during the Cold War.

影片中粗略地提到伊朗在 1970 年代中的經濟危機，以及為何今時今日難以在短時間內，透過軍事介入改變政制，我想再深入剖析。一切由 1973 年石油危機開始。當時作為油組國（OPEC）的主要成員，伊朗坐擁大筆石油美元。國王巴列維（Mohammad Reza Pahlavi）乘勢推行現代化計劃，史稱為「白色革命」，內容涵蓋土地改革、工業化、城市化，以及教育普及。德黑蘭（Tehran）北部開始呈現出歐洲富裕城市的面貌，西方時裝、豪華酒店和世界主義的中產階級紛紛湧現。與此同時，數以十萬計農村人口湧入城市，速度遠超經濟的吸納能力。伊朗政府亦支出超越生產力，通貨膨脹一發不可收拾。石油繁榮帶來我利益分配極度不均，集中在德黑蘭的精英階層和圍繞國王宮廷的官僚體系，而農村社區和城市貧民的購買力卻不斷被侵蝕。傳統上是伊朗商業命脈的巴扎（bazaar）商人，更因為國王偏袒西方企業和國有機構而感到備受擠壓。在繁榮年代所承擔的龐大支出承諾，建立在油價長期高企的假設之上。當國際油價見頂，經濟驟然降溫，失業率上升。繁榮年代激起的民眾期望，與日常生活的殘酷現實之間的落差，成為廣泛社會怨憤的根源。這也是霍梅尼（Ayatollah Khomeini）運動的背景。正如 Jean-Baptiste Say 與 Charles Kindleberger 等經濟學家所觀察的，革命很少在絕對貧困中誕生，而是在一個社會期望不斷上升與經濟增長遇到突如其來的失速；這是也 1978年的伊朗。革命的主要力量，並非德黑蘭的世俗自由派知識分子，而是流離失所的農村移民、城市失業貧民，以及巴扎商人階層當中感到現代化計劃不利自己的小商人和工匠。霍梅尼的訊息不只是神學上的，更是一個再分配的承諾：將國王和美國的石油財富，將歸還人民，而西方文化帶來的影響也要逆轉。當時冷戰背景同樣不可忽略。蘇聯（Soviet Union）在發展中國家扶植策劃顛覆性，而伊朗左翼也為革命聯盟提供了重要的早期動力。但最終還是經濟周期、城鄉撕裂、利益分配不均等，令足夠伊朗民眾對革命訊息產生共鳴。1979 年之後，雖然「掃盲運動組織」（Literacy Movement Organisation）也有將教育推向農村，甚至包括不少巴列維時代所忽視的偏遠村落；2021 年，城鄉識字率差距已收窄至約十一個百分點。然而，掃盲不代表民眾能夠獲有助於有效政治參與的優質教育、批判思維和公民知識。更深層的鴻溝，體現在社會上流動的機會。目前，伊朗教育資源仍然傾斜到德黑蘭和少數幾個大城市。來自鄉郊的學生，得到的教育機會與德黑蘭北部富人集中地區的學生仍是天淵之別。結果是邊陲地區的大量人口，思想仍然停留在部落和宗教。財富差距更令情況雪上加霜。伊朗收入最高的一成人口，掌握逾半的全國收入，集中程度超過美國。德黑蘭北部的豪宅區樓價高不可攀；普通工人需要一百年以上的全部積蓄才能購置一套房子，而豪宅卻在首都北部山麓不斷增加。教師和護士的月薪約為二百美元。貨幣在制裁壓力下多次崩潰，將中產階層的積蓄一掃而空。2023年，伊朗約三成人口生活在貧困線以下。伊朗最腐敗的是「伊斯蘭武裝革命衛隊」（IRGC）；最初這是一支民兵，如今已成為伊朗社會的主導經濟力量，通過控制建築、石油、電訊、銀行和房地產等領域的附屬機構，掌握伊朗過半的 GDP。這不但是政權賴以存續的副產品，更是其運作核心。軍人對伊斯蘭共和國的忠誠，不是出於意識形態，而是切身利益。任何威脅到武裝革命衛隊經濟利益的政治轉型和異見人士，都將遇到鎮壓。認為軍事介入可以改造伊朗的人，可能將日本和德國二戰後的轉型作為例證的歷史比較，但這是錯誤類比。日本和德國在軍國主義和納粹主義崛起之前，以當時標準已是相當現代化的社會，擁有發達的法律制度、受過良好教育的城市人口和運作中的公民社會。盟軍佔領所要做的，是移除一個相對後期出現的異常狀態，讓原本已存在的基礎得以重新發揮作用。伊朗並沒有一個扎實的現代社會基礎，而 1979 年的革命，更打斷了一個本來成功的現代化進程；當時所發生的事，正好是當時不完整的現代化進程的倒退。伊朗制度上的落後，是從革命的第一刻起便刻意設計出來，以為維持社會撕裂以方便統治的結構。當少數精英要統治大量仍以部落、宗派和自給自足框架組織的人口，再加上種族之間的嚴重撕裂，唯一手段便是強權高壓和宗教（式）的催眠手段。要改變伊朗，最少要要好幾代人在教育、經濟發展和公民文化方面的發展，也不是任何外國勢力能夠完成的工作。了解伊朗的情況，或許也可以讓我們更了解自己身處的社會問題。問：親北京小粉紅、藍朋友等觀察者對這場戰爭的解讀，存在什麼根本性的錯誤？ 答：核心謬誤在於將地緣政治敘事與經濟現實混為一談。美國或許打不贏，但不代表中國可從中得益。全球能源成本上升會直接衝擊依賴出口的中國製造業，壓縮中國貿易夥伴的消費力，亦會觸發全球資金的風險規避情緒。東升西降的思維，預設了國際經濟是一個零和遊戲，但現實中，全球經濟放緩，所有人都是會有一定的代價。問：戰爭對作戰國的長遠經濟影響有多大？ 答：根據美國 Northwestern University Kellog School of Management 對 1946 至 2023年間 135 場戰爭的研究，戰爭平均導致作戰國的實質GDP下跌約13%，且十年後仍未見完全復原。投資平均跌14%，家庭消費跌11%，出口跌13%；戰後十年的累計物價漲幅平均達62%。代價遠超直接軍費開支。問：以色列作為軍事上的主動方，付出了什麼經濟代價？ 答：以色列銀行估計，自 2023 年 10 月 7 日至今，戰爭總經濟代價約 1120 億美元，相當於其 GDP 的 14 至 15%；今次伊朗戰役每天耗費接近10億美元，2026年國防開支已達約500億美元，佔GDP的8%，較戰前的4.5%幾乎翻倍。政府債務對GDP比率則由戰前約50%，三年間急升至70%。外來直接投資連續下跌，三大信貸評級機構均曾下調其評級。 This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit leesimon.substack.com/subscribe

3. The final segment shifts to the history of political assassination, specifically the rivalry between Stalin and Trotsky. Stalin utilized state power and paranoia to exile and eventually murder Trotsky in Mexico with an ice pick, yet Trotsky remained a romantic icon for the Western left. Gaius and Germanicus apply this lesson to the 21st century, arguing that the attempted "decapitation" of Iranian leadershiphas backfired. Instead of ending the regime, the strike has renewed the Islamic Republic's "lease on life,"much like the Nazi invasion inadvertently strengthened the Soviet Union. The debate concludes as the hosts prepare to watch Aeschylus's play, *The Persians*, which depicts the defeat of Xerxes. They reflect on the "tragic irony" of the current war: the US sought to eliminate a threat but instead unified its enemies and wrecked the global economy through $120 oil. (3)1945 YALTA

4  Author: John Bachelor and Sean McMeakin. Title: Stalin's War: A New History of World War II - Yugoslavia, China, and the Cold War Legacy. This episode examines how Stalin outmaneuvered the West in Yugoslavia and China to expand communist influence. In Yugoslavia, Churchill was "hoodwinked" into supporting Tito over the Chetniks based on fabricated communist reports. In China, the Marshall Mission effectively cut off aid to Chiang Kai-shek, allowing Stalin-backed Mao Zedong to seize control. The Red Army's mass looting of Manchuria and Germany is detailed as a strategy to secure "booty" for the Soviet state. Ultimately, the sources argue that Lend-Lease provided the foundational resources for the Soviet Union to emerge as a global superpower and nuclear threat.1942 HARRIMAN AND STALIN

Author: John Bachelor and Sean McMeakin. Title: Stalin's War: A New History of World War II - The Hopkins Mission. In this discussion, Professor Sean McMeakin explores how Stalin leveraged the Lend-Lease program to rebuild the Russian Empire. The focus is on Harry Hopkins' 1941 mission to Moscow, where he established a direct channel with Stalin and offered unconditional military aid without requiring any quid pro quo. Despite significant domestic opposition from figures like Harry Truman and Hiram Johnson, FDR pursued this alliance, often keeping the extent of the aid secret from the American public. Churchill similarly supported Stalin, viewing the Soviet Union as a bulwark against Hitler and potentially using Russian troops as "cannon fodder".1943 TOMMIES.

Join us in Vegas for Podjam 3! Barry Ritholtz 31 minutes Jonathan Miller 1:28 Colby Hall 2:42  Subscribe and Watch Interviews LIVE : On YOUTUBE.com/StandUpWithPete ON SubstackStandUpWithPete Stand Up is a daily podcast. I book,host,edit, post and promote new episodes with brilliant guests every day. This show is Ad free and fully supported by listeners like you! Please subscribe now for as little as 5$ and gain access to a community of over 750 awesome, curious, kind, funny, brilliant, generous souls How Not To Invest: The ideas, numbers, and behaviors that destroy wealth - and how to avoid them  The GREAT Barry Ritholtz who has spent his career helping people spot their own investment errors and to learn how to better manage their own financial behaviors. He is the creator of The Big Picture, often ranked as the number one financial blog to follow by The Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and others. Barry Ritholtz is the creator and host of Bloomberg's "Masters in Business" radio podcast, and a featured columnist at the Washington Post. He is the author of the Bailout Nation: How Greed and Easy Money Corrupted Wall Street and Shook the World Economy (Wiley, 2009). In addition to serving as Chairman and Chief Investment Officer of Ritholtz Wealth Management, he is also on the advisory boards of Riskalyze, and Peer Street, two leading financial technology startups bringing transparency and analytics to the investment business.  Barry has named one of the "15 Most Important Economic Journalists" in the United States, and has been called one of The 25 Most Dangerous People in Financial Media. When not working, he can be found with his wife and their two dogs on the north shore of Long Island. Jonathan Miller is the Director of Markets for StreetMatrix, a real-time home price index series used by the financial services sector to track local, regional, and national housing markets in the United States. I'm also the President and CEO of Miller Samuel Inc., a real estate appraisal and consulting firm I co-founded in 1986. For 32 years, I authored a series of market reports for Douglas Elliman Real Estate, considered the "report of record," which accounted for 50% of their media coverage. My market reports analyzed the New York City metropolitan area, Boston, parts of Florida, California, Texas, Connecticut, and Colorado that were relied on by the media, financial institutions, and government agencies, including the Federal Reserve, Internal Revenue Service, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, the NYC Office of Management and Budget, and others. I am an Adjunct Associate Professor of Architecture, Planning, and Preservation in the Master of Science in Real Estate Development (MSRED) Program at Columbia University, where I teach market analysis. I've guest lectured at institutions including New York University, Harvard University, The Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, Columbia University, and Drexel University, and am also a New York State Real Estate Instructor for qualifying and continuing education courses and a New York State Real Estate Appraiser Instructor for qualifying certified general and continuing education courses. I co-authored a research paper for NYU School of Law and the NYU Wagner Graduate School of Public Service's Furman Center for Real Estate and Urban Policy titled The Condominium v. Cooperative Puzzle: An Empirical Analysis of Housing in New York City, published in 2007 by the Journal of Legal Studies at the University of Chicago. Back in 2010, I developed pending home sale indices for the Washington, D.C., and Baltimore metro areas, and Central Pennsylvania, on behalf of Bright MLS, one of the largest multiple listing services in the U.S. One of my favorite activities is serving on the New York City Mayor's Economic Advisory Panel, representing the residential real estate sector, and the New York State Budget Division Economic Advisory Board. I've also participated in valuation studies with academic institutions, including New York University, Princeton University, Columbia University, and Baruch College. I participated in and co-authored an epic research paper as part of the Urban Land Institute Advisory Services for the city of Norfolk, VA (its flooding problems are getting worse). I also authored a white paper for One Fine Stay, a hospitality brand owned by AccorHotels, titled "The Future of Luxury New Development in New York: Leaving $1 Billion on the Table." In the valuation world, I am a state-certified real estate appraiser in New York and Connecticut, and I provide expert witness testimony in various local, state, and federal courts. I hold the Counselors of Real Estate (CRE) designation. I am also an Appraiser "A" Member of the Real Estate Board of New York and a former two-term President of RAC, a premier appraisal organization whose members focus on complex residential properties for relocation, litigation support, testimony, and reviews. As a result of my extensive writing and investigative research on this Housing Notes platform, I brought public attention to the misconduct of two key institutions in the appraisal profession: The Appraisal Foundation and The Appraisal Institute. As a result, I became an expert witness for the Appraisal Subcommittee at FHFA in Washington, DC, which aired for three hours on C-SPAN in 2023. One memorable thing that came out of my appearance was the birth of my fourth grandchild during the session. On the personal side, I'm clearly a homebody and love hanging out with my wife, whom I met in college in 1980, greasing donut trays at 5:30 am at the student bakery, a part of the second-largest non-military cafeteria in the world, located at Michigan State University. There is nothing better than when any of our four sons and their significant others, including the grandchildren, are in town. For our fortieth wedding anniversary, my wife and I went to Antarctica (perhaps I'm not a homebody?) While I'm at it, a couple of formative childhood adventures: At 12 years old, I climbed to the snow line of Mt. Kilimanjaro (leadership said I was too young to summit - boo!) In middle school, I traveled to the Soviet Union on a study abroad program before the wall fell. When I was a teenager and before I got my driver's license, I rode my bicycle from Oregon to Virginia in the summer of 1976, carrying all my gear (my parents claim they gave me a one-way airplane ticket to fly across the US, and I came back!) At age 25, I co-founded Miller Samuel because I didn't know any better. In my offline hours, I love to read, explore new music, try to make snow, attempt to catch lobsters, and endeavor to connect to my backyard birdhouse camera from whatever airplane I happen to be flying on. Contact Jonathan Colby Hall is the Founding Editor of Mediaite.com. He is also a Peabody Award-winning television producer of non-fiction narrative programming, became a media contributor to NewsNation in March of 2023. He is also  a former Creative Director who launched iHeartRadio's original video offering. Check out his pieces at Mediaite    On YOUTUBE.com/StandUpWithPete ON SubstackStandUpWithPete   Listen rate and review on Apple Podcasts Listen rate and review on Spotify Pete On Instagram Pete on Blue Sky Pete on Threads Pete on Tik Tok Pete on Twitter Pete Personal FB page Stand Up with Pete FB page Gift a Subscription https://www.patreon.com/PeteDominick/gift Send Pete $ Directly on Venmo

