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Hello Youtube Members, Patreons and Pacific War week by week listeners. Yes this was intended to be an exclusive episode to join the 29 others over on my Youtube Membership and Patreon, but since we are drawing to the end of the Pacific War week by week series, I felt compelled to make some special episodes to answer some of the bigger questions. Why did Japan, or better said, why did Emperor Hirohito decide to finally surrender? It seems obvious on the face of it, but there is actually a lot more to it than bombs or Soviet invasions. I guess you can call this episode a teaser or a shameless plug for going over to my Youtube Membership or Patreon. There's honestly a lot of interesting subjects such as ‘why was the japanese army so brutal”, “Hirohito's war time responsibility”, “the 4 part Kanji Ishiwara series”. Thus if you liked this one please show some love and check out my other stuff on my Youtube Membership or over at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.   Stating all of that lets just jump right into it.   We first need to start off briefly looking at Emperor Hirohito.    Upon taking the throne, Emperor Hirohito in 1926 Hirohito inherited a financial crisis and a military that was increasingly seizing control of governmental policies. From the beginning, despite what many of you older audience members may have been told, Hirohito intensely followed all military decisions. Hirohito chose when to act and when not to. When the Kwantung Army assassinated Zhang Zuolin, he indulged their insubordination. This emboldened them to invade Manchuria in 1931, whereupon Hirohito was furious and demanded they be reigned in. Attempts were made, but they were heavily undermined by radicals. Hirohito could have put his foot down, but he chose not to. On September 22nd, at 4:20pm Hirohito said to the IJA Chief of General staff, Kanaya Hanzo “although this time it couldn't be helped, the army had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito again acquiesced to the military, despite wanting them to stop or at least localize the conflict. The military had disregarded his wishes, they should have been severely punished. Why did Hirohito not take a firmer stance?    Again for older audience members you may have heard, “hirohito was a hostage at the whim of his own military”. This narrative made it seem he was some sort of hostage emperor, but this is not the case at all. In fact Hirohito was instrumental in many military decisions from 1931-1945. The reason this, I will call it “myth” , went on was because after Japan's surrender, the US basically rewrote the Japanese constitution and covered up the Emperor's involvement in all the nasty stuff, to maintain control over Japan. Yeah it sounds a bit conspiracy esque, but I assure you it was indeed the case. This narrative held firm all the way until Hirohito's death, when finally meeting notes and personal accounts from those close to him came out, illuminating a lot. Though to this day, many records are still red -tapped.   The reason Hirohito did not stamp his foot down has to do with the Kokutai.    The Kokutai   So before I carry on, I have to explain what exactly is the Kokutai.    The Kokutai, loosely translated as "national essence," refers to the qualities that distinguish the Japanese identity. However, this concept is remarkably vague and poorly defined; even Japanese historians acknowledge this ambiguity. In contrast to Kokutai is seitai, or "form of government." While the Kokutai embodies the eternal and immutable aspects of Japanese polity—rooted in history, traditions, and customs centered around the Emperor—Japan's seitai has evolved significantly throughout its extensive history. For instance, shoguns governed for over 700 years until 1868, when the Meiji Restoration reinstated direct imperial rule.   Nevertheless, Emperor Meiji's direct authority came to an end with the adoption of the Meiji Constitution in 1889, which established a constitutional monarchy, introducing significant complexities into the governance system.   Article 4 of the constitution declares: “The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, uniting the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, although subject to the consent of the Imperial Diet.” Under this framework, the Emperor alone possessed the power to appoint or dismiss ministers of state, declare war, negotiate peace, conclude treaties, direct national administration, and command the army and navy.   A glaring flaw in this arrangement is the inherent ambiguity of the Meiji Constitution. While it established a democratic parliament, it simultaneously afforded the Emperor absolute authority to usurp it. The document failed to clearly define the relationships between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, and its language was intentionally vague. Most critically, the military—the army and navy—were not directly accountable to the civilian government.    So with the kokutai, the Emperor is a divine figure who embodies the state's sovereignty. It was not necessarily the Emperor's job to surrender on behalf of the official government of Japan, but he most certainly could do so, given the Japanese people still remained faithful to the kokutai.    Now Hirohito did not live an ordinary life. According to the imperial custom, Japanese royals were raised apart from their parents, at the age of 3 he was placed in the care of the Kwamura family who vowed to raise him to be unselfish, persevering in the face of difficulties, respectful of the views of others and immune to fear. One thing that was absolutely indoctrinated into him was to defend the kokutai. It became his top mission as a monarch, it was the only mission in many ways. At the very core of how he saw the world and how he acted, it was always to protect the kokutai.    So when the Japanese military began these insubordinate acts, Hirohito's primary concern was to the kokutai, ie: anything that threatened his imperial authority and the imperial institution itself. Although the military usurped his authority, the operations had been successful. Hirohito was not at all opposed to seeing his empire expand. He understood the value of manchuria, he was fully onboard with the military plans to eventually seize control over it, but these radicals were accelerating things to quickly for everyone's liking. He turned a blind eye, dished light punishments and carried on. However the local conflict escalated. It traveled to Shanghai by 1932 and here Hirohito took action. He understood Shanghai was full of western powers. Nations like Britain and America could place economic sanctions on Japan if things were allowed to get out of hand here. So he ordered General Yoshinori Shirakawa to bring the Shanghai expedition to a close.    During this period, two factions emerged within the Japanese military: the Kodoha, or “Imperial Way,” and the Toseiha, or “Control” faction. The Kodoha was founded by General Sadao Araki and his protégé, Jinzaburo Masaki. Their primary objective was a Shōwa Restoration aimed at purging Japan of corrupt politicians and businessmen, especially those associated with the zaibatsu. Composed mainly of young army officers, the Kodoha espoused a romanticized and radical interpretation of Bushido, idealizing pre-industrial Japan, which Araki believed had been tainted by Western influences. To achieve their goals, they resorted to assassinations and planned a coup d'état.   In response, the Toseiha faction was formed, initially led by Lt. General Tetsuzan Nagata and later by Hideki Tojo. Like the Kodoha, the Toseiha sought a Shōwa Restoration but adopted a more moderate and conservative approach. They recognized the importance of preserving traditional values while integrating Western ideals, advocating for a balanced perspective. The Toseiha promoted pragmatic military strategies to navigate the complexities of modern warfare. Although they acknowledged the existence of corrupt politicians and zaibatsu, they preferred to work within the existing political system, anticipating that future total wars would necessitate a strengthened industrial and military capacity. Their ranks primarily included promising graduates from the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) Academy, Army Staff College, and select naval members. The most significant distinction between the two factions was that the Toseiha explicitly rejected the use of a coup d'état in pursuit of their goals.   Between 1932-1936 radical officers, mostly of the Kodoha faction assassinated politicians and military leaders trying to usher in a showa restoration. You might be led to believe this was in the interest of Hirohito, you would be mistaken. Hirohito did not want a military dictatorship at the whim of the cult of the emperor. Ironic to say, given how WW2 turns out mind you. This really would have been a hostage situation. Hirohito wanted to maintain the exact ambiguous situation that was Showa Era Japan pre 1945. He saw this as the most ideal structure to defend the kokutai, because blame could not be placed solely upon his shoulders. He always maintained a get out of jail free card one could say.    The February 26 incident of 1936, was the climax of the Kodoha faction. They performed a mutiny trying to usher in a SHowa restoration. They assumed when their messenger came to the emperor he would join them and take direct rule. Instead Hirohito was furious. His first thought was the mutineers were trying to enlist his brother Chichibu to overthrow him. He dragged his brother who was a fraternizer amongst the kodoha members mind you, into a meeting, demanding he never associate with them again nor attempt to challenge him. Then Hirohito furious demanded the mutineers be dealt with. At one point he even threatened to lead the imperial guards to put them down. The coup failed, the kodoha faction was destroyed. Ironically the toseiha faction were the ones to do it and thus they became the defacto ruling clique.    The military, especially the kwantung army did not stop with their insubordination.    On July 8th of 1937 the Kwangtung army performed the Marco Polo Bridge incident, ushering in the second sino-japanese war. This was one of many false flag operations they had pulled off over the years. Upon being told about this Hirohito's first response was whether the USSR would invade Manchukuo over the matter. This is what he said to Prime Minister Konoe and army minister Sugiyama “What will you do if the Soviets attack us from the rear?” he asked the prince. Kan'in answered, “I believe the army will rise to the occasion.” The emperor repeated his question: “That's no more than army dogma. What will you actually do in the unlikely event that Soviet [forces] attack?” The prince said only, “We will have no choice.” His Majesty seemed very dissatisfied. Hirohito furious demanded to know what contingency plans existed and his advisors told him before he gave his red seal of approval to invade northern china.   Henceforth he micromanaged a lot of the military decisions going forward and he oversaw the forming and dissolving of numerous cabinets and positions when things went his way or did not in the military and political scene.  Emperor Hirohito was presented with several opportunities to cause cease-fires or peace settlements during the war years. One of the best possible moments to end it all came during the attack on Nanking when Chiang Kai-sheks military were in disarray. On July 11 of 1938, the commander of the 19th division fought a border clash with the USSR known to us in the west as the battle of Lake Khasan. It was a costly defeat for Japan and in the diary of Harada Kumao he noted Hirohito scolded Army minister Itagaki “Hereafter not a single soldier is to be moved without my permission.” When it looked like the USSR would not press for a counter attack across the border, Hirohito gave the order for offensives in China to recommence, again an example of him deciding when to lay down the hammer.   By 1939 the US began threatening sanctions for what Japan was doing in China. Hirohito complained to his chief aide de camp Hata Shunroku on August 5th “It could be a great blow to scrap metal and oil”. Hirohito was livid and scolded many of his top officials and forced the appointment of General Abe to prime minister and demanded of him “to cooperate with the US and Britain and preserve internal order”.   Fast forward a bit, with war raging in Europe Hirohito, on June 19th of 1940 Hirohito asked if chief of staff Prince Kan'in and Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” This question highlighted Hirohito's belief at that time that Germany was close to achieving victory, which led him to gradually consider deploying troops to French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies since neither of those parent nations was in a position to protect their territories and vital resources. Regarding the war in China, the Japanese aimed to stop the flow of materials entering China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicating that Britain would not agree to block the shipment of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military recognized that an invasion of Hong Kong might be necessary, which would mean declaring war on Britain. When this was communicated to him, Hirohito responded, “If that occurs, I'm sure America will enforce an embargo, don't you think?” In response, Kido, the lord of the privy seal, reassured him by stating, “The nation must be fully prepared to resist, proceeding with caution and avoiding being drawn into events instigated by foreign interests.”   Hirohito went through countless meetings, but eventually signed order number 458 authorizing the invasion of French Indochina, knowing full well the consequences. The US,UK and Netherlands began embargoes of oil, rubber and iron. In the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.   On October 13th Hirohito told his closest advisor Koichi Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.”   The reason I am bringing up all this stuff is to solidify, Hirohito had agency, he was micromanaging and forming decisions. After the war broke out with the west, Hirohito did have the ability to stamp his foot down. Of course there could have been wild repercussions, his military could have usurped him with Chichibu, it was definitely possible. But you need to keep this mind set, as far as why Hirohito acts or doesn't, its always to protect the Kokutai. Thus one of the levers for peace, solely rested on Hirohito's perception if the kokutai could be retained or not.    From the outset of the Pacific War, Hirohito believed Germany was going to defeat the USSR. In line with his military leaders, they all believed Japan had to seize everything they could in the asia-pacific and thwart off the US until a negotiated peace could be met. Hirohito committed himself to overseeing the war, determined to achieve victory at any cost. He was a very cautious leader, he meticulously analyzed each campaign, anticipating potential setbacks and crafting worst-case scenario predictions. He maintained a skeptical view of the reports from his senior officials and was often harshly critical of high commanders.   While he did not frequently visit the front lines like other commanders in chief, Hirohito wielded significant influence over theater operations, shaping both planning and execution whenever he deemed necessary. Similar to his approach during the war in China, he issued the highest military orders from the Imperial Headquarters, conducted audited conferences, and made decisions communicated under his name. He regularly welcomed generals and admirals to the imperial palace for detailed briefings on the battlefront and visited various military bases, battleships, and army and naval headquarters. His inspections encompassed military schools and other significant military institutions, adding to his comprehensive involvement in the war effort.   Now the war went extremely well for Japan until the battle of Midway. This was as major setback, but Japan retained the initiative. Then the Guadalcanal campaign saw Japan lose the initiative to the Americans. Upon receiving the initial report of the Ichiki detachment's destruction, Hirohito remarked, “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” Despite the numerous reports detailing the devastating effects of tropical diseases and starvation on his troops, he persistently demanded greater efforts from them. Hirohito exerted continuous pressure on his naval and land commanders to retake the island. On September 15th, November 5th, and November 11th, he requested additional Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) troops and aircraft to be allocated to the cause.   General Sugiyama expressed concerns about dispatching more IJA pilots due to their inexperience in transoceanic combat, preferring to reinforce the North China Army for an attack on Chongqing instead. Hirohito pressed the issue again, but Sugiyama responded that the IJA had diverted its air resources to New Guinea and Rabaul. Undeterred by the objections from senior commanders, Hirohito persisted in his demands. By late November, it became evident that Guadalcanal was a lost cause.   At an Imperial Headquarters conference on December 31st, 1942, the chiefs of staff proposed canceling the attempts to recapture Guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned this decision but stated, “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” He insisted on this point, leading to the selection of new strategic targets in the Solomons, north of New Georgia, and in the Stanley Range on New Guinea. Hirohito even threatened to withhold authorization for withdrawing troops from Guadalcanal until a new plan was established. He later opposed the withdrawal from Munda Airfield, as it contradicted the newly defined defensive line.   As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern Solomons began to crumble, Hirohito continued to insist that the navy engage in decisive battles to regain the initiative, allowing for the transport of supplies to the many soldiers trapped on various islands. When he learned of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd, he asked, “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for a while.” The phrase “Do this for me” would come to be his signature rallying cry.   After Guadal canal, it was loss after loss for Japan. By February of 1944, Hirohito forced Sugiyama to resign so Hideki Tojo could take his position as chief of the general staff, note Tojo was prime minister and army minister at this point. Hirohito worked alongside Tojo to plan some last ditch efforts to change the war situation. The most significant one was Operation Ichi-Go. As much damage as they did to China with that, Chiang Kai-Shek's government survived. Hirohito watched as island by island fell to the Americans. When the Americans were poised to take Saipan he warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” Saipan fell, so Hirohito stopped supporting Tojo and allowed his rivals to take down his cabinet by june 18th of 1944.    Hirohito remained resolute in his determination to wrest victory from the Allies. On October 18th, the Imperial Headquarters ordered a decisive naval engagement, leading to the Battle of Leyte Gulf. After the war, Hirohito publicly stated, "Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I consented to the showdown battle at Leyte, believing that if we launched an attack and America hesitated, we might find an opportunity to negotiate." Leyte Gulf didnt work. The military began the kamikaze program. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?” On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    The Surrender time   Now we come to the time period where Japan seriously began looking for ways to surrender. In Europe Germany was heading to its defeat and Japan knew this. As for Japan, their army in Burma had been annihilated. Their forces in China were faring better after Operation Ichi-go, having opened up a land corridor along the main railway from Beiping to Wuhan and from throughout Guangdong but still stuck in a deadlock stalemate, facing a guerrilla war that was costing them 64% of their military expenditures. They deeply feared once the Soviets finished up with Germany, they would undoubtedly turn east against Manchuria. With the Soviets attacking from the north, the US would attack from the south, perhaps landing in Shanghai and the home islands. The Kamikaze tactics were proving formidable, but not nearly enough. By 1945, 43% of the IJA were now stationed in Japan, Korea and Formosa, bracing for the final stand. Former prime minister Reijiro Wakatsuki came out of retirement in may of 1945, having heard Germany collapsed, to urge Hirohito and the Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki to open negotiations with the US as soon as possible. However he also said “the enemy must first be made to see the disadvantages of continuing the war”. To this Hirohito's chief counselor Makino Nobuaki said that “the ultimate priority is to develop an advantageous war situation.” Advisor admiral Kesiuke Okada said Japan should wait for “a moment favorable for us,” then make peace. Advisors Kiichiro Hiranuma and Koki Hirota advised the emperor to fight on until the end.   Now I want to bring in a key player to the surrender decision, that of Prince Konoe. Konoe was very close to Hirohito and understood the emperors mentality, especially how he viewed things in relation to the kokutai.    The senior statesman Prince Konoe had been consulting with Hirohito for over 18 months at this point trying to convey the message that if the war continued it would threaten the kokutai. Many months prior, he confided in the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, that the army was suffering from “a cancer” in the form of the Toseiha faction. However, he noted that “Kido and others” did not share his perspective, while “his Majesty is relatively unconcerned with ideological issues.” For the past four years, he continued, the emperor had been advised and still believed that “the true extremists are the Kodoha faction.” In reality, the greater threat to the kokutai arose from the Toseiha faction. Konoe further asserted that if the war escalated, they would attempt to alter the kokutai.   Konoe speculated that whether the threat originated from communists within the nation, primarily referring to left-wing radicals in the Toseiha faction, or from the “Anglo-American enemy,” both would seek to preserve the emperor while pushing towards the country's communization.In his written report to the emperor on February 14, which Kido listened to attentively, Konoe elaborated on his conspiracy theory. He asserted that the Soviet Union regarded Japan as its primary threat in East Asia. The Soviets had allied with the Chinese Communists, the largest and most formidable Communist party in Asia, and were collaborating with the United States and Britain to drive Japan out of China. He warned that they would enter the war when the opportunity arose.   Defeat, he cautioned the emperor, was inevitable if the conflict persisted. However, he emphasized that a far greater fear was the potential destruction of the kokutai. The ongoing war was eroding the domestic status quo, unleashing forces that threatened Japan and its imperial institution from within as much as from external adversaries. The real danger lay in the emperor's and Kido's trust in the generals of the Toseiha faction, who were unintentionally facilitating the communization of Japan. Konoe implored for a swift peace settlement before a Communist revolution emerged, making the preservation of the kokutai impossible. Hirohito agreed with Konoe but stated “ To end the war would be “very difficult unless we make one more military gain.” Konoe allegedly replied, “Is that possible? It must happen soon. If we have to wait much longer, . . . [a mere battle victory] will mean nothing.” Hirohito replied “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.”   On February 15th of 1945, Hirohito's intelligence warned the Soviet Union would likely abrogate its Neutrality Pact with Japan. Even Tojo conceded there was a 50/50 chance the USSR would invade Manchuria. In March, the US began B-29 incendiary bombing raids over Tokyo, turning 40% of the capital into ash. On March 18th, Hirohito with some aides drove around the capital to witness the devastation. The civilians looked exhausted and bewildered to Hirohito. Factory production was collapsing, absenteeism was rising, instances of lese majeste were running rampant. For the next 5 months imperial family members and senior statesmen all began speaking to Hirohito about the “crises of the kokutai”. The threat Konoe had warned about for months was becoming the main talking point. It seemed like the Japanese people within the countryside and urban areas remained steadfast in the resolve to obey their leaders, work and sacrifice for their nation, but for how long would they feel so?    It was only after the battle for Okinawa was lost and 60 Japanese cities had been leveled by American incendiary bombs that Hirohito openly indicated he wanted to negotiate a surrender.   Kido's diary reveals the first clear indication that the emperor might be urged to consider an early peace on June 8, 1945, when Kido drafted his “Draft Plan for Controlling the Crisis Situation.” This marked a pivotal moment. It followed the unintentional bombing of the Imperial Palace, the complete loss of hope for saving Okinawa, and coincided with the day the Supreme War Leadership Council adopted the “Basic Policy for the Future Direction of the War.” With the fighting in Europe concluded, Japan found itself entirely isolated. Kido's plan, although vague, proposed seeking the Soviet Union's assistance as an intermediary to help Japan gain leverage in negotiations with its adversaries. By drafting this plan, Kido signaled the end of his long alliance with the military hard-liners. Hirohito's acceptance of it indicated his readiness for an early peace.   Hirohito was moved to an underground bunker in the mountains of Matsushiro in Nagano prefecture where upon those around him noted he fell into a deep depression. On June 22nd  Hirohito informed the Supreme War Leadership Council he wanted them to open diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. In early July Soviet Ambassador Jacob Malik broke off inconclusive talks with Hirota. Hirohito stepped in immediately and ordered a new special envoy be sent to Moscow. However Hirohito nor the Suzuki government had concrete plans on how to mediate a surrender through the Soviets. The only things they did prioritize was a guarantee of the emperors political position and retainment of the imperial system, ie the kokutai. This was taken into consideration rather than ending the war as quickly as possible to save the lives of millions.    From April 8, 1945, until Japan's capitulation, the Suzuki government's chief war policy was “Ketsugo,” an advanced iteration of the “Shosango” (Victory Number 3) plan for defending the homeland. The hallmark of this strategy was a heavy reliance on suicide tactics, including deploying a massive number of kamikaze “special attack” planes, human torpedoes launched from submarines, dynamite-stuffed “crash boats” powered by truck engines, human rocket bombs carried by aircraft, and suicide assaults by specially trained ground units.   While preparations for Operation Ketsu progressed, the Imperial Diet convened on June 9 to pass a Wartime Emergency Measures Law, along with five additional measures aimed at mobilizing the entire nation for this final battle. On the same day, the emperor, who had yet to initiate efforts to end the war, issued another imperial rescript in conjunction with the Diet's convocation, instructing the nation to “smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations” and “achieve the goals of the war.” Concurrently, the controlled press launched a daily die-for-the-emperor campaign to foster gratitude for the imperial benevolence and, from around mid-July onward, initiated a campaign to “protect the kokutai.”   The Americans countered with their own propaganda aimed at breaking Japan's will to fight. B-29 bombers dropped millions of leaflets written in Japanese, announcing the next scheduled targets for bombing raids and urging surrender, while using the emperor to challenge the militarists. Leaflets bearing the chrysanthemum crest criticized the “military cliques” for “forcing the entire nation to commit suicide” and called on “everyone” to “exercise their constitutional right to make direct appeals [for peace] to the Emperor.” They asserted that “even the powerful military cliques cannot stop the mighty march for peace of the Emperor and the people.” One notable batch of seven million leaflets conveyed the terms of the “joint declaration” issued by the United States, Great Britain, and China. “Today we come not to bomb you,” they stated. “We are dropping this leaflet to inform you of the response from the United States government to your government's request for conditions of surrender.... Whether the war stops immediately depends on your government. You will understand how to end the war if you read these two official notifications.”   Amid pressures from imperial edicts to continue preparations for a final battle and focus solely on victory, the Japanese people were also subjected to an intense American psychological warfare campaign in addition to aerial bombardment. During late July and August, prefectural governors, police chiefs, and officers of the “special higher police” submitted reports to the Home Ministry detailing the rapidly deteriorating national morale.    Now on the other side, Roosevelt made it known back in January of 1943 at the Casablanca conference, the allies would only accept unconditional surrender. By 1945, the allies understood the predicament this left Japan with. On May 8th of 1945, Truman added “Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people” trying to indicate a non vindictive spirit. However the Kokutai question always remained ambiguous. State Department Joseph Grew, the former ambassador to Japan, began arguing to Truman they needed to make public a clear definition of the terms to persuade Japan to surrender. As he argued to Truman: Emperor Hirohito was seen as the key figure in Japan's surrender, likened to a "queen bee in a hive... surrounded by the attentions of the hive." Throughout the war, he was characterized in various ways—as a “puppet” of the militarists, a constitutional monarch, and a pacifist. Grew had immense faith in the influence exerted by what he referred to as the “moderates” surrounding the Japanese throne.    However many of Grew's colleagues argued the future existence of the monarchy was intolerable as it was akin to fascism. Many wanted to punish the emperor. Truman was in a tug of war. The Potsdam declaration issued on July 26th of 1945 came in the form of a ultimatum aiming to quicken japans surrender. Truman clarified the terms for the unconditional surrender at the end of its terms: "We call upon the government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction." Zero mention of the emperor. Grew had argued to add “this may include a constitutional monarchy under the present dynasty.” But it was deleted from the article. The status of the emperor was not guaranteed, the kokutai was thus up in the air.    The next day, the Suzuki cabinet rejected the terms. The Japanese leadership and Hirohito were still banking and awaiting Soviet replies to their terms.    Lets talk about the Soviet talks now   Back on July 12th ambassador Naotake Satō sent this message to the Soviets: “His Majesty the Emperor, mindful of the fact that the present war daily brings greater evil and sacrifice upon the peoples of all the belligerent powers, desires from his heart that it may be quickly terminated. But so long as England and the United States insist upon unconditional surrender, the Japanese Empire has no alternative but to fight on with all its strength for the honor and existence of the Motherland”.  However the Soviets had made commitments to their allies, promising in fact to invade Japan to aid them.    As for the Soviets their primary objective was to ensure unrestricted access to the Pacific Ocean. The year-round ice-free areas of the Soviet Pacific coastline, particularly Vladivostok, could be blockaded by air and sea from Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands. Securing these territories to guarantee free access to the Soya Strait was their main goal. Secondary objectives included acquiring leases for the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Southern Manchuria Railway, as well as gaining control over Dairen and Port Arthur.   To achieve these aims, Stalin and Molotov prolonged negotiations with the Japanese, creating a false sense of hope for a Soviet-mediated peace. Simultaneously, in their discussions with the United States and Britain, the Soviets insisted on strict adherence to the Cairo Declaration, which had been reaffirmed at the Yalta Conference. This declaration stipulated that the Allies would not accept a separate or conditional peace with Japan; thus, the Japanese would need to surrender unconditionally to all the Allies. The Soviets aimed to prolong the war by opposing any efforts to dilute this requirement. This approach would provide the Soviets with the necessary time to complete the transfer of their troops from the Western Front to the Far East and to conquer Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, northern Korea, South Sakhalin, the Kuriles, and potentially Hokkaidō, starting with an assault on Rumoi. AUGUST 1945   Thus we come to at last the critical point, August of 1945.    The Americans prepared for the deployment of atomic bombs and for an invasion of southern Kyushu, known as Operation Olympic, scheduled to commence on November 1. At 8:15 A.M. on August 6, a single B-29 bomber, the Enola Gay dropped little boy, devastating much of the undefended city of Hiroshima, instantly killing an estimated 100,000 to 140,000 people and leading to the deaths of possibly another 100,000 over the next five years. At the epicenter of the explosion, “a light appeared 3,000 times brighter than the sun,” creating a fireball that emitted thermal radiation capable of “instantly scorching humans, trees, and houses.” As the air heated and rushed upward, cold air surged in to ignite a firestorm. Hours later, a whirlwind escalated the flames to their peak until more than eight square miles were virtually reduced to cinders. Subsequently, black, muddy rain filled with radioactive fallout began to fall. Two days later, using Japan's rejection of the Potsdam Declaration as a pretext, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan. Then on August 9, the United States dropped a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki, resulting in the immediate deaths of approximately 35,000 to 40,000 people and injuring more than 60,000.   Meanwhile, in Tokyo, during the critical period between the Potsdam Declaration and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Emperor Hirohito remained silent about accepting the Potsdam terms. However, on July 25 and 31, he explicitly conveyed to Kido that the imperial regalia must be defended at all costs. The three sacred objects—a mirror, a curved jewel, and a sword—symbolized the legitimacy of his rule through the northern court and were integral to his identity as the divine sovereign. Hirohito's focus was on protecting these symbols of office, as he insisted on having them brought to the palace. This fixation on maintaining his symbols occurred during a pivotal moment when the pressing issue was whether to accept immediate capitulation. Reflecting on this, he was unprepared to seize the opportunity to end the war himself.   Prime Minister Suzuki, following his initial rejection of the Potsdam ultimatum, also saw no need for further action. His Cabinet Advisory Council, which included the president of Asano Cement, the founder of the Nissan consortium, the vice president of the Bank of Japan, and other representatives from the nation's leading business interests that had profited significantly from the war, convened on the morning of August 3. They recommended accepting the Potsdam terms, arguing that the United States would permit Japan to retain its non-military industries and continue participating in world trade.    Here are some reactions to the two bombs and invasion of Manchuria.    Yonai Mitsumasa said to admiral Takagi Sokichi, on August 12, that “I think the term is perhaps inappropriate, but the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war are, in a sense, gifts from the gods [tenyu, also “heaven-sent blessings”]. This way we don't have to say that we quit the war because of domestic circumstances. I've long been advocating control of our crisis, but neither from fear of an enemy attack nor because of the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war. The main reason is my anxiety over the domestic situation. So, it is rather fortunate that we can now control matters without revealing the domestic situation”.    Konoe's characterized the Soviet involvement in the war as “a godsend for controlling the army,”. Kido viewed of both the atomic bombings and the Soviet entry into the conflict as “useful” elements for ensuring a smooth transition. A nascent power struggle was unfolding, rendering the potential death toll—whether one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand—immaterial to those involved, as long as their desired outcome was achieved: an end to the war that would leave the monarchy intact and capable of managing the discontent that defeat would inevitably provoke. Throughout the final acts of this wartime drama, the Japanese “moderates” found it easier to capitulate to external pressures than to take decisive action on their own to conclude the war.   Another illuminating looks at Japan's elite's perspective on surrender terms was the document titled “Essentials of Peace Negotiations” (wahei kosho no yoryo). Drafted by Konoe and his adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Sakai Koji, after Konoe had reluctantly accepted a mission to Moscow, this document, stipulated the preservation of the emperor system, along with most of the imperial prerogatives, as the absolute minimum condition for peace. It defined the “original” or “essential homeland” as including the southern half of the Kurile Islands but showed a willingness to concede all overseas territories to the enemy, including Okinawa and the American-occupied Bonin Islands, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin. The “Essentials” also accepted complete disarmament for an unspecified period, thereby compromising on the issues of demobilizing and disarming the armed forces. More significantly, an “explanation” attached to the “Essentials” emphasized that “the main aim is to secure the imperial line and maintain the political role of the emperor.”    Why Japan surrendered   We come to it atleast after a long podcast. Why did Japan ultimately surrender?   The twin psychological shocks of the first atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war, combined with Kido's and the emperor's concern over escalating public criticism of the throne and its occupant, fueled an almost paranoid fear that, sooner or later, the populace would react violently against their leaders if the war persisted much longer. These factors ultimately led Hirohito to accept, in principle, the terms of the Potsdam Declaration.   At the first meeting of the six member constituents of the Supreme War Leadership Council, held from 10:30 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. on August 9, Army Minister Anami Korechika, Chiefs of Staff Umezu Yoshijiro, representing the army, and Yonai, representing the navy, along with Tōgō, from the Foreign Ministry, were expected to discuss the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. Instead, the conversation revolved around whether to attempt a conditional surrender—specifically, should they insist on one condition, the preservation of the kokutai, or four?   After Suzuki addressed the assembly regarding the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and the Soviet attack, Yonai, as recounted by Navy Chief of Staff Toyoda, was the first to speak, framing the issue in terms of four conditions. “Let's start to talk, Do we accept the Potsdam Declaration with no conditions? If not, and we wish to insist on attaching hopes and conditions, we may do so this way. First, preservation of the kokutai; then for the rest, the main items in the Potsdam Declaration: treatment of war criminals, method of disarmament, and the matter of sending in an army of occupation.” Thus, the participants identified what they perceived to be the ambiguous points within the Potsdam Declaration and used them as the foundation for their discussions.   The army insisted on four conditions: First, the preservation of the kokutai, which they considered distinct from the Potsdam Declaration itself. The other conditions proposed were, second, that the Imperial Headquarters assume responsibility for disarmament and demobilization; third, a prohibition on occupation; and fourth, the delegation of the punishment of war criminals to the Japanese government. The army equated the kokutai with the emperor's right of supreme command. Their self-serving desire for autonomous war crimes trials was based on the belief that the Allies would use such trials to politically indict the military. Consequently, army leaders aimed to preempt the activities of any international tribunal by conducting their own trials—similar to the approach taken by the uninvaded and unrepentant Germans after World War I.   Supporting the military's views during cabinet meetings that day were three civilian members of the Suzuki cabinet: Justice Minister Matsuzaka Hiromasa, Home Minister Yasui Toji, and Minister of Health Okada Tadahiko. At the imperial conference that night, which extended into the early hours of the tenth, Foreign Minister Tōgō's interpretation of the “preservation of the kokutai” referred solely to the safeguarding of the Imperial House or dynasty, rather than the continuation of Hirohito's reign.   Hiranuma, another advocate for the single condition, interpreted the kokutai as the “emperor's sovereign right to rule the state [not] deriving from national law. Even if the entire nation is sacrificed to the war, we must preserve both the kokutai and the security of the imperial house.” This discrepancy illustrated that there was no completely unified understanding of what the kokutai entailed; the debate over one condition versus four represented conflicting visions for the future of the Japanese state and masked the competition for political power that was already unfolding.   It remains doubtful whether the emperor and Kido initially sided with Tōgō against the four conditions proposed by the senior military leaders. A more likely inference is that both men retained sympathies for the hardliners, both military and civilian, who preferred to continue the futile war rather than surrender immediately and unconditionally. This may explain why, on August 9, Konoe had Hosokawa Morisada approach Navy General Headquarters to urge the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, to pressure Hirohito (through Kido) to accept the Potsdam terms. Later that afternoon, Konoe enlisted the help of diplomat Shigemitsu Mamoru to persuade Kido to reconsider his stance on the four conditions. Ultimately, at the urging of Takamatsu and Shigemitsu, Kido did shift to support Tōgō's position.   At the end of the war, as at its beginning and throughout every stage of its progression, Emperor Hirohito played a highly active role in supporting the actions carried out in his name. From the very beginning of the Asia-Pacific war, the emperor played a significant role in the unfolding events around him. Prior to the Battle of Okinawa, he consistently advocated for a decisive victory. Afterward, he acknowledged the necessity of pursuing an early peace, although he did not favor an immediate cessation of hostilities. Instead, he wavered, steering Japan toward ongoing warfare rather than direct negotiations with the Allies. When the final crisis fully unfolded, the only option left was unconditional surrender. Even then, he continued to procrastinate until the atomic bomb was dropped and the Soviets launched their attack. The wartime emperor ideology that once sustained morale made it exceedingly difficult for Japan's leaders to accept the act of surrender. Aware of their objective defeat, yet indifferent to the suffering the war inflicted on their own people—as well as on the populations of Asia, the Pacific, and the West whose lives they had disrupted—the emperor and his military leaders sought a means to lose without appearing to lose. They aimed to mitigate domestic criticism following surrender while preserving their power structure.   Blinded by their fixation on the fate of the imperial house and committed to an overly optimistic diplomacy toward the Soviet Union, Japan's leaders missed several opportunities to end their lost war. Would Japan's leaders have surrendered more promptly if the Truman administration had “clarified” the status of the emperor before the cataclysmic double shocks of the atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war? Probably not. However, it is likely they would have surrendered to prevent the kokutai from being destroyed from within. The evidence suggests that the first atomic bomb and the Soviet declaration of war led Hirohito, Kido, and other members of the court to believe that continuing the war would inevitably result in that destruction. They recognized that the populace was war-weary and despondent, with rising hostility toward the military and the government, accompanied by increasing criticism of the emperor himself. More specifically, Kido and Hirohito were privy to Home Ministry reports, which contained information from governors and police chiefs nationwide. These reports indicated that citizens were beginning to label the emperor as an incompetent leader responsible for the deteriorating war situation.   This is the third variable, never spoken about. Many first look at the atomic bombs. Bigger brain people turn to the Soviet Invasion of Manchuria. But hardly anyone reads about how the collapse of Japan's social fabric, scared the shit out of the Emperor and his closest advisors. You can't have a kokutai, without a populace that worshiped you.    When the emperor expressed in February, “What worries me is whether the nation [could] endure” long enough to achieve victory, he was not merely voicing concern for the suffering of his subjects; rather, he feared that such suffering could lead to social upheaval—in short, revolution. At that time, he referred to the ordinary, war-related hardships of food shortages, air raids, devastated cities, destruction of homes, and the omnipresent grief from the loss of loved ones. The atomic bomb escalated death, pain, and suffering to unimaginably higher levels, intensifying the threat from within. After the bombings of Japan and two atomic bombs, Hirohito was in a dark way, given a golden get out of jail free card. Hirohito could now save his suffering people from further anguish by surrendering, allowing him to deflect responsibility for leading them into misery while adopting an air of benevolence and care. Indeed, Hirohito did care—though not primarily for the Japanese people, but rather for the survival of his own imperial house and throne.   After the bombing of Hiroshima, Hirohito delayed for a full two days before instructing Kido, shortly before 10 A.M. on August 9, to “quickly control the situation” because “the Soviet [Union]” had declared war. Kido immediately communicated with Prime Minister Suzuki, who began arrangements for an Imperial Conference scheduled for later that night. Following the seidan of August 10, Chief Cabinet Secretary Sakomizu took charge of drafting the “Imperial Rescript Ending the War” based on Hirohito's directives. Assisted by two scholars of the Chinese classics, Kawada Mizuho and Yasuoka Masahiro, Sakomizu worked tirelessly for over three days before submitting a version of the rescript to the Suzuki cabinet. After six hours of contentious discussion on the night of August 14, the cabinet modified and approved the document. Hirohito promptly signed it, and Shimomura and Kido persuaded him to record a suitably opaque final version for broadcast to the nation.   On the night of August 14, the Suzuki government notified the United States and other Allied nations that it had accepted both the Potsdam Declaration and the Byrnes letter of August 11. Accelerating the emperor's actions during this climactic moment of the unconditional surrender drama was the American psychological warfare campaign. When a leaflet dropped from B-29 bombers came into Kido's possession on the night of August 13 or the morning of the fourteenth, he conferred with the emperor and explained the gravity of the situation. The latest enemy leaflets were informing the Japanese people of the government's notification of surrender under one condition, along with the full text of Byrnes's response. If this continued, it would undermine the imperial government's reliance on secrecy to obscure the true nature of the lost war and the reasons for the prolonged surrender delay.   Given Kido's and the emperor's concerns about rising signs of defeatism, including criticism of the throne, immediate action was necessary to prevent the populace from acting on their own initiative. Thus, the second seidan was convened. At noon on August 15, the Japanese people gathered around their radio receivers and heard, for the first time, the high-pitched voice of their emperor telling them:    “After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in Our Empire today, We have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered Our Government to communicate to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that Our Empire accepts the provisions of their Joint Declaration. To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of Our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by Our Imperial Ancestors and which lies close to Our heart. Indeed, We declared war on America and Britain out of Our sincere desire to ensure Japan's self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from Our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone—the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of Our servants of the State, and the devoted service of Our one hundred million people—the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan's advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest. Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable”.   Clearly Hirohito sought to justify his decision to surrender by citing the dropping of the atomic bombs. He wanted to become the saviour of the Japanese people. Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai.  Interestingly, the surrender declaration to the civilian population was not the same one sent to the military. On August 17th Hirohito issued a second “rescript to soldiers and sailors” throughout the asia-pacific.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The lesser-known August 17 rescript to the army and navy specified Soviet participation as the sole reason for surrender, while maintaining the kokutai as the primary aim. Dissembling until the end—and even beyond—it was noted that the emperor presented two different justifications for his delayed surrender. Both statements were likely true.   Months later Hirohito's said this about his decision to surrender “The main motive behind my decision at that time was that if we . . . did not act, the Japanese race would perish and I would be unable to protect my loyal subjects [sekishi—literally, “children”]. Second, Kido agreed with me on the matter of defending the kokutai. If the enemy landed near Ise Bay, both Ise and Atsuta Shrines would immediately come under their control. There would be no time to transfer the sacred treasures [regalia] of the imperial family and no hope of protecting them. Under these circumstances, protection of the kokutai would be difficult. For these reasons, I thought at the time that I must make peace even at the sacrifice of myself.”    There exists this sort of childish argument today whether it was the atomic bombs or the Soviet Invasion that caused Japan to surrender. However, this overlooks as I think I've explained in 9000 words jeez, the influence of the kokutai. Defending the kokutai was Hirohito's number one priority. The Soviets threatened it. Communism threatened it. What Japan perceived to be “democracy” threatened it. American victory threatened it. And the destruction of Japan's social fabric threatened it. I love this one piece of history, that I have only come across in one book, that being the main one I am using here.   On August 12th, Hirohito came to the imperial family to tell them he had made the decision to surrender. His uncle Prince Yasuhiko Asaka asked him whether the war would be continued if the kokutai could not be preserved. Hirohito replied “of course”.