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One of the most salacious and storied methods of KGB spycraft during the Cold War was the honey trap. Agents would get an informant to seduce a target, usually a Westerner deemed important. Then use that encounter as blackmail. We're all aware of this thanks to movies and television. What we know nothing about are same-sex honey traps. The KGB's use of homosexual men to seduce other men, whether said men were gay or not. Officials, academics, businessmen and other power positions were targets. How do we know about these operations? Well, because of the intrepid research of historian Irina Roldugina. Roldugina got access to KGB files related to same-sex operations and found more information in, of all things, declassified US government documents related to the Kennedy Assassination. How did these operations work? Who did the KGB tap for same-sex seduction? What do these documents tell us? And what did the KGB think of homosexuality in general? The Eurasian Knot spoke to Irina about her recent article, “The Cold War and the Soviet KGB's Same-Sex Entrapment Operations in the 1950s and 1960s: The Perpetrator in Focus” published in the Fall 2025 issue of Journal of Cold War Studies. Guest:Irina Roldugina is a Leverhulme Early Career Fellow in the School of Modern Languages at the University of Bristol. She's the author of several articles on queer history in the Soviet Union. Her most recent is “The Cold War and the Soviet KGB's Same-Sex Entrapment Operations in the 1950s and 1960s: The Perpetrator in Focus” published in the Fall 2025 issue of Journal of Cold War Studies. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

“Even in moments of human discouragement, the consciousness that I was fulfilling God's will in all that happened to me would serve to dispel all doubt and desolation.” ~ Fr. Walter CiszekHow can we trust God when life feels uncertain or painful?What does it really mean to surrender our will to God?How do we remain faithful when we face discouragement or suffering?In episode 96 of This Whole Life, Kenna, Pat, and Fr. Nathan conclude their Lenten book study on He Leadeth Me by Fr. Walter Ciszek. In this final installment, they reflect on the closing chapters of Ciszek's powerful spiritual memoir and the profound lessons he learned while enduring years of imprisonment and forced labor in the Soviet Union.The conversation explores the mystery of divine providence and what it means to trust that God is present even in suffering, confusion, and discouragement. Drawing from Ciszek's witness, they discuss surrendering control, discerning God's will in everyday life, and learning to see hardships not as meaningless suffering but as opportunities to grow in faith and dependence on God.With humor, honesty, and thoughtful reflection, the hosts unpack the wisdom of a man who discovered that true freedom does not come from escaping suffering, but from trusting completely in God's providence. Join the conversation as they wrap up this Lenten journey and reflect on how Fr. Ciszek's insights can transform the way we live our daily lives.Chapters00:00 – Opening Quote and Introduction01:30 – Wrapping up the Lenten book study07:15 – The theme of divine providence in He Leadeth Me18:40 – Trusting God during discouragement and suffering31:20 – Learning to surrender control to God's will43:50 – Freedom through dependence on God52:30 – Final reflections on Fr. Walter Ciszek's witness58:00 – Challenge By ChoiceLinks and Resources:He Leadeth Me – Fr. Walter CiszekMartin Center for IntegrationThis Whole Life Podcast Website26.2 to LifeSupport the showThank you for listening, and a very special thank you to our community of supporters! Visit us online at thiswholelifepodcast.com, and send us an email with your thoughts, questions, or ideas.Follow us on Instagram & FacebookInterested in more faith-filled mental health resources? Check out the Martin Center for IntegrationMusic: "You're Not Alone" by Marie Miller. Used with permission.

In this episode of the Crazy Wisdom Podcast, host Stewart Alsop sits down with Vahram Ayvazyan, founder of the Armenian Network State, for a wide-ranging conversation touching on AI and the future of work, the cyclical nature of human conflict throughout history, the decay of the nation-state, the concept of a "fourth establishment" of free people operating outside traditional power structures, the role of greed and self-aggrandizement in politics and tech, and how network states could serve as a parallel structure to challenge entrenched global elites. You can find Vahram on LinkedIn, or check the Armenian Network State page at networkstate.io.Timestamps00:00 The Future of AI and Humanity05:57 Human Nature and Greed12:00 The Crisis of Nation-States17:53 Community Resilience and Abundance23:30 The Power of Storytelling in Change29:43 Cultural Connections: Armenia and Africa35:43 Western Dominance and Its Consequences42:17 Creativity in the Age of AI48:07 Creating Parallel StructuresKey Insights1. Humans advance technologically but remain socially and biologically stagnant. Vahram argues that despite extraordinary technological leaps, human nature remains driven by greed and self-aggrandizement. Conflicts today mirror those of thousands of years ago, with only the actors changing while the underlying structure of power struggles stays the same.2. Power corrupts by disconnecting leaders from reality. Using a personal account of a deputy head of state, the guest illustrates how those who gain significant power gradually lose touch with reality, fall into cycles of wanting more, and become trapped in ego-driven decision-making regardless of their original intentions.3. The nation-state is in decay and failing its citizens. Globalization, internet, and migration have eroded the nation-state's ability to deliver basic services. Events like the Valencia flooding exposed how even wealthy European governments mismanage resources despite collecting enormous tax revenues.4. Three institutions currently rule the world, with a fourth emerging. Nation-states, multinational corporations, and religious institutions form today's power structure. The guest envisions a "fourth establishment" — network states — composed of free-thinking individuals connecting across geographies to build parallel, dignity-based communities outside these failing systems.5. Intentions matter more than the tools themselves. Whether discussing AI, nuclear energy, or mathematics, the guest emphasizes that technology is neutral and that what defines civilization is the moral intention behind its use, not the sophistication of the tools developed.6. Western civilization's dominance was built on superior weapons, not superior values. The guest challenges Western narratives by suggesting its historical advantage came primarily from military technology rather than cultural or moral superiority, contrasting this with indigenous and Eastern philosophies that treat land, community, and human relationships as sacred rather than as capital.7. Evolutionary, not revolutionary, change is the path forward. The guest warns that revolutionary movements are easily infiltrated, diverted, or crushed by existing power structures. Meaningful change requires patiently building critical mass through parallel structures, storytelling, and emotional connection until the alternative becomes undeniably powerful.

Here we find ourselves approaching the fifth spring of the Russo-Ukrainian War of 2022.As the rest of the world's geopolitical landscape changes dramatically, Russia's “friend group” shrinks, and Ukraine's friends grow weary and distracted, where is the war moving and where could we expect Russia to adjust for another year of conflict?Returning to Midrats again to discuss this and related issues is Dr. Dmitry Gorenburg, a Senior Research Scientist in the Strategy, Policy, Plans, and Programs division of CNA, where he has worked since 2000.Dr. Gorenburg is an associate at the Harvard University Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies and previously served as Executive Director of the American Association of the Advancement of Slavic Studies (AAASS). His research interests include security issues in the former Soviet Union, Russian military reform, Russian foreign policy, and ethnic politics and identity. Dr. Gorenburg is author of Nationalism for the Masses: Minority Ethnic Mobilization in the Russian Federation (Cambridge University Press, 2003), and has been published in journals such as World Politics and Post-Soviet Affairs. He currently serves as editor of Problems of Post-Communism and was also editor of Russian Politics and Law from 2009 to 2016. Dr. Gorenburg received a B.A. in international relations from Princeton University and a Ph.D. in political science from Harvard University.SummaryIn this episode, we explore the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, marking its fifth spring, and analyze Russia's current military strategy, technological dependencies, economic adjustments, and geopolitical efforts. Our expert guest, Dr. Dmitry Gorenberg, a senior research scientist at CNA, provides insights into Russia's military tactics, technological challenges, and international alliances, painting a comprehensive picture of a pivotal moment in the conflict.Key Topics:The significance of the fifth spring of the Russia-Ukraine war and its implicationsThe role and impact of Starlink and Russian anti-satellite capabilitiesRussian military tactics: steady grinding, troop mobilization, and drone warfareThe Russian psyche regarding prolonged conflict and public sentimentThe influence of repression and government control on information disseminationEconomic resilience: sanctions, oil prices, and support from BRICS nationsRussia's strategic partnerships: Venezuela, Iran, China, and othersThe role of sabotaging NATO and Western countries to weaken collective defenseInformation warfare: Russian propaganda, disinformation, and influence operationsTechnological dependencies: reliance on US-based satellite systems and Chinese componentsRussian military leadership: promotions, strategic updates, and future outlooksThe geopolitics of energy, with focus on shadow fleets and the Straits of HormuzTimestamps:00:00 - Introduction and overview of Russia's fifth spring in the Ukraine conflict02:09 - The impact of cutting off Starlink and communication disruptions on the front lines04:20 - Russian troop mobilization strategies and tactics05:39 - External foreign fighters: North Koreans, North Africans, and recruitment trends08:33 - Russian public perception and cultural narrative about the war's longevity09:29 - The influence of repression, propaganda, and societal attitudes in Russia12:46 - Government control of communications, internet censorship, and surveillance16:15 - Russia's dependence on US satellite systems and Chinese technology17:36 - Russia's technological gap: Satellites, GPS, and domestically developed systems19:10 - Economic impacts: sanctions, oil prices, and Russia's financial resilience 21:25 - Russia's efforts with BRICS and global network of allies to bypass sanctions23:24 - The role of Venezuela, Iran, and other countries in Russia's geopolitical web27:06 - Russia's sabotage operations against NATO and Western nations30:13 - Political influence campaigns, disinformation, and influence operations32:09 - Reflection on Cold War-era propaganda and current information strategies33:38 - The use of media, social platforms, and online influence in shaping narratives37:40 - Historical perspective on propaganda, public manipulation, and media control39:51 - Modern military technology, including missile attacks and Ukraine's defense42:11 - The evolving missile landscape, targeting energy infrastructure and battlefield logistics44:46 - Russia's advanced satellite capabilities: intercepting and maneuvering satellites46:47 - External support for Russia: North Korean, Iranian weapons, and China's role48:00 - Chinese technology and components aiding Russia's military industry50:17 - Russia's long-term concerns about China's rising dominance52:24 - Russia's diplomatic and military support networks in Latin America and beyond54:00 - Shadow tanker ships, oil sanctions, and economic strategies related to energy55:47 - The geopolitical implications of oil sales, shadow fleets, and global markets57:06 - Russia's support to Iran: targeting capabilities and strategic assistance58:21 - Ukraine's recent military developments and regional connections60:59 - Ukraine's defense industrial capacity and regional alliances62:24 - Russia's outreach and support to Middle Eastern countries; strategic intentions64:39 - Future outlook: military promotions, strategic planning, and the war's trajectoryResources & Links:CNA Russia StudiesStarlink by SpaceXRT (Russia Today)RAND Report on Russian SatellitesUS Sanctions and Oil Market DataRussia's Shadow Fleet

Find me on Substack!Arie van Gemeren is a CFA, Goldman Sachs veteran, and CEO of Lombard Equities Group who translates 2,000 years of wealth-building history into actionable modern real estate and investment strategy.Episode Sponsor: Fiscal AI is a modern data terminal that gives investors instant access to twenty years of financials, earnings transcripts, and extensive segment and KPI data—use my link for a two-week free trial plus 15% off: https://fiscal.ai/talkingbillions/3:00 – Ari's family origin story: grandmother fled Nazi Berlin to South America, father grew up fatherless in Bolivia, came to the U.S. at 18 speaking no English, put himself through medical school. History was alive in the household.5:15 – The contrarian leap from Wall Street to real estate. Started at Fisher Investments, moved to Goldman Sachs, but it was his Persian father-in-law who kept asking: "Why would I do that when I could buy a good property?"7:30 – The live-in flip that changed everything. Bought a Bay Area bungalow for $515K, invested $60K in renovations, saw equity jump to $850–900K. "I was hooked."9:18 – At Goldman, wealthiest clients — especially Middle Eastern tech entrepreneurs — were pouring profits into real estate, not stocks. Pattern recognition clicked.11:59 – Real estate vs. stocks: "They're both tremendous wealth-building asset classes." Ari argues for a portfolio approach — stocks as majority for passive investors, real estate as complement. Introduces the scarcity insight: the stock market is the only market where inventory shrinks over time via buybacks.19:51 – Timeless principles and behavioral finance. Nothing new under the sun — 8,000 years of recorded history isn't enough for human nature to evolve. Patience, discipline, avoiding excessive leverage are the throughlines of lasting fortunes.21:43 – Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union as an investing parable: certainty vs. conviction. "If you are so convinced of your thesis that you cannot hear contrary advice… guys confuse having a strong thesis with it being the absolute truth."33:27 – Concentrated wealth creation. 67% of the world's billionaires are self-made first-generation who built companies — a form of concentration investing.40:17 – Generational wealth traps. The "first generation builds, second maintains, third loses" proverb exists in Italian, Japanese, Mandarin, Russian, Spanish. Contrasts Vanderbilt collapse with Walton and Grosvenor family structures.47:12 – The Hanseatic League: 500+ years of patient, boring warehouse ownership that generated extraordinary wealth and even conquered Copenhagen.57:33 – Success redefined: "What we're really looking for is freedom and independence."Podcast Program – Disclosure StatementBlue Infinitas Capital, LLC is a registered investment adviser and the opinions expressed by the Firm's employees and podcast guests on this show are their own and do not reflect the opinions of Blue Infinitas Capital, LLC. All statements and opinions expressed are based upon information considered reliable although it should not be relied upon as such. Any statements or opinions are subject to change without notice.Information presented is for educational purposes only and does not intend to make an offer or solicitation for the sale or purchase of any specific securities, investments, or investment strategies. Investments involve risk and unless otherwise stated, are not guaranteed.