696,732 views Streamed live on Sep 8, 2025 ➤ 00:00 Alexander Shelest: broadcast format.Poll: pick the year from the list when, in your opinion, Ukraine took a wrong turn?➤ 03:10 Ukrainian Cabinet of Ministers hit with Russian Iskander - another escalation of the war?➤ 09:03 Zelensky: Russians are concentrating strikes on Ukrainian energy systems.➤ 10:55 Are there any prospects for stopping the war?➤ 11:32 Hypnotized Idiocracy of the Ukrainian population: Ukraine's victories from Syrsky during the Russian offensive on the Dnipropetrovsk region. Sternenko: up to 60% of FPV drones purchased by the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense are unusable for combat.➤ 16:15 Undisguised terror of the Ukrainian population (women in Vinnytsia): Billboard – Reality – Ruling class. A trend that Syrsky won't talk about: Ukrainian defense forces are slowly melting away.➤ 20:30 The thinking capacity of the population is being systemically destroyed.➤ 22:35 Former Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba in Krakow: interview with journalists. Zelensky's repressions.➤ 27:50 Number of people fleeing the USSR and Ukraine: Stalin vs. Zelensky.➤ 29:45 Orban on the political crisis in France and the scenario for Ukraine – "3 Ukraines".➤ 33:48 Will Trump pressure Europe? What is happening in the context of peace talks?➤ 39:02 What does the continuation of war has in store for Ukrainians?➤ 42:20 Why do the Ukrainian people allow themselves to be treated this way, why do they support the government?➤ 47:55 Why did Zaluzhny protest in London against the performance of the Russian singer Netrebko?➤ 51:29 The situation at the front - negative trends. In the Sumy region, Russian troops aspire to create a demilitarized zone.➤ 54:19 The disaster in Kupyansk. What is the danger of losing Kupyansk?➤ 56:20 The Izyum - Slavyansk highway.➤ 01:02:15 Mezhevaya - the shadow of the looming front. Advancement in the Dnipropetrovsk region.➤ 01:05:29 Survey results: the year Ukraine took a wrong turn – 1991.Olexiy Arestovych (Kiev): Advisor to the Office of Ukraine President : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oleksiy_ArestovychOfficial channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjWy2g76QZf7QLEwx4cB46gAlexander Shelest - Ukranian journalist. Youtube: @a.shelest   Telegram: https://t.me/shelestlive

It was a massive week in the world of UAPs. So enormous, in fact, that the decision was made to put out a new Episode of Unidentified History to try and stay on top of everything that went down. A monumental UAP Hearing took place this past week. Five witnesses testified to incredible events they observed, tracked, discussed, or investigated. We heard amazing stories about glowing red rectangles the size of a football field, massive black triangular craft hovering overhead, a formation of tic-tacs racing away from the USS Jackson, UFO sightings in the Soviet Union, and so much more. But, more importantly, several whistleblowers testified to the retaliation and repercussions they have faced for their decision to come forward. With the theme of the hearing being to provide greater protection for national security whistleblowers, the question of whether anything can really be done has to be asked. But then, Representative Eric Burlison showed a video that has the whole world talking. Did a UFO really deflect one of our Hellfire missiles, or was this just a video of something with a much more earthly explanation? The next day, we got an update on our friend, 3i/atlas. This supposed comet continues to do things comets are not supposed to, and this time out, it has changed color and shape. Is it time to panic yet? And then, to top it all off, NASA announced that they very well might have found signs of ancient microbial life....on Mars! Yes, you heard that right. NASA has pretty much confirmed life on another planet! Dave, Tunney, and, making his Unidentified History debut, Rob break all this down for you.In the second half of the show, the guys do a deep dive into another fascinating UAP event. The 1946 Ghost Rocket sightings captivated and terrorized much of Scandinavia. Over 2,000 of these ghost rocket sightings were made during 1946. Some of them were seen crashing into lakes, with no debris ever being found. Were these all just misidentified meteors? Were they possibly the USSR testing captured Nazi weaponry in the months after WWII? Was it just mass hysteria from citizens of a continent that had already endured the horrors of the most destructive war in world history? Or was there a more unidentified and anomalous explanation for these events? Please tune in to this special episode of Unidentified History as the guys give you their thoughts on the first true mass UFO flap in Europe in the post-WWII era.Once thought to be solely the stuff of science fiction, UAPs (UFOs) are very real to thousands around the world. In 2021, the US Government confirmed that leaked UAP video was legitimate. Ever since, there has been an explosion of interest in the topic. Yet, we are no closer to understanding UAPs, where they come from, or who/what is behind the phenomenon. In this new series, we look to bridge the gap between the past and present by looking at some of the most important UAP sightings in history and determining whether the question of "are we alone in the universe?" might have already been answered.About the Chairshot Radio NetworkLaunched in 2017, the Chairshot Radio Network presents you with the best in sports, entertainment, and sports entertainment. Wrestling and wrestling crossover podcasts + the most interesting content + the most engaging hosts = the most entertaining podcasts you'll find! MONDAY - Bandwagon Nerds (entertainment & popular culture) TUESDAY - 4 Corners Podcast (sports) WEDNESDAY - The Greg DeMarco Show (wrestling) THURSDAY - POD is WAR FRIDAY - DWI Podcast (Drunk Wrestling Intellect) SATURDAY - The Mindless Wrestling Podcast SUNDAY - Keeping the news ridiculous... The Oddity / The Front and Center Sports Podcast CHAIRSHOT RADIO NETWORK PODCAST SPECIALS Attitude Of Aggression Podcast & The Big Five Project (chronologically exploring WWE's PPV/PLE history) http://TheChairshot.com PRESENTS...IMMEDIATE POST WWE PLE REACTIONS w/ DJ(Mindless), Tunney(DWI) & Friends Patrick O'Dowd's 5X5Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/chairshot-radio-network/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

A pamphlet of fact based history. The Soviet victory was a disaster for imperialism. If the first world war had ushered in the Great October Socialist Revolution and brought into existence the mighty USSR, the second world war gave birth to an entire socialist camp, which encompassed a third of the globe and a quarter of the world's population. This pamphlet sheds light on the Soviet perspective of WW2 and turns the Western bourgeois narrative - that they won the war - to dust!

Send us a textWhy does freedom matter? How can we defend it in an age of rising authoritarianism? In this episode, I sit down with Tom Palmer to explore the ideas, virtues, and strategies that keep liberty alive.We cover:·       The rise of authoritarian movements and global threats to liberty·       The morality of freedom: how to know what to fight for and when·       January 6th as a failure of duty, and what true constitutional leadership requires·       Trump, responsibility in office, and the role of virtue in political life·       How persuasion, clarity, and even humor (à la Bastiat) can advance freedomPalmer draws on decades of experience—from supporting dissidents in the USSR before the Berlin Wall fell to working in Ukraine's struggle against Russia today, and fighting for self-defense rights, marriage equality, and freedom from conscription in the U.S.The through line is clear: defending freedom takes more than theory—it requires virtue, duty, and clarity of purpose to make liberty resilient and worth fighting for.Support the showNever miss another AdamSmithWorks update.Follow us on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.

NATO, the 76 year old defence pact of 32 countries that has weathered the Cold War, the Fall of the Berlin Wall, collapse of the USSR and liberation of Eastern Europe without firing a shot, faces new challenges: the Third Age. Renewed super power rivalry, the rise of populism and political disarray among liberal democracies, as well as European fears about US defense commitments, are angst inducing developments for Western security built around Atlanticism.