This week on History's Greatest Idiots (featuring Patreon member Ben Markwart), we explore the Chernobyl nuclear disaster: the catastrophic 1986 explosion that killed dozens, displaced 350,000 people, cost 700 billion dollars, and helped collapse the Soviet Union.The Safety Test That Wasn't Very SafeOn 26th April 1986 at 1:23 AM, Reactor 4 at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant near Pripyat, Ukraine, exploded during a safety test. Engineers disabled the emergency core cooling system, ran the RBMK reactor at just 7% power (unstable below 20%), and withdrew most control rods. Within seconds, power surged to over 100 times normal output. Two explosions blew the 2,000 ton reactor lid off and ignited the graphite moderator, which burned for nine days, releasing massive radioactive contamination across Europe.The RBMK Reactor DesignThe Soviet RBMK reactor had catastrophic design flaws operators weren't informed about. It featured a positive void coefficient (coolant loss increased power), control rods with graphite tips that briefly increased reactivity when inserted, and no Western-style containment building. Deputy Chief Engineer Anatoly Diatlov, in charge during the accident, genuinely believed the reactor was safe.The Cover-up and Sweden's DiscoveryFor 36 hours, Soviet officials said nothing whilst Pripyat's 50,000 residents went about their normal lives at radiation levels 600,000 times background levels. On 28th April, radiation alarms triggered at Sweden's Forsmark Nuclear Power Plant, over 1,000 kilometres away. Only after Swedish authorities announced a Soviet nuclear accident did the USSR reluctantly admit to Chernobyl. Gorbachev didn't issue a statement until 14th May, 18 days later, calling it a "misfortune" and attacking Western media as spreading "malicious lies."The LiquidatorsFirst responders weren't told they were confronting an exposed reactor core. Firefighters handled radioactive graphite with ordinary equipment. 28 died within four months from acute radiation syndrome. Firefighter Vasily Ignatenko, aged 25, received 1,300 rem and died on 13th May 1986. About 600,000 liquidators cleaned up the site. Called "bio-robots," they shovelled radioactive debris from the roof in 40-second shifts because robots were destroyed by radiation. At least 1,800 children developed thyroid cancer from radioactive iodine-131.How Chernobyl Collapsed the Soviet UnionGorbachev later stated Chernobyl was "perhaps the real cause of the collapse of the Soviet Union," more than perestroika, glasnost, Afghanistan, or the Berlin Wall. The disaster shattered public trust, contradicting glasnost's promise of openness. Combined with Afghanistan casualties (15,000 troops), economic stagnation (2.6% GDP growth), and military spending (16% of GNP), Chernobyl's 18 billion rouble cost broke the system. The Berlin Wall fell in November 1989. The USSR dissolved in December 1991, less than six years after Chernobyl.⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.patreon.com/HistorysGreatestIdiots⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.instagram.com/historysgreatestidiots⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://buymeacoffee.com/historysgreatestidiots⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Artist: Sarah Chey⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.fiverr.com/sarahchey⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠

‘Then they monetize it…’ What happens when quality brands lovingly crafted are then acquired by private equity and venture capital? How has golf changed in recent decades – and beyond – and how might that related to our broader society? And, might Mitzi have an opportunity to meet John Daly? All this and more on today’s Mondays with Mitzi! edition of Road Warrior Radio. Links Discussed Why Mrs. Meyer’s Clean Day Founder Sold Business, Retired Early – Business Insider John Daly (golfer) – Wikipedia Caddyshack – Wikipedia Let’s talk about Erik van Rooyen’s jogger pants at the 2019 British Open Championship Mac Sinise – Shenandoah – YouTube Oh Shenandoah – Wikipedia What Scottie Scheffler told Lee Trevino as a child which has now come true Grammarly: Free AI Writing Assistance Saint Patrick’s Day – Wikipedia On This Day March 2026 Calendar of Public Holidays | Office Holidays Holidays Today and Upcoming Holidays in the United States What day is it today? Important events every day ad-free | United States On This Day – What Happened on March 16 Today in History: March 16, the My Lai massacre in Vietnam | AP News What Happened on March 16 – On This Day What Happened on March 16 | HISTORY March 16 – Wikipedia What Happened On March 16 In History? 16 | March | 2020 | Executed Today Holidays St. Patrick’s Day (tomorrow, Tue, Mar 17) Historical Events 2016 – President Barack Obama nominated Merrick Garland to take the seat of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who had died the previous month. Republicans who controlled the Senate would stick to their pledge to leave the seat empty until after the presidential election; they confirmed Trump nominee Neil Gorsuch in April 2017. 2005 – Actor Robert Blake acquitted: After a three-month-long criminal trial in Los Angeles Superior Court, a jury acquits Robert Blake, star of the 1970s television detective show “Baretta,” of the murder of his 44-year-old wife, Bonny Lee Bakley. 2003 – 23-year-old peace activist Rachel Corrie is crushed to death in Rafah, run over by an Israel Defense Forces bulldozer while trying to obstruct the demolition of a home. 1995 – Mississippi formally ratifies the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, becoming the last state to do so. The Thirteenth Amendment was officially ratified in 1865. 1994 – Figure skater Tonya Harding pleaded guilty in Portland, Oregon, to conspiracy to hinder prosecution for covering up an attack on rival Nancy Kerrigan, avoiding jail but drawing a $100,000 fine and three years of probation. 1988 – Iran–Contra affair: Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North and Vice Admiral John Poindexter are indicted on charges of conspiracy to defraud the United States. 1968 – Sen. Robert F. Kennedy of New York announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination. 1968 – General Motors produces its 100 millionth automobile, an Oldsmobile Toronado 1958 – The Ford Motor Company produced its 50 millionth automobile, the Thunderbird, averaging almost a million cars a year since the company's founding. 1903 – Judge Roy Bean dies: Self-proclaimed “law west of the Pecos,” Roy Bean dies in Langtry, Texas. A saloonkeeper and adventurer, Bean's claim to fame rested on the often humorous and sometimes-bizarre rulings he meted out as a justice of the peace in western Texas during the late 19th century. By then, Bean was in his 50s and had already lived a life full of rough adventures. 1867 – Joseph Lister first outlines the discovery of antiseptic surgery in an article in “The Lancet” 1850 – “The Scarlet Letter” is published: Nathaniel Hawthorne's story of adultery and betrayal in colonial America, The Scarlet Letter, is published. 1802 – President Thomas Jefferson signed a measure authorizing the establishment of the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York. 37 – Caligula became Roman Emperor after the death of his great uncle, Tiberius. Births 1965 – Mark Carney, Canadian economist and politician, Prime Minister of Canada 1959 – Flavor Flav (William Jonathan Drayton Jr.), Hip-hop artist and reality TV star who co-founded the rap group Public Enemy. Made oversize clock necklaces a fashion statement. 1953 – Richard Stallman, American computer scientist and programmer, launched the GNU Project (Sep 1983), founded the Free Software Foundation (FSF) in October 1985, developed the GNU C Compiler and GNU Emacs, and wrote all versions of the GNU General Public License. 1941 – Bernardo Bertolucci, Italian director and screenwriter (died 2018) 1926 – Jerry Lewis, American actor and comedian (died 2017) 1912 – Pat Nixon, First lady who joined her husband on historic trips to China and the Soviet Union and advocated for volunteerism. (died 1993) 1911 – Josef Mengele, German physician, captain and mass-murderer (died 1979) 1751 – James Madison, drafter of the Constitution, recorder of the Constitutional Convention, author of the Federalist Papers and fourth president of the United States, is born on a plantation in Virginia. At just 5‘4”, James Madison was hardly a commanding presence, but that didn’t stop him from shaping American history. Madison first distinguished himself as a student at the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University), where he successfully completed a four-year course of study in two years and, in 1769, helped found the American Whig Society, the second literary and debate society at Princeton (and the world), to rival the previously established Cliosophic Society. (died 1836) Learn more Deaths 1985 – Roger Sessions, American composer, critic, and educator (born 1896) 1975 – T-Bone Walker (Aaron Thibeaux “T-Bone” Walker), American singer-songwriter and guitarist (born 1910) 1971 – Thomas E. Dewey, American lawyer and politician, 47th Governor of New York (born 1902) 1963 – William Beveridge, British economist and Liberal politician who was a progressive, social reformer, and eugenicist who played a central role in designing the British welfare state. (born 1879) 1903 – Roy Bean, self-proclaimed “law west of the Pecos” (born 1825)

Welcome to What Matters Now, a weekly podcast exploring key issues currently shaping Israel and the Jewish World, with host Amanda Borschel-Dan speaking with Einat Wilf, a former MK, author and CEO of the newly formed Oz party. Wilf describes the potential fall of the Iranian Islamic Republic's regime as a shift in the magnitude of the fall of the Soviet Union. We discuss the seismic ripple effects on Gaza and the Palestinian Authority. Wilf proposes that this moment is a window of opportunity for Israel to end the ideology of "Palestinianism" -- the end to the Jewish state -- that could quickly shut again. She talks through Israel's need to create firm civil borders of its control in the West Bank and to maintain military control of the remaining areas and have what she calls, "an active occupation." And in the final portion of our conversation, we hear why Wilf formed her new party at this time and what it stands for. And so this week, we ask Einat Wilf, what matters now. What Matters Now podcasts are available for download on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and edited by Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: Motorbikes drive past a billboard depicting Iran’s late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, center, handing the country’s flag to his son and successor Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, right, as the late revolutionary founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini stands at left, in a square in downtown Tehran, Iran, March 10, 2026. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

When it comes to what proportion of people speak more than one language, estimates vary but the general consensus is that at least half of the world's population do so. If you're bilingual, you may well have encountered a fascinating phenomenon: that a new personality seems to emerge when you switch languages. In March 2017, Quartz ran an article on the subject, written by Nicola Prentis. Prentis included accounts from a number of multilingual people, including Margarita, a Russian-American immigrant who fled the Soviet Union to escape anti-Semitism at the age of 19. Margarita revealed that when she speaks Russian, she feels 'guarded, reserved and uncomfortable.' How is it possible? And are we necessarily more at ease in our own native language? In under 3 minutes, we answer your questions! To listen to the last episodes, you can click here: ⁠⁠How can you protect yourself from being mugged?⁠⁠ ⁠⁠How to use less water?⁠⁠ ⁠⁠How did Covid lead to the emergence of meta cities?⁠⁠ A podcast written and realised by Joseph Chance. First Broadcast: 4/2/2024 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the mid-1800s, long before the Soviet Union or Maoist China, a French political dreamer named Étienne Cabet tried to build a communist utopia... in the heart of America. What followed was a bizarre, ambitious, and often comically disastrous experiment involving disease, deception, authoritarian hypocrisy, failed frontier settlements, buying an abandoned Mormon town, and one of the strangest forgotten social movements in U.S. history. For Merch and everything else Bad Magic related, head to: https://www.badmagicproductions.com Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

PRVIEW FOR LATER: Historian Paul Thomas Chamberlain discusses his book *Scorched Earth*, focusing on World War II's imperial dynamics. He emphasizes the Soviet Union's massive role, incurring 80% of European Allied casualties. (1)1944 NORMANDY

New York Times columnist and author M.Gessen on the slow strangulation of democracy, happening right now in Trump's America.M Gessen grew up in the Soviet Union and migrated to the US as a teenager before returning to Russia in the 90s to cover the country's brief attempt at democracy and then the slow slide back into autocratic rule under Vladimir Putin.M's insight into the mindset of the autocrat offers some clarity on why such leaders do the things they do and how they see the world.This Conversation was recorded at the Brisbane Powerhouse, as part of the Brisbane Writer's Festival.Further Information M Gessen is an author and New York Times columnist, their latest book is Surviving AutocracyThis episode of Conversations was produced by Alice Moldovan, Nicola Harrison is the Executive Producer.It covers US politics, President Donald Trump, democratic institutions, the Soviet Union, state terror, state tyranny, Vladimir Putin, journalism, protest, ICE, Minneapolis, autocratic rulers, power, dogma, mindset, democratic freedom, voting in elections, Hannah Arendt, Milan Kundera, mutual aid, organising.To binge even more great episodes of the Conversations podcast with Richard Fidler and Sarah Kanowski go the ABC listen app (Australia) or wherever you get your podcasts. There you'll find hundreds of the best thought-provoking interviews with authors, writers, artists, politicians, psychologists, musicians, and celebrities.