Last time we spoke about the surrender of Japan. Emperor Hirohito announced the surrender on August 15, prompting mixed public reactions: grief, shock, and sympathy for the Emperor, tempered by fear of hardship and occupation. The government's response included resignations and suicide as new leadership was brought in under Prime Minister Higashikuni, with Mamoru Shigemitsu as Foreign Minister and Kawabe Torashiro heading a delegation to Manila. General MacArthur directed the occupation plan, “Blacklist,” prioritizing rapid, phased entry into key Japanese areas and Korea, while demobilizing enemy forces. The surrender ceremony occurred aboard the Missouri in Tokyo Bay on September 2, with Wainwright, Percival, Nimitz, and UN representatives in attendance. Civilians and soldiers across Asia began surrendering, and postwar rehabilitation, Indochina and Vietnam's independence movements, and Southeast Asian transitions rapidly unfolded as Allied forces established control. This episode is the Aftermath of the Pacific War Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  The Pacific War has ended. Peace has been restored by the Allies and most of the places conquered by the Japanese Empire have been liberated. In this post-war period, new challenges would be faced for those who won the war; and from the ashes of an empire, a defeated nation was also seeking to rebuild. As the Japanese demobilized their armed forces, many young boys were set to return to their homeland, even if they had previously thought that they wouldn't survive the ordeal. And yet, there were some cases of isolated men that would continue to fight for decades even, unaware that the war had already ended.  As we last saw, after the Japanese surrender, General MacArthur's forces began the occupation of the Japanese home islands, while their overseas empire was being dismantled by the Allies. To handle civil administration, MacArthur established the Military Government Section, commanded by Brigadier-General William Crist, staffed by hundreds of US experts trained in civil governance who were reassigned from Okinawa and the Philippines. As the occupation began, Americans dispatched tactical units and Military Government Teams to each prefecture to ensure that policies were faithfully carried out. By mid-September, General Eichelberger's 8th Army had taken over the Tokyo Bay region and began deploying to occupy Hokkaido and the northern half of Honshu. Then General Krueger's 6th Army arrived in late September, taking southern Honshu and Shikoku, with its base in Kyoto. In December, 6th Army was relieved of its occupation duties; in January 1946, it was deactivated, leaving the 8th Army as the main garrison force. By late 1945, about 430,000 American soldiers were garrisoned across Japan. President Truman approved inviting Allied involvement on American terms, with occupation armies integrated into a US command structure. Yet with the Chinese civil war and Russia's reluctance to place its forces under MacArthur's control, only Australia, Britain, India, and New Zealand sent brigades, more than 40,000 troops in southwestern Japan. Japanese troops were gradually disarmed by order of their own commanders, so the stigma of surrender would be less keenly felt by the individual soldier. In the homeland, about 1.5 million men were discharged and returned home by the end of August. Demobilization overseas, however, proceeded, not quickly, but as a long, difficult process of repatriation. In compliance with General Order No. 1, the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters disbanded on September 13 and was superseded by the Japanese War Department to manage demobilization. By November 1, the homeland had demobilized 2,228,761 personnel, roughly 97% of the Homeland Army. Yet some 6,413,215 men remained to be repatriated from overseas. On December 1, the Japanese War Ministry dissolved, and the First Demobilization Ministry took its place. The Second Demobilization Ministry was established to handle IJN demobilization, with 1,299,868 sailors, 81% of the Navy, demobilized by December 17. Japanese warships and merchant ships had their weapons rendered inoperative, and suicide craft were destroyed. Forty percent of naval vessels were allocated to evacuations in the Philippines, and 60% to evacuations of other Pacific islands. This effort eventually repatriated about 823,984 men to Japan by February 15, 1946. As repatriation accelerated, by October 15 only 1,909,401 men remained to be repatriated, most of them in the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the Higashikuni Cabinet and Foreign Minister Shigemitsu Mamoru managed to persuade MacArthur not to impose direct military rule or martial law over all of Japan. Instead, the occupation would be indirect, guided by the Japanese government under the Emperor's direction. An early decision to feed occupation forces from American supplies, and to allow the Japanese to use their own limited food stores, helped ease a core fear: that Imperial forces would impose forced deliveries on the people they conquered. On September 17, MacArthur transferred his headquarters from Yokohama to Tokyo, setting up primary offices on the sixth floor of the Dai-Ichi Mutual Life Insurance Building, an imposing edifice overlooking the moat and the Imperial palace grounds in Hibiya, a symbolic heart of the nation.  While the average soldier did not fit the rapacious image of wartime Japanese propagandists, occupation personnel often behaved like neo-colonial overlords. The conquerors claimed privileges unimaginable to most Japanese. Entire trains and train compartments, fitted with dining cars, were set aside for the exclusive use of occupation forces. These silenced, half-empty trains sped past crowded platforms, provoking ire as Japanese passengers were forced to enter and exit packed cars through punched-out windows, or perch on carriage roofs, couplings, and running boards, often with tragic consequences. The luxury express coaches became irresistible targets for anonymous stone-throwers. During the war, retrenchment measures had closed restaurants, cabarets, beer halls, geisha houses, and theatres in Tokyo and other large cities. Now, a vast leisure industry sprang up to cater to the needs of the foreign occupants. Reopened restaurants and theatres, along with train stations, buses, and streetcars, were sometimes kept off limits to Allied personnel, partly for security, partly to avoid burdening Japanese resources, but a costly service infrastructure was built to the occupiers' specifications. Facilities reserved for occupation troops bore large signs reading “Japanese Keep Out” or “For Allied Personnel Only.” In downtown Tokyo, important public buildings requisitioned for occupation use had separate entrances for Americans and Japanese. The effect? A subtle but clear colour bar between the predominantly white conquerors and the conquered “Asiatic” Japanese. Although MacArthur was ready to work through the Japanese government, he lacked the organizational infrastructure to administer a nation of 74 million. Consequently, on October 2, MacArthur dissolved the Military Government Section and inaugurated General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, a separate headquarters focused on civil affairs and operating in tandem with the Army high command. SCAP immediately assumed responsibility for administering the Japanese home islands. It commandeered every large building not burned down to house thousands of civilians and requisitioned vast tracts of prime real estate to quarter several hundred thousand troops in the Tokyo–Yokohama area alone. Amidst the rise of American privilege, entire buildings were refurbished as officers' clubs, replete with slot machines and gambling parlours installed at occupation expense. The Stars and Stripes were hoisted over Tokyo, while the display of the Rising Sun was banned; and the downtown area, known as “Little America,” was transformed into a US enclave. The enclave mentality of this cocooned existence was reinforced by the arrival within the first six months of roughly 700 American families. At the peak of the occupation, about 14,800 families employed some 25,000 Japanese servants to ease the “rigours” of overseas duty. Even enlisted men in the sparse quonset-hut towns around the city lived like kings compared with ordinary Japanese. Japanese workers cleaned barracks, did kitchen chores, and handled other base duties. The lowest private earned a 25% hardship bonus until these special allotments were discontinued in 1949. Most military families quickly adjusted to a pampered lifestyle that went beyond maids and “boys,” including cooks, laundresses, babysitters, gardeners, and masseuses. Perks included spacious quarters with swimming pools, central heating, hot running water, and modern plumbing. Two observers compared GHQ to the British Raj at its height. George F. Kennan, head of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, warned during his 1948 mission to Japan that Americans had monopolized “everything that smacks of comfort or elegance or luxury,” criticizing what he called the “American brand of philistinism” and the “monumental imperviousness” of MacArthur's staff to the Japanese suffering. This conqueror's mentality also showed in the bullying attitudes many top occupation officials displayed toward the Japanese with whom they dealt. Major Faubion Bowers, MacArthur's military secretary, later said, “I and nearly all the occupation people I knew were extremely conceited and extremely arrogant and used our power every inch of the way.” Initially, there were spasms of defiance against the occupation forces, such as anonymous stone-throwing, while armed robbery and minor assaults against occupation personnel were rife in the weeks and months after capitulation. Yet active resistance was neither widespread nor organized. The Americans successfully completed their initial deployment without violence, an astonishing feat given a heavily armed and vastly superior enemy operating on home terrain. The average citizen regarded the occupation as akin to force majeure, the unfortunate but inevitable aftermath of a natural calamity. Japan lay prostrate. Industrial output had fallen to about 10% of pre-war levels, and as late as 1946, more than 13 million remained unemployed. Nearly 40% of Japan's urban areas had been turned to rubble, and some 9 million people were homeless. The war-displaced, many of them orphans, slept in doorways and hallways, in bombed-out ruins, dugouts and packing crates, under bridges or on pavements, and crowded the hallways of train and subway stations. As winter 1945 descended, with food, fuel, and clothing scarce, people froze to death. Bonfires lit the streets to ward off the chill. "The only warm hands I have shaken thus far in Japan belonged to Americans," Mark Gayn noted in December 1945. "The Japanese do not have much of a chance to thaw out, and their hands are cold and red." Unable to afford shoes, many wore straw sandals; those with geta felt themselves privileged. The sight of a man wearing a woman's high-buttoned shoes in winter epitomized the daily struggle to stay dry and warm. Shantytowns built of scrap wood, rusted metal, and scavenged odds and ends sprang up everywhere, resembling vast junk yards. The poorest searched smouldering refuse heaps for castoffs that might be bartered for a scrap to eat or wear. Black markets (yami'ichi) run by Japanese, Koreans, and For-mosans mushroomed to replace collapsed distribution channels and cash in on inflated prices. Tokyo became "a world of scarcity in which every nail, every rag, and even a tangerine peel [had a] market value." Psychologically numbed, disoriented, and disillusioned with their leaders, demobilized veterans and civilians alike struggled to get their bearings, shed militaristic ideologies, and begin to embrace new values. In the vacuum of defeat, the Japanese people appeared ready to reject the past and grasp at the straw held out by the former enemy. Relations between occupier and occupied were not smooth, however. American troops comported themselves like conquerors, especially in the early weeks and months of occupation. Much of the violence was directed against women, with the first attacks beginning within hours after the landing of advance units. When US paratroopers landed in Sapporo, an orgy of looting, sexual violence, and drunken brawling ensued. Newspaper accounts reported 931 serious offences by GIs in the Yokohama area during the first week of occupation, including 487 armed robberies, 411 thefts of currency or goods, 9 rapes, 5 break-ins, 3 cases of assault and battery, and 16 other acts of lawlessness. In the first 10 days of occupation, there were 1,336 reported rapes by US soldiers in Kanagawa Prefecture alone. Americans were not the only perpetrators. A former prostitute recalled that when Australian troops arrived in Kure in early 1946, they “dragged young women into their jeeps, took them to the mountain, and then raped them. I heard them screaming for help nearly every night.” Such behaviour was commonplace, but news of criminal activity by occupation forces was quickly suppressed. On September 10, 1945, SCAP issued press and pre-censorship codes outlawing the publication of reports and statistics "inimical to the objectives of the occupation." In the sole instance of self-help General Eichelberger records in his memoirs, when locals formed a vigilante group and retaliated against off-duty GIs, 8th Army ordered armored vehicles into the streets and arrested the ringleaders, who received lengthy prison terms. Misbehavior ranged from black-market activity, petty theft, reckless driving, and disorderly conduct to vandalism, arson, murder, and rape. Soldiers and sailors often broke the law with impunity, and incidents of robbery, rape, and even murder were widely reported. Gang rapes and other sex atrocities were not infrequent; victims, shunned as outcasts, sometimes turned to prostitution in desperation, while others took their own lives to avoid bringing shame to their families. Military courts arrested relatively few soldiers for these offenses and convicted even fewer; Japanese attempts at self-defense were punished severely, and restitution for victims was rare. Fearing the worst, Japanese authorities had already prepared countermeasures against the supposed rapacity of foreign soldiers. Imperial troops in East Asia and the Pacific had behaved brutally toward women, so the government established “sexual comfort-stations” manned by geisha, bar hostesses, and prostitutes to “satisfy the lust of the Occupation forces,” as the Higashikuni Cabinet put it. A budget of 100 million yen was set aside for these Recreation and Amusement Associations, financed initially with public funds but run as private enterprises under police supervision. Through these, the government hoped to protect the daughters of the well-born and middle class by turning to lower-class women to satisfy the soldiers' sexual appetites. By the end of 1945, brothel operators had rounded up an estimated 20,000 young women and herded them into RAA establishments nationwide. Eventually, as many as 70,000 are said to have ended up in the state-run sex industry. Thankfully, as military discipline took hold and fresh troops replaced the Allied veterans responsible for the early crime wave, violence subsided and the occupier's patronising behavior and the ugly misdeeds of a lawless few were gradually overlooked. However, fraternisation was frowned upon by both sides, and segregation was practiced in principle, with the Japanese excluded from areas reserved for Allied personnel until September 1949, when MacArthur lifted virtually all restrictions on friendly association, stating that he was “establishing the same relations between occupation personnel and the Japanese population as exists between troops stationed in the United States and the American people.” In principle, the Occupation's administrative structure was highly complex. The Far Eastern Commission, based in Washington, included representatives from all 13 countries that had fought against Japan and was established in 1946 to formulate basic principles. The Allied Council for Japan was created in the same year to assist in developing and implementing surrender terms and in administering the country. It consisted of representatives from the USA, the USSR, Nationalist China, and the British Commonwealth. Although both bodies were active at first, they were largely ineffectual due to unwieldy decision-making, disagreements between the national delegations (especially the USA and USSR), and the obstructionism of General Douglas MacArthur. In practice, SCAP, the executive authority of the occupation, effectively ruled Japan from 1945 to 1952. And since it took orders only from the US government, the Occupation became primarily an American affair. The US occupation program, effectively carried out by SCAP, was revolutionary and rested on a two-pronged approach. To ensure Japan would never again become a menace to the United States or to world peace, SCAP pursued disarmament and demilitarization, with continuing control over Japan's capacity to make war. This involved destroying military supplies and installations, demobilizing more than five million Japanese soldiers, and thoroughly discrediting the military establishment. Accordingly, SCAP ordered the purge of tens of thousands of designated persons from public service positions, including accused war criminals, military officers, leaders of ultranationalist societies, leaders in the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, business leaders tied to overseas expansion, governors of former Japanese colonies, and national leaders who had steered Japan into war. In addition, MacArthur's International Military Tribunal for the Far East established a military court in Tokyo. It had jurisdiction over those charged with Class A crimes, top leaders who had planned and directed the war. Also considered were Class B charges, covering conventional war crimes, and Class C charges, covering crimes against humanity. Yet the military court in Tokyo wouldn't be the only one. More than 5,700 lower-ranking personnel were charged with conventional war crimes in separate trials convened by Australia, China, France, the Dutch East Indies, the Philippines, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Of the 5,700 Japanese individuals indicted for Class B war crimes, 984 were sentenced to death; 475 received life sentences; 2,944 were given more limited prison terms; 1,018 were acquitted; and 279 were never brought to trial or not sentenced. Among these, many, like General Ando Rikichi and Lieutenant-General Nomi Toshio, chose to commit suicide before facing prosecution. Notable cases include Lieutenant-General Tani Hisao, who was sentenced to death by the Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal for his role in the Nanjing Massacre; Lieutenant-General Sakai Takashi, who was executed in Nanjing for the murder of British and Chinese civilians during the occupation of Hong Kong. General Okamura Yasuji was convicted of war crimes by the Tribunal, yet he was immediately protected by the personal order of Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek, who kept him as a military adviser for the Kuomintang. In the Manila trials, General Yamashita Tomoyuki was sentenced to death as he was in overall command during the Sook Ching massacre, the Rape of Manila, and other atrocities. Lieutenant-General Homma Masaharu was likewise executed in Manila for atrocities committed by troops under his command during the Bataan Death March. General Imamura Hitoshi was sentenced to ten years in prison, but he considered the punishment too light and even had a replica of the prison built in his garden, remaining there until his death in 1968. Lieutenant-General Kanda Masatane received a 14-year sentence for war crimes on Bougainville, though he served only four years. Lieutenant-General Adachi Hatazo was sentenced to life imprisonment for war crimes in New Guinea and subsequently committed suicide on September 10, 1947. Lieutenant-General Teshima Fusataro received three years of forced labour for using a hospital ship to transport troops. Lieutenant-General Baba Masao was sentenced to death for ordering the Sandakan Death Marches, during which over 2,200 Australian and British prisoners of war perished. Lieutenant-General Tanabe Moritake was sentenced to death by a Dutch military tribunal for unspecified war crimes. Rear-Admiral Sakaibara Shigematsu was executed in Guam for ordering the Wake Island massacre, in which 98 American civilians were murdered. Lieutenant-General Inoue Sadae was condemned to death in Guam for permitting subordinates to execute three downed American airmen captured in Palau, though his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in 1951 and he was released in 1953. Lieutenant-General Tachibana Yoshio was sentenced to death in Guam for his role in the Chichijima Incident, in which eight American airmen were cannibalized. By mid-1945, due to the Allied naval blockade, the 25,000 Japanese troops on Chichijima had run low on supplies. However, although the daily rice ration had been reduced from 400 grams per person per day to 240 grams, the troops were not at risk of starvation. In February and March 1945, in what would later be called the Chichijima incident, Tachibana Yoshio's senior staff turned to cannibalism. Nine American airmen had escaped from their planes after being shot down during bombing raids on Chichijima, eight of whom were captured. The ninth, the only one to evade capture, was future US President George H. W. Bush, then a 20-year-old pilot. Over several months, the prisoners were executed, and reportedly by the order of Major Matoba Sueyo, their bodies were butchered by the division's medical orderlies, with the livers and other organs consumed by the senior staff, including Matoba's superior Tachibana. In the Yokohama War Crimes Trials, Lieutenant-Generals Inada Masazumi and Yokoyama Isamu were convicted for their complicity in vivisection and other human medical experiments performed at Kyushu Imperial University on downed Allied airmen. The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, which began in May 1946 and lasted two and a half years, resulted in the execution by hanging of Generals Doihara Kenji and Itagaki Seishiro, and former Prime Ministers Hirota Koki and Tojo Hideki, for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against peace, specifically for the escalation of the Pacific War and for permitting the inhumane treatment of prisoners of war. Also sentenced to death were Lieutenant-General Muto Akira for his role in the Nanjing and Manila massacres; General Kimura Heitaro for planning the war strategy in China and Southeast Asia and for laxity in preventing atrocities against prisoners of war in Burma; and General Matsui Iwane for his involvement in the Rape of Nanjing. The seven defendants who were sentenced to death were executed at Sugamo Prison in Ikebukuro on December 23, 1948. Sixteen others were sentenced to life imprisonment, including the last Field Marshal Hata Shunroku, Generals Araki Sadao, Minami Hiro, and Umezu Shojiro, Admiral Shimada Shigetaro, former Prime Ministers Hiranuma Kiichiro and Koiso Kuniaki, Marquis Kido Koichi, and Colonel Hashimoto Kingoro, a major instigator of the second Sino-Japanese War. Additionally, former Foreign Ministers Togo Shigenori and Shigemitsu Mamoru received seven- and twenty-year sentences, respectively. The Soviet Union and Chinese Communist forces also held trials of Japanese war criminals, including the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials, which tried and found guilty some members of Japan's bacteriological and chemical warfare unit known as Unit 731. However, those who surrendered to the Americans were never brought to trial, as MacArthur granted immunity to Lieutenant-General Ishii Shiro and all members of the bacteriological research units in exchange for germ-w warfare data derived from human experimentation. If you would like to learn more about what I like to call Japan's Operation Paper clip, whereupon the US grabbed many scientists from Unit 731, check out my exclusive podcast. The SCAP-turn to democratization began with the drafting of a new constitution in 1947, addressing Japan's enduring feudal social structure. In the charter, sovereignty was vested in the people, and the emperor was designated a “symbol of the state and the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people in whom resides sovereign power.” Because the emperor now possessed fewer powers than European constitutional monarchs, some have gone so far as to say that Japan became “a republic in fact if not in name.” Yet the retention of the emperor was, in fact, a compromise that suited both those who wanted to preserve the essence of the nation for stability and those who demanded that the emperor system, though not necessarily the emperor, should be expunged. In line with the democratic spirit of the new constitution, the peerage was abolished and the two-chamber Diet, to which the cabinet was now responsible, became the highest organ of state. The judiciary was made independent and local autonomy was granted in vital areas of jurisdiction such as education and the police. Moreover, the constitution stipulated that “the people shall not be prevented from enjoying any of the fundamental human rights,” that they “shall be respected as individuals,” and that “their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness shall … be the supreme consideration in legislation.” Its 29 articles guaranteed basic human rights: equality, freedom from discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, social status or family origin, freedom of thought and freedom of religion. Finally, in its most controversial section, Article 9, the “peace clause,” Japan “renounce[d] war as a sovereign right of the nation” and vowed not to maintain any military forces and “other war potential.” To instill a thoroughly democratic ethos, reforms touched every facet of society. The dissolution of the zaibatsu decentralised economic power; the 1945 Labour Union Law and the 1946 Labour Relations Act guaranteed workers the right to collective action; the 1947 Labour Standards Law established basic working standards for men and women; and the revised Civil Code of 1948 abolished the patriarchal household and enshrined sexual equality. Reflecting core American principles, SCAP introduced a 6-3-3 schooling system, six years of compulsory elementary education, three years of junior high, and an optional three years of senior high, along with the aim of secular, locally controlled education. More crucially, ideological reform followed: censorship of feudal material in media, revision of textbooks, and prohibition of ideas glorifying war, dying for the emperor, or venerating war heroes. With women enfranchised and young people shaped to counter militarism and ultranationalism, rural Japan was transformed to undermine lingering class divisions. The land reform program provided for the purchase of all land held by absentee landlords, allowed resident landlords and owner-farmers to retain a set amount of land, and required that the remaining land be sold to the government so it could be offered to existing tenants. In 1948, amid the intensifying tensions of the Cold War that would soon culminate in the Korean War, the occupation's focus shifted from demilitarization and democratization toward economic rehabilitation and, ultimately, the remilitarization of Japan, an shift now known as the “Reverse Course.” The country was thus rebuilt as the Pacific region's primary bulwark against the spread of Communism. An Economic Stabilisation Programme was introduced, including a five-year plan to coordinate production and target capital through the Reconstruction Finance Bank. In 1949, the anti-inflationary Dodge Plan was adopted, advocating balanced budgets, fixing the exchange rate at 360 yen to the dollar, and ending broad government intervention. Additionally, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry was formed and supported the formation of conglomerates centered around banks, which encouraged the reemergence of a somewhat weakened set of zaibatsu, including Mitsui and Mitsubishi. By the end of the Occupation era, Japan was on the verge of surpassing its 1934–1936 levels of economic growth. Equally important was Japan's rearmament in alignment with American foreign policy: a National Police Reserve of about 75,000 was created with the outbreak of the Korean War; by 1952 it had expanded to 110,000 and was renamed the Self-Defense Force after the inclusion of an air force. However, the Reverse Course also facilitated the reestablishment of conservative politics and the rollback of gains made by women and the reforms of local autonomy and education. As the Occupation progressed, the Americans permitted greater Japanese initiative, and power gradually shifted from the reformers to the moderates. By 1949, the purge of the right came under review, and many who had been condemned began returning to influence, if not to the Diet, then to behind-the-scenes power. At the same time, Japanese authorities, with MacArthur's support, began purging left-wing activists. In June 1950, for example, the central office of the Japan Communist Party and the editorial board of The Red Flag were purged. The gains made by women also seemed to be reversed. Women were elected to 8% of available seats in the first lower-house election in 1946, but to only 2% in 1952, a trend not reversed until the so-called Madonna Boom of the 1980s. Although the number of women voting continued to rise, female politicisation remained more superficial than might be imagined. Women's employment also appeared little affected by labour legislation: though women formed nearly 40% of the labor force in 1952, they earned only 45% as much as men. Indeed, women's attitudes toward labor were influenced less by the new ethos of fulfilling individual potential than by traditional views of family and workplace responsibilities. In the areas of local autonomy and education, substantial modifications were made to the reforms. Because local authorities lacked sufficient power to tax, they were unable to realise their extensive powers, and, as a result, key responsibilities were transferred back to national jurisdiction. In 1951, for example, 90% of villages and towns placed their police forces under the control of the newly formed National Police Agency. Central control over education was also gradually reasserted; in 1951, the Yoshida government attempted to reintroduce ethics classes, proposed tighter central oversight of textbooks, and recommended abolishing local school board elections. By the end of the decade, all these changes had been implemented. The Soviet occupation of the Kurile Islands and the Habomai Islets was completed with Russian troops fully deployed by September 5. Immediately after the onset of the occupation, amid a climate of insecurity and fear marked by reports of sporadic rape and physical assault and widespread looting by occupying troops, an estimated 4,000 islanders fled to Hokkaido rather than face an uncertain repatriation. As Soviet forces moved in, they seized or destroyed telephone and telegraph installations and halted ship movements into and out of the islands, leaving residents without adequate food and other winter provisions. Yet, unlike Manchuria, where Japanese civilians faced widespread sexual violence and pillage, systematic violence against the civilian population on the Kuriles appears to have been exceptional. A series of military government proclamations assured islanders of safety so long as they did not resist Soviet rule and carried on normally; however, these orders also prohibited activities not explicitly authorized by the Red Army, which imposed many hardships on civilians. Residents endured harsh conditions under Soviet rule until late 1948, when Japanese repatriation out of the Kurils was completed. The Kuriles posed a special diplomatic problem, as the occupation of the southernmost islands—the Northern Territories—ignited a long-standing dispute between Tokyo and Moscow that continues to impede the normalisation of relations today. Although the Kuriles were promised to the Soviet Union in the Yalta agreement, Japan and the United States argued that this did not apply to the Northern Territories, since they were not part of the Kurile Islands. A substantial dispute regarding the status of the Kurile Islands arose between the United States and the Soviet Union during the preparation of the Treaty of San Francisco, which was intended as a permanent peace treaty between Japan and the Allied Powers of World War II. The treaty was ultimately signed by 49 nations in San Francisco on September 8, 1951, and came into force on April 28, 1952. It ended Japan's role as an imperial power, allocated compensation to Allied nations and former prisoners of war who had suffered Japanese war crimes, ended the Allied post-war occupation of Japan, and returned full sovereignty to Japan. Effectively, the document officially renounced Japan's treaty rights derived from the Boxer Protocol of 1901 and its rights to Korea, Formosa and the Pescadores, the Kurile Islands, the Spratly Islands, Antarctica, and South Sakhalin. Japan's South Seas Mandate, namely the Mariana Islands, Marshall Islands, and Caroline Islands, had already been formally revoked by the United Nations on July 18, 1947, making the United States responsible for administration of those islands under a UN trusteeship agreement that established the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. In turn, the Bonin, Volcano, and Ryukyu Islands were progressively restored to Japan between 1953 and 1972, along with the Senkaku Islands, which were disputed by both Communist and Nationalist China. In addition, alongside the Treaty of San Francisco, Japan and the United States signed a Security Treaty that established a long-lasting military alliance between them. Although Japan renounced its rights to the Kuriles, the U.S. State Department later clarified that “the Habomai Islands and Shikotan ... are properly part of Hokkaido and that Japan is entitled to sovereignty over them,” hence why the Soviets refused to sign the treaty. Britain and the United States agreed that territorial rights would not be granted to nations that did not sign the Treaty of San Francisco, and as a result the Kurile Islands were not formally recognized as Soviet territory. A separate peace treaty, the Treaty of Taipei (formally the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty), was signed in Taipei on April 28, 1952 between Japan and the Kuomintang, and on June 9 of that year the Treaty of Peace Between Japan and India followed. Finally, Japan and the Soviet Union ended their formal state of war with the Soviet–Japanese Joint Declaration of 1956, though this did not settle the Kurile Islands dispute. Even after these formal steps, Japan as a nation was not in a formal state of war, and many Japanese continued to believe the war was ongoing; those who held out after the surrender came to be known as Japanese holdouts.  Captain Oba Sakae and his medical company participated in the Saipan campaign beginning on July 7, 1944, and took part in what would become the largest banzai charge of the Pacific War. After 15 hours of intense hand-to-hand combat, almost 4,300 Japanese soldiers were dead, and Oba and his men were presumed among them. In reality, however, he survived the battle and gradually assumed command of over a hundred additional soldiers. Only five men from his original unit survived the battle, two of whom died in the following months. Oba then led over 200 Japanese civilians deeper into the jungles to evade capture, organizing them into mountain caves and hidden jungle villages. When the soldiers were not assisting the civilians with survival tasks, Oba and his men continued their battle against the garrison of US Marines. He used the 1,552‑ft Mount Tapochau as their primary base, which offered an unobstructed 360-degree view of the island. From their base camp on the western slope of the mountain, Oba and his men occasionally conducted guerrilla-style raids on American positions. Due to the speed and stealth of these operations, and the Marines' frustrated attempts to find him, the Saipan Marines eventually referred to Oba as “The Fox.” Oba and his men held out on the island for 512 days, or about 16 months. On November 27, 1945, former Major-General Amo Umahachi was able to draw out some of the Japanese in hiding by singing the anthem of the Japanese infantry branch. Amo was then able to present documents from the defunct IGHQ to Oba ordering him and his 46 remaining men to surrender themselves to the Americans. On December 1, the Japanese soldiers gathered on Tapochau and sang a song of departure to the spirits of the war dead; Oba led his people out of the jungle and they presented themselves to the Marines of the 18th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Company. With great formality and commensurate dignity, Oba surrendered his sword to Lieutenant Colonel Howard G. Kirgis, and his men surrendered their arms and colors. On January 2, 1946, 20 Japanese soldiers hiding in a tunnel at Corregidor Island surrendered after learning the war had ended from a newspaper found while collecting water. In that same month, 120 Japanese were routed after a battle in the mountains 150 miles south of Manila. In April, during a seven-week campaign to clear Lubang Island, 41 more Japanese emerged from the jungle, unaware that the war had ended; however, a group of four Japanese continued to resist. In early 1947, Lieutenant Yamaguchi Ei and his band of 33 soldiers renewed fighting with the small Marine garrison on Peleliu, prompting reinforcements under Rear-Admiral Charles Pownall to be brought to the island to hunt down the guerrilla group. Along with them came former Rear-Admiral Sumikawa Michio, who ultimately convinced Yamaguchi to surrender in April after almost three years of guerrilla warfare. Also in April, seven Japanese emerged from Palawan Island and fifteen armed stragglers emerged from Luzon. In January 1948, 200 troops surrendered on Mindanao; and on May 12, the Associated Press reported that two unnamed Japanese soldiers had surrendered to civilian policemen in Guam the day before. On January 6, 1949, two former IJN soldiers, machine gunners Matsudo Rikio and Yamakage Kufuku, were discovered on Iwo Jima and surrendered peacefully. In March 1950, Private Akatsu Yūichi surrendered in the village of Looc, leaving only three Japanese still resisting on Lubang. By 1951 a group of Japanese on Anatahan Island refused to believe that the war was over and resisted every attempt by the Navy to remove them. This group was first discovered in February 1945, when several Chamorros from Saipan were sent to the island to recover the bodies of a Saipan-based B-29. The Chamorros reported that there were about thirty Japanese survivors from three ships sunk in June 1944, one of which was an Okinawan woman. Personal aggravations developed from the close confines of a small group on a small island and from tuba drinking; among the holdouts, 6 of 11 deaths were the result of violence, and one man displayed 13 knife wounds. The presence of only one woman, Higa Kazuko, caused considerable difficulty as she would transfer her affections among at least four men after each of them mysteriously disappeared, purportedly “swallowed by the waves while fishing.” According to the more sensational versions of the Anatahan tale, 11 of the 30 navy sailors stranded on the island died due to violent struggles over her affections. In July 1950, Higa went to the beach when an American vessel appeared offshore and finally asked to be removed from the island. She was taken to Saipan aboard the Miss Susie and, upon arrival, told authorities that the men on the island did not believe the war was over. As the Japanese government showed interest in the situation on Anatahan, the families of the holdouts were contacted in Japan and urged by the Navy to write letters stating that the war was over and that the holdouts should surrender. The letters were dropped by air on June 26 and ultimately convinced the holdouts to give themselves up. Thus, six years after the end of World War II, “Operation Removal” commenced from Saipan under the command of Lt. Commander James B. Johnson, USNR, aboard the Navy Tug USS Cocopa. Johnson and an interpreter went ashore by rubber boat and formally accepted the surrender on the morning of June 30, 1951. The Anatahan femme fatale story later inspired the 1953 Japanese film Anatahan and the 1998 novel Cage on the Sea. In 1953, Murata Susumu, the last holdout on Tinian, was finally captured. The next year, on May 7, Corporal Sumada Shoichi was killed in a clash with Filipino soldiers, leaving only two Japanese still resisting on Lubang. In November 1955, Seaman Kinoshita Noboru was captured in the Luzon jungle but soon after committed suicide rather than “return to Japan in defeat.” That same year, four Japanese airmen surrendered at Hollandia in Dutch New Guinea; and in 1956, nine soldiers were located and sent home from Morotai, while four men surrendered on Mindoro. In May 1960, Sergeant Ito Masashi became one of the last Japanese to surrender at Guam after the capture of his comrade Private Minagawa Bunzo, but the final surrender at Guam would come later with Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi. Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi survived in the jungles of Guam by living for years in an elaborately dug hole, subsisting on snails and lizards, a fate that, while undignified, showcased his ingenuity and resilience and earned him a warm welcome on his return to Japan. His capture was not heroic in the traditional sense: he was found half-starving by a group of villagers while foraging for shrimp in a stream, and the broader context included his awareness as early as 1952 that the war had ended. He explained that the wartime bushido code, emphasizing self-sacrifice or suicide rather than self-preservation, had left him fearing that repatriation would label him a deserter and likely lead to execution. Emerging from the jungle, Yokoi also became a vocal critic of Japan's wartime leadership, including Emperor Hirohito, which fits a view of him as a product of, and a prisoner within, his own education, military training, and the censorship and propaganda of the era. When asked by a young nephew how he survived so long on an island just a short distance from a major American airbase, he replied simply, “I was really good at hide and seek.”  That same year, Private Kozuka Kinshichi was killed in a shootout with Philippine police in October, leaving Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo still resisting on Lubang. Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo had been on Lubang since 1944, a few months before the Americans retook the Philippines. The last instructions he had received from his immediate superior ordered him to retreat to the interior of the island and harass the Allied occupying forces until the IJA eventually returned. Despite efforts by the Philippine Army, letters and newspapers left for him, radio broadcasts, and even a plea from Onoda's brother, he did not believe the war was over. On February 20, 1974, Onoda encountered a young Japanese university dropout named Suzuki Norio, who was traveling the world and had told friends that he planned to “look for Lieutenant Onoda, a panda, and the abominable snowman, in that order.” The two became friends, but Onoda stated that he was waiting for orders from one of his commanders. On March 9, 1974, Onoda went to an agreed-upon place and found a note left by Suzuki. Suzuki had brought along Onoda's former commander, Major Taniguchi, who delivered the oral orders for Onoda to surrender. Intelligence Officer 2nd Lt. Onoda Hiroo thus emerged from Lubang's jungle with his .25 caliber rifle, 500 rounds of ammunition, and several hand grenades. He surrendered 29 years after Japan's formal surrender, and 15 years after being declared legally dead in Japan. When he accepted that the war was over, he wept openly. He received a hero's welcome upon his return to Japan in 1974. The Japanese government offered him a large sum of money in back pay, which he refused. When money was pressed on him by well-wishers, he donated it to Yasukuni Shrine. Onoda was reportedly unhappy with the attention and what he saw as the withering of traditional Japanese values. He wrote No Surrender: My Thirty-Year War, a best-selling autobiography published in 1974. Yet the last Japanese to surrender would be Private Nakamura Teruo, an Amis aborigine from Formosa and a member of the Takasago Volunteers. Private Nakamura Teruo spent the tail end of World War II with a dwindling band on Morotai, repeatedly dispersing and reassembling in the jungle as they hunted for food. The group suffered continuous losses to starvation and disease, and survivors described Nakamura as highly self-sufficient. He left to live alone somewhere in the Morotai highlands between 1946 and 1947, rejoined the main group in 1950, and then disappeared again a few years later. Nakamura hinted in print that he fled into the jungle because he feared the other holdouts might murder him. He survives for decades beyond the war, eventually being found by 11 Indonesian soldiers. The emergence of an indigenous Taiwanese soldier among the search party embarrassed Japan as it sought to move past its imperial past. Many Japanese felt Nakamura deserved compensation for decades of loyalty, only to learn that his back pay for three decades of service amounted to 68,000 yen.   Nakamura's experience of peace was complex. When a journalist asked how he felt about “wasting” three decades of his life on Morotai, he replied that the years had not been wasted; he had been serving his country. Yet the country he returned to was Taiwan, and upon disembarking in Taipei in early January 1975, he learned that his wife had a son he had never met and that she had remarried a decade after his official death. Nakamura eventually lived with a daughter, and his story concluded with a bittersweet note when his wife reconsidered and reconciled with him. Several Japanese soldiers joined local Communist and insurgent groups after the war to avoid surrender. Notably, in 1956 and 1958, two soldiers returned to Japan after service in China's People's Liberation Army. Two others who defected with a larger group to the Malayan Communist Party around 1945 laid down their arms in 1989 and repatriated the next year, becoming among the last to return home. That is all for today, but fear not I will provide a few more goodies over the next few weeks. I will be releasing some of my exclusive podcast episodes from my youtube membership and patreon that are about pacific war subjects. Like I promised the first one will be on why Emperor Hirohito surrendered. Until then if you need your fix you know where to find me: eastern front week by week, fall and rise of china, echoes of war or on my Youtube membership of patreon at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.