Send a textC4 Leaders – the ONLY nonprofit to utilize the pizza making process to create space for our companions to be seen, heard, and loved.   We work with businesses, sports teams, hospitals, churches…anyone looking to RISE TOGETHER.  We also write children's books and use the most amazing handmade, hand-tossed, sourdough pizza to bring out the best in each other.   Please check out c4leaders.org to support our important work. Season 6 Episode #7 Dr. Zafra Lerman is coming from The Greater Chicago Area (inform, inspire, & transform)You can find Zafra via her website zafralerman.comAbout our guest: Dr. Zafra Lerman is a world-renowned chemist, educator, and peacebuilder who has pioneered the use of science diplomacy to foster dialogue and collaboration in the world's most volatile regions. As founder and president of the Malta Conferences Foundation, she brings together scientists from countries in conflict—including Israel, Palestine, Iran, Iraq, and others across the Middle East—to work side by side on scientific challenges that transcend borders, from water scarcity to nuclear proliferation. Beyond diplomacy, Dr. Lerman has spent decades fighting for human rights—advocating for persecuted scientists in the Soviet Union and China, including risking her own safety by venturing after midnight through dark alleys in Moscow to meet dissidents. Dr. Lerman also developed groundbreaking methods to teach science through the arts, reaching underprivileged students, including homeless youth and incarcerated individuals, by making chemistry accessible through music, dance, and visual storytelling. Her work has been recognized globally, including multiple Nobel Peace Prize nominations, the U.S. Presidential Award for Mentoring Minorities in Science presented by President Bill Clinton, and the prestigious Andrei Sakharov Award for Human Rights from the American Physical Society. Dr. Lerman, thanks for having the courage to serve others, to see what others ignore to see, and for sharing your many gifts and talents with people all over the world.   Welcome to the Show!TOTD – “You cannot hope to build a better world without improving the individuals. To that end, each of us must work for his own improvement and, at the same time, share a general responsibility for all humanity, our particular duty being to aid those to whom we think we can be most useful.”                                                                      Marie CurieBuild a habit - to create intention - to live your purpose! In this episode:What was life like growing up?What are you life's essential ingredients…Your purpose is to build a chain reaction for peace…Student can sing to share their knowledge, dance to show their knowledge…in a way to show they are strong…Lectured all over the world on your “education system”…can you tell me more about that?Congrats on receiving the Presidental Award for Mentoring…what does it take to be a good mentor…Gift from your father when you were six…Were taught at a young age the value of helping others…Parents were involved in the holocaust…Teaching Chemistry through dance, drama, and hip hop.Science as a bridge in the middle eastNew Book – Human Rights and Peace – A Personal OdysseyThe Malta Conference – what is it, why dedicate a significant portion of your life to this cause…why should someone listening to this podcast care about the conference.Books you recommend?Legacy  

On this episode of Breaking Battleground, hosts Sam Stone and Chuck Warren talk with a diverse lineup of guests for a wide-ranging discussion covering Cuba and the recent announcement of negotiations, the CIA and conspiracy theories, growing distrust of government, and what they describe as Trump Derangement Syndrome in the media. Carrie Filipetti, Executive Director of the Vandenberg Coalition, discussed the situation in Cuba and the recent announcements regarding negotiations. She noted that a democratic transition in Cuba would represent a major victory for the administration of Donald Trump. Polling suggests roughly two-thirds of Cubans support some form of political change, while about 30–35% favor a more sweeping or radical transformation. Filipetti also argued that the Cuban regime lacks meaningful moderates, as those in power are focused on maintaining control, making significant movement toward human rights and political reform unlikely. She added that Marco Rubio, serving as Secretary of State, may be one of the strongest figures in recent years to manage negotiations with Cuba. Find more information about The Vandenberg Coalition at https://vandenbergcoalition.org. Next, Stacy Liberatore of the Daily Mail discusses Project Artichoke, a program that explored methods of influencing or manipulating human behavior through substances, including injections and vaccines. Many records related to the program were reportedly destroyed in 1973, just before a major hearing examiningCentral Intelligence Agency activity. Liberatore also highlights public reaction to her recent reporting on claims that the CIA may have withheld information related to a potential cancer treatment. She references a declassified 1951 study that noted similarities between parasitic worms and cancer cells. Researchers in the Soviet Union reportedly tested the concept in mice with tumor tissue and observed reductions in tumor growth. At the same time, some current members of the Central Intelligence Agency have emphasized that the agency today operates very differently from how it did during the Cold War. Follow Stacy on X at  https://x.com/stacyliberatore?lang=en. Later, John Levine discussed what he described as a pattern in which segments of the mainstream media appear to root against U.S. success in conflicts involving Iran, Venezuela, and Cuba. He argued that many outlets reflexively oppose policies associated with Donald Trump, often criticizing developments simply because they are tied to the Trump administration. Levine pointed to coverage of Trump's prediction that the conflict with Iran could be resolved within four to five weeks, suggesting that media criticism focused more on attacking the president than than need to intervene in Iran. He also noted the ongoing dispute in Washington over funding for the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, arguing that despite Democrats blocking funding measures and the shutdown continuing for weeks, media coverage has still largely placed blame on Trump. Follow Jon on X at https://x.com/LevineJonathan Finally, Gary Gygi joined the discussion to address concerns about a potential oil shock in the United States. Gygi said he believes the recent rise in oil and gasoline prices is likely temporary rather than the start of a sustained surge. He also discussed the February jobs report, which showed a loss of about 92,000 jobs. Gygi noted that the figure may not indicate a broader trend, as the January report could still be revised and labor data often fluctuates month to month. He added that many companies are currently operating under a "no-hire, no-fire" approach, as the high costs associated with recruiting and onboarding new employees are making employers cautious about expanding their workforce. Find more information on Gary at https://x.com/GaryGygi or https://gygicapital.com.

10. Professor Paul Thomas Chamberlain identifies November 1942as the critical turning point of World War II, marked by the simultaneous battles of Stalingrad, Guadalcanal, and North Africa. These events signaled the rise of superpowers—continent-spanning states with massive industrial bases—that began to eclipse the old European colonial empires. By this point, the expansion of the Germanand Japanese empires had been halted, shifting the global power structure toward the United States and the Soviet Union. (10)1942 WINSTON AND REGIMENT

12. Professor Paul Thomas Chamberlain details Allied contingency plans like Operation Rank, designed to rush airborne troops into Berlin to prevent the Red Army from occupying all of Europe if Germany collapsed suddenly. He explains that by 1944, Churchill was deeply concerned about Soviet dominance and sought to redirect Western forces into the Balkans or Mediterranean to protect Britishinterests. Despite these internal tensions, the U.S. demonstrated unprecedented superpower capability by launching simultaneous major offensives across both the Pacific and Europe. (12)1942 TORCH AT CASABLANCA

11. Professor Paul Thomas Chamberlain describes the Casablanca and Tehran conferences, where Allied leaders grappled with the realization that the Soviet Union would emerge as a dominant European power. He highlights Roosevelt's anti-colonial vision, which sought to replace imperial systems with a liberal capitalist order based on free trade and self-determination. Roosevelt's outreach to Chiang Kai-shek in Cairo reflected his recognition of China as a future pillar of this new international framework, often managed in private and out of earshot of Winston Churchill. (11)1942 STALINGRAD

The world map was carved with vastly different boundaries when Sergio and is family arrived in Spain. The USSR was still an entity, and as such, many countries we have today were still a distant hope. In our conversation, Sergio shares that his journey from the former Soviet Union to Spain began with his grandfather and that tennis was a pivotal factor in getting him from one country to the other. We chat about political ideologies and cultural socializations, and how the tennis mentality can be applied to all aspects of life.More on Sergio:Website: https://valenciatennisacademy.com/esp/sergio-dronovInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/virtualtennisprogram/Find more Nada: Website:⁠ https://mamaknowsnada.com/⁠Instagram:⁠ ⁠https://www.instagram.com/mama.knows.nada/Facebook:⁠ ⁠⁠https://www.facebook.com/mamaknowsnada/⁠Music: "Vacaciones" by Mike LeiteKindly note that opinions and statements made by guests on the Mama Knows Nada Podcast do not necessarily reflect the values and opinions held by Mama Knows Nada. Guests are sharing their unique perspectives and experiences. Always consult with a professional to understand your personal circumstances and logistics. Mama Knows Nada can not be held accountable for changes in legislation and political infrastructure. These policies are subject to frequent changes and vary by country and municipality. We strive to update our content in tandem with laws and amendments.

Once A DJ is brought to you by:https://www.vinylunderground.co.uk - 10% off your next order using code onceadjhttps://www.sureshotshop.com/ - Record adapters (including customs) & accessorieshttps://myslipmats.com/ - Custom and off the shelf Slipmats, dividers and more.Once A DJ is a https://remote-ctrl.co.uk productionOther ways to support the showFollow the show on Spotify or Apple PodcastsAny feedback or questions? Hit up the Once A DJ Instagram PageSubscribe to the Once A DJ PatreonBuy your Once A DJ Sureshot 45 adapter clampsDJ Super Dmitry | Dee-Lite, Nauti Siren & The Sound of a Life Lived in MusicThis week on Once A DJ, Adam is joined by DJ Super Dmitry — one third of Dee-Lite, the group behind one of the most joyful and enduring records in dance music history. But Dmitry's story goes far beyond 'Groove Is in the Heart', and this conversation goes all the way back to the beginning.Dmitry grew up in Soviet Ukraine as a third-generation musician. His grandmother — unable to afford a piano during the disruptions of the Russian Revolution, Civil War and World War Two — cut piano keys from paper so she could practise by hand. That love of music carried through the family, and Dmitry began lessons at five, was attending a conservatory music school by seven, and was already writing his own compositions in the style of Gershwin and Scott Joplin by eight.Western music was tightly controlled. Records could only be obtained on the black market — for around $50 each — and were copied onto reel-to-reel before being traded on. A track from Jesus Christ Superstar introduced him to something funky he couldn't yet name, and the search for that sound would shape the rest of his life.At 14, Dmitry and his family left the Soviet Union — the first in their town to do so, and treated as traitors for it. After periods in Austria and Italy, where he discovered punk (the Pistols, the Damned, X-Ray Spex, Iggy Pop), the family arrived in New York in 1978. On Halloween. In a Black neighbourhood in Brooklyn. Having never seen Black people before.From a 50-cent bin in a record shop, he picked up 'The Clones of Dr. Funkenstein' by Parliament because the cover looked insane. That was the moment. 'There it is,' he thought. 'That's the sound I've been looking for.' He's been a funkateer ever since.New York in the late 70s and early 80s was extraordinary — punk, disco, hip hop, and house all converging in the same sweaty rooms. Dmitry became an elevator operator at Danceteria, practising guitar in the lift between floors while Sisters of Mercy and the Sugar Hill Gang did soundchecks below. He ran into the pre-fame Beastie Boys regularly, worked at the Pyramid Club (run by drag queens, and a real education in showmanship), and played for Kool Herc and Grandmaster Flash at block parties in Harlem and the Bronx.Dee-Lite formed as a direct attempt to bridge the gap between house and funk. They built a following through monthly shows drawing up to 1,500 people, which caught the attention of a Billboard writer and eventually sparked a label bidding war. They signed to Elektra — choosing them because their A&R, Nancy Jeffries, had signed Iggy Pop and Bjork, and that felt like the right kind of open-mindedness.Elektra didn't believe 'Groove Is in the Heart' had any traction. They let Dee-Lite do the video anyway, and Dmitry remembers the precise moment he knew it had crossed over: standing in a grocery store queue when it came on the radio and the cashier started dancing at her till. 'That's my jam,' she said. 'That's my jam.'Q-Tip turned up to the studio, listened for 15 minutes, jotted notes, and nailed it in two takes. Bootsy Collins casually mentioned he had 'some friends' who might be able to play horns — those friends were Fred Wesley and Maceo Parker, who arrived as near-strangers to each other after five years apart and immediately played like they'd never stopped.Their first proper gig with a full live band was in front of 300,000 people at Rock in Rio. The second album was recorded expensively in a big studio; Dmitry considers it their weakest. The third, Dewdrops in the Garden, went back to basics and home recording, and he's proud of how well it still sounds.The band broke up when Dmitry and Kier's relationship ended, and he eventually made his way to Berlin — partly drawn by its thriving club culture, partly pushed out of New York by Giuliani's crackdown on clubs. He played Tresor, won a Best Techno DJ award at Ibiza despite not really being a techno DJ, worked with Julie Cruz, remixed Chaka Khan and Ziggy Marley, and kept making music.Then during the pandemic, a friend sent him a vocalist called Jessie Evans. He sent her some dub tracks that had been sitting on his computer for years. She recorded them one by one, sending back a finished song every couple of days from Brazil — while caring for two young children. Before they had ever met on video, they had an album's worth of material. That project became Nauti Siren. She moved to Germany, they got married, and they now have around five albums' worth of music ready to release. The first, 'Rising', is out now.This is a remarkable conversation with someone who has lived inside the history of popular music for fifty years — and who still has plenty more to say.Find DJ Super Dmitry:Instagram: @superdjdmitryNauti Siren 'Rising' — out on Bandcamp and all streaming platformsOnce A DJThe podcast that looks at what brings us together and what sets us apart. Subscribe wherever you listen to podcasts.

When at Wine Paris, I visited the booths of many countries. Catching up with old friends, and forging new relationships to help move the needle in wine.  As I visited the Armenian wine booth, there was a bustle in the air. If there is an old guard in the Armenian wine trade, it would be Vahe Keusguarian. He forged much of what is the modern wine industry there. But before Vahe, there was Karas. In fact, Vahe's first job as he picked up his life and moved to Armenia...was at Karas.  At the helm at Karas, an incredibly capable young woman; Juliana Del Aguila. Not only does she responsible for this pioneering winery in Armenia, she is at the helm of Bodega Fin Del Mundo in Argentina. Can you imagine that travel log? She spyed me in the corner of her eye and quickly came to say hi. You see, Wine Talks was one of her first podcasts...if not the first. Hear her here. Juliana de la Guila brings more than wine knowledge—she brings continents together in a single conversation. You'll quickly realize that when it comes to Karas Wines and the Armenian wine revival, her passion is as layered as a rare vintage, with roots reaching from the arid soils of the Ararat Valley to the windswept vineyards of Patagonia. In this episode, you'll discover how Juliana and her family became pioneers in resurrecting Armenia's ancient winemaking tradition after decades lost to brandy production under the Soviet Union. You'll learn why the rebirth of Armenian viticulture is more than just an economic opportunity—it's about community, sustainability, and rekindling magic in a bottle that Armenians can send around the world as a piece of home. Juliana de la Guila will reveal how indigenous varietals like Areni are reclaiming their historical seat at the world's wine table and why international grapes such as Malbec and Cabernet Franc are being invited to the Armenian party, all in the search for terroir and expression. Along the way, you'll pick up surprising insights about irrigation from Turkish reservoirs, organic certification, and the delicate balance of tradition and innovation, as well as the emotional and existential connection that makes a glass of Armenian wine taste like home. From the shifting Los Angeles wine market to China's nascent curiosity, from new cuisine in Yerevan's wine bars to the soul of sustainable farming, you'll walk away with a story that's as much about family, identity, and evolution as it is about grapes. Prepare to taste history, experience emotion, and understand how wine truly connects land, legacy, and the modern world—one bottle at a time. Three things you'll learn in this episode: Why Armenian wine disappeared for decades, how it's being reborn, and what it takes to reestablish a nation's grape legacy. The challenges and triumphs of introducing Armenian and Patagonian wines to international markets—and the surprising reactions from both sommeliers and consumers. How the culture around food, wine, and celebration is evolving in Armenia, from modern wine bars to the interplay of ancient tradition and diaspora influences. https://youtu.be/TuE7Lb8x68E

In part two of our history of Iran and the Middle East, we move from the 1979 Iranian Revolution to the bombing of Tehran today. This is the story of how America's Cold War obsession with the Soviet Union mutated into something else entirely: the gradual Israelisation of U.S. policy in the region. Along the way we trace the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, America's backing of the Mujahideen, the rise of Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Iran-Iraq War, the Iran-Contra scandal, the Intifadas, Oslo, Netanyahu, Hamas, and the long collapse of any serious Palestinian settlement. What began as a struggle over oil, empire, and superpower rivalry became a different kind of conflict altogether, one driven by proxy wars, sectarian alliances, occupation, and political miscalculation. If part one explained how the West lost Iran, part two explains how the region was remade in the decades that followed, and how all of it leads directly to the crisis we are watching now. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Welcome to What Matters Now, a weekly podcast exploring key issues currently shaping Israel and the Jewish World, with host Amanda Borschel-Dan speaking with Einat Wilf, a former MK, author and CEO of the newly formed Oz party. Wilf describes the potential fall of the Iranian Islamic Republic's regime as a shift in the magnitude of the fall of the Soviet Union. We discuss the seismic ripple effects on Gaza and the Palestinian Authority. Wilf proposes that this moment is a window of opportunity for Israel to end the ideology of "Palestinianism" -- the end to the Jewish state -- that could quickly shut again. She talks through Israel's need to create firm civil borders of its control in the West Bank and to maintain military control of the remaining areas and have what she calls, "an active occupation." And in the final portion of our conversation, we hear why Wilf formed her new party at this time and what it stands for. And so this week, we ask Einat Wilf, what matters now. What Matters Now podcasts are available for download on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and edited by Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: Motorbikes drive past a billboard depicting Iran’s late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, center, handing the country’s flag to his son and successor Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, right, as the late revolutionary founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini stands at left, in a square in downtown Tehran, Iran, March 10, 2026. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

Join us to hear from renowned historian Frank Dikötter, who offers a commanding history recasting how communists seized power in China. In April 1927, soldiers and detectives descended upon the Russian Embassy in Beijing, revolvers drawn. An hour later, they emerged with a trove of documents, some of them partly damaged by Russians who had tried quickly to destroy them. In these singed and soggy papers was proof that Moscow, despite agreeing three years earlier not to “propagate communistic doctrines,” had, in fact, sent what amounts to millions in today's dollars—along with shiploads of arms and advisors—to support nothing less than a revolution in China.  These findings are hardly ever mentioned by historians—until now. Dikötter says the history of modern China has long been framed as an organic enterprise, wherein Communists mobilized the “peasants,” took land from the rich and redistributed it to the poor. Drawing on the Beijing raid as well as several other overlooked archives, Dikötter's new book Red Dawn Over China reveals how unlikely a communist victory actually was, had it not been for massive financial and military support from the Soviet Union; a brutal war of occupation by Japan; severe miscalculations by the United States; and—most of all—the Communist Party's unflinching will to conquer at all costs. Dikötter reveals how what began in 1921 with 13 delegates in a dusty room led to a red flag being raised over the Forbidden City in 1949, forever altering the course of history for a quarter of humanity and shaping the global balance of power as we know it today.  About the Speaker: Frank Dikötter is the Milias Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He is also Chair Professor of Humanities at the University of Hong Kong. His books have changed the way historians view China, from the classic The Discourse of Race in Modern China to his award-winning People's Trilogy, a series of books that document the lives of ordinary people under Mao: Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe; The Tragedy of Liberation: A History of the Chinese Revolution, 1945-1957; and The Cultural Revolution: A People's History, 1962-1976. An Asia-Pacific Affairs Member-led Forum program. Forums and chapters at the Club are organized and run by volunteer programmers who are members of The Commonwealth Club, and they cover a diverse range of topics. Learn more about our Forums. Organizer: Lillian K NakagawaNotes Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Is this the end for Viktor Orbán - the Godfather of European authoritarianism?Nick Cohen talks to Hugarian author, journalist and politician Zsuzsanna Szelényi about the the upcoming Hungarian election on April 12th, where Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party faces a significant challenge from the opposition Tizsa party led by Péter Magyar. Could this - at last - be the end for the role model for Donald Trump and the rest of the authoritarian right?Over the last 16 years, Orbán has shown the radical right how to eat out a democracy and fashion an authoritarian state from what remains. He's created a game plan for the AfD, Reform UK and the Rassemblement National to follow to take and hold power through the manipulation of think tanks, corruption, state capture of institutions and the media and electoral manipulation. Trump has proved to be an avid student of Orbán''s methodsZsuzsanna Szelényi, a former Hungarian politician and author of "Tainted Democracy," explains how Orbán transformed from a liberal politician in the 1990s to an authoritarian leader who controls the media, civil service, and state resources through corruption and conspiracy theories. Nick's and Zsuzsanna's discussion highlights Orbán's cosy relationship with Vladimir Putin despite Hungary's historical opposition to Russian influence, - not least when it fell under Soviet Union control between 1945-1989 - and examines how Orbán's regime has spread disinformation about Ukraine and the financier George Soros while using state resources to fund a global network of conservative think tanks. Their chat concludes with Szelényi expressing hope for Orbán's defeat in the upcoming election, though she acknowledges that even if Fidesz loses, Hungary would face a complex transition period as the country seeks to emerge from Orbán's 16-year authoritarian rule.Read all about it!Zsuzsanna Szelényi @ZSzelenyi is the author of #TaintedDemocracy Director, Democracy Institute Leadership Academy, former Hungarian MP, Richard von Weizsäcker Fellow at RBA, Europe's Future Fellow IWM.Nick Cohen's @NickCohen4 latest Substack column Writing from London on politics and culture from the UK and beyond. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

3. This file explores veteran journalist Cholerton and his translator Natalia. Having witnessed decades of Stalinist rule, Cholerton's deep knowledge eventually led to his exile from the Soviet Union. Natalia suffered a tragic fate, enduring ten years in the Gulag for her association with him, illustrating the immense danger faced by truth-seekers. (20)1942 LIVERPOOL

7. Tanya, a glamorous Russian barred from education, becomes a translator for Ronnie Matthews. Through her determination, she secures a future within the Metropol. Ronnie eventually marries her and successfully negotiates her escape from the Soviet Union, leading to a new life in Cairo and London, despite suspicions of being a spy. (24)1942 MOSCOW

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qYt9H6wPKOs Comrade Vikki gives this moving presentation to Mark international women's day 2026. Drawing in the life of Ursula Kuczynski, a German-Jewish communist who became a high-ranking Soviet spy, code-named "Sonya", she brings out the salient features of Ursula / Sonia's life. 1. She was a revolutionary, taking her full part in the liberation of the working class. 2. She was incredibly brave, overcoming great obstacles and dangers to play her part in the liberation of humanity. 3. She lived a full and meaningful life, as a cadre, communist, party member, sister, daughter, lover, wife, mother, revolutionary - and Soviet spy. 4. She overcame great obstacles to play a full role in every aspect of her life. Demonstrating the full bravery, capacity and equality of women in practice. 5. Her life demonstrated that “no revolutionary movement can succeed unless very many women take part in it.“ as such the Soviet Union liberated and inspired when as no other movement has done, raising them to full participation in every aspect of social and professional life as equals. 6. That the working class movement must advance the concrete aims of socialised provision of affordable and high quality child care, socialised cleaning services, domestic services, nursery care, schooling, socialised dining rooms / affordable high quality reastaurants for the mass of the working class if women workers are to be liberated from the domestic chores that have been their traditional lot in society. These measures make women free IN PRACTICE to pay their tile in working and running society. They were implemented in full in the USSR and socialist nations. We need these natures under capitalism and must fight for them. We will provide them under socialism. We honour Ursula, agent Sonya, who received the order of Lenin for her work in life, and having rendered incalculable service to the working class to vanquish fascism and fight imperialism, spent her retirement in the DDR, writing Children's books, bringing socialist morality and revolutionary optimism to the next generation of German workers. We remember and honour every working woman and mother on this day, we celebrate their contribution and sacrifices in raising the next generation and caring so much of humanity's burden - and we sat frankly: only socialism can bring true liberation to working written of Britain, and all nations. Join the struggle. Join us! Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! www.thecommunists.org www.lalkar.org www.redyouth.org Telegram: t.me/thecommunists Twitter: twitter.com/cpgbml Soundcloud: @proletarianradio Rumble: rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: www.facebook.com/cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: Each one teach one!: https://thecommunists.org/education-programme/ Join the struggle www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: www.thecommunists.org/donate/

As fascist powers continue to take land from their neighbors and take over new countries, an agreement between Germany and the Soviet Union shocks the word and gives Bulgaria an opportunity. Supporters like you make this podcast happen! Check out www.patreon.com/bulgarianhistorypodcast to see the great perks you can get for supporting us. You can find images for this episode at: www.bghistorypodcast.com/post/251-deal-between-devils Check out the book here: www.amazon.com/State-Builders-St…an/dp/6197814110/

The first ship in a solar-system armada reached its target 40 years ago today. Over the following week, four others joined it. Their target was Comet Halley. It was making its first passage through the inner solar system since 1910. So it was the first chance to study the comet from close range. And space agencies around the world responded. The Soviet Union and Japan each sent two spacecraft, and Europe added one more. The first to arrive was Vega 1, one of the Soviet missions. It and a companion, Vega 2, had first flown past Venus. They scanned the planet and dropped probes into its atmosphere. Both of them flew just a few thousand miles from Halley’s nucleus – its “body” of rock and ice. Europe’s contribution, Giotto, came even closer – just 370 miles. It snapped by far the best pictures of any comet. It found that most of the nucleus was covered by a “crust” that was darker than charcoal. But “jets” of ice and dust erupted from thin spots in the crust. They wrapped the nucleus in a cloud of debris. Sunlight and the solar wind pushed some of that material away from the comet, forming a tail that was millions of miles long. The United States was a notable no-show. A dedicated mission to Halley was scuttled. NASA did turn some craft that were already in space to face Halley, but they were millions of miles away. The next chance to study the comet up close won’t come until 2061. Script by Damond Benningfield

Gulag: A History. Dennis Prager Talks to Pulitzer Prize Winning- Author Anne Applebaum Gulag: A History  by Anne Applebaum (Author) This is an ACU encore presentation. PULITZER PRIZE WINNER • This magisterial and acclaimed history offers the first fully documented portrait of the Gulag, from its origins in the Russian Revolution, through its expansion under Stalin, to its collapse in the era of glasnost. “A tragic testimony to how evil ideologically inspired dictatorships can be.” —The New York Times A Kirkus Reviews Best Nonfiction Book of the Century The Gulag—a vast array of Soviet concentration camps that held millions of political and criminal prisoners—was a system of repression and punishment that terrorized the entire society, embodying the worst tendencies of Soviet communism. Applebaum intimately re-creates what life was like in the camps and links them to the larger history of the Soviet Union. Immediately recognized as a landmark and long-overdue work of scholarship, Gulag is an essential book for anyone who wishes to understand the history of the twentieth century. The Dennis Prager Show 81.2K subscribers 429 views Jan 16, 2026 Timeless Wisdom with Dennis Prager ------------------------------------------------------------------------ For a great archive of Prager University videos visit- https://www.youtube.com/user/PragerUniversity/featured   Donate today to PragerU! http://l.prageru.com/2eB2p0h Get PragerU bonus content for free! https://www.prageru.com/bonus-content Download Pragerpedia on your iPhone or Android! Thousands of sources and facts at your fingertips. iPhone: http://l.prageru.com/2dlsnbG Android: http://l.prageru.com/2dlsS5e Join Prager United to get new swag every quarter, exclusive early access to our videos, and an annual TownHall phone call with Dennis Prager! http://l.prageru.com/2c9n6ys Join PragerU's text list to have these videos, free merchandise giveaways and breaking announcements sent directly to your phone! https://optin.mobiniti.com/prageru Do you shop on Amazon? Click https://smile.amazon.com and a percentage of every Amazon purchase will be donated to PragerU. Same great products. Same low price. Shopping made meaningful. VISIT PragerU! https://www.prageru.com FOLLOW us! Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/prageru Twitter: https://twitter.com/prageru Instagram: https://instagram.com/prageru/ PragerU is on Snapchat! JOIN PragerFORCE! For Students: http://l.prageru.com/2aozfkP JOIN our Educators Network! http://l.prageru.com/2aoz2y9 -------------------------------------------------------------------- The Rational Bible: Exodus by Dennis Prager   NATIONAL BESTSELLER "Dennis Prager has put together one of the most stunning commentaries in modern times on the most profound document in human history. It's a must-read that every person, religious and non-religious, should buy and peruse every night before bed. It'll make you think harder, pray more ardently, and understand your civilization better." — Ben Shapiro, host of "The Ben Shapiro Show" "Dennis Prager's commentary on Exodus will rank among the greatest modern Torah commentaries. That is how important I think it is. And I am clearly not alone... It might well be on its way to becoming the most widely read Torah commentary of our time—and by non-Jews as well as by Jews." — Rabbi Joseph Telushkin, bestselling author of Jewish Literacy Why do so many people think the Bible, the most influential book in world history, is outdated? Why do our friends and neighbors – and sometimes we ourselves – dismiss the Bible as irrelevant, irrational, immoral, or all of these things? This explanation of the Book of Exodus, the second book of the Bible, will demonstrate that the Bible is not only powerfully relevant to today's issues, but completely consistent with rational thought. Do you think the Bible permitted the trans-Atlantic slave trade? You won't after reading this book. Do you struggle to love your parents? If you do, you need this book. Do you doubt the existence of God because belief in God is “irrational?” This book will give you reason after reason to rethink your doubts. The title of this commentary is, “The Rational Bible” because its approach is entirely reason-based. The reader is never asked to accept anything on faith alone. As Prager says, “If something I write does not make rational sense, I have not done my job.” The Rational Bible is the fruit of Dennis Prager's forty years of teaching the Bible to people of every faith, and no faith. On virtually every page, you will discover how the text relates to the contemporary world and to your life. His goal: to change your mind – and then change your life.   Highly Recommended by ACU. Purchase his book at- https://www.amazon.com/Rational-Bible-Exodus-Dennis-Prager/dp/1621577724   The Rational Bible: Genesis by Dennis Prager  USA Today bestseller Publishers Weekly bestseller Wall Street Journal bestseller Many people today think the Bible, the most influential book in world history, is not only outdated but irrelevant, irrational, and even immoral. This explanation of the Book of Genesis, the first book of the Bible, demonstrates clearly and powerfully that the opposite is true. The Bible remains profoundly relevant—both to the great issues of our day and to each individual life. It is the greatest moral guide and source of wisdom ever written. Do you doubt the existence of God because you think believing in God is irrational? This book will give you many reasons to rethink your doubts. Do you think faith and science are in conflict? You won't after reading this commentary on Genesis. Do you come from a dysfunctional family? It may comfort you to know that every family discussed in Genesis was highly dysfunctional! The title of this commentary is “The Rational Bible” because its approach is entirely reason-based. The reader is never asked to accept anything on faith alone. In Dennis Prager's words, “If something I write is not rational, I have not done my job.” The Rational Bible is the fruit of Dennis Prager's forty years of teaching the Bible—whose Hebrew grammar and vocabulary he has mastered—to people of every faith and no faith at all. On virtually every page, you will discover how the text relates to the contemporary world in general and to you personally. His goal: to change your mind—and, as a result, to change your life.   The Rational Bible: Deuteronomy: God, Blessings, and Curses by Dennis Prager Is the Bible, the most influential book in world history, still relevant? Why do people dismiss it as being irrelevant, irrational, immoral, or all of these things? This explanation of the Book of Deuteronomy, the fifth book of the Bible, will demonstrate how it remains profoundly relevant - both to the great issues of our day and to each individual life. Do you doubt the existence of God because you think believing in God is irrational? This book will cause you to reexamine your doubts. The title of this commentary is The Rational Bible because its approach is entirely reason-based. The listener is never asked to accept anything on faith alone. In Dennis Prager's words, “If something I write is not rational, I have not done my job.” The Rational Bible is the fruit of Prager's forty years of teaching to people of every faith and no faith at all. In virtually every section, you will discover how the text relates to the contemporary world in general and to you on a personal level. His goal: to change your mind - and, as a result, to change your life.