Neoborn Caveman sits down with Alex Goroshko from Big Sexy for a relaxed chat about making real music in a digital world. From their debut River of Shame to the heartfelt single Michigan, Alex shares how Big Sexy stays authentic, with Gary Maccagnone's poetic lyrics sparking raw demos across continents. They discuss dodging industry pressures, balancing lyrics and music, and finding a sound that screams “Big Sexy.” Trading influences like Richie Kotzen's raw trio and USSR's outlawed Second Breath, they celebrate music's power to heal and connect. It's a candid talk on resilience, creative freedom, and keeping songs human—no hype, just heart.Key TakeawaysAuthenticity Matters: Staying true connects with fans, but social media's pressure to conform is a double-edged sword.Digital Hurdles: Independent artists face challenges with fake streams and navigating distribution platforms.Global Teamwork: Tech lets Big Sexy blend Gary's lyrics and Alex's riffs from Canada to beyond, creating soulful sounds.Creative Balance: Lyrics and music compete, but finding the song's core voice is key to Big Sexy's process.Music Heals: Alex's journey shows how music's therapeutic power fuels resilience amid industry changes.Soundbites“Authenticity is the most important thing in music—not translated into TikTok videos, but it's key.” – NC on realness.“We create stories and put ourselves in lyrics and music—something we love.” – Alex on the process.“It's terrifying for most to be authentic—that's where the magic happens.” – NC on industry truth.“Richie Kotzen blew me away—powerful trio at 22, recording everything himself.” – Alex on influences.“We need the whole story—I want the journey, not just a snippet.” – NC on albums.Support the ShowPatreon: Join for free at patreon.com/TheNeobornCavemanShow for exclusives like this full interview.Reviews: Drop 5 stars on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or your platform to fight the algorithm.Connect: DM @NeobornCaveman on X, hit up Trans Radio UK, or email for chats and rants.Books: Grab Canada's Mirage or The Digital Trap on Amazon for more NC wisdom.Humanity centered satirical takes on the world & news + music - with a marble mouthed host.Free speech marinated in comedy.Supporting Purple Rabbits. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

For some, the Cold War between the USA and USSR was about military strategies of containment, proxy wars in the Third World and covert activities, but it did also come with a large dose of cultural and ideological rivalry, some of which endures to this day. Together with Giles Scott-Smith, we discuss the other side of the Cold War, which found its way into the arts, literature, and even music.Image Credit: ShutterstockSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

EXETER UFO FESTIVAL: INHERTING A FATHER'S UFO BLUEPRINT? Nat Sticco- discussing her and her husband Genes work into Soviet era reverse engineering programs of UFOs. A Blueprint. Cold War era. The fall of the USSR. A Fathers Duty to Protect State secrets. #ufo #Disclosure #TotalDisclosureBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/total-disclosure-ufos-coverups-conspiracy--5975113/support.Featuring Steven Bassett of PRG www.paradigmresearchgroup.org Featuring Nat and Gene Sticco www.Engineeringinfinitybook.com

US President Donald Trump claimed he would "un-unite" Russia and China, but the divide-and-conquer strategy failed. Instead, Moscow and Beijing are closer than ever, and they are at the heart of a Global South-led movement to build a new multipolar world order, challenging Western hegemony and imperialism. Ben Norton explains. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f-bq4347Z18 US attacks blow back, uniting China, India, Russia, Iran; encouraging dedollarization: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qsFGCUtzzQ8 Topics 0:00 China and Russia: close partners 0:59 USA fears "near-peer" competitors 1:51 (CLIP) Trump: divide Russia and China 2:06 US divide-and-conquer strategy 2:31 (CLIP) Marco Rubio: "partner with the Russians" 3:04 Marco Rubio, top US war hawk 3:33 (CLIP) Marco Rubio: China is top "threat" 4:16 China and Russia's political ties 5:33 China's trade with Russia 6:28 US and Russia: economic competitors 7:37 Trump doesn't have anything to offer 8:23 Global South leaders meet in China 9:41 USA failed to divide India and China 10:28 China's 80th anniversary WWII victory parade 12:09 Trump laments China-Russia-India ties 13:02 Xi-Putin meeting in Beijing 14:19 USSR and China in WWII 18:21 Dedollarization of China-Russia trade 19:44 Power of Siberia 2 pipeline 21:44 Russia integrates with Eurasia 22:19 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) 22:44 BRICS 23:33 Neocolonial financial system 25:30 Russia deepens ties with Global South 27:34 New multipolar world order 28:37 Outro

With Eliot traveling, Eric welcomes Stephan Kieninger, author of Securing Peace in Europe: Strobe Talbott, NATO and Russia After the Cold War. They discuss the role of Strobe Talbott, a close Clinton confidante and Deputy Secretary of State, in crafting Clinton's strategy for building a “Europe whole and free” after the collapse of the Soviet Union. They cover U.S. efforts to stabilize Russia's move toward a free market and democracy in the 1990s, the negotiation of the Budapest Memorandum, which led to the return of Soviet nuclear weapons left on Ukrainian soil after the breakup of the USSR, and the Bosnia crisis, including Talbott's part in bringing Richard Holbrooke to lead its resolution. They examine at length Talbott's strategy for enlarging NATO at the 1997 Madrid Summit while also negotiating a NATO-Russia agreement, offering Russia a voice, but not a veto, in European security. They close their conversation by considering the Clinton Administration's role in supporting Russian reform efforts during the 1998 economic meltdown, the souring effect of the war in Kosovo on NATO-Russia relations, and the rise of Vladimir Putin. Securing Peace in Europe: Strobe Talbott, NATO, and Russia After the Cold War: https://cup.columbia.edu/series/woodrow-wilson-center-series/

A new week means new questions! Hope you have fun with these!On which UK gameshow (based on the original American version) did Dale Winton tell contestants to go 'wild in the aisles'?What what country produces 95% of the world's opal?Botticelli's fresco "Temptations of Christ" is on the wall of what chapel?The Luna 9 Mission by the USSR in 1966 was the first to achieve what?Think American Sports and Identify the odd one out: Eagles, Bears, Tigers, and Lions.The title of James Joyce's Ulysses comes from the Latinised name of what hero?What is the traditional occupation of a leprechaun?Whose ambitions were stopped in Russia in 1812 after the battle of Borodino?Originally a personification of the Milky Way, the Egyptian sky goddess Hathor became the goddess of women and fertility came to be depicted as a what animal?MusicHot Swing, Fast Talkin, Bass Walker, Dances and Dames, Ambush by Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com)Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 3.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/Don't forget to follow us on social media:Patreon – patreon.com/quizbang – Please consider supporting us on Patreon. Check out our fun extras for patrons and help us keep this podcast going. We appreciate any level of support!Website – quizbangpod.com Check out our website, it will have all the links for social media that you need and while you're there, why not go to the contact us page and submit a question!Facebook – @quizbangpodcast – we post episode links and silly lego pictures to go with our trivia questions. Enjoy the silly picture and give your best guess, we will respond to your answer the next day to give everyone a chance to guess.Instagram – Quiz Quiz Bang Bang (quizquizbangbang), we post silly lego pictures to go with our trivia questions. Enjoy the silly picture and give your best guess, we will respond to your answer the next day to give everyone a chance to guess.Twitter – @quizbangpod We want to start a fun community for our fellow trivia lovers. If you hear/think of a fun or challenging trivia question, post it to our twitter feed and we will repost it so everyone can take a stab it. Come for the trivia – stay for the trivia.Ko-Fi – ko-fi.com/quizbangpod – Keep that sweet caffeine running through our body with a Ko-Fi, power us through a late night of fact checking and editing!

At this week's Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit, Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping seemed determined to show the whole world that Russia-China relations are better than they have ever been. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, China has become Putin's most valuable ally, both in diplomacy and on the battlefield, providing dual-purpose technology for Moscow to continue its aggression. Are Sino-Russian relations really at their peak? What can the history of the USSR and China teach us about the nature of this union? How strong is the bond between the two?

Kay Sparling is an international opera and sacred singer. Nowretired, she lives in the Upper Midwest with her feline writingbuddy, the invincible Paducah. When not teaching voice lessonsor writing, Kay enjoys gardening, hiking, adventure travelling, andcooking for family and friends.More information about Kay can be found at: Kay Sparling – AuthorNear the end of the Cold War, Kaitlyn Stewart lands anapprenticeship at the Vienna State Opera. Soon after arriving,she is recruited by the CIA as the only female high profileoperative in Mission: THAW. Both CIA and MI6 are in a raceagainst time to uncover a human trafficking cartel set up byfascist Western politicians who are in business with the EastGermans and KGB. They are exploiting refugees from theformer satellite countries of the USSR. Mission: THAW mustinfiltrate the cartel in order to shut down the trafficking anddestroy the slave labor in East Germany. If the GDR economyfails, the Berlin Wall will come down. Covering as an opera singer, Kaitlyn infiltrates theinner circle of the KGB and neo-Nazis, only to find out that they have a much moredeadly, lucrative plan in the making: blueprints for a dirty bomb. MI6 agent CliveMatthews, who is considered the best secret agent in the free world, skillfully guidesKaitlyn through the crazy maze of the mission. Based on fact.Amazon.com: Mission Thaw: A Kaitlyn Stewart Spy Thriller: 9781779419071: Sparling, Kay: Books

Dr Robert Seely MBE was a British Conservative Party politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for the Isle of Wight from 2017 until the constituency was split in two in 2024. Seely is a former journalist and soldier. From 1990 to 1995, he worked as a foreign correspondent in the last year of the USSR and in post-Soviet states. From 2008 to 2017, he served in the British Armed Forces in the Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and ISIS campaigns. Seely has been a research associate at the Changing Character of War Programme at the University of Oxford. Today we're going to be exploring his unique definition of Russian hybrid war, and highly impactful book: The New Total War: From Child Abduction to Cyber Attacks and Drones to Disinformation – Russia's Conflict with Ukraine and the West. ----------Partner on this video: KYIV OF MINE 'Kyiv of Mine' is a documentary series about Ukraine's beautiful capital, Kyiv. The film production began in 2018, and much has changed since then. It is now 2025, and this story is far from over.https://www.youtube.com/@UCz6UbVKfqutH-N7WXnC5Ykg https://www.kyivofmine.com/#theprojectKyiv of Mine is fast paced, beautifully filmed, humorous, fun, insightful, heartbreaking, moving, hopeful. The very antithesis in fact of a doom-laden and worthy wartime documentary. This is a work that is extraordinarily uplifting. My friend Operator Starsky says the film is “Made with so much love. The film series will make you laugh and cry.” ----------LINKS:https://www.amazon.co.uk/New-Total-War-Abduction-Disinformation/dp/1785909487https://x.com/IoWBobSeelyhttps://www.rusi.org/people/seelyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bob_Seelyhttps://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-robert-seely-mbe-10304468/?originalSubdomain=ukhttps://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/persons/bob-seely----------SILICON CURTAIN FILM FUNDRAISERA project to make a documentary film in Ukraine, to raise awareness of Ukraine's struggle and in supporting a team running aid convoys to Ukraine's front-line towns.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur events of the first half of the year in Lviv, Kyiv and Odesa were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. Any support you can provide for the fundraising campaign would be gratefully appreciated. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.orgNGO “Herojam Slava”https://heroiamslava.org/kharpp - Reconstruction project supporting communities in Kharkiv and Przemyślhttps://kharpp.com/NOR DOG Animal Rescuehttps://www.nor-dog.org/home/----------

Art Bell - Paul Stonehill - UFOs in the USSR

EXETER UFO FESTIVAL- Live From The Stage at the legendary Town Hall In Exeter MA- In Remembrance of the Exeter UFO incident- the town now produces a weekend long festival- coupled with a line up of speakers- this year, we did a live podcast from the stage- featuring UFO Expert Steven Bassett and Former USAF Officer, and Intelligence community contractor- Gene Sticco and his Latvian Wife Nat- discussing their work into Soviet era reverse engineering programs of UFOs. A Blueprint. Cold War era. The fall of the USSR.HELP SUPPORT THE SHOW BY JOINING US ON PATRON, Or on Youtube As A MEMBER/ASSET YOUTUBE MEMBER—-https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCy2Cra7aLAAMVxkA9rSYCxg/join PATREON MEMBER—https://www.patreon.com/Total_Disclosure?fan_landing=true&view_as=publicLINK THREAD—https://allmylinks.com/total-disclosure Subscribe to the channel on YouTube—— www.youtube.com/@totaldisclosure Support TY and TDP Studios directly VIA PayPal (No FEES)— https://www.paypal.me/TDPstudios767?locale.x=en_USBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/total-disclosure-ufos-coverups-conspiracy--5975113/support.Featuring Steven Bassett of PRG www.paradigmresearchgroup.org Featuring Nat and Gene Sticco www.Engineeringinfinitybook.com

Send us a textToday, we begin our two-part series covering the Soviet Space Program from its early days in the 1930s up to the launch of the three Sputnik satellites.Support the show

➡️ Watch the full interview ad-free, join a community of geopolitics enthusiasts and gain access to exclusive content on PATREON: https://www.patreon.com/DecodingGeopolitics➡️ Sign up to my free geopolitics newsletter: https://stationzero.substack.com/This is a conversation with Sergey Radchenko. Sergey is one of the most insightful historians of the Cold War and Russian history. He grew up in the USSR, has spent years combing through Soviet archives, and his latest book offers a rare inside look into how Soviet leaders actually made decisions about war, diplomacy, and the use of power. But this isn't just about history because the past in Russia is still very much alive - and understanding what drove Soviet foreign policy shines a light on what drives Russian foreign policy today.And so we talk about why Russia's obsession with being seen as a great power still drives its decisions today, how Vladimir Putin's worldview was shaped by Soviet collapse, and how much of his strategy mirrors what Soviet leaders did during the Cold War. We look at why Russia keeps acting like it's still a superpower, whether Vladimir Putin is trying to rebuild the Soviet Union or what lessons policymakers can actually learn from how the West handled the USSR during the Cold War and much much more.

We conclude our series on the original Eurasianist movement by more closely examining how it viewed the October Revolution and the question of the future eurasianist state. Subscribe to patreon.org/tenepod @tenepod.bsky.social  x.com/tenepod

On disruption, disturbance, decline, decay. We continue our attempt to conceptualise the present moment by looking at Silicon Valley-style disruption, geopolitical disturbances and 'polycrisis', and decline & decay along two axes: normative vs descriptive, and geopolitical and universal. Then we deal with your questions and comments over the past month on: religious authority; Russia, imperialism, and the USSR; and the limitations to 'the national interest'. Subscribe for the full episode: patreon.com/bungacast