Julie Smolyansky is the CEO of Lifeway Foods, an Illinois-based dairy company that is the leading U.S. supplier of kefir. After her father, Michael Smolyansky, passed away in 2002, Julie took over the company at 27 years old and became the youngest female CEO of a publicly held firm. Julie and her parents immigrated to the U.S. from the Soviet Union in her infancy and credits her upbringing with her success. Under her leadership, Julie transformed the company into a multinational firm, growing their revenue from US$12 million to US$130 million in 2015. She is also an activist against sexual violence and the co-founder of Test400k, a non-profit whose goal is to eliminate the backlog of over 400,000 untested rape kits in the U.S.  Timestamps: 01:27 Resilience 02:54 Stepping Up 10:13 Early Growth Moves 12:08 Kefir Story and Science 17:07 Trusting Your Gut 21:42 Values 25:55 Leading Through the Pandemic 28:12 Culture 28:45 Legacy 30:53 Purpose From Pain 31:33 Ending Sexual Violence 35:30 Rape Kit Reform 37:37 Community Giving 39:04 Motherhood and Leadership 41:59 Wellness and Reading 46:36 Finding Joy 50:42 What is Wonder?   Links: Julie's LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/julie-smolyansky-05304612/ Lifeway Foods: https://lifewaykefir.com/

Sputnik 1 (/ˈspʌtnɪk, ˈspʊtnɪk/, Russian: Спутник-1, Satellite 1), often referred to as simply Sputnik, was the first artificial Earth satellite. It was launched into an elliptical low Earth orbit by the Soviet Union on 4 October 1957 as part of the Soviet space program. It sent a radio signal back to Earth for three weeks before its three silver-zinc batteries became depleted. Aerodynamic drag caused it to fall back into the atmosphere on 4 January 1958.

The Reagan presidency marked a turning point in American political history, bringing in changes in voting allegiances, long-lasting economic and foreign policy shifts, and a new direction in the country's political culture that lasted for decades. Now former Reagan aide Frank Lavin comes to Commonwealth Club World Affairs to share behind-the-scenes stories of the Reagan White House. Drawing on his new book Inside the Reagan White House: A Front-Row Seat to Presidential Leadership with Lessons for Today, Lavin includes a mix of personal stories, insights on the president, discussions of policy and historical events, and crazy, colorful anecdotes in his insider's look at the Reagan presidency. The Reagan assassination attempt, the Gorbachev Reykjavik summit, Ollie North and the Contras, the 1988 Bush-Dukakis contest and other critical moments of the Reagan years are all covered.  Lavin also offers original insights into Reagan cabinet members and other top players, along with personal anecdotes, off-hand comments, and unique family details. Not to mention the movie stars, Soviet spies, neo-Nazis, plain old Nazis, intimate affairs, fights on planes, and con men who were chased by Interpol.  But Lavin says that at the heart of his story are the thousands of dedicated Americans who helped Ronald Reagan as he worked to push back against the Soviet Union, promote democracy, improve trade, lower taxes, and reduce the size and scope of government—back when those were the main focuses of conservative Republicans.  Join us to discuss whether the Reagan years provide us with any lessons for our current political situation. A Humanities Member-led Forum program. Forums at the Club are organized and run by volunteer programmers who are members of The Commonwealth Club, and they cover a diverse range of topics. Learn more about our Forums. Organizer: George Hammond  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In case the Chads didn't bring enough bullshit about UFOs over Russia, we've got a few more tall tales about aliens from the Soviet Union. Then, we begin our miniseries on famous UFO "whistleblower" Bob Lazar, by way of the infamous Area 51 Black Mailbox. Enjoy. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

March 5, 1953. The Premier of the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin, is on his deathbed, and he's turning blue. At the end of his life, Stalin is surrounded by his closest advisors, but these comrades aren't hoping for his quick recovery. For days, they've been sneaking away from their vigil, plotting. The moment Stalin's heart stops, they leap into action. What happens when a tyrant falls? And what role did the inner circle play in bringing an end to Stalin?  Special thanks to our guest, Sheila Fitzpatrick, historian and author of The Death of Stalin. -- Get in touch: historythisweek@history.com  Follow on Instagram: @historythisweekpodcast Follow on Facebook: ⁠HISTORY This Week Podcast⁠ To stay updated: http://historythisweekpodcast.com To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In Episode 465 of Hidden Forces, Demetri Kofinas speaks with Yale historian and Cold War scholar Odd Arne Westad, author of The Coming Storm, about why the pre-WWI era of multipolarity, imperial decline, and great power rivalry offers a far more instructive — and alarming — historical parallel to today's world than the Cold War, and what must be done to prevent the catastrophic descent into total war. The first hour explores what went wrong after the fall of the Soviet Union, how the end of the Bretton Woods system helped enable China's economic rise, and the striking structural parallels between the rise of Germany before 1914 and the rise of China today. Westad and Kofinas also examine the roles that Russia, India, and the United States play in this historical analogy, and how the failure to integrate rising powers into meaningful international frameworks — then and now — has set the stage for catastrophic conflict. The second hour takes a deeper look at the specific forces that could push the world from strategic rivalry to outright war, including the role of nuclear weapons in a multipolar order, the most dangerous flashpoints — from Taiwan to the Korean Peninsula to the South China Sea and China's border with India — and the underappreciated threat that terrorism could pose as a catalyst for great power conflict. They also examine the internal political dynamics that boxed leaders into impossible positions before 1914, how frighteningly familiar those constraints look today, and what Professor Westad believes must be done to stabilize the international system before the world faces consequences it is not remotely prepared to confront. Subscribe to our premium content—including our premium feed, episode transcripts, and Intelligence Reports—by visiting HiddenForces.io/subscribe. If you'd like to join the conversation and become a member of the Hidden Forces Genius community—with benefits like Q&A calls with guests, exclusive research and analysis, in-person events, and dinners—you can also sign up on our subscriber page at HiddenForces.io/subscribe. If you enjoyed today's episode of Hidden Forces, please support the show by: Subscribing on Apple Podcasts, YouTube, Spotify, Stitcher, SoundCloud, CastBox, or via our RSS Feed Writing us a review on Apple Podcasts & Spotify Join our mailing list at https://hiddenforces.io/newsletter/ Producer & Host: Demetri Kofinas Editor & Engineer: Stylianos Nicolaou Subscribe and support the podcast at https://hiddenforces.io. Join the conversation on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter at @hiddenforcespod Follow Demetri on Twitter at @Kofinas Episode Recorded on 02/23/2026

Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's armor offensives at Nomohan. Following heavy Japanese losses in May and June, General Georgy Zhukov arrives in June, reorganizes the Soviet 1st Army Group, and bolsters it with tanks, artillery, and reinforcements. The July offensive sees General Komatsubara's forces cross the Halha River undetected, achieving initial surprise. However, General Yasuoka's tank assault falters due to muddy terrain, inadequate infantry support, and superior Soviet firepower, resulting in heavy losses. Japanese doctrine emphasizing spiritual superiority clashes with material realities, undermining morale as intelligence underestimates Soviet strength. Zhukov learns key lessons in armored warfare, adapting tactics despite high casualties. Reinforcements pour in via massive truck convoys. Japanese night attacks and artillery duels fail, exposing logistical weaknesses. Internal command tensions, including gekokujo defiance, hinder responses. By August, Stalin, buoyed by European diplomacy and Sorge's intel, greenlights a major offensive. Zhukov employs deception for surprise. Warnings of Soviet buildup are ignored, setting the stage for a climactic encirclement on August 20.   #191 Zhukov Steel Ring of Fire at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha River into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank. Two weeks of nightly Soviet sound effects had paid off: Japanese perimeter troops failed to distinguish the real deployment from the frequently heard simulations. Zhukov's order of battle was as follows: "Northern force, commanded by Colonel Alekseenko—6th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 601st Infantry Regiment (82nd Division), 7th Armored Brigade, 2 battalions of the 11th Tank Brigade, 82nd Artillery Regiment, and 87th Anti-tank Brigade. Central force, where Zhukov was located, commanded by his deputy, Colonel Petrov—36th Motorized Infantry Division, 82nd Infantry Division (less one regiment), 5th Infantry Machine Gun Brigade. Southern force, commanded by Colonel Potapov—8th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 57th Infantry Division, 8th Armored Brigade, 6th Tank Brigade, 11th Tank Brigade (less two battalions), 185th Artillery Regiment, 37th Anti-tank Brigade, one independent tank company. A mobile strategic reserve built around the 212th Airborne Regiment, the 9th Mechanized Brigade, and a battalion of the 6th Tank Brigade was held west of the Halha River." The Soviet offensive was supported by massed artillery, a hallmark of Zhukov's operations in the war against Germany. In addition to nearly 300 antitank and rapid-fire guns, Zhukov deployed over 200 field and heavy artillery pieces on both sides of the Halha. Specific artillery batteries were assigned to provide supporting fire for each attacking infantry and armored unit at the battalion level and higher. In the early hours of August 20, the sky began to lighten over the semiarid plain, with the false promise of a quiet Sunday morning. The air was clear as the sun warmed the ground that had been chilled overnight. General Komatsubara's troops were in no special state of readiness when the first wave of more than 200 Soviet bombers crossed the Halha River at 5:45 a.m. and began pounding their positions. When the bombers withdrew, a thunderous artillery barrage began, continuing for 2 hours and 45 minutes. That was precisely the time needed for the bombers to refuel, rearm, and return for a second run over the Japanese positions. Finally, all the Soviet artillery unleashed an intensive 15-minute barrage at the forwardmost Japanese positions. Komatsubara's men huddled in their trenches under the heaviest bombardment to which they or any other Japanese force had ever been subjected. The devastation, both physical and psychological, was tremendous, especially in the forward positions. The shock and vibration of incoming bombs and artillery rounds also caused their radiotelegraph keys to chatter so uncontrollably that frontline troops could not communicate with the rear, compounding their confusion and helplessness. At 9:00 a.m., Soviet armor and infantry began to move out along the line while their cover fire continued. A dense morning fog near the river helped conceal their approach, bringing them in some sectors to within small-arms range before they were sighted by the enemy. The surprise and disarray on the Japanese side was so complete, and their communications so badly disrupted, that Japanese artillery did not begin firing in support of their frontline troops until about 10:15 a.m. By then, many forward positions were overrun. Japanese resistance stiffened at many points by midday, and fierce combat raged along the front, roughly 40 miles long. In the day's fighting, Colonel M. I. Potapov's southern force achieved the most striking success. The 8th MPR Cavalry Division routed the Manchukuoan cavalry holding Komatsubara's southern flank, and Potapov's armor and mechanized infantry bent the entire southern segment of the Japanese front inward by about 8 miles in a northwesterly direction. Zhukov's central force advanced only 500–1,500 yards in the face of furious resistance, but the frontal assault engaged the center of the Japanese line so heavily that Komatsubara could not reinforce his flanks. Two MPR cavalry regiments and supporting armor and mechanized infantry from Colonel Ilya Alekseenko's northern force easily overran two Manchukuoan cavalry units guarding the northern flank of the Japanese line, about 2 miles north of the Fui Heights. But the heights themselves formed a natural strong point, and Alekseenko's advance was halted at what became the northern anchor of the Japanese line. As the first phase of the Soviet offensive gathered momentum, General Ogisu, the 6th Army's new commander, assessed the situation. Still unaware of Zhukov's strength, he reassured KwAHQ that "the enemy intends to envelop us from our flanks, but his offensive effectiveness is weak… Our positions in other areas are being strengthened. Set your mind at ease." This optimistic report contributed to Kwantung Army's delay in reinforcing the 23rd Division. Some at KwAHQ suspected this might be another limited Soviet push, like Aug 7–8, that would soon end. Others worried it was a diversion prior to a larger offensive and were concerned but not alarmed about Komatsubara's position. On Aug 21–22, Potapov's southern force pierced the Japanese main defense line at several points, breaking the southern sector into segments that the attackers sealed off, encircled, and ground down. Soviet armor, mechanized infantry, and artillery moved swiftly and with deadly efficiency. Survivors described how each pocket of resistance experienced its own hellish period. After the Japanese heavy weapons in a pocket were neutralized, Soviet artillery and tanks gradually tightened the ring, firing at point-blank range over open sights. Flame-throwing tanks incinerated hastily constructed fortifications and underground shelters. Infantry mopped up with grenades, small arms, and bayonets. By the end of Aug 23, Potapov had dismembered the entire Japanese defensive position south of the Holsten River. Only one significant pocket of resistance remained. Meanwhile, Potapov's 8th Armored Brigade looped behind the Japanese, reaching southeast of Nomonhan, some 11 miles east of the river junction, on the boundary claimed by the MPR, and took up a blocking position there athwart the most likely line of retreat for Japanese units south of the Holsten. In those two days, the Japanese center yielded only a few yards, while the northern flank anchored at Fui Heights held firm. Air combat raged over the battlefield. Soviet air units provided tactical support for their armor and infantry, while Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group strove to thwart that effort and hit the Soviet ground forces. Before Nomonhan, the Japanese air force had not faced a modern opponent. Japanese fliers had roamed largely unchallenged in Manchuria and China from 1931 to 1939. At Nomonhan, the Soviets enjoyed an advantage of roughly 2:1 in aircraft and pilots. This placed an increasingly heavy burden on Japanese air squadrons, which had to fly incessantly, often against heavy odds. Fatigue took its toll and losses mounted. Soviet and Japanese accounts give wildly different tallies of air victories and losses, but an official Japanese assessment after the battle stated, "Nomonhan brought out the bitter truths of the phenomenal rate at which war potential is sapped in the face of superior opposition." As with tank combat, the Soviet air superiority was qualitative as well as quantitative. In June–early July, the Soviet I-16 fighters did not fare well against the Japanese Type 97 fighter. However, in the lull before the August offensive, the Soviets introduced an improved I-16 with armor-plated fuselage and windshield, making it virtually impervious to the Type 97's light 7.7-mm guns. The Japanese countered by arming some planes with heavier 12.7-mm guns, which were somewhat more effective against the new I-16s. But the Soviet pilots discovered that the Type-97's unprotected fuel tank was an easy mark, and Japanese planes began to burn with horrendous regularity. On Aug 23, as Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow to seal the pact that would doom Poland and unleash war in Europe, the situation at Nomonhan was deemed serious enough by Kwantung Army to transfer the 7th Division to Hailar for support. Tsuji volunteered to fly to Nomonhan for a firsthand assessment. This move came too late, as Aug 23–24 proved the crucial phase of the battle. On Tue night, Aug 22, at Japanese 6th Army HQ, General Ogisu ordered a counterattack to push back the Soviet forces enveloping and crushing the Japanese southern flank. Komatsubara planned the counterattack in minute detail and entrusted its execution to his 71st and 72nd Regiments, led by General Kobayashi Koichi, and the 26th and 28th Regiments of the 7th Division, commanded by General Morita Norimasa. On paper this force looked like two infantry brigades. Only the 28th Regiment, however, was near full strength, though its troops were tired after marching about 25 miles to the front the day before. This regiment's peerless commander was Colonel Morita Toru (unrelated to General Morita). The chief kendo fencing master of the Imperial Army, Morita claimed to be invulnerable to bullets. The other three regiments were seriously understrength, partly due to combat attrition and partly because several of their battalions were deployed elsewhere on the front. The forces Kobayashi and Morita commanded that day totaled less than one regiment each. It was not until the night of Aug 23 that deployment and attack orders filtered down to the Japanese regiment, battalion, and company commanders. Due to insufficient truck transport and the trackless terrain, units were delayed reaching their assigned positions in the early morning of Aug 24, and some did not arrive at all. Two battalions of the 71st Regiment did not reach Kobayashi in time; his attack force that morning consisted of two battalions of the 72nd Regiment. Colonel Sumi's depleted 26th Regiment did not arrive in time, and General Morita's assault force consisted of two battalions of the 28th Regiment and a battalion-equivalent independent garrison unit newly arrived at the front. Because of these delays, the Japanese could not reconnoiter enemy positions adequately before the attack. What had been planned as a dawn assault would begin between 9:30 and 10:00 a.m. in broad daylight. The light plane carrying Tsuji on the final leg of his flight from Hsinking-Hailar-Nomonhan was attacked by Soviet fighters and forced to land behind the 72nd Regiment's staging area. Tsuji managed to reach General Kobayashi's command post by truck and on foot, placing him closer to the fighting than he anticipated. Just before the counterattack began, a dense fog drifted across part of the battlefield, obscuring visibility and limiting artillery effectiveness. Using the fog to mask their movement, lead elements of the 72nd Regiment moved toward a distant stand of scrub pines. As they approached, the trees began to move away—the stand was a well-camouflaged Soviet tank force. The tanks then maneuvered to the south, jeopardizing further Japanese advance. As the fog cleared, the Japanese found themselves facing a much larger enemy force. A vastly heavier Soviet barrage answered their renewed artillery fire. Kobayashi and Morita discovered too late that their counterattack had walked into the teeth of far stronger Soviet forces. One account calls it "The Charge of Two Light Brigades."   Kobayashi's 72nd Regiment encountered the Soviet T-34, with its thick sloped armor and 76-mm gun—the most powerful tank in 1939. In addition, the improved Soviet BT-5/7 tanks, powered by diesel, were less prone to ignition. On gasoline-powered vehicles, the Soviets added wire netting over the ventilation grill and exhaust manifold, reducing the effectiveness of hand-thrown gasoline bombs. Japanese infantry regiments suffered near 50% casualties that day. Nearly every battalion and company commander was lost. Kobayashi was gravely wounded by a tank shell fragment and nearly trampled by fleeing troops. He survived the battle and the Pacific War but died in a Soviet POW camp in 1950. Morita's 28th Regiment fared little better. It was pinned down about 500 yards from the Soviet front lines by intense artillery. Unable to advance and not permitted to retreat, Morita's men dug into the loose sand and withstood the bombardment, but were cut to pieces. Shortly after sunset, the remnants were ordered to withdraw, but both regiments were shattered. Tsuji, a survivor, rejoined Komatsubara at his command post. Upon receiving combat reports from the 72nd and 28th Regiments, General Komatsubara "evinced deep anxiety." 6th Army chief of staff Major General Fujimoto Tetsukuma, at Komatsubara's command post, "appeared bewildered," and announced he was returning to headquarters, asking if Tsuji would accompany him. The major declined and later recalled that he and Komatsubara could barely conceal their astonishment at Fujimoto's abrupt departure at such a time. Meanwhile, at the northern end of the line, Colonel Alekseenko's force had been hammering at Fui Heights for 3 days without success. The position was held by about 800 defenders under Lieutenant Colonel Ioki Eiichiro, consisting of two infantry companies; one company each of cavalry, armored reconnaissance, and combat engineers; and three artillery batteries (37-mm and 75-mm guns). The defenders clung tenaciously to the strongpoint created by the heights and their bunkers, inflicting heavy losses on Alekseenko's force. The unexpectedly strong defense disrupted the timing of the entire Soviet offensive. By Aug 23, Zhukov was exasperated and losing patience with the pace in the north. Some of Zhukov's comrades recall a personable chief who played the accordion and urged singing during happier times. Under stress, his harshness and temper surfaced. Zhukov summoned Alekseenko to the telephone. When the northern commander expressed doubt about storming the heights immediately, Zhukov berated him, relieved him on the spot, and entrusted the attack to Alekseenko's chief of staff. After a few hours, Zhukov called again and, finding that the new commander was slow, fired him as well and sent a staff member to take charge. Accounts record that his tirades sometimes included the phrase "useless bag of shit," though others note harsher language was used toward generals who did not meet expectations. That night, reinforced by the 212th Airborne Regiment, heavier artillery, and a detachment of flame-throwing tanks, the northern force renewed its assault on Fui Heights. The battered Japanese defenders were thoroughly overmatched. Soviet artillery fired at two rounds per second. When the last Japanese artillery was knocked out, they no longer could defend against flame-throwing tanks. From several miles away, Colonel Sumi could see the heights shrouded in black smoke and red flames "spitting like the tongues of snakes."  After Aug 22, supply trucks could no longer reach Fui Heights. The next afternoon, Colonel Ioki's radio—the last link to the 23rd Division—was destroyed. His surviving men fought on with small arms and grenades, repelling Soviet infantry with bayonet charges that night. By the morning of Aug 24, Ioki had about 200 able-bodied men left of his original 800. Soviet tanks and infantry had penetrated defenses at several points, forcing him to constrict his perimeter. Red flags flew on the eastern edge of the heights. Ioki gathered his remaining officers to discuss last measures. With little ammunition and almost no food or water, their situation seemed hopeless. But Ioki insisted on holding Fui Heights to the last man, arguing that the defense should not be abandoned and that orders to break out should come only with reinforcements and supplies. Some subordinates urged retreat. Faced with two dire options, Ioki drew his pistol and attempted suicide, but a fellow officer restrained him. Rather than see his men blown to bits, Ioki decided to abandon Fui Heights and retreat east. Those unable to walk received hand grenades with the injunction to blow themselves up rather than be captured. On the night of Aug 24–25, after moonrise, the remaining resistance at the heights was quelled, and Soviet attention shifted south. Ioki's battered remnant slipped out and, the next morning, encountered a Manchukuoan cavalry patrol that summoned trucks to take them to Chaingchunmiao, forty miles away. Russians occupying Fui Heights on Aug 25 counted the corpses of over 600 Japanese officers and men. After securing Fui Heights, the Soviet northern force began to roll up the Japanese northern flank in a wide arc toward Nomonhan. A day after the fall of Fui Heights, elements of the northern force's 11th Tank Brigade linked up with the southern force's 8th Armored Brigade near Nomonhan. A steel ring had been forged around the Japanese 6th Army. As the Japanese northern and southern flanks dissolved under Zhukov's relentless assaults, Komatsubara's command ceased to exist as an integrated force. By Aug 25 the Japanese lines were completely cut, with resistance remaining only in three encircled pockets. The remnants of two battalions of General Morita's "brigade" attempted a renewed offensive on Aug 25, advancing about 150 yards before being hammered by Soviet artillery and tanks, suffering heavier casualties than the day before. The only hope for the surrounded Japanese troops lay in a relief force breaking through the Soviet encirclement from the outside. However, Kwantung Army was spread thin in Manchuria and, due to a truck shortage, could not transport the 7th Division from Hailar to the combat zone in time. By Aug 26 the encirclement had thickened, with three main pockets tightly invested, making a large-scale breakout nearly impossible. Potapov unleashed a two-pronged assault with his 6th Tank Brigade and 80th Infantry Regiment. Japanese artillery from the 28th Regiment temporarily checked the left wing of the armored attack, but the Soviet right wing overran elements of Sumi's 26th Regiment, forcing the Japanese to retreat into a tighter enclave. Morita, the fencing-master commander who claimed to be immune to bullets, was killed by machine-gun fire while standing atop a trench encouraging his men. The Japanese 120-mm howitzers overheated under the August sun; their breech mechanisms swelled and refused to eject spent casings. Gunners had to leap from behind shelter to ram wooden rods down the barrels, drastically reducing rate of fire and life expectancy. Komatsubara's artillery units suffered a bitter fate. Most were deployed well behind the front lines with their guns facing west toward the Halha. As the offensive developed, attackers often struck the batteries from the east, behind them. Even when crews could turn some guns to face east, they had not preregistered fields of fire there and were not very effective. Supporting infantry had already been drawn off for counterattacks and perimeter defense. One by one, Japanese batteries were smashed by Soviet artillery and tanks. Crews were expected to defend their guns to the last man; the guns themselves were treated as the unit's soul, to be destroyed if captured. In extremis, crews were to destroy sensitive parts like optics. Few survived. Among those who did was a PFC from an annihilated howitzer unit, ordered to drive one of the few surviving vehicles, a Dodge sedan loaded with seriously wounded men, eastward to safety during the night. Near a Holsten River bridge he encountered Soviet sentries. The driver hesitated, then honked his horn, and the guards saluted as the sedan sped past. With water supplies exhausted and unable to reach the Halha or Holsten Rivers, the commander of the easternmost enclave ordered his men to drain radiator water from their vehicles. Drinking the foul liquid, at the cost of immobilizing their remaining transport, signaled that the defenders believed their situation was hopeless. On Aug 27 the rest of the Japanese 7th Division, two fresh infantry regiments, an artillery regiment, and support units totaling barely 5,000 men—reached the northeastern segment of the ring around Komatsubara. One day of hard fighting revealed they lacked the strength to break the encirclement. General Ogisu ordered the 7th Division to pull back and redeploy near his own 6th Army headquarters, about 4 miles east of Nomonhan and the border claimed by the enemy. There would be no outside relief for Komatsubara's forces. Throughout Aug 27–28, Soviet aircraft, artillery, armor, and infantry pounded the three Japanese pockets, compressing them into ever-smaller pockets and grinding them down. The surrounded Japanese fought fiercely and inflicted heavy casualties, but the outcome was inevitable. After the remaining Japanese artillery batteries were silenced, Soviet tanks ruled the battlefield. One by one, major pockets were overrun. Some smaller groups managed to slip through Soviet lines and reach safety east of the border claimed by the MPR, where they were left unmolested by the Red Army. Elements of Potapov's 57th and 82nd Divisions eliminated the last remnants of resistance south of the Holsten by the evening of Aug 27. North of the Holsten, during the night of Aug 28–29, a group of about 400 Japanese tried to slip east through the Soviet lines along the riverbank. They were spotted by the 293rd Regiment (57th Division), which struck them. The fleeing Japanese refused to surrender and were wiped out attempting to recross the Holsten.   Japanese soldiers' refusal to surrender is well documented. Surrender was considered dishonorable; the Army Field Manual was silent on surrender. For officers, death was not merely preferable to surrender; it was expected, and in some cases required. The penal code (1908, not revised until 1942) stated that surrender was dereliction of duty; if a commander did his best to resist, imprisonment could follow; if not, death. Stemming from Bushido, regimental colors were treated as sacred. On the afternoon of Aug 28, with much of his 64th Regiment destroyed, Colonel Yamagata saw no alternative but to burn the regimental colors and then commit suicide. Part of the flagpole had been shattered; the chrysanthemum crest damaged. Yamagata, Colonel Ise (artillery regimental commander), an infantry captain, a medical lieutenant, and a foot soldier—the last survivors of the headquarters unit—faced east, shouted "banzai" for the emperor, drenched the pennant in gasoline, and lit it. Yamagata, Ise, and the captain then shot themselves. The flag and crest were not entirely consumed, and the unburned remnants were buried beneath Yamagata's unmarked body. The medical officer and the soldier escaped and reported these rites to 6th Army HQ, where the deaths of the two colonels were mourned, but there was concern over whether the regimental colors had been entirely destroyed. On Aug 29, Lieutenant Colonel Higashi Muneharu, who had taken command of the 71st Regiment, faced the same dilemma. The regimental standard was broken into four pieces and, with the flag and chrysanthemum crest, drenched with fuel and set on fire. The fire kept going out, and the tassels were especially hard to burn. It took 45 minutes to finish the job, all under enemy fire. Afterward, Higashi urged all able to join him in a suicide charge, and the severely wounded to "kill themselves bravely when the enemy approached." Soviet machine-gun fire and grenades felled Higashi and his followers within moments. When it became clear on Aug 29 that all hope was lost, Komatsubara resolved to share the fate of his 23rd Division. He prepared to commit suicide, entrusted his will to his aide, removed his epaulets, and burned his code books. General Ogisu ordered Komatsubara to save himself and lead as many of his men as possible out of the encirclement. Shortly before midnight on Aug 30, the bulk of the Soviet armor briefly pulled back to refuel and resupply. Some of the Soviet infantry also pulled back. Komatsubara and about 400 survivors of his command used the opportunity to slip through the Soviet lines, guiding wounded by starlight to safety at Chiangchunmiao on the morning of Aug 31. Tsuji was among the survivors. In transit, Komatsubara was so distraught he needed to be restrained from taking his own life. A fellow officer took his pistol, and two sturdy corporals helped to support him, preventing him from drawing his sword. On August 31, Zhukov declared the disputed territory between the Halha River and the boundary line through Nomonhan cleared of enemy troops. The Sixth Army had been annihilated, with between 18,000 and 23,000 men killed or wounded from May to September (not counting Manchukuoan losses). The casualty rate in Komatsubara's 23rd Division reached 76%, and Sumi's 26th Regiment (7th Division) suffered 91% casualties. Kwantung Army lost many of its tanks and heavy guns and nearly 150 aircraft. It was the worst military defeat in modern Japanese history up to that time. Soviet claims later put total Japanese casualties at over 50,000, though this figure is widely regarded as inflated. For years, Soviet-MPR authorities claimed 9,284 casualties, surely an underestimate. A detailed unit-by-unit accounting published in Moscow in 2002 put Soviet losses at 25,655 (9,703 killed, 15,952 wounded), plus 556 MPR casualties. While Soviet casualties may have exceeded Japanese losses, this reflects the fierceness of Japanese defense and questions Zhukov's expenditutre of blood. There was no denying, however, that the Red Army demonstrated substantial strength and that Kwantung Army suffered a serious defeat. Knowledgeable Japanese and Soviet sources agree that given the annihilation of Komatsubara's forces and the dominance of Soviet air power, if Zhukov had pressed beyond Nomonhan toward Hailar, local Japanese forces would have fallen into chaos, Hailar would have fallen, and western Manchuria would have been gravely threatened. But while that might have been militarily possible, Moscow did not intend it. Zhukov's First Army Group halted at the boundary line claimed by the MPR. A Japanese military historian notes that "Kwantung Army completely lost its head." KwAHQ was enraged by the battlefield developments. Beyond the mauling of the Sixth Army at Nomonhan, there was anxiety over regimental colors. It was feared that Colonel Yamagata might not have had time to destroy the imperial crest of the 64th Regiment's colors, which could have fallen into Soviet hands. Thousands of dead and wounded littered the field. To preserve "face" and regain leverage, a swift, decisive counterstroke was deemed necessary. At Hsinking, they decided on an all-out war against the USSR. They planned to throw the 7th, 2nd, 4th, and 8th Divisions into the Sixth Army, along with all heavy artillery in Manchukuo, to crush the enemy. Acknowledging shortages in armor, artillery, and air power, they drafted a plan for a series of successive night offenses beginning on September 10. This was viewed as ill-advised for several reasons: September 10 was an unrealistic target given Kwantung Army's limited logistical capacity; it was unclear what the Red Army would be doing by day, given its superiority in tanks, artillery, and air power; autumn would bring extreme cold that could immobilize forces; and Germany's alliance with the Soviet Union isolated Japan diplomatically. These factors were known at KwAHQ, yet the plan proceeded. Kwantung Army notified AGS to "utilize the winter months well," aiming to mobilize the entire Japanese Army for a decisive spring confrontation. However, the Nomonhan defeat coincided with the Hitler-Stalin pact's diplomatic fallout. The push for close military cooperation with Germany against the Soviet Union was discredited in a single week. Defeated and abandoned by Hitler, pro-German, anti-Soviet policy advocates in Tokyo were furious. Premier Hiranuma Kiichiro's government resigned on August 28. In response, more cautious voices in Tokyo asserted control. General Nakajima, deputy chief of AGS, went to Hsinking with Imperial Order 343, directing Kwantung Army to hold near the disputed frontier with "minimal strength" to enable a quick end to hostilities and a diplomatic settlement. But at KwAHQ, the staff pressed their case, and Nakajima eventually approved a general offensive to begin on September 10. The mood at KwAHQ was ebullient. Upon returning to Tokyo, Nakajima was sternly rebuked and ordered to stand down. General Ueda appealed to higher authority, requesting permission to clear the battlefield and recover the bodies of fallen soldiers. He was denied and later relieved of command on September 6. A reshuffle followed at KwAHQ, with several senior officers reassigned. The Japanese Foreign Ministry directed Ambassador Togo Shigenori to negotiate a settlement in Moscow. The Molotov-Togo agreement was reached on September 15–16, establishing a temporary frontier and a commission to redemarcate the boundary. The local cease-fire arrangements were formalized on September 18–19, and both sides agreed to exchange prisoners and corpses. In the aftermath, Kwantung Army leadership and the Red Army leadership maintained tight control over communications about the conflict. News of the defeat spread through Manchuria and Japan, but the scale of the battle was not fully suppressed. The Kwantung Army's reputation suffered further from subsequent punishments of officers deemed to have mishandled the Nomonhan engagement. Several officers were compelled to retire or commit suicide under pressure, and Ioki's fate became a particular symbol of the army's dishonor and the heavy costs of the campaign. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In August 1939, Soviet General Georgy Zhukov launched a decisive offensive against Japanese forces at Nomonhan. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the Halha River, unleashing massive air and artillery barrages on August 20. Fierce fighting ensued, with failed Japanese counterattacks, the fall of Fui Heights, and annihilation of encircled pockets by Soviet tanks and infantry. 