Listen to the first episode of AJC's new limited podcast series, Architects of Peace. Go behind the scenes of the decades-long diplomacy and quiet negotiations that made the Abraham Accords possible, bringing Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and later Morocco, together in historic peace agreements.   Jason Isaacson, AJC Chief of Policy and Political Affairs, explains the complex Middle East landscape before the Accords and how behind-the-scenes efforts helped foster the dialogue that continues to shape the region today. Resources: Episode Transcript AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace - Tune in weekly for new episodes. The Abraham Accords, Explained AJC.org/CNME - Find more on AJC's Center for a New Middle East Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus People of the Pod Follow Architects of Peace on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace You can reach us at: podcasts@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript: Jason Isaacson: It has become clear to me in my travels in the region over the decades that more and more people across the Arab world understood the game, and they knew that this false narrative – that Jews are not legitimately there, and that somehow we have to focus all of our energy in the Arab world on combating this evil interloper – it's nonsense. And it's becoming increasingly clear that, in fact, Israel can be a partner. Manya Brachear Pashman: In September 2020, the world saw what had been years – decades – in the making: landmark peace agreements dubbed the Abraham Accords -- normalizing relations between Israel and two Arabian Gulf states, the United Arab Emirates and the Kingdom of Bahrain.  Later in December, they were joined by the Kingdom of Morocco. Five years later, AJC is pulling back the curtain to meet key individuals who built the trust that led to these breakthroughs. Introducing: the Architects of Peace. Manya Brachear Pashman: On the eve of the signing of the Abraham Accords, AJC Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson found himself traveling to the end of a tree filled winding road in McLean, Virginia, to sip tea on the back terrace with Bahraini Ambassador Shaikh Abdulla bin Rashid Al Khalifa and Bahrain's Minister of Foreign Affairs Dr. Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani. Jason Isaacson: Sitting in the backyard of the Bahraini ambassador's house with Dr. Al Zayani, the Foreign Minister of Bahrain and with Shaikh Abdulla, the ambassador, and hearing what was about to happen the next day on the South Lawn of the White House was a thrilling moment. And really, in many ways, just a validation of the work that AJC has been doing for many years–before I came to the organization, and the time that I've spent with AJC since the early 90s.  This possibility of Israel's true integration in the region, Israel's cooperation and peace with its neighbors, with all of its neighbors – this was clearly the threshold that we were standing on. Manya Brachear Pashman: If you're wondering how Jason ended up sipping tea in such esteemed company the night before his hosts made history, wonder no more. Here's the story. Yitzchak Shamir: The people of Israel look to this palace with great anticipation and expectation. We pray that this meeting will mark the beginning of a new chapter in the history of the Middle East; that it will signal the end of hostility, violence, terror, and war; that it will bring dialogue, accommodation, co-existence, and above all, peace. Manya Brachear Pashman: That was Israel's Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir speaking in October 1991 at the historic Madrid Peace Conference -- the first time Israel and Arab delegations engaged in direct talks toward peace. It had taken 43 years to reach this point – 43 years since the historic United Nations Resolution that created separate Jewish and Arab states – a resolution Jewish leaders accepted, but Arab states scorned. Not even 24 hours after Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948, the armies of Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria attacked the new Jewish state, which fought back mightily and expanded its territory. The result? A deep-seated distrust among Israel, its neighboring nations, and some of the Arab residents living within Israel's newly formed borders. Though many Palestinian Arabs stayed, comprising over 20 percent of Israel's population today, hundreds of thousands of others left or were displaced. Meanwhile, in reaction to the rebirth of the Jewish state, and over the following two decades, Jewish communities long established in Arab states faced hardship and attacks, forcing Jews by the hundreds of thousands to flee. Israel's War of Independence set off a series of wars with neighboring nations, terrorist attacks, and massacres. Peace in the region saw more than a few false starts, with one rare exception.  In 1979, after the historic visit to Israel by Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, he and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin joined President Jimmy Carter for negotiations at Camp David and signed a peace treaty that for the next 15 years, remained the only formal agreement between Israel and an Arab state. In fact, it was denounced uniformly across the Arab world.  But 1991 introduced dramatic geopolitical shifts. The collapse of the Soviet Union, which had severed relations with Israel during the Six-Day War of 1967, diminished its ability to back Syria, Iraq, and Libya. In the USSR's final months, it re-established diplomatic relations with Israel but left behind a regional power vacuum that extremists started to fill. Meanwhile, most Arab states, including Syria, joined the successful U.S.-led coalition against Saddam Hussein that liberated Kuwait, solidifying American supremacy in the region and around the world. The Palestine Liberation Organization, which claimed to represent the world's Palestinians, supported Iraq and Libya.  Seizing an opportunity, the U.S. and the enfeebled but still relevant Soviet Union invited to Madrid a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, along with delegations from Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Egypt, and Israel. Just four months before that Madrid meeting, Jason Isaacson had left his job on Capitol Hill to work for the American Jewish Committee. At that time, AJC published a magazine titled Commentary, enabling Jason to travel to the historic summit with media credentials and hang out with the press pool. Jason Isaacson: It was very clear in just normal conversations with these young Arab journalists who I was spending some time with, that there was the possibility of an openness that I had not realized existed. There was a possibility of kind of a sense of common concerns about the region, that was kind of refreshing and was sort of running counter to the narratives that have dominated conversations in that part of the world for so long.  And it gave me the sense that by expanding the circle of relationships that I was just starting with in Madrid, we might be able to make some progress. We might be able to find some partners with whom AJC could develop a real relationship. Manya Brachear Pashman: AJC had already begun to build ties in the region in the 1950s, visiting Arab countries like Morocco and Tunisia, which had sizable Jewish populations. The rise in Arab nationalism in Tunisia and rebirth of Israel eventually led to an exodus that depleted the Jewish community there. Emigration depleted Morocco's Jewish community as well.  Jason Isaacson: To say that somehow this is not the native land of the Jewish people is just flying in the face of the reality. And yet, that was the propaganda line that was pushed out across the region. Of course, Madrid opened a lot of people's eyes. But that wasn't enough. More had to be done. There were very serious efforts made by the U.S. government, Israeli diplomats, Israeli businesspeople, and my organization, which played a very active role in trying to introduce people to the reality that they would benefit from this relationship with Israel.  So it was pushing back against decades of propaganda and lies. And that was one of the roles that we assigned to ourselves and have continued to play. Manya Brachear Pashman: No real negotiations took place at the Madrid Conference, rather it opened conversations that unfolded in Moscow, in Washington, and behind closed doors in secret locations around the world. Progress quickened under Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. In addition to a peace treaty between Israel and Jordan, reached in 1994, secret talks in Norway between Israel and PLO resulted in the Oslo Accords, a series of agreements signed in 1993 and 1995 that ended the First Intifada after six years of violence, and laid out a five-year timeline for achieving a two-state solution. Extremists tried to derail the process. A Jewish extremist assassinated Rabin in 1995. And a new terror group  launched a series of suicide attacks against Israeli civilians. Formed during the First Intifada, these terrorists became stars of the Second. They called themselves Hamas. AP News Report: [sirens] [in Hebrew] Don't linger, don't linger. Manya Brachear Pashman: On March 27, 2002, Hamas sent a suicide bomber into an Israeli hotel where 250 guests had just been seated for a Passover Seder. He killed 30 people and injured 140 more. The day after the deadliest suicide attack in Israel's history, the Arab League, a coalition of 22 Arab nations in the Middle East and Africa, unveiled what it called the Arab Peace Initiative – a road map offering wide scale normalization of relations with Israel, but with an ultimatum: No expansion of Arab-Israeli relations until the establishment of a Palestinian state within the pre-1967 armistice lines and a so-called right of return for Palestinians who left and their descendants.   As the Second Intifada continued to take civilian lives, the Israeli army soon launched Operation Defensive Shield to secure the West Bank and parts of Gaza. It was a period of high tension, conflict, and distrust. But behind the scenes, Jason and AJC were forging ahead, building bridges, and encountering an openness in Arab capitals that belied the ultimatum.  Jason Isaacson: It has become clear to me in my travels in the region over the decades that more and more people across the Arab world understood the game, and they knew that that this false narrative that Jews are not legitimately there, and that somehow we have to focus all of our energy in the Arab world on combating this evil interloper – it's nonsense. And it's becoming increasingly clear that, in fact, Israel can be a partner of Arab countries. Manya Brachear Pashman: Jason led delegations of Jewish leaders to Arab capitals, oversaw visits by Arab leaders to Israel, and cultivated relationships of strategic and political consequence with governments and civil society leaders across North Africa, the Levant, and the Arabian Peninsula. In 2009, King Mohammed VI of Morocco bestowed on him the honor of Chevalier of the Order of the Throne of the Kingdom of Morocco. Jason's priority was nurturing one key element missing from Arab-Israeli relations. An element that for decades had been absent in most Middle East peace negotiations: trust.   Jason Isaacson: Nothing is more important than developing trust. Trust and goodwill are, if not synonymous, are so closely linked. Yes, a lot of these discussions that AJC's been engaged in over many years have been all about, not only developing a set of contacts we can turn to when there's a crisis or when we need answers to questions or when we need to pass a message along to a government. But also, develop a sense that we all want the same thing and we trust each other. That if someone is prepared to take certain risks to advance the prospect of peace, which will involve risk, which will involve vulnerability. That a neighbor who might have demonstrated in not-so-distant past animosity and hostility toward Israel can be trusted to take a different course. Manya Brachear Pashman: A number of Israeli diplomats and businesspeople also worked toward that goal. While certain diplomatic channels in the intelligence and security spheres stayed open out of necessity – other diplomats and businesspeople with dual citizenship traveled across the region, quietly breaking down barriers, starting conversations, and building trust.  Jason Isaacson: I would run into people in Arab capitals from time to time, who were fulfilling that function, and traveling with different passports that they had legitimately, because they were from those countries. It was just a handful of people in governments that would necessarily know that they were there. So yes, if that sounds like cloak and dagger, it's kind of a cloak and dagger operation, a way for people to maintain a relationship and build a relationship until the society is ready to accept the reality that it will be in their country's best interest to have that relationship. Manya Brachear Pashman: Privately, behind the scenes, signs emerged that some Arab leaders understood the role that Jews have played in the region's history for millennia and the possibilities that would exist if Muslims and Jews could restore some of the faith and friendship of bygone years.  Jason Isaacson: I remember sitting with King Mohammed the VI of Morocco just weeks after his ascension to the throne, so going back more than a quarter century, and hearing him talk with me and AJC colleagues about the 600,000 subjects that he had in Israel. Of course, these were Jews, Israelis of Moroccan descent, who are in the hundreds of thousands. But the sense that these countries really have a common history. Manya Brachear Pashman: Common history, yes. Common goals, too. And not for nothing, a common enemy. The same extremist forces that have been bent on Israel's destruction have not only disrupted Israeli-Arab peace, they've prevented the Palestinian people from thriving in a state of their own and now threaten the security and stability of the entire region. Jason Isaacson:  We are hopeful that in partnership with those in the Arab world who feel the same way about the need to push back against extremism, including the extremism promoted, promulgated, funded, armed by the Islamic Republic of Iran, that we can have enough of a network of supportive players in the Arab world, in the West. Working with Israel and working with Palestinian partners who are interested in the same future. A real future, a politically free future, where we can actually make some progress. And that's an ongoing effort. This is a point that we made consistently over many years: if you want to help the Palestinian people–and we want to help the Palestinian people–but if you, fill in the blank Arab government official, your country wants to help the Palestinian people, you're not helping them by pretending that Israel doesn't exist.  You're not helping them by isolating Israel, by making Israel a pariah in the minds of your people. You will actually have leverage with Israel, and you'll help the Palestinians when they're sitting at a negotiating table across from the Israelis. If you engage Israel, if you have access to the Israeli officials and they have a stake in your being on their side on certain things and working together on certain common issues. Manya Brachear Pashman: Jason says more and more Arab leaders are realizing, with some frustration, that isolating Israel is a losing proposition for all the parties involved. It has not helped the Palestinian people. It has not kept extremism at bay. And it has not helped their own countries and their own citizens prosper. In fact, the limitations that isolating Israel imposes have caused many countries to lag behind the tiny Jewish state. Jason Isaacson: I think there was just this sense of how far back we have fallen, how much ground we have to make up. We need to break out of the old mindset and try something different. But that before the Abraham Accords, they were saying it in the years leading up to the Abraham Accords, with increasing frustration for the failure of Palestinian leadership to seize opportunities that had been held out to them. But frankly, also contributing, I think, to this was this insistence on isolating themselves from a naturally synergistic relationship with a neighboring state right next door that could contribute to the welfare of their societies. It just didn't make a whole lot of sense, and it denied them the ability to move forward. Manya Brachear Pashman: Jason remembers the first time he heard an Arab official utter the words out loud – expressing a willingness, daresay desire, to partner with Israel. Jason Isaacson: It took a long time, but I could see in 2016, 17, 18, 19, this growing awareness, and finally hearing it actually spoken out loud in one particular conference that I remember going to in 2018 in Bahrain, by a senior official from an Arab country. It took a long time for that lesson to penetrate, but it's absolutely the case. Manya Brachear Pashman: In 2019, Bahrain hosted an economic summit where the Trump administration presented its "Peace to Prosperity" plan, a $50 billion investment proposal to create jobs and improve the lives of Palestinians while also promoting regional peace and security. Palestinians rejected the plan outright and refused to attend. Bahrain invited Israeli media to cover the summit. That September, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, AJC presented its inaugural Architect of Peace Award to the Kingdom of Bahrain's chief diplomat for nearly 20 years. Shaikh Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa, Bahrain's Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, told Jason that it was important to learn the lessons of the late Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and late Jordanian King Hussein, both of whom signed peace treaties with Israel. He also explained the reason why Bahrain invited Israeli media.  Shaikh Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa: President Anwar Sadat did it, he broke a huge barrier. He was a man of war, he was the leader of a country that went to war or two with Israel. But then he knew that at the right moment he would want to go straight to Israeli and talk to them. We fulfilled also something that we've always wanted to do, we've discussed it many times: talking to the Israeli public through the Israeli media.  Why not talk to the people? They wake up every day, they have their breakfast watching their own TV channels, they read their own papers, they read their own media, they form their own opinion.    Absolutely nobody should shy away from talking to the media. We are trying to get our point across. In order to convince. How will you do it? There is no language of silence. You'll have to talk and you'll have to remove all those barriers and with that, trust can be built. Manya Brachear Pashman: Jason had spent decades building that trust and the year to come yielded clear results. In May and June 2020, UAE Ambassador to the UN Lana Nusseibeh and UAE Minister of State Dr. Anwar Gargash both participated in AJC webinars to openly discuss cooperation with Israel – a topic once considered taboo.  So when the Abraham Accords were signed a few months later, for Jason and AJC colleagues who had been on this long journey for peace, it was a natural progression. Though no less dramatic.  Sitting with Minister Al Khalifa's successor, Dr. Al Zayani, and the Bahraini ambassador on the evening before the White House ceremony, it was time to drink a toast to a new chapter of history in the region. Jason Isaacson: I don't think that that would have been possible had there not been decades of contacts that had been made by many people. Roving Israeli diplomats and Israeli business people, usually operating, in fact, maybe always operating with passports from other countries, traveling across the region. And frankly, our work and the work of a limited number of other people who were in non-governmental positions. Some journalists, authors, scholars, business people, and we certainly did a great deal of this over decades, would speak with leaders in these countries and influential people who are not government officials. And opening up their minds to the possibility of the advantages that would accrue to their societies by engaging Israel and by better understanding the Jewish people and who we are, what we care about, who we are not.  Because there was, of course, a great deal of decades, I should say, centuries and millennia, of misapprehensions and lies about the Jewish people. So clearing away that baggage was a very important part of the work that we did, and I believe that others did as well. We weren't surprised. We were pleased. We applauded the Trump administration, the President and his team, for making this enormous progress on advancing regional security and peace, prosperity. We are now hoping that we can build on those achievements of 2020 going forward and expanding fully the integration of Israel into its neighborhood. Manya Brachear Pashman: Next episode, we hear how the first Trump administration developed its Middle East policy and take listeners behind the scenes of the high stakes negotiations that yielded the Abraham Accords.  Atara Lakritz is our producer. T.K. Broderick is our sound engineer. Special thanks to Jason Isaacson, Jon Schweitzer, Sean Savage, and the entire AJC team for making this series possible.  You can subscribe to Architects of Peace on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen to podcasts, and you can learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace.  The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC.  You can reach us at podcasts@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to spread the word, and hop onto Apple Podcasts or Spotify to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us. ___ Music Credits: Middle East : ID: 279780040; Composer: Eric Sutherland Middle East Violin: ID: 277189507; Composer: Andy Warner Frontiers: ID: 183925100; Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Beta (BMI); Composer: Pete Checkley (BMI) Middle East Tension: ID: 45925627 Arabic Ambient: ID: 186923328; Publisher: Victor Romanov; Composer: Victor Romanov Arabian Strings: ID: 72249988; Publisher: EITAN EPSTEIN; Composer: EITAN EPSTEIN Inspired Middle East: ID: 241884108; Composer: iCENTURY Middle East Dramatic Intense: ID: 23619101; Publisher: GRS Records; Composer: Satria Petir Mystical Middle East: ID: 212471911; Composer: Vicher    

The Famine of 1932–1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor (CIUS Press, 2018) is a distillation of thirty years of study of the topic by one of Ukraine's leading historians. In this account, Stanislav Kulchytsky ably incorporates a vast array of sources and literature that have become available in the past three decades into a highly readable narrative, explaining the motives, circumstances and course of this terrible crime against humanity. As the author shows, the Holodomor was triggered by the Bolshevik effort to build a communist socioeconomic order in the Soviet Union. For the peasant majority of the population, this meant the forcible collectivization of individual farms, the seizure of livestock and farm implements, and the conversion of independent farmers into agricultural laborers. Excessive requisitioning of grain and other foodstuffs in the collectivization drive led to famine and deaths in grain-producing regions of the USSR by early 1932. In Ukraine, punitive measures authorized by the Kremlin's top leadership greatly worsened the famine in late 1932 and turned it into the Holodomor, which claimed more than three million lives in the first half of 1933. Identifying key events and decisions that produced the Holodomor, Kulchytsky analyzes economic and political factors, including the national dimension in Ukraine. The book begins with the author's address to the reader, presenting his view of the Holodomor as genocide. In addition to the main text, the volume includes a preface, afterword, glossary, list of abbreviations and acronyms, bibliography, and a short essay on the author and his writings. The Famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor was prepared for publication by the Holodomor Research and Education Consortium (HREC) of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Alberta. HREC undertook the translation of Stanislav Kulchytsky's monograph Ukraïns'kyi holodomor v konteksti polityky Kremlia pochatku 1930 rr. as part of its efforts to make available in English seminal works by Ukrainian scholars of the Holodomor. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Al and Kev go through a list of 22 farming games Timings 00:00:00: Theme Tune 00:00:30: Intro 00:02:11: What Have We Been Up To 00:12:37: Game News 00:43:58: New Games 00:48:23: The 22 Best Steam Farming Games of all Time 01:33:28: Outro Links Whimside Herdling Ritual of Raven Abyss: New Dawn Star Birds Len’s Island “1.1” Update Disney Dreamlight Valley “Emotional Rescue” Update Overthrown “Coastal” Update Starsand Island Trailer Harvest Moon: Home Sweet Home Special Edition Infinity Nikki x Stardew Valley We Harvest Shadows Neverway The 22 Best Steam Farming Games of All Time Contact Al on Mastodon: https://mastodon.scot/@TheScotBot Email Us: https://harvestseason.club/contact/ Transcript (0:00:30) Al: Hello farmers and welcome to another episode of the harvest season my name is al. (0:00:36) Kev: My name is Kevin and Al, you drop the ball, you miss the chance. (0:00:41) Kev: The way we should have started this week was, “Why is podcasting so hard?” (0:00:46) Al: Oh, disaster. Maybe we need to start that again. (0:00:49) Kev: Oh dear. (0:00:55) Kev: Yeah, it’s probably harder for Sakurai to make Kirby out. (0:00:59) Al: It’s true, though. But it’s not. It’s not true. It’s not hard. (0:01:06) Kev: AirRiders isn’t a podcast, probably. (0:01:06) Al: Yeah, yeah, that is true. Probably. Yeah, so we are here, as I said. (0:01:08) Kev: Well, that was a great direct. (0:01:16) Al: We’re gonna talk about Cuchco Games. Lots of Cuchco Games, because we have a list to talk about. (0:01:18) Kev: Yeah. (0:01:23) Al: There’s a list. Did I find this list? I found this list, didn’t I? This is a list on cozy game reviews (0:01:26) Kev: Yes, you did. (0:01:31) Al: of the 22 best Steam farming games of all time. Brackets updated for 2025. (0:01:38) Kev: What an apropos subject after last week’s episode. (0:01:44) Al: So we’re going to talk about that. (0:01:46) Al: Next we’re going to go through it and see if we agree because not only has it got them all listed, it says what they’re all best for. They’ve all got a specific thing that the writer thinks that they’re best for. (0:01:56) Kev: Which is a good move, um, well, you know, we’ll get to the list. We’ll get to the list. I like the list content (0:02:00) Al: It gives us something to talk about, so we’ll see how we go. (0:02:08) Al: Before that, we’ve got quite a lot of news. We’ll get into that soon, but first of all, Kevin, what have you been up to? (0:02:14) Kev: Oh, this is I’ve been thinking about this it’s been the hardest part for me to think about this week because I’ve been busy and not (0:02:22) Kev: a lot of the usuals (0:02:26) Kev: Let’s see here at battle can’t Sonic event finish, so I’m still playing but it’s it’s whatever (0:02:32) Kev: Pokemon unite is good (0:02:36) Kev: We had the world championships just last weekend, so we had announcements there (0:02:41) Kev: That was fun. I don’t even remember who it is now, but (0:02:45) Kev: Oh gosh, what is it? Oh, no, I have to look up the list (0:02:48) Kev: I don’t remember but I mean I’ve been playing it’s good the latte both lattes are out now (0:02:54) Kev: They’re pretty fun (0:02:55) Kev: Especially when you can actually play with someone and you can use them both because they so specifically designed to work with each other (0:03:03) Kev: So that’s pretty cool (0:03:07) Kev: But (0:03:08) Kev: Yeah, you know unite still play. It’s wild (0:03:12) Kev: We’re almost at a hundred playable Pokemon in the game (0:03:14) Kev: That’s wild to think (0:03:17) Kev: That’s like what almost 10% of the the techs (0:03:23) Kev: But but yeah, it’s been good. Oh gosh, I cannot (0:03:28) Kev: I don’t remember (0:03:32) Kev: Sorry, I was trying to Google it was stalled for talking but either way I’m playing unite it’s been good (0:03:39) Kev: Let’s see other than that, um, yeah, just a lot of the same as usual stuff. I’ve been playing (0:03:44) Kev: I picked up a new show now that I finished monk (0:03:48) Kev: Have you ever heard of dr. Quinn medicine woman now (0:03:54) Kev: Okay, so it is a show from the 90s it is (0:04:02) Kev: How should I put this frontier (0:04:05) Kev: Style American setting kind of like little house (0:04:06) Al: Okay, yeah. (0:04:09) Kev: But it’s a little more a little less saccharine (0:04:12) Kev: It is the titular character. (0:04:14) Kev: It is a female doctor, Dr. Quinn, which is, you know, given in that timeframe and setting, leads to a very different dynamic, right? (0:04:28) Kev: So yeah, it’s been enjoyable. I think it’s a little more “real” than, say, Little House or some of the other more… (0:04:42) Kev: Uh, I should… (0:04:45) Kev: It doesn’t paint over some of these details, so you know I’ve just been here enjoying a show about a (0:04:52) Kev: Trying to find a home and community (0:04:55) Kev: Despite the backdrop of a society where misogyny (0:05:00) Kev: bigotry racism et cetera are pretty strong, you know, I (0:05:06) Kev: Don’t know if that resonates with anyone, but you know (0:05:08) Al: Not at all, not at all. (0:05:11) Kev: So it’s been good (0:05:13) Kev: It is from the 90’s. (0:05:14) Kev: So it looks a little dated, um, and, and you can still feel the 90’s like hairstyles permeating the show though. (0:05:22) Kev: Um, but, uh, but, uh, but yeah, it’s been fun. (0:05:25) Kev: That’s Dr. (0:05:26) Kev: Quinn, medicine woman. (0:05:27) Kev: Like I said, just something to fill the, the show hole. (0:05:29) Kev: Um, but yeah, that’s, that’s, that’s roughly what I’ve been up to. (0:05:33) Kev: It’s been busy week. (0:05:34) Kev: I made it, I made like a two day, one day gone the next day back work trip this week. (0:05:39) Kev: That was wild. (0:05:40) Al: What have I been up to? (0:05:40) Kev: Um, yeah, so I’m tired. (0:05:42) Kev: What about you? (0:05:45) Al: I’m still playing Donkey Kong Bonanza, so it’s a long game. (0:05:50) Kev: All right (0:05:56) Kev: Yeah, it’s a lot of bananas to find (0:05:58) Al: It is a lot of bananas, yeah, I’ve put like maybe like 10 hours into it or something so (0:06:04) Al: far and I saw that there was a new world record put up today, so I went out to look at it (0:06:10) Al: and what I’ve done in that like 10 hours they did in 50 minutes, like oh goodness me, so (0:06:17) Al: I think I’ve got quite a lot of the game left to go because the world record is over four (0:06:21) Al: hours, so I’m maybe a quarter of the way through but that doesn’t feel right, but I don’t know. (0:06:29) Al: I did say, I think I said true endings, maybe that’s getting all the bananas, so maybe I’ve (0:06:33) Al: got, maybe I’m halfway, I might be about halfway through, we’ll see. (0:06:34) Kev: Hmm (0:06:37) Kev: Hmm have you done that art mode at all the the sculpting mode or whatever? (0:06:41) Al: I have not, no, I’ve not. (0:06:43) Kev: Okay, I’ve seen people do some crazy nonsense in them. That’s pretty cool (0:06:46) Al: Yeah, yeah, yeah, so yeah, I’m enjoying that, we’ll see how long that takes me, but this (0:06:57) Al: week I’ll probably be starting Story of Seasons Grand Bazaar, so who knows, how bizarre, so (0:07:02) Kev: How bizarre, how bizarre. (0:07:06) Al: I guess we’ll see a mate put down Donkey Kong for a bit. (0:07:10) Al: I think that’s pretty much it gaming wise. (0:07:17) Al: I’ve been catching up on a bunch of shows that I missed when I was on holiday, so I’ve (0:07:22) Al: just finished Sandman and it was good. (0:07:25) Kev: Oh, how was it? (0:07:28) Kev: Was it just weird? (0:07:30) Al: It was good if you can ignore the fact that it’s no gaming, then it’s good. (0:07:30) Kev: Okay. (0:07:34) Kev: Well, I feel like, you know, I feel like, in this day and age, (0:07:40) Kev: people get pretty good at that, if you just ignore the, you know, monster at the top. (0:07:42) Al: Well, yeah. Mm. So, yeah, no, that was good. And I think I’m going to watch Wednesday this (0:07:56) Al: week. So, yeah. (0:07:58) Kev: Oh, yeah, that’s all right. Okay. You know what you I assume you watch season one (0:08:05) Kev: Did you watch any Adams family prior to Wednesday (0:08:10) Kev: Okay, cuz I’m cuz I I’m a big fan of the animals family. Um, so I’m I had not watched Wednesday. So I’m curious how (0:08:17) Kev: That you know how it compares to the other relations, but alright (0:08:22) Kev: I’ll be curious to hear your thoughts. Anyways (0:08:26) Al: Yeah, I think that’s about it for me. (0:08:29) Al: Oh, no, I started on. (0:08:30) Al: So I’ve been watching through my mentions a couple of times. (0:08:33) Al: I’ve been watching through all the James Bond films. (0:08:35) Al: So I’m now on the Daniel Craig films. (0:08:37) Al: So on the home stretch nearly there. (0:08:40) Kev: Okay, okay, how is there any overall trends like they’re (0:08:44) Al: Hmm. So I don’t think there is like an upward or downward (0:08:46) Kev: Like better worse (0:08:51) Al: trend. They have like a good one followed by multiple terrible (0:08:53) Kev: Mm-hmm (0:08:55) Al: ones. I will say that one thing I’ve noticed watching them all (0:08:57) Kev: Yeah (0:09:01) Al: like we started in November. So we watched them all in the last (0:09:02) Kev: Yeah, yeah (0:09:05) Al: nine months basically. One thing I’ve noticed is that they’re (0:09:06) Kev: Yeah (0:09:08) Al: all basically the same film. (0:09:10) Kev: Yeah (0:09:13) Kev: Now we’re talking oh (0:09:14) Al: So I mean, if you like that, then that’s good. I did get to the (0:09:17) Kev: Yeah, yeah, I mean (0:09:21) Al: point where we hit the, what’s his name? I’m so bad with the (0:09:29) Al: actor’s name sometimes. The Piers Brosnan ones. So we hit (0:09:32) Kev: » Yeah. (0:09:33) Al: 95 with GoldenEye. And I was like, oh, fantastic. We’re (0:09:34) Kev: » Yeah. (0:09:36) Al: finally, we’re finally getting out of the, you know, maybe we’ll (0:09:39) Al: get some bad baddie other than the USSR. And then I’m pretty (0:09:43) Kev: Yeah, yeah they do. (0:09:43) Al: pretty sure they go back in time. (0:09:44) Al: to make the USSR the baddie again. (0:09:49) Al: And then in the end, I would just watch Casino Royale and there’s a little bit (0:09:53) Al: where, where M goes, Oh, I wish we were, I wish we were back in the cold war. (0:09:57) Kev: Yeah, yeah, man, that’s that’s good stuff. Obviously, you and I is Nintendo, Pokemon, MCU fans, we can we can handle a whole lot of the same thing done over and over. But that’s that’s that’s fascinating. (0:09:59) Al: They really do miss that easy baddie. (0:10:05) Al: So yeah. (0:10:18) Al: - Yeah. (0:10:22) Al: I guess it’s different when you’re seeing the same thing (0:10:24) Al: every three years rather than every week. (0:10:27) Kev: Yeah, you know, that’s a good point. That’s a good point. But still, I mean, hey, you’re still trucking, you didn’t cause you to, to give up or die. So it’s because there’s at least something there. (0:10:38) Al: Yeah. Yeah, nearly there, nearly there, definitely. I’ve watched all the Daniel Craig ones as (0:10:44) Al: well, so I can’t officially say that I’ve watched every James Bond film. I just haven’t (0:10:48) Kev: Yeah (0:10:50) Al: watched these ones in a while, so. And Rona hasn’t seen the newest one, so. (0:10:51) Kev: Right, right (0:10:54) Kev: Okay, there you go. Hey congrats (0:10:57) Kev: Good stuff. Oh, I found the unite Pokemon. It’s sorry (0:11:04) Kev: Okay (0:11:05) Kev: We are getting Empoleon which sure starters always a safe choice. We are getting Vaporeon (0:11:13) Kev: Which means that the only Eevee evolutions we didn’t have were the original three. So we (0:11:18) Kev: Are now getting them that’s now confirming two other ones down the line (0:11:23) Kev: But most interestingly we are getting Delmise the (0:11:29) Kev: Living seaweed on an anchor. I’m excited about that. I like the freak pics. Delmise is a good freak pic (0:11:38) Al: Fun. Yeah. I look forward to seeing how Dalmay’s, you know, moves. (0:11:39) Kev: Yeah (0:11:43) Kev: Yeah, I’m just gonna flow it’s all just gonna flow (0:11:49) Kev: But yeah, oh well drags it drags itself (0:11:50) Al: You never know, should be something more interesting. (0:11:54) Al: Yeah, you just hear this scraping sound. (0:12:00) Kev: Oh, that’d be incredible. Oh my gosh (0:12:02) Al: Especially, I presume there’s no in-game chat, like audio chat in Unite. (0:12:08) Kev: Yeah, there is. There is a voice, yeah. (0:12:10) Al: Well there is, does it have, has it got, what’s it called, where you’re like, (0:12:15) Al: it changes depending on how close to the character you are. (0:12:18) Kev: Oh, proximity? No, it does not have proximity as far as I know. (0:12:19) Al: » Yeah. (0:12:20) Al: » That’d be brilliant. (0:12:21) Al: So if you could hear, like, the scraping come closer to you, that’d be brilliant. (0:12:22) Kev: The scraping. (0:12:28) Al: Feels like it’s something out of a horror film. (0:12:31) Kev: That’s incredible. Oh, I love dumb eyes. Oh, that’d be great. (0:12:38) Al: All right, should we get into some news? (0:12:41) Kev: Oh, you mean a lot of news. So much news. (0:12:43) Al: So, yeah, we have some games that have released (0:12:49) Al: that I completely missed when I was doing my catch-up (0:12:52) Al: of all the news in the break. (0:12:57) Al: So we’re just gonna quickly go through those. (0:12:59) Al: First up, we have Whimside, Whimside or Whimside. (0:13:03) Al: I don’t know how they want it to be said, (0:13:04) Al: but it’s one of those. (0:13:04) Kev: Yeah (0:13:06) Al: So that is out now. (0:13:08) Al: So a hoo to windside. (0:13:08) Kev: That’s (0:13:10) Kev: That’s the desk that’s your rusty like Pokemon collector (0:13:16) Al: Correct, yes. (0:13:17) Al: It’s a creature collector, the game that sits at the bottom of your screen, and fits easily (0:13:18) Kev: Which (0:13:22) Al: into your routine. (0:13:23) Kev: It looks kind of in-depth I don’t want to use it as a you know thing on the side (0:13:28) Kev: But I am kind of interested to just play get (0:13:32) Al: Yeah. It has 194 reviews so far, very positive 85%. So that’s good. (0:13:39) Kev: some look some of those were also just pokemon there was just a squirtle in in that trailer (0:13:46) Al: Well Squirtle is just a blue turtle, so come on. Next we have Herdling, they are also out now, (0:13:49) Kev: it is you’re not wrong yeah that’s true (0:13:56) Al: came out on the 21st of August, that one wasn’t one that I missed because it’s only just out. (0:13:56) Kev: they nope that just came out that’s (0:14:01) Al: So that is the you’re gathering a herd of mysterious creatures on a stirring and beautiful (0:14:07) Al: journey into the mountains. And this is published by Panic, they’re… (0:14:08) Kev: It’s Journey, the game Journey, but cows. (0:14:16) Al: the Untitled Goose Game people and also the… (0:14:22) Kev: Wow, that looks nothing like a criminal ghost game. A publisher? Okay, okay. (0:14:25) Al: No, well they’re just the publisher, they didn’t they didn’t write the game, but they’ve (0:14:33) Al: Panic are also the they’ve turned into a publisher as well. But they’re also the, and I’m just trying (0:14:41) Al: to remember the name of it. Nope, nope. (0:14:42) Kev: one game give me a hint is it stray oh oh my goodness wow these guys are heroes (0:14:47) Al: In our game the Playdate, the console, they also did the console. (0:14:54) Kev: hurdling exclusive to the play date or with the tool exclusive to the play date where you use the (0:15:00) Kev: crank to herd the cows uh oh okay yeah so these guys are (0:15:01) Al: Oh, they did fire watch as well. (0:15:12) Kev: gonna publish weird things that’s cool good for them i’m actually more interested in hurdling now (0:15:20) Kev: now that I have this I mean not that the publisher just the developer or whatever you know but uh (0:15:22) Al: Yeah, I (0:15:26) Al: Yeah, but I mean a publisher tells you something especially when they’ve only published like 10 games or something so (0:15:32) Al: It’s not like they’re throwing them out there. They’re taking anything that comes (0:15:36) Al: unlike some other games publishers (0:15:38) Kev: But (0:15:39) Al: But yeah, I mean it looks much more kind of fire watchy than it does anything else in terms of it’s because obviously fire watch is (0:15:44) Kev: Yeah (0:15:46) Al: much more (0:15:47) Al: straight and serious and (0:15:49) Kev: Yeah (0:15:50) Al: and they look. (0:15:52) Al: kind of meditative, almost. (0:15:53) Kev: Yeah (0:15:55) Kev: Yeah, it’s not yeah, that’s a good way of describing it right very Zen sort of thing (0:16:00) Kev: Just walking with some cows up a mountain (0:16:00) Al: Hmm. Big haticos. (0:16:05) Kev: The character even wears red like the journey (0:16:08) Kev: Character with the scar. It’s fine. Journey is a good game (0:16:14) Al: Next we have a ritual of Raven, which is also out now. (0:16:20) Al: So this is an isometric, story-based farming game. (0:16:26) Kev: cards, lots of cards, everywhere. I don’t understand the mechanics. Do you farm (0:16:34) Kev: with cards? It kind of looked like that. (0:16:38) Al: Yeah, I think so. I think you use the cards to create spells because you’re awake (0:16:43) Kev: okay right let’s see enchant constructs to help grow herbs and ingredients to help you complete (0:16:49) Kev: your book of shadows using the mystical deck of cards you’ll be able to enchant constructs to (0:16:54) Kev: plows plow sow seeds water and harvest them for you collect all 22 constructs and create thriving (0:17:01) Kev: herb garden um so yeah looks like you do use the cards to make stuff to farm that’s kind of (0:17:08) Al: Yeah. Yup, so that’s out now. Next, we have Abyss New Dawn. This is out in early access now. (0:17:17) Al: I think they had a delay. Are these the ones that delayed the game? They were meant to come (0:17:24) Al: out and then they were like, “Oh no, we’ve got an issue.” There we go. This is the one. Abyss (0:17:26) Kev: Did I lose the button, too? (0:17:31) Al: New Dawn release may be delayed by a few days. During Steam’s review process, our latest build (0:17:36) Al: was rejected due to a technical issue of three achievements. (0:17:38) Al: We’ve already fixed or submitted the build for approval. Steam usually takes three to (0:17:43) Al: five days for the review, so the release date may be delayed until August 25th. It was not. (0:17:48) Al: It ended up releasing Friday 22nd, so I don’t think it was delayed at all, but they thought it might be. (0:17:49) Kev: Yeah, um, so this, first of all, I hate. (0:18:02) Al: Oh yes, this is a warm village above a deadly abyss below. Will you farm in peace or dive in? (0:18:10) Kev: Okay, so first of all, I hate that name, like good heavens what an awful name, just like, it’s just so generic, it doesn’t tell you anything, um… (0:18:14) Al: Yes, also it feels like it’s the second in a series. This is the sequel to Abyss. It’s (0:18:24) Al: Abyss New Dawn. But I don’t think that’s the case. It is not the case. (0:18:25) Kev: yeah yeah okay this is gonna sound kind of weird this this game doesn’t look (0:18:34) Kev: like it was AI generated but it looks like the concept was generated concept (0:18:40) Kev: because it feels like it has so much going on like all these hallmarks you’ve (0:18:44) Kev: got Animal Crossing as characters you got farming you got fishing (0:18:49) Kev: customization and then the abyss the abyss is actually just dinosaurs it’s (0:18:54) Kev: It’s just a dinosaur world. (0:18:55) Kev: I don’t know. It looks well made. It’s a tough market out here. (0:19:04) Kev: That’s all. (0:19:04) Al: Yeah, I’m not seeing anything make me want to play this. (0:19:06) Kev: No, as much as I love dinosaurs, I’d rather play paleopine. (0:19:13) Kev: I would, I’m not trying to entertain them. (0:19:16) Al: Yeah, do you want to fight dinosaurs or do you want to tame them? That’s the question. (0:19:21) Kev: Also, so they have the Animal Crossing decorate your house because, of course. (0:19:25) Kev: The one question I don’t see, and I think this is a big problem a lot of games have, (0:19:30) Kev: can you actually use the furniture? Can you sit in the couch or lying in the bed? (0:19:36) Kev: Because that kills me when you can’t, and a lot of games do it. But anyways, yeah. (0:19:43) Kev: Bismuthon, that’s early access. I probably won’t play it. Bite Slime, that’s in the video. (0:19:55) Kev: Not fight slimes or anything, just fight slime singular. Or the general concept of slime, I guess. (0:20:05) Al: Yeah, yeah, I don’t I’m not excited to to play this let’s put it that way (0:20:11) Kev: I’m not either (0:20:14) Al: All right moving on to something I am excited to play (0:20:17) Kev: Okay, okay, I tried (0:20:18) Al: Starbirds (0:20:20) Kev: Okay, let’s see here. So I tried looking at this. Oh, yeah. Yeah. Remember this one now. Yeah. Yeah (0:20:21) Al: Starbirds (0:20:24) Al: So so starbirds have announced that the their early access is releasing on the 4th of September. So just to (0:20:33) Al: So, remind people. (0:20:35) Al: This is the game made by the people who did Dorph Romantic, and it is based on the YouTube channel Kurtzkazat in a nutshell. (0:20:49) Al: They do science-based videos, very interesting videos, all very meticulously researched and stuff. (0:20:56) Al: And this is in their art style, and it is an asteroid-based building and resource management game. (0:21:03) Kev: yeah that yeah it’s it’s um it’s a lot those are a lot of words but the good the game the game looks (0:21:08) Al: You know Dorph Romantic, right? You know the game. You don’t know Dorph romantic. You would (0:21:10) Kev: good I don’t want to like I don’t actually no no hold on (0:21:16) Al: you definitely recognize it if you clicked on it. Click through to the developer on Steam (0:21:20) Al: and click on Dorph romantic. It’s a really record. It’s kind of it’s got the like tiles (0:21:25) Al: like the hexagon tiles and it’s it’s like a building puzzle game. Yeah, it’s pretty (0:21:31) Kev: That is that is just settlers of Katon the game (0:21:37) Al: it, it, it, it pretty much. (0:21:38) Al: Um, but it’s single player, I think, um, it’s got 15,000 overwhelmingly positive reviews. (0:21:40) Kev: Sure sure (0:21:46) Al: It’s a very big game, they’re romantic. (0:21:47) Kev: Oh, I’m sure okay, is it good to have you played it? (0:21:53) Al: I haven’t played it, but I mean, there’s overwhelmingly positive on the Rivens team. (0:21:58) Kev: That’s true well (0:21:59) Al: So like people like it. (0:22:01) Kev: I guess so that’s true (0:22:02) Al: It’s not, I’m not, I’m not the biggest management game guy. (0:22:06) Kev: Yeah, that is true (0:22:08) Kev: So I’m also okay for starboard. So it is very heavy on the management. You have networks of cables and roads and flow (0:22:16) Kev: But I think the art style is very charming (0:22:19) Kev: very cartoony (0:22:20) Al: What I like about it as well is it’s very small scale. (0:22:24) Al: So I think one of my issues with management games is, (0:22:27) Al: here’s an infinite canvas, make something. (0:22:31) Kev: Yeah. Mine it. (0:22:31) Al: And you’re like, but maybe I don’t want to. (0:22:33) Al: And what this does is it goes, here’s a mini asteroid. (0:22:36) Al: Mine it. (0:22:37) Al: And then those all connect together eventually. (0:22:40) Al: And so it does create this bigger thing, (0:22:41) Al: but it’s like much smaller scale at the start. (0:22:44) Kev: Very piecewise. Yeah. Yeah, I see what you’re saying. Yeah, I think that’s cool too. Very (0:22:44) Al: I like, yeah. (0:22:51) Kev: Like discrete as in with the E at the end (0:22:56) Kev: Discrete units of (0:22:59) Kev: Resource management and then you connect them all together for a bigger network. I like it. That’s a fun idea (0:23:06) Kev: Also your birds I (0:23:08) Kev: Like I like to parrot a toucan. I don’t know what bird that is. Looks like it has a toucan beak but parrot (0:23:14) Kev: So I’m not sure I like that bird (0:23:16) Al: Alrighty, so that yeah, that’s 4th of September that comes out, Starbirds. (0:23:21) Kev: That’s sooner than it should be. Oh, where did all this go? Jeez (0:23:28) Al: Yeah, that’s two weeks away, less than two weeks away. (0:23:30) Al: That’s a week and a half away. (0:23:30) Al: That’ll be a week away when this game episode comes out. (0:23:32) Al: Alrighty, next we have Lens Island. (0:23:36) Al: They’ve released their 1.1 update. (0:23:38) Al: That is out now. (0:23:40) Al: That includes, it is the community feedback update. (0:23:42) Al: update. It brings a bunch of changes such as free (0:23:46) Al: camera orbiting. Okay, junk loading settings and performance (0:23:51) Al: boost, you can change how far away you can see things, which (0:23:54) Al: is really cool. If you’ve got like, a really good computer, (0:23:57) Al: you can see islands miles away in the distance. I really like (0:24:00) Al: that because yeah, that’s really nice. Increased performance of (0:24:05) Al: spending farms always good. A sorting button for storage items (0:24:09) Al: should have been there in 1.0. Edit constructions with new move (0:24:13) Al: button. The move button should have been 1.0. When Earth was (0:24:16) Al: this was one of the things I complained about in the in my (0:24:16) Kev: Yup. (0:24:18) Al: review of it. Why on earth? Why on earth did I have to delete (0:24:20) Kev: Yup. (0:24:21) Al: something and recreate it? So silly. You did at least when you (0:24:22) Kev: Yup. (0:24:25) Al: recycled something, you got all the materials back. So you (0:24:26) Kev: Right, right, right. (0:24:27) Al: didn’t waste anything. But it’s just still such an annoying (0:24:30) Kev: Yeah, I agree. Like, I feel like almost every game that has you, you know, building constructs or buildings or whatever should have this feature. (0:24:38) Kev: And a lot of them don’t. A lot of, I don’t know why. (0:24:42) Al: Yeah, another thing that should have been in there is the crop status UI, so if you hover over a crop, you can see whether it’s ready to harvest or not, which is good. (0:24:52) Kev: That seems important. (0:24:53) Al: Yeah, yeah, I found it later on. So after the podcast, I read that I found out that you can craft a scythe, and if you use the site that only gets rid of things that are harvestable, but before that, you just have to guess. (0:25:05) Kev: Oh, that’s good. That’s good. Good good (0:25:12) Al: So you can create a new companion, the black bear, so you can get an animal black bear companion. (0:25:18) Kev: Now this I like just because I like bears in general good good for you. He added a bear (0:25:24) Al: Yeah, yeah, I think I’m probably gonna stick with my dog. I like my dog, but (0:25:26) Kev: Can you pet the bear? (0:25:30) Kev: Yeah (0:25:31) Al: There’s tempting (0:25:35) Kev: I’m tempted. I don’t play this game. But if I did I’d get a bear (0:25:39) Al: Haha, I (0:25:42) Al: Haven’t played it for a few weeks (0:25:43) Al: But I will hopefully get back into it at some point the problem is this is the one that I have to play on my (0:25:48) Al: computer with my mouse and keyboard, so you know and (0:25:53) Al: Next we have Disney Dream. (0:25:54) Al: I’m just going to say a new episode. (0:25:56) Kev: What property is it today or this time? (0:26:01) Al: This is the emotional rescue update. (0:26:04) Al: Let’s see. (0:26:06) Al: Joy and sadness. (0:26:08) Al: You’ve got, so there we go. (0:26:10) Al: We’ve got inside out, that’s what it’s called. (0:26:11) Kev: Inside out as in joy and sadness TM, but the capital letters (0:26:19) Kev: That (0:26:21) Kev: How should I put this like this is a (0:26:25) Kev: complete nonsensical like (0:26:28) Kev: There’s no logic in this world because it’s just whatever cartoons (0:26:33) Kev: but it (0:26:34) Kev: But despite that, I don’t know it feels weird that you can hang out with you know (0:26:40) Kev: and psychological constructs. (0:26:41) Kev: You win. You know, the rest of the guys are actual lions or dogs or people. (0:26:48) Kev: But, whatever. I liked Inside Out. I didn’t see Inside Out, too. (0:26:53) Kev: Inside Out, first one, was a good movie. (0:26:55) Al: I enjoy, I think Inside Out 2 was just as good if not better than Inside Out 1. (0:27:00) Kev: Ooh! Ooh! That’s interesting. I’ll have to check that out. (0:27:03) Al: It’s very good. I think that so many sequels, I understand why people get frustrated with them, (0:27:09) Al: but I think Inside Out was not, I mean, whether it was a cash grab or not, I don’t care, right? (0:27:15) Al: Like it doesn’t feel like a cash grab, it feels like a continuation of the story in good and better (0:27:15) Kev: Yeah (0:27:20) Kev: Sure, I mean (0:27:22) Al: ways, right? Like it’s, it takes the concept. (0:27:23) Kev: Yeah (0:27:25) Al: And it goes further with it in a way that can completely break you. (0:27:27) Kev: Yeah (0:27:30) Kev: Sure sure, I mean, yeah, okay, it’s not (0:27:34) Kev: It’s difficult but being a cash grab and being an excellent sequel are not mutually exclusive (0:27:40) Al: Exactly. (0:27:41) Kev: Um, just very, very rare, but, but it is, it, it’s theoretically. (0:27:45) Kev: Possible. So sure. Um, okay. I, I have one question from the sequel. (0:27:50) Kev: Okay. So you remember in the first movie, you, sometimes you see the, (0:27:55) Kev: the minds of other people, the parents or whatever, (0:27:57) Kev: and they have the five emotions. (0:27:58) Al: Yes. No. Explain why they weren’t there with the main character who I can’t remember the (0:27:59) Kev: Do they explain why all these other emotions weren’t there? No. (0:28:05) Kev: Darn it. Darn it. (0:28:11) Al: name of, but not why the new ones wouldn’t be in Riley, that’s the name, yeah, but why (0:28:13) Kev: Riley. (0:28:16) Kev: Yeah. Darn it. That’s fine. That’s fine. Yeah. I mean, I mean, I mean, (0:28:16) Al: they wouldn’t be in the other ones. No, they don’t explain that. No, they do explain why (0:28:21) Kev: it makes sense that you get new emotions as you get older. (0:28:23) Al: why they’re not in Riley. (0:28:25) Kev: You get, you know, more nuanced. It’s totally makes sense. (0:28:28) Al: Yeah, the metaphors are both fun and painful. (0:28:35) Kev: Now you say, is it painful? Cause it’s too real. (0:28:38) Kev: Is that what it is? Oh, yeah. (0:28:42) Kev: Oh, yeah. (0:28:42) Al: a little bit yeah you’re a big anxiety boy aren’t you yeah yeah then then then yeah (0:28:45) Kev: Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, I know, yeah. (0:28:52) Al: watch it but but watch it on an emotionally stable day (0:28:52) Kev: Oh, oh, so it can be so that was so the rest of your day can be emotionally unstable. (0:28:58) Al: or you know semi-emotionally stable (0:29:08) Al: no I think I think it’s one of those ones where it will break you but in a healing way (0:29:12) Kev: Sure, sure. (0:29:13) Al: you know like therapy you know you go into therapy and sometimes you come out crying (0:29:14) Kev: Yeah, no, I get that. (0:29:16) Kev: Yeah, yeah, yeah. (0:29:18) Al: but also you feel better in some ways as well it’s kind of like that (0:29:22) Kev: Yeah, I get that. (0:29:22) Kev: Yeah, no, I know what you mean. (0:29:24) Kev: I mean, like, like the first one, the shocker. (0:29:26) Al: not that watching watching films obviously important to note watching films is not a (0:29:30) Al: suitable alternative to therapy do therapy please and thank you (0:29:34) Kev: Yeah, that’s that’s a good thing to do that (0:29:36) Al: if you can if you can afford it if you can’t talk to your friends (0:29:38) Kev: You go go or (0:29:42) Kev: Okay, yeah, here’s my my PSA helpful hint for the day (0:29:46) Kev: I always always recommend because therapy can be very expensive, right? (0:29:52) Kev: Especially on the states where we have to deal with you know medical insurance and yada yada (0:29:57) Kev: If you find that to be a challenge go seek out your nearest University (0:30:02) Kev: They may have a clinic with students. (0:30:04) Kev: They may have a clinic with students in training to be full psychologist/counsellors, which is usually generally affordable. (0:30:06) Al: Hmm. (0:30:10) Kev: Or they can make it affordable. (0:30:13) Kev: And it’s pretty okay because they still are supervised by actual, you know, fully certified therapists and whatnot. (0:30:20) Kev: So, yeah, go look at your local university. (0:30:24) Kev: Anyway, so that’s Disney Dreamlight Valley! (0:30:30) Al: - Yes, that’s Disney Dreamland Valley, go to therapy. (0:30:37) Al: Next, we have Overthrown, (0:30:39) Al: they have released a coastal update. (0:30:42) Kev: Okay. (0:30:42) Al: So that includes some coastal related things. (0:30:45) Kev: Okay, so I saw that and my first question was what is overthrown? I did not remember this game at all. (0:30:50) Al: This is the one where you can like pick up the sawmill (0:30:54) Al: and throw it at trees and it’ll turn the trees (0:30:56) Al: into planks of wood, stuff like that. (0:30:58) Kev: Yeah, which is (0:30:59) Al: It’s like the. (0:31:02) Kev: The very it’s very cool concept to be honest I saw it (0:31:07) Al: and you can also in their ritual run. (0:31:08) Kev: Yeah, you are not running across water and everything (0:31:13) Kev: And it’s multiple. It’s it’s chaotic and and boy that that main character (0:31:18) Kev: They’re the default design or whatever that is a breath of the wild outfit. That is blue link blue (0:31:24) Al: Yeah, fair. (0:31:27) Kev: But but it’s fine (0:31:28) Kev: What a wild goofy game (0:31:30) Kev: What a novel idea to pick up the sawmill and chop down the whole forest by running with it (0:31:37) Kev: We’re throwing buildings at the invaders that’s good stuff. I like that. That’s fun (0:31:43) Kev: Coastal I like coastal stuff you can throw pirate ship now (0:31:46) Al: All right, next we have Starsand Island have released a trailer for the game. (0:31:54) Al: Have you watched it yet, Kevin? (0:31:56) Kev: let me see which one is this no this is not the hold on there’s a lot of games (0:32:03) Kev: trying to merge one this isn’t the allegory allegory game (0:32:08) Kev: yeah no we’ll get to that later oh gosh I missed this one I was going through (0:32:15) Kev: the doc and it’s this one actually let me see here live reaction okay those are (0:32:20) Kev: pretty graphics hate the name of course goes without saying oh that’s anime that (0:32:25) Kev: That is some anime. (0:32:27) Kev: Uhm, okay, a lot of customization, farming, cat, ooh, is that an arcade? Actual arcade? (0:32:34) Kev: Why is it always snake? They always be, “Oh, you’re right, on a deer there’s some pandas, and a bamboo raft, so we can go build your aquarium.” (0:32:45) Kev: Oh, I kind of remember, yeah, I remember this, build the house, 3D spirit favor house, yeah, yeah, yeah, water slide into the ocean. (0:32:53) Kev: There’s a lot of stuff. (0:32:56) Kev: Yeah, build your 3D Animal Crossing Spiritfare pool party house. (0:33:03) Kev: Okay, that’s… (0:33:05) Al: I feel like this game is either going to be another Stardew Valley like a big really popular (0:33:12) Al: really good farming game or it’s Sugardew Island again and I can’t tell which like I (0:33:14) Kev: Yeah, there is a metal ground, you don’t think so? I kind of, I mean, I mean, you have reason (0:33:19) Al: don’t think there’s going to be a middle here I don’t know for this game like there are (0:33:25) Al: many games in the middle ground I don’t think this one can be in the middle ground it’s (0:33:29) Al: one or the other like it might be that this game is entirely fake I’m still not convinced (0:33:37) Kev: to believe that there’s a guy playing guitar with ostriches and sheep, there’s backup dancers. (0:33:43) Kev: That’s… (0:33:46) Kev: I like that. I don’t know if it’s real. (0:33:48) Al: you can get a boat with a water slide (0:33:48) Kev: But… (0:33:50) Kev: Into the ocean. (0:33:53) Al: for some reason. I’m so confused about the boat. Where’s the boat? (0:33:54) Kev: Yeah. (0:33:59) Al: Like, am I riding the boat somewhere? Because I can customize the boat, (0:34:03) Kev: Yeah, it makes you think like it’s your main base, but they show you a room. Yeah, you (0:34:03) Al: right? But it’s not. You’ve got a farm. (0:34:10) Al: So what is this? Why is this boat? Is it from traveling places or is it just a (0:34:13) Al: second home? Why was I going down the slide in (0:34:15) Kev: Probably (0:34:17) Al: might feel soon. (0:34:19) Al: So many questions. (0:34:20) Kev: There’s a lot of questions what why are you writing a legendary Pokemon not the ostrich the deer one (0:34:26) Al: And an ostrich. (0:34:29) Al: Yeah, I know I saw the deal, but the ostrich definitely looks (0:34:32) Al: fine. I would ride an ostrich. That sounds fun. (0:34:33) Kev: I (0:34:34) Al: Also, there’s a baby chick on the ostriches head for some reason. (0:34:37) Kev: It does something, you know us oh, yeah, there are there is chick. Oh, I think you customize the ostrich (0:34:44) Kev: I see one the flower too. I don’t know (0:34:46) Al: There’s a snake minigame where instead of a snake, you’re a capybara. (0:34:50) Kev: Which is I don’t like that concept I (0:34:54) Kev: Don’t like yeah, no or rather the the cap of the air gets longer. No, I don’t get that (0:34:54) Al: Of a long capybara. (0:35:03) Al: Oh, you’re fine with a long capybara just as long as it stays the same length. (0:35:04) Kev: You (0:35:06) Kev: Yes, I don’t I don’t like yes, it’s the increase here that’s making me uncomfortable but (0:35:06) Al: Is that what you’re saying? (0:35:13) Kev: Yeah, yeah (0:35:15) Kev: It’s a wild game. I (0:35:18) Kev: Don’t know (0:35:20) Kev: it looks real enough, but (0:35:24) Kev: You can put a carousel in the middle of your boat (0:35:28) Kev: It’s wild. I (0:35:30) Kev: I don’t know what what is the point of all I like. (0:35:33) Kev: What is the impetus here? Why do you write ostriches? I don’t get it. (0:35:37) Al: You get round fast, obviously. Come on. (0:35:39) Kev: Yeah, you know, apparently writing ostriches is incredibly dangerous in real life. (0:35:45) Al: Well yeah, obviously. They’re terrifying birds. (0:35:46) Kev: Yeah, yeah, but like, yeah, they are. (0:35:52) Kev: I like them, though. Anyways, I mean, it it has caught my attention (0:35:57) Kev: just because it’s it’s I don’t know what to make of it. (0:36:03) Kev: It hasn’t it hasn’t put me off. (0:36:06) Kev: So good for you, Star Santa, even with the name, you’ve you’ve caught my attention (0:36:11) Kev: to a degree, Star Santa Island. (0:36:13) Al: I also worry that there might just be too much in this game, that’s always a problem (0:36:17) Al: with these games. (0:36:18) Kev: You know, it feels like that’s kind of a recurring theme these days. (0:36:23) Kev: Like they’re just do stardew, but bigger or add more and bloat and bloat and oh, (0:36:34) Al: Well, we’ll see. We will keep you posted on this game. (0:36:38) Kev: We’re obligated to. (0:36:42) Al: Next, we have Harvest Moon Home Sweet Home Special Edition. (0:36:47) Al: So this is the console version of this game for Switch and PS5. (0:36:53) Al: We now have a price. It is $40 and it’s up for pre-order now coming out Q4. (0:37:00) Kev: It’s… we all know what it is. It’s the harvest moon. The Natsume… (0:37:10) Kev: Well, I’m not gonna get it, I’ll be honest. (0:37:13) Al: That’s fair. I will say, I still think this is actively a good game. My big question is, (0:37:22) Al: is there going to be an update coming to the mobile version that gives us the stuff that (0:37:26) Kev: Hmm (0:37:28) Al: this version has, like the hover bike and stuff like that? (0:37:31) Kev: I I wouldn’t rule it out. Not something has been surprising us lately. So maybe actually it’s more than 0% chance (0:37:34) Al: Yep, I never expected an update for this game. (0:37:43) Al: On the console to give us controller support, for example, never expected that and we got (0:37:48) Al: it. So maybe, maybe, but it’s weird that they’ve not done anything about it, like told us anything (0:37:55) Al: about it yet. (0:37:58) Kev: Well, it’s better than scong than in the communication. (0:38:02) Al: Next we have in what is both surprising and not surprising crossovers, like was this on (0:38:09) Kev: I (0:38:12) Al: your bingo guard of crossovers? (0:38:13) Kev: Well, no because (0:38:14) Al: No, but if you said, if you told me this was going to happen, I would say, okay, sure, (0:38:19) Al: I can see that. (0:38:21) Al: And that is Infinity Nicki cross Stardew Valley. (0:38:21) Kev: I. Okay, so to begin with, I was not familiar with Infinity Nicky. So that was my first (0:38:31) Kev: response. What is Infinity Nicky? I watched a I watched the trailer. I watched a gameplay (0:38:32) Al: This is the dressing up game, isn’t it? (0:38:39) Kev: trailer. I still don’t understand what this game is. Yeah, but it’s also gotcha. (0:38:42) Al: I’m pretty sure this is the, uh, yes, it’s the dress up game. (0:38:47) Al: So the whole point it’s, yes, it’s a gacha great dressing up game. (0:38:51) Al: So the collaboration is in Infinity Nikki. (0:38:54) Kev: very anime. Yeah. (0:38:57) Al: It’s not in Stardew Valley. (0:38:59) Al: Um, but I don’t think we know for certain, I’ve not, I didn’t notice (0:39:03) Al: anything in the trailer that gave us an indication as to what it was, but (0:39:05) Al: I’m guessing it’s Stardew inspired outfits in Infinity. (0:39:10) Kev: I thought that 3D… still pixelated, but 3D Junimo was in the game. (0:39:17) Al: Yeah, I think that’s just, this is the trailer. I don’t think that actually is going to… (0:39:20) Kev: Are you sure? Mmm… (0:39:23) Kev: I don’t know. I kind of feel like it is. It felt very… (0:39:26) Kev: That was a very detailed model for just a trailer, in my opinion. (0:39:31) Kev: There’s creatures for, to some extent, in this game. I don’t know what they do. (0:39:36) Kev: But… yeah, I don’t know. (0:39:40) Kev: But regardless, like… (0:39:44) Kev: It’s… (0:39:45) Kev: First of all, it’s… (0:39:47) Kev: It’s so many other Stardew crossovers. (0:39:49) Kev: Like, it’s, you know, 2D pixelated, indie developer, whatever, right? (0:39:54) Kev: Like, it’s kind of on the same realm as Stardew. (0:39:58) Kev: Uh, Infinity Nicky is a very high-fidelity, 3D anime, mohoyo-looking game. (0:40:09) Kev: And so it’s wild to see. (0:40:10) Kev: We started getting upgraded, like just visually, you know, up to that level. (0:40:17) Al: Oh, here’s interesting. So, apparently, Infiniti Nikkei is getting updated to have (0:40:23) Al: homes. Apparently, he didn’t have homes before. And farming. (0:40:27) Kev: Yeah, yeah, yeah, that’s correct. I do I did see that (0:40:32) Al: So, that’s interesting. (0:40:34) Kev: And well, there’s your there’s your Avenue (0:40:36) Kev: What what a get for this infinity Nikki go for the big one and I’ll start it to introduce your new home (0:40:44) Kev: Farming update with it (0:40:47) Kev: Yeah, this this whole thing is wild apparently so the internet thought so too (0:40:52) Al: Yes, so just to clarify, I think this article is mostly clickbait, but I wanted to just (0:40:58) Kev: Yeah, I agree (0:41:00) Al: have a quick chat about it. So this is a random article on a random site. Stardew Valley creator (0:41:05) Al: defends free Infinity Nikki crossover after backlash as he genuinely thought the players (0:41:11) Al: would like it. So I don’t think he’s actually responding to complaints about the fact that (0:41:17) Al: this exists. The quote comes from a tweet where he says there have (0:41:22) Al: been a few collaborations between Stardew Valley and other games over the years. To (0:41:27) Al: be clear, I never received any money from these collabs. I’ve only done them because (0:41:31) Al: I was a fan of the other games or because I genuinely thought the players would like (0:41:34) Al: it. That is not like the headline definitely makes it sound like he’s specifically talking (0:41:40) Al: about this collab. And he and he’s like making it makes it sound like it’s going, Oh, I’m (0:41:44) Al: really sad. People don’t like it. I genuinely thought the players would like it. Like that (0:41:48) Al: doesn’t seem to be the case. And if you look in the YouTube comments for this video, like (0:41:52) Al: it is mostly positive and or mostly just like shock in general, right? (0:41:56) Kev: Uh (0:41:58) Kev: I I don’t know because the (0:42:01) Kev: concern they tweeted is uh (0:42:03) Kev: Just a couple days ago, um right around the time of the trailer dropping (0:42:08) Kev: So I think he might be obviously he’s getting (0:42:11) Kev: He has a lot of people that follow him and send him comments and stuff. So (0:42:16) Kev: he I suspect there was a (0:42:19) Kev: Maybe not a large but you know how these things are a vocal minority of people (0:42:24) Kev: Who complained about this because (0:42:26) Kev: I can see the logic right concerned a star do we that’s a success right he’s (0:42:32) Kev: already getting success from stardew and now he’s collabing with the gotcha game (0:42:37) Kev: which is probably making insane boatloads of money because gotcha games (0:42:41) Kev: that’s what they do so oh look at that and see now he’s collaborating with big (0:42:42) Al: Yeah. Yeah, so well, so yeah, so my I suspect it was a small number of people who are like, oh, (0:42:54) Al: I can’t believe he’s doing this, he must just be getting a bunch of money. And so he’s like, (0:42:57) Al: no, no, I’m not getting money. And that’s all he really cared about doing, right? That’s because (0:43:00) Kev: Yeah, sure, sure, sure. (0:43:01) Al: that’s really all he said is, I don’t get money from the collabs, play it or don’t, I don’t care. (0:43:02) Kev: Yeah. (0:43:06) Kev: Yeah, pretty much. (0:43:06) Al: Right? Like, I think these are fun. And that’s basically what he’s saying, which is a fair thing (0:43:11) Al: to… to point out. I just… (0:43:12) Al: feel like this then article just takes it as like this stupid over the top forced to apologize (0:43:20) Al: because it you know it’s just like oh my word gonna know and then of course I’m playing into (0:43:20) Kev: yeah yep and then and then QS I think the 3d dream was part of it I’m still (0:43:24) Al: that by talking about it. I’m still not sure what this collab actually is as well but it (0:43:34) Kev: I’m standing by that (0:43:35) Al: we’ll see. Well I think it’ll just be inspired designs but we will see. (0:43:40) Kev: yeah I don’t know how should I put this it’s wild to me that started concerned (0:43:48) Kev: I knew what this game was from what I’ve seen. (0:43:50) Kev: in other interviews he seems a little out of touch with the gamesphere but here we are (0:43:54) Al: Yeah, maybe. All right, to finish off the news, we have two new games to talk about, (0:44:03) Al: and I don’t know why, but this is apparently horror time. One of them is called We Harvest (0:44:10) Al: Shadows, a single-player first-person farming horror allegory, (0:44:14) Al: become a recluse, build up your farm, and survive the lonely nights. (0:44:18) Kev: Yeah, this is what I said was the allegory game, um, yeah, um, this is, this is just straight (0:44:21) Al: All right. Okay. There we go. (0:44:26) Kev: horror. (0:44:27) Kev: There is no cozy here. (0:44:29) Kev: Um, it’s full 3D, first person, spooky lighting, you know, uh, run down shack you’re living (0:44:38) Kev: in. (0:44:39) Kev: You are leading a lamb to a sacrifice, it looks like, I don’t like that. (0:44:45) Kev: Um, okay. (0:44:48) Kev: I hate about, um, not just games, but like, I hate when anything describes itself as an (0:44:56) Kev: allegory or allegory, excuse me, um, uh, because like, that kind of defeats the point. (0:44:58) Al: Yeah. (0:45:04) Kev: You know, you should be able to figure it out. (0:45:04) Al: Yeah. Also, an allegory to what, right? Like, you can’t just say that. (0:45:06) Kev: And the worst part, exactly, right? (0:45:09) Kev: Exactly. (0:45:10) Kev: If you’re gonna tell me, okay, what is it for? (0:45:13) Kev: Tell me. (0:45:14) Kev: Right? (0:45:15) Kev: If you’re going to be, you know, maybe you’re inspired off. (0:45:18) Kev: Something or give me a general idea. (0:45:20) Kev: I guess I can get it, but, but you’re just okay. (0:45:25) Kev: Why were you telling me you’re, you mean something? (0:45:28) Kev: That’s like, this game has thoughts. (0:45:31) Kev: This game has emotions. (0:45:32) Kev: Okay, good for you. (0:45:34) Kev: I would hope your game does, but yeah, it’s very bizarre. (0:45:37) Al: Yeah, what am I meant to do with this information? Right? Bizarre. (0:45:44) Al: Oh my word, those creatures are horrifying. Sorry, (0:45:44) Kev: But anyways, the game itself… (0:45:46) Al: I was just watching the end of the trailer and just got jump scared from that horrible creature. (0:45:48) Kev: Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, that said, I was about to say that exactly, the it is very just straight horror, those are Resident Evil-esque looking creatures at the end of that trailer. (0:46:00) Kev: Um, and you got a shotgun, and I don’t know what you’re supposed to survive, and you’re still farming somehow, apparently. (0:46:08) Kev: Um, yeah, I’m generally not a big horror, like straight horror. (0:46:10) Al: Obviously. I mean, why not? (0:46:18) Kev: Um, at least game-wise, um, so I don’t know if I’ll be checking that out, but it’s a little more refreshing than, than, you know, what is this, Star Sand Island baby? (0:46:31) Kev: A bit, it’s New Dawns, but definitely more exciting than that. (0:46:32) Al: And the other one, which I’m not 100% sure whether we have or haven’t talked about this (0:46:41) Al: one, because like some things are ringing bells. (0:46:42) Kev: We have I or I am like positive or do we talk about just on discords? (0:46:44) Al: We have talked about this, right? (0:46:48) Al: It’s not, it’s, this is the thing I can tell, it’s, it’s on, it’s not, it wasn’t on my list (0:46:49) Kev: I can’t remember because it was on a direct (0:46:54) Al: of games that are upcoming. (0:46:56) Al: So I either didn’t talk about it or I forgot to put on the list, but anyway, we’re talking (0:47:02) Al: about it. (0:47:03) Al: That’s never a way. (0:47:04) Al: The interesting thing about this one is the pixel artist is the one who did Celeste. (0:47:09) Al: So that’s exciting. (0:47:10) Kev: - Yeah, so that’s good work already. (0:47:12) Al: After quitting her dead end job, Fiona starts over on a farm and becomes the immortal hero (0:47:17) Al: of a dead God. (0:47:18) Al: Make friends, fight through horrors and pay your debt in this nightmarish life sim RPG. (0:47:24) Al: This is giving Cult of the Lamb. (0:47:26) Kev: yep it’s it’s still stardew-esque because you have a town and you’re interacting with characters and (0:47:33) Kev: possibly romancing but genuine horror there are some