The United States is now in open conflict with Iran after a joint U.S.–Israeli operation killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in the opening hours of what the White House has dubbed Operation Epic Fury. The geopolitical aftershocks are already reshaping the Middle East, and could upend the fate of the midterms come November.Over the weekend, American and Israeli forces launched a coordinated campaign targeting Iranian military infrastructure and senior leadership. The United States focused on equipment and strategic assets. Israel targeted personnel. Among the dead: Ali Khamenei, former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and multiple layers of senior command.What we saw was the clearest expression yet of what I would describe as Trump's second-term regime change playbook. First, engage in extended negotiations, regardless of whether the other side is stalling. Second, quietly position overwhelming military force within striking distance. Third, execute a rapid, highly choreographed strike that immediately removes the head of state.Politics Politics Politics is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.It is ruthlessly efficient. It is high risk. And unlike Iraq in 2003, the primary target was eliminated in the opening salvo. There will be no years of grainy bunker videos from Tehran. The symbolic center of power is gone.But speed does not guarantee stability. The immediate question is not whether the operation succeeded militarily. It did. The question is what comes next.Regional Realignment and the Oil ChessboardOne of the most striking developments has been the reaction across the region. Missiles were fired from Iran into the UAE and Saudi Arabia. Both countries then moved rhetorically closer to the American position. Even the Palestinian Authority condemned the Iranian strikes.If Saudi Arabia was quietly supportive of regime change, as some reporting suggests, then the long arc of the Abraham Accords may be bending toward a new regional bloc: Israel, Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar acting as economic and security anchors. Iran, long positioned as the ideological counterweight, now faces a vacuum.Then there's China. Iran exports roughly 90 percent of its oil to Beijing at discounted rates. If a post-Khamenei Iran stabilizes and reenters broader markets, China's leverage shrinks. Add to that Venezuela's instability and potential changes to Russian oil flows, and Beijing's energy calculus becomes far more complicated.Energy is not just economics. It's military capacity. Constrain oil, and you constrain strategic freedom of movement. That dynamic remains very much in play.Washington DividesDomestically, the political fallout is already taking shape. Republicans argue the strike was legal and necessary, pointing to congressional briefings and framing the action as a decisive blow against a long-standing adversary. Democrats are coalescing around a familiar and potent message: anti-war restraint. Senators like Chris Murphy and Chris Coons have questioned both the legality and the long-term strategy, warning of destabilization and regional blowback.This is where the midterm implications become real. The MAGA coalition includes a significant anti-war faction shaped by Iraq and Afghanistan. Many of those voters supported Trump precisely because he promised to avoid prolonged Middle Eastern entanglements. A swift strike is one thing. A sustained conflict is another.Three American service members are already confirmed dead, with five seriously wounded. That fact alone changes the tone. Nothing shifts public opinion faster than a body count.Democrats are often most effective when opposing war. Republicans, meanwhile, are betting that decisive action will project strength. But without an appetite for prolonged conflict in the Middle East, any success in November for Trump very much remains up in the air.The Off-Ramp QuestionThe key variable to when this all wraps up is time. If the United States transitions operational control to regional partners quickly and avoids prolonged occupation, Trump can argue this was a targeted regime decapitation, not a nation-building project. If American forces remain engaged beyond a short window, the political calculus shifts dramatically.Iran is not Venezuela. There was no extraction of a leader for prosecution. There was a killing. What fills the vacuum matters enormously.I have said before that a regime collapse in Iran would be the most consequential geopolitical event since the fall of the Soviet Union. We may now be living through that moment. Whether it becomes a strategic triumph or a prolonged quagmire will depend on decisions made in the coming days, not the strikes already executed.For now, the clock is ticking. And both the Middle East and American voters are watching.Chapters00:00 - Intro02:26 - Justin's Thought on Iran14:52 - What's Happened So Far19:14 - Republican Response30:03 - Democrat Response35:59: Abandoned Diplomacy46:53: What Happens Next?53:45: Wrap-up This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.politicspoliticspolitics.com/subscribe

Danny Rensch was born into a cult that weaponized chess for prestige. He's here to explain how he broke free on part one of this two-part episode.Full show notes and resources can be found here: jordanharbinger.com/1289What We Discuss with Danny Rensch:Cults don't always start with sinister blueprints. The Church of Immortal Consciousness where Danny Rensch was raised grew from self-help roots and communal idealism into full financial control — where members surrendered everything, kids shared bathwater, and the shoe list became a euphemism for "you don't matter enough to get a pair."The cult weaponized chess the same way the Soviet Union did — as a tool for prestige. Danny was identified as a prodigy, deliberately separated from his mother, and groomed as the collective's golden child. His talent wasn't nurtured for his sake — it was exploited for the cult leader's ego.By age 13, Danny was living alone, traveling to national chess tournaments with pockets full of cash and no adult supervision. The neglect wasn't just emotional — it was physical. Untreated swimmer's ear became severe infection, leaving him 60% deaf in one ear and 40% in the other.A drunk, defecting Soviet grandmaster named Igor Ivanov — who once fled the KGB during an emergency plane stop — became Danny's live-in chess coach. Igor had carte blanche to drink and do as he pleased, making him the cult's most functional dysfunction and Danny's unlikely lifeline to the wider chess world.Despite growing up as a high school dropout in a cult with no formal education, Danny became a successful writer and helped build Chess.com — proof that curiosity, baseline intelligence, and sheer determination can outrun even the most rigged starting hand. Motivated people can learn faster than any institution expects them to.And much more...And if you're still game to support us, please leave a review here — even one sentence helps! Sign up for Six-Minute Networking — our free networking and relationship development mini course — at jordanharbinger.com/course!Subscribe to our once-a-week Wee Bit Wiser newsletter today and start filling your Wednesdays with wisdom!Do you even Reddit, bro? Join us at r/JordanHarbinger!This Episode Is Brought To You By Our Fine Sponsors: BetterHelp: 10% off first month: betterhelp.com/jordanGood Chop: $50 off + free shipping on first order: goodchop.com/podcast, code 50JORDANMomentous: 20% off first order: livemomentous.com, code JORDAN20Fundera by NerdWallet: Find the funding you deserve: nerdwallet.com/jordanTom Hardin | Tipper X: The Man Behind Wall Street's Biggest Sting | The Jordan Harbinger ShowWired on Wall Street: The Rise and Fall of Tipper X, One of the FBI's Most Prolific Informants by Tom HardinSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.