On February 25, 1956, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev delivered his now infamous “Secret Speech” — On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences — during the 20th Party Congress of the USSR. In a shocking four-hour oration, Khrushchev denounced Josef Stalin, exposing his crimes and human rights abuses. But this speech went far deeper than a denunciation of Stalin's dictatorship. Dr. Jerome Corsi reveals:The real political motives behind Khrushchev's attack on StalinWhy Mao Zedong saw it as an attack on Communism itself and a challenge to his Cultural RevolutionThe worldwide ripple effects that reshaped the Cold War and global politicsThis episode takes you beyond the headlines and history books to uncover what the Secret Speech really meant — and why it still matters today.

The Famine of 1932–1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor (CIUS Press, 2018) is a distillation of thirty years of study of the topic by one of Ukraine's leading historians. In this account, Stanislav Kulchytsky ably incorporates a vast array of sources and literature that have become available in the past three decades into a highly readable narrative, explaining the motives, circumstances and course of this terrible crime against humanity. As the author shows, the Holodomor was triggered by the Bolshevik effort to build a communist socioeconomic order in the Soviet Union. For the peasant majority of the population, this meant the forcible collectivization of individual farms, the seizure of livestock and farm implements, and the conversion of independent farmers into agricultural laborers. Excessive requisitioning of grain and other foodstuffs in the collectivization drive led to famine and deaths in grain-producing regions of the USSR by early 1932. In Ukraine, punitive measures authorized by the Kremlin's top leadership greatly worsened the famine in late 1932 and turned it into the Holodomor, which claimed more than three million lives in the first half of 1933. Identifying key events and decisions that produced the Holodomor, Kulchytsky analyzes economic and political factors, including the national dimension in Ukraine. The book begins with the author's address to the reader, presenting his view of the Holodomor as genocide. In addition to the main text, the volume includes a preface, afterword, glossary, list of abbreviations and acronyms, bibliography, and a short essay on the author and his writings. The Famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor was prepared for publication by the Holodomor Research and Education Consortium (HREC) of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Alberta. HREC undertook the translation of Stanislav Kulchytsky's monograph Ukraïns'kyi holodomor v konteksti polityky Kremlia pochatku 1930 rr. as part of its efforts to make available in English seminal works by Ukrainian scholars of the Holodomor. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/genocide-studies

The Famine of 1932–1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor (CIUS Press, 2018) is a distillation of thirty years of study of the topic by one of Ukraine's leading historians. In this account, Stanislav Kulchytsky ably incorporates a vast array of sources and literature that have become available in the past three decades into a highly readable narrative, explaining the motives, circumstances and course of this terrible crime against humanity. As the author shows, the Holodomor was triggered by the Bolshevik effort to build a communist socioeconomic order in the Soviet Union. For the peasant majority of the population, this meant the forcible collectivization of individual farms, the seizure of livestock and farm implements, and the conversion of independent farmers into agricultural laborers. Excessive requisitioning of grain and other foodstuffs in the collectivization drive led to famine and deaths in grain-producing regions of the USSR by early 1932. In Ukraine, punitive measures authorized by the Kremlin's top leadership greatly worsened the famine in late 1932 and turned it into the Holodomor, which claimed more than three million lives in the first half of 1933. Identifying key events and decisions that produced the Holodomor, Kulchytsky analyzes economic and political factors, including the national dimension in Ukraine. The book begins with the author's address to the reader, presenting his view of the Holodomor as genocide. In addition to the main text, the volume includes a preface, afterword, glossary, list of abbreviations and acronyms, bibliography, and a short essay on the author and his writings. The Famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor was prepared for publication by the Holodomor Research and Education Consortium (HREC) of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Alberta. HREC undertook the translation of Stanislav Kulchytsky's monograph Ukraïns'kyi holodomor v konteksti polityky Kremlia pochatku 1930 rr. as part of its efforts to make available in English seminal works by Ukrainian scholars of the Holodomor. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

The Famine of 1932–1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor (CIUS Press, 2018) is a distillation of thirty years of study of the topic by one of Ukraine's leading historians. In this account, Stanislav Kulchytsky ably incorporates a vast array of sources and literature that have become available in the past three decades into a highly readable narrative, explaining the motives, circumstances and course of this terrible crime against humanity. As the author shows, the Holodomor was triggered by the Bolshevik effort to build a communist socioeconomic order in the Soviet Union. For the peasant majority of the population, this meant the forcible collectivization of individual farms, the seizure of livestock and farm implements, and the conversion of independent farmers into agricultural laborers. Excessive requisitioning of grain and other foodstuffs in the collectivization drive led to famine and deaths in grain-producing regions of the USSR by early 1932. In Ukraine, punitive measures authorized by the Kremlin's top leadership greatly worsened the famine in late 1932 and turned it into the Holodomor, which claimed more than three million lives in the first half of 1933. Identifying key events and decisions that produced the Holodomor, Kulchytsky analyzes economic and political factors, including the national dimension in Ukraine. The book begins with the author's address to the reader, presenting his view of the Holodomor as genocide. In addition to the main text, the volume includes a preface, afterword, glossary, list of abbreviations and acronyms, bibliography, and a short essay on the author and his writings. The Famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine: An Anatomy of the Holodomor was prepared for publication by the Holodomor Research and Education Consortium (HREC) of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Alberta. HREC undertook the translation of Stanislav Kulchytsky's monograph Ukraïns'kyi holodomor v konteksti polityky Kremlia pochatku 1930 rr. as part of its efforts to make available in English seminal works by Ukrainian scholars of the Holodomor. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

We continue our examination of the original Eurasianist movement of 1920s and 30s by further elaborating on their ideology, which divided the White Russian emigre communities. Subscribe to patreon.org/tenepod @tenepod.bsky.social  x.com/tenepod

In Go On Pretending (History Through Fiction, 2025) Rose Janowitz is surprised to get a production job with a radio soap opera and stunned to fall in love with the show's African American leading man. She's a pioneer of the 1950s golden age of television, challenged to hide Jonas Cain's identity and their romance, especially from her boss Irna Phillips, the woman who invented soap operas. Years later in the 1980s, Rose's daughter, Emma Kagan leaves the USSR where she was born and struggles to survive in America after the Soviet union collapses. Then it's 2012, and Emma's daughter Libby joins the women's revolution in Syria. Rose flies to join her granddaughter and shares secrets she's buried for a lifetime about her involvement in the Spanish civil war and her dreams of a fair society. Alina Adams is the NYT best-selling author of soap opera tie-ins, figure skating mysteries, and romance novels. Her 1995 Regency Romance, "The Fictitious Marquis," was named a first #OwnVoices Jewish Historical by the Romance Writers of America. Her Soviet-Jewish historical fiction includes "The Nesting Dolls," "My Mother's Secret: A Novel of the Jewish Autonomous Region" and the May 2025 release, Go On Pretending. She was a Contributing Editor for "Kveller," and has written for "NY Jewish Week," "Interfaith Family Magazine" and "Today Show Parenting," among many others. She is currently a Contributing Writer to "Soap Hub." Alina was born in Odessa, USSR and moved to the US with her family in 1977. She currently lives in New York City with her husband and three children, where her hobbies include musical theater, tracking down classic television episodes on YouTube, and writing about the underachieving American educational system, with a focus on NYC, for "The 74 Million," "The Advance," "The NY Post" and "The NY Daily News." Learn more at her website.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In Go On Pretending (History Through Fiction, 2025) Rose Janowitz is surprised to get a production job with a radio soap opera and stunned to fall in love with the show's African American leading man. She's a pioneer of the 1950s golden age of television, challenged to hide Jonas Cain's identity and their romance, especially from her boss Irna Phillips, the woman who invented soap operas. Years later in the 1980s, Rose's daughter, Emma Kagan leaves the USSR where she was born and struggles to survive in America after the Soviet union collapses. Then it's 2012, and Emma's daughter Libby joins the women's revolution in Syria. Rose flies to join her granddaughter and shares secrets she's buried for a lifetime about her involvement in the Spanish civil war and her dreams of a fair society. Alina Adams is the NYT best-selling author of soap opera tie-ins, figure skating mysteries, and romance novels. Her 1995 Regency Romance, "The Fictitious Marquis," was named a first #OwnVoices Jewish Historical by the Romance Writers of America. Her Soviet-Jewish historical fiction includes "The Nesting Dolls," "My Mother's Secret: A Novel of the Jewish Autonomous Region" and the May 2025 release, Go On Pretending. She was a Contributing Editor for "Kveller," and has written for "NY Jewish Week," "Interfaith Family Magazine" and "Today Show Parenting," among many others. She is currently a Contributing Writer to "Soap Hub." Alina was born in Odessa, USSR and moved to the US with her family in 1977. She currently lives in New York City with her husband and three children, where her hobbies include musical theater, tracking down classic television episodes on YouTube, and writing about the underachieving American educational system, with a focus on NYC, for "The 74 Million," "The Advance," "The NY Post" and "The NY Daily News." Learn more at her website.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literature

Tom Bilyeu delivers a powerful deep dive into the warning signs of societal collapse that are blinking red across America. He draws on lessons from history—citing the downfalls of the Roman Empire, the USSR, Argentina, and more—to show how debt spirals, the hollowing out of the middle class, collapsing trust, and rising populism are patterns we've seen before, and are seeing again right now. Tom breaks down why these cycles are so hard to interrupt, why common solutions like socialism and “just grow the economy” fall short, and most importantly, he lays out a practical playbook for not just surviving, but thriving during chaotic times. From protecting yourself with assets and skills, to finding business-friendly environments, Tom gets specific about what you can do to come out stronger on the other side—because every collapse hurts most, but creates unprecedented opportunity for a prepared few. If you care about your future, and the future of the country, this is an urgent and actionable listen. SHOWNOTES 00:00 America's Growing Political and Economic Threats 11:28 Trust Erosion in Economic Collapse 23:25 "Structural Instability and Populism" 35:19 Wealth Creation Amidst Crisis 43:30 Embrace Bitcoin as Alternative System CHECK OUT OUR SPONSORS Vital Proteins: Get 20% off by going to ⁠⁠https://www.vitalproteins.com⁠⁠ and entering promo code IMPACT at check out Allio Capital: Macro investing for people who want to understand the big picture. Download their app in the App Store or at Google Play, or text my name “TOM” to 511511. SleepMe: Visit ⁠⁠https://sleep.me/impact⁠⁠ to get your Chilipad and save 20% with code IMPACT. Try it risk-free with their 30-night sleep trial and free shipping. Tailor Brands: 35% off ⁠⁠https://tailorbrands.com/podcast35⁠⁠Shopify: Sign up for your one-dollar-per-month trial period at ⁠⁠https://shopify.com/impact⁠⁠Hims: Start your free online visit today at ⁠⁠https://hims.com/IMPACT⁠⁠. Linkedin: Post your job free at ⁠⁠https://linkedin.com/impacttheory⁠⁠ What's up, everybody? It's Tom Bilyeu here: If you want my help... STARTING a business:⁠ ⁠⁠join me here at ZERO TO FOUNDER⁠ SCALING a business:⁠ ⁠⁠see if you qualify here.⁠ Get my battle-tested strategies and insights delivered weekly to your inbox:⁠ ⁠⁠sign up here.⁠ ********************************************************************** If you're serious about leveling up your life, I urge you to check out my new podcast,⁠ Tom Bilyeu's Mindset Playbook⁠ —a goldmine of my most impactful episodes on mindset, business, and health. Trust me, your future self will thank you. ********************************************************************** LISTEN TO IMPACT THEORY AD FREE + BONUS EPISODES on APPLE PODCASTS:⁠ ⁠⁠apple.co/impacttheory⁠ ********************************************************************** FOLLOW TOM: Instagram:⁠ ⁠⁠https://www.instagram.com/tombilyeu/⁠ Tik Tok:⁠ ⁠⁠https://www.tiktok.com/@tombilyeu?lang=en⁠ Twitter:⁠ ⁠⁠https://twitter.com/tombilyeu⁠ YouTube:⁠ ⁠⁠https://www.youtube.com/@TomBilyeu Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

“Comrade Stalin, now that he is general secretary, has concentrated immense power in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be capable of exercising this power with sufficient caution.” This is the story of Joseph Stalin's path to becoming the dictator of the USSR.  Ioseb (Joseph) Jughashvili, or little “Soso,” is a good student. A choir boy, in fact. But that changes as the Orthodox Georgian increasingly puts his faith in the Bolshevik branch of Russia's Social Democrats. Under Vladimir Lenin's leadership, Soso, now going by Joseph Stalin, becomes a true revolutionary. One who embraces violence and murder as an acceptable means to an end amid Russia's shift from revolution to civil war. With Lenin's passing in 1924, it's clear that someone has to step into his shoes, and Stalin deftly outmaneuvers Leon Trotsky to be that someone. But he won't just lead it. Stalin will remake the Soviet Union in his own image, industrializing and consolidating his power at all costs. Millions will die. Millions more disappear into the gulags, never to be seen again. This is the rise and reign of Joseph “the Man of Steel” Stalin. ____ Connect with us on HTDSpodcast.com and go deep into episode bibliographies and book recommendations join discussions in our Facebook community get news and discounts from The HTDS Gazette  come see a live show get HTDS merch or become an HTDS premium member for bonus episodes and other perks. HTDS is part of Audacy media network. Interested in advertising on the History That Doesn't Suck? Contact Audacyinc.com To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This deeply researched book offers new perspective on the NATO-Russia relationship through the eyes of Strobe Talbott, a deputy secretary of state for seven years under President Bill Clinton and the key US diplomatic broker for the former USSR. Stephan Kieninger traces the Clinton administration's efforts to engage Russia and enlarge NATO at the same time, as elements of a new European security architecture. Drawing on Talbott's diaries, as well as US and European archives and extensive interviews with former government officials, he sheds light on NATO's opening, its missions in Bosnia and Kosovo, and other vexed issues. Kieninger argues that a careful look at Talbott's statecraft rebuts Putin's claims that the West exploited Russia's weakness after the Cold War, demonstrating that the Clinton administration and its NATO allies sought to include Russia at every step. An illuminating and comprehensive account of US diplomacy during the Clinton years, Securing Peace in Europe provides vital insight into the complex relations between Russia and the West. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

This deeply researched book offers new perspective on the NATO-Russia relationship through the eyes of Strobe Talbott, a deputy secretary of state for seven years under President Bill Clinton and the key US diplomatic broker for the former USSR. Stephan Kieninger traces the Clinton administration's efforts to engage Russia and enlarge NATO at the same time, as elements of a new European security architecture. Drawing on Talbott's diaries, as well as US and European archives and extensive interviews with former government officials, he sheds light on NATO's opening, its missions in Bosnia and Kosovo, and other vexed issues. Kieninger argues that a careful look at Talbott's statecraft rebuts Putin's claims that the West exploited Russia's weakness after the Cold War, demonstrating that the Clinton administration and its NATO allies sought to include Russia at every step. An illuminating and comprehensive account of US diplomacy during the Clinton years, Securing Peace in Europe provides vital insight into the complex relations between Russia and the West. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

This deeply researched book offers new perspective on the NATO-Russia relationship through the eyes of Strobe Talbott, a deputy secretary of state for seven years under President Bill Clinton and the key US diplomatic broker for the former USSR. Stephan Kieninger traces the Clinton administration's efforts to engage Russia and enlarge NATO at the same time, as elements of a new European security architecture. Drawing on Talbott's diaries, as well as US and European archives and extensive interviews with former government officials, he sheds light on NATO's opening, its missions in Bosnia and Kosovo, and other vexed issues. Kieninger argues that a careful look at Talbott's statecraft rebuts Putin's claims that the West exploited Russia's weakness after the Cold War, demonstrating that the Clinton administration and its NATO allies sought to include Russia at every step. An illuminating and comprehensive account of US diplomacy during the Clinton years, Securing Peace in Europe provides vital insight into the complex relations between Russia and the West. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

This deeply researched book offers new perspective on the NATO-Russia relationship through the eyes of Strobe Talbott, a deputy secretary of state for seven years under President Bill Clinton and the key US diplomatic broker for the former USSR. Stephan Kieninger traces the Clinton administration's efforts to engage Russia and enlarge NATO at the same time, as elements of a new European security architecture. Drawing on Talbott's diaries, as well as US and European archives and extensive interviews with former government officials, he sheds light on NATO's opening, its missions in Bosnia and Kosovo, and other vexed issues. Kieninger argues that a careful look at Talbott's statecraft rebuts Putin's claims that the West exploited Russia's weakness after the Cold War, demonstrating that the Clinton administration and its NATO allies sought to include Russia at every step. An illuminating and comprehensive account of US diplomacy during the Clinton years, Securing Peace in Europe provides vital insight into the complex relations between Russia and the West. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/russian-studies

This deeply researched book offers new perspective on the NATO-Russia relationship through the eyes of Strobe Talbott, a deputy secretary of state for seven years under President Bill Clinton and the key US diplomatic broker for the former USSR. Stephan Kieninger traces the Clinton administration's efforts to engage Russia and enlarge NATO at the same time, as elements of a new European security architecture. Drawing on Talbott's diaries, as well as US and European archives and extensive interviews with former government officials, he sheds light on NATO's opening, its missions in Bosnia and Kosovo, and other vexed issues. Kieninger argues that a careful look at Talbott's statecraft rebuts Putin's claims that the West exploited Russia's weakness after the Cold War, demonstrating that the Clinton administration and its NATO allies sought to include Russia at every step. An illuminating and comprehensive account of US diplomacy during the Clinton years, Securing Peace in Europe provides vital insight into the complex relations between Russia and the West. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/national-security

https://www.patreon.com/isyanderandkoda You already know how to please the Machine Gods at this point so thank you so much. And make your voices heard for which faction you would like to see next! -Isyander P.s for those of you who want to send stuff our way. Thank you in advance. Po BoxIsyander & Koda Po Box 1196, Tacoma, Wa, 98402, USAAnything below is made for (and by) the omnissiah. You can read it though, just a summary of the banger of a video you're watching.Before the Clans, before the Succession Wars, before the Inner Sphere as we know it—there was the rise and fall of the Terran Alliance and the birth of the Star League. In this video, we explore the grimdark roots of Battletech's history, beginning with Cold War geopolitics, the collapse of the USSR, the Outer Reaches Rebellion, and the foundation of the Great Houses that would shape centuries of interstellar conflict.Discover how the Terran Hegemony, the Cameron dynasty, and pivotal events like the Outer Reaches Rebellion, the development of the first BattleMech (the Mackie), and the political machinations of Stefan Amaris and Aleksandr Kerensky set the stage for the Battletech universe. If you've ever wondered how humanity went from Reagan-era satellites to galaxy-spanning empires locked in endless war, this is your deep dive into the foundations of Battletech.———TAGSBattletech lore,Battletech explained,Inner Sphere history,Star League,Battletech timeline,Battletech Terran Alliance,Outer Reaches Rebellion,Battletech Terran Hegemony,Cameron dynasty,Battletech Great Houses,House Davion,House Kurita,House Marik,House Liao,House Steiner,Battletech Star League Defense Force,SLDF,Aleksandr Kerensky,Stefan Amaris,Amaris Coup,Battletech Exodus,ComStar origins,HPG network,Battletech technology,BattleMech history,first BattleMech Mackie,Battletech mechs,Battletech universe history,Battletech factions,Battletech political history,Succession Wars setup,Battletech lore video,Battletech deep dive,Battletech story,Battletech Sarna,Mechassault nostalgia,MechWarrior lore,Battletech vs Warhammer,Battletech grimdark sci-fi,Free Worlds League,Draconis Combine,Federated Suns,Lyran Commonwealth,Capellan Confederation,Battletech RPG lore,Battletech timeline explained,Battletech Inner Sphere map,Battletech Succession Wars lore,Battletech history video,Mech lore explained,classic Battletech,Battletech fan video,giant robots lore,mech combat history,mech strategy lore,Battletech Cold War roots,Western Alliance lore,Terran Hegemony timeline,McKenna dynasty,Battletech ComStar history,Battletech Exodus explained,Battletech Kerensky,Lore of the Star League,Battletech canon,Battletech timeline complete,MechWarrior Battletech,Battletech story explained,Battletech factions explained,Battletech politics,Battletech military history,Star League formation,Battletech video essay,Battletech universe guide,Star League collapse,Battletech Amaris Coup explained,Battletech historical timeline,Battletech YouTube,Battletech fan channel,Battletech universe breakdown,Battletech early history,Battletech epic lore,Battletech detailed timeline,Battletech major events,Battletech Inner Sphere explained,Battletech lore guide————————————Opinions expressed in this video are solely those of Isyander & Koda and in no way reflect the views or opinions of Games Workshop Ltd.Artwork throughout this video is used for educational purposes. if you see your artwork and would like an art credit, message me.Support the show

In this provocative Flashback Friday episode of The Radio Vagabond, I travel to Belarus – often called “Europe's last dictatorship” – to uncover the lived reality of life under Alexander Lukashenko. As I meet locals and explore Minsk, I ask a bold question: are there bright sides to this autocratic system? Some people credit the regime with preserving economic stability post-USSR, keeping unemployment low and averting the oligarchic chaos seen elsewhere. They say limited online freedoms – like the ability to access opposition sites – create an illusion of choice. But the darker truth sits just beneath the surface. Lukashenko's heavy censorship, the criminalization of dissent – even for wearing “wrong” socks – and the ongoing use of capital punishment paint a grim picture. This episode digs into these contradictions. I speak with people benefiting from economic predictability, then confront the chilling reality of repression and human rights abuses. It's a travel story that challenges assumptions – and raises uncomfortable questions. See pictures and read more on https://www.theradiovagabond.com/182-belarus/ This Flashback Friday episode was first released on May 10, 2021.

In this provocative Flashback Friday episode of The Radio Vagabond, I travel to Belarus – often called “Europe's last dictatorship” – to uncover the lived reality of life under Alexander Lukashenko. As I meet locals and explore Minsk, I ask a bold question: are there bright sides to this autocratic system? Some people credit the regime with preserving economic stability post-USSR, keeping unemployment low and averting the oligarchic chaos seen elsewhere. They say limited online freedoms – like the ability to access opposition sites – create an illusion of choice. But the darker truth sits just beneath the surface. Lukashenko's heavy censorship, the criminalization of dissent – even for wearing “wrong” socks – and the ongoing use of capital punishment paint a grim picture. This episode digs into these contradictions. I speak with people benefiting from economic predictability, then confront the chilling reality of repression and human rights abuses. It's a travel story that challenges assumptions – and raises uncomfortable questions. See pictures and read more on https://www.theradiovagabond.com/182-belarus/ This Flashback Friday episode was first released on May 10, 2021.

Dave Bidini, the mind behind the Summit 72 documentary, talks about making the documentary USSR vs. Canada - the 1972 Summit Series  Milan Lucic signs a PTO with the Blues AND MORE! Let's Go Blues Radio is your #1 Source for "Tellin' It Like It Is, In Your Face" St. Louis Blues hockey commentary... the fully vaccinated, often imitated, never duplicated, (we eat pieces of shit like you for breakfast) THE ORIGINAL St. Louis Blues Hockey Podcast, Let's Go Blues Radio! Please check out our fantastic sponsors! Mike Burgoyne Real Estate Broker - Email Mike at Mike@strikewithmike.com for the best realty service in St. Louis! For all of your home buying and selling needs. Six Zero Pickleball. http://www.sixzeropickleball.com. Go next level with Six Zero paddles, equipment, and apparel! Use PROMO CODE: CPRICE10 for 10% off!

Many thanks to SRAA contributor, Paul Watson, who shares the following recording. Paul notes:“During the 1980s I was listening to shortwave radio from my home near London, in the southeast of England. I had a cassette recorder connected to the receiver and taped anything interesting that caught my ear. Little did I know that 40 years later the majority of these stations would have disappeared and I would have the opportunity to share these recordings with the world.”This recording is part of a five-part compilation series Paul has created, grouping international shortwave broadcasters by region. The majority of the clips are in English and feature interval signals, station IDs, and sign-ons/offs—a rich snapshot of shortwave radio during its Cold War-era heyday.This particular compilation focuses on: Eastern Europe and USSRAll recordings were made during the 1980s, most in the first half of the decade. While frequencies and exact dates aren't provided, Paul has kindly included timestamps noting when each broadcaster appears in the audio. These are listed below for easy reference.We're grateful to Paul for sharing this excellent audio time capsule and for his efforts to preserve and document the golden era of international broadcasting.ALBANIA: Radio Tirana (0)BELARUS: Radio Minsk (1.18)BULGARIA: Radio Sofia (1.41)CZECHOSLOVAKIA: Radio Prague (2.29)ESTONIA: Radio Tallin (2.50)GERMANY (EAST): Radio Berlin Int (3.49)HUNGARY: Radio Budapest (5.22)LATVIA: Radio Riga (6.31)LITHUANIA: Radio Vilnius (7.14)POLAND: Radio Polonia (8.30)ROMANIA: Radio Bucharest (9.37)UKRAINE: Radio Kiev (10.41)USSR: Radio Moscow World Service (12.17)Radio Station Peace & Progress (13.35)Radio Station Rodina (13.59)YUGOSLAVIA: Radio Yugoslavia (14.21)

This monologue weaves together a series of critiques on what the host sees as dangerous and misguided policies, both at home and abroad. The host begins by doubling down on the claim that European nations are actively provoking Russia to sabotage peace deals and drag the United States into a "World War III." The host then connects this to a new European Union law, the "European Media Freedom Act," which the host claims is turning the EU into a surveillance state resembling the former USSR. The segment then abruptly shifts to a domestic focus, recounting an incident involving a large python in South Carolina and then launching into a scathing critique of US sanctuary cities. The host argues that these cities are intentionally attracting and protecting dangerous criminals and that the federal government, under Attorney General Pam Bondi, must take action to arrest city officials for harboring these individuals. The host concludes by suggesting that this is a desperate move by Democrats to boost census numbers and maintain political power.

In 2021, Ukraine celebrates its thirty-year independence anniversary. During this relatively short period of time—when considered in historical terms—Ukraine underwent a number of drastic changes that have so far shaped the country's domestic and international environments. From “the Ukraine” to Ukraine: A Contemporary History, 1991-2021 (Ibidem Press, 2021), edited by Georgiy Kasianov, Matthew Rojansky, and Mykhailo Minakov, guides its readers through the labyrinthine developments that provide a wide spectrum of views and approaches that help receive a better understanding of the contemporary history of Ukraine. While detailing how independent Ukraine was taking shape locally, the editors and contributors of the volume simultaneously position Ukraine in the international environment that arouse after the fall of the USSR. Ukraine is thus inscribed into the international political map, which further complicates and advances the surveys presented in the volume. After the collapse of the USSR, the country faced a number of challenges: in addition to learning how to construct and narrate its own history, the new independent state also had to find a way to present itself to the global community. From “the Ukraine” to Ukraine outlines trajectories that illustrate a gradual process of the country's political awareness, ambitions, and maturity. Thirty years may seem like an inconsiderable amount of time for a new independent state. The material presented in the book proves otherwise. In a concise and yet acute way, the contributors touch upon the most challenging and sensitive issues which have shaped the recent history of Ukraine: ranging from the enthusiastic support of independence to the current Russian-Ukrainian war, the volume constructs a multilayered historical scene which at the same time invites further surveys and elaborations. Nataliya Shpylova-Saeed is a PhD student in the Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

Today's Headlines: The Trump–Putin “summit” in Alaska dominated the weekend, though there seemed to be more bad optics than progress. Putin demanded control of Donetsk plus recognition of Russia's land grabs in Ukraine, while hinting China could offer Kyiv “security guarantees” instead of NATO. No deal came out of it, but plenty of eyebrow-raisers did: Russian FM Lavrov in a vintage USSR shirt, US troops literally rolling out a red carpet, Trump's team leaving summit documents (including Putin's lunch menu) at a hotel printer, and Putin even hopped into Trump's car for a quick chat. Journalists said Trump's staff looked “ashen,” a post-meeting lunch was mysteriously canceled, and the only follow-up so far is Trump planning a phone call with Zelensky and EU leaders. Elsewhere, Israel saw a massive general strike—organizers say about 10% of the country joined—to pressure the government into prioritizing a hostage deal over expanding the Gaza war. In the U.S., about 60 kids from Gaza arrived for medical care with the help of a nonprofit, sparking outrage from Laura Loomer and prompting the Trump administration to pause visitor visas from the territory. Back in DC, hundreds of National Guard troops from West Virginia, Ohio, and South Carolina are being deployed to the capital in Trump's ongoing push to control city policing—though officials insist they're not armed “at this time.” Democrats, led by Rep. Jamie Raskin, are pushing a resolution to end Trump's authority over the DC police. And finally, Hurricane Erin—the first named storm of the season—rapidly jumped to a Category 5 before downgrading slightly. It's still expected to slam the Southeast as a major hurricane early this week. Resources/Articles mentioned in this episode: Axios: Putin made maximalist claims to Ukrainian territory in Trump summit: Sources  NBC News: Ukraine and allies left scrambling as Trump shifts toward Putin after Alaska summit NBC News: Ukraine and allies left scrambling as Trump shifts toward Putin after Alaska summit Times of Israel: Large protests held across Israel as national strike for hostages gets underway NYT: U.S. Pauses Visitor Visas for Gazans After Laura Loomer Posts WSJ: More National Guard Soldiers Head to D.C. and Prepare to Carry Weapons Axios: Democrats introduce measure to terminate Trump's D.C. takeover NYT: U.S. Pauses Visitor Visas for Gazans After Laura Loomer Posts Morning Announcements is produced by Sami Sage and edited by Grace Hernandez-Johnson Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the fall of Shanghai. In October 1937 a small battalion led by Colonel Xie Jinyuan transformed the Sihang Warehouse into a fortress against the advancing Japanese army. These men, known as the "800 Heroes," became symbols of hope, rallying local citizens who provided vital support. Despite heavy casualties, they held out against overwhelming odds until a strategic retreat was ordered on November 1. As Japanese forces intensified their assaults, they breached the Chinese defenses and captured strategic positions along Suzhou Creek. The fighting was fierce, marked by desperate counterattacks from the besieged Chinese soldiers, who faced an unyielding enemy. By November 9, the Chinese faced a full retreat, their organized defenses collapsing into chaos as they fled the city. Desperate civilians sought refuge in the International Settlement but were met with hostility, exacerbating the terror of the moment. Amidst the turmoil, remaining forces continued to resist in pockets, holding out as long as possible. By November 11, Japanese troops raised their flag in the last stronghold, marking a grim victory.   #163 Crossing Nanjing's Rubicon Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As the Japanese were mopping up Shanghai, Chiang Kai-Shek wrote in his diary on November 11th “I fear that they could threaten Nanjing”. Over In Shanghai, General Matsui Iwane was dealing with foreign correspondents, eager to learn what Japan's next move would be and to this he simply stated “For future developments, you had better ask Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek”. The correspondents were surprised by this response and pressed him further. He replied . “Chiang Kai-shek was reported to have predicted a five-year war, well, it might be that long. We don't know whether we will go to Nanjing or not. It all depends on Chiang.” At this point Shanghai was falling under Japanese control and now Matsui and his fellow field commanders were thinking, what's next? Nanjing was certainly the next objective. It was a common understanding amongst the Japanese leadership, that if the four main eastern cities of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai and Nanjing were lost, Chiang Kai-Shek's government would collapse. Three of these cities had been taken, Nanjing was dangling like fresh fruit. Matsui's staff believed the Chinese units departing Shanghai would mount a stand immediately west of the city, probably a defensive line running from Jiading to Huangduzhen. On the night of November 11th, Matsui issued a command to all units in the Shanghai area to advance west along the railway towards Nanjing. Their first objective would be a line extending from Taicang to Kunshan. Chiang Kai-Shek was not only reeling from military defeats, but also the gradual loss of his German allies. The Germans were increasingly aligning with the Japanese. Chiang Kai-Shek was looking for new external help, so he turned to the Soviets. It was a marriage of convenience, Chiang Kai-Shek signed a non-aggression pact with the USSR that year and wasted no time pleading for aircraft and pilots. Moscow began sending them before the ink touched the paper. 200 aircraft and pilots in return for some essential minerals, wolfram and tungsten. The Sino-Soviet friendship even drew in an unlikely source of support, Sir Winston Churchill. The Soviet envoy to the UK described how during a meeting with Churchill “he greatly praised our tactics in the Far East: maintenance of neutrality and simultaneous aid to China in weaponry.” Soviet pilots found themselves dispatched to Nanjing where they were briefed by Yakov Vladimirovich Smushkevich, the deputy commander of the Soviet Air Force. “The Japanese armed forces are technically superior to the Chinese. The Chinese Air Force is a particular concern. Soviet pilots who have rushed to China's aid are currently in Nanjing. They are fighting valiantly.” Meanwhile back at Shanghai discipline and order that had characterized previous Chinese withdrawal had collapsed. Simply put, there were hundreds of thousands of men trying to retreat across the lower Yangtze region, it was a shitstorm. Many units had to disengage during combat with the enemy and scramble to pull out. Huang Qixiang, the deputy commander of the Chinese right flank in Shanghai, executed a strategic withdrawal moments before his command post succumbed to the advancing enemy forces. Just fifteen minutes after his departure, the area was overrun by Japanese troops. In a desperate bid to avoid capture, another general had to cross a creek, nearly drowning in the process. Rescued while barely clinging to life and drenched in icy water, he was welcomed by a peasant family who aided in his recovery before he resumed his arduous journey westward. The scale of this withdrawal, occurring both day and night, could hardly escape the enemy's notice, and its complexity made the operation increasingly difficult. The execution of the withdrawal exacerbated the situation significantly. Orders to abandon their positions started to trickle down immediately after the upper command made the decision. However, these orders reached the units in a disorganized manner. Many telephone lines had been sabotaged, and when soldiers were sent to relay the orders in person, they faced severe disruptions in the transportation network. Consequently, many units only became aware of the withdrawal when they witnessed the mass movements of their comrades heading westward. Upon realizing what was happening, many soldiers fled in a state of panic. There were no comprehensive plans outlining the retreat, no designated routes for the various units, nor any established timetables. The outcome was a chaotic scramble for survival. Soldiers who had fought side by side for three months suddenly found themselves competing against one another in a desperate race to escape. At bridges and other chokepoints, weary soldiers exhausted their last reserves of strength, brawling with their fellow troops to be the first to cross. Meanwhile, officers traveling in chauffeur-driven cars attempted to assert their rank to gain priority access to the roads, adding to the growing disorder that ensued. The massive army was hindered by its sheer size, resulting in miles of congested roads filled with men unable to move in any direction. This made them easy targets for Japanese aircraft, leading to a bloody cycle of repeated attacks. Planes adorned with the red Rising Sun insignia would emerge from the horizon, swooping down to strike at these vulnerable formations. As commander Chen Yiding recalled “The lack of organization and the gridlocked roads resulted in far more casualties than could have been avoided,”.  On November 12th, the newspaper Zhaongyang Ribao, published an editorial addressing the citizens of Nanjing, to remind them that tough times lay ahead now that Shanghai had fallen. The article stipulated they needed to prepare the city for the upcoming battle,  “Now, all the citizenry of the capital must fulfill their duty in a way that can serve as a model for the entire nation.” Nanjing in 1937 was a city touched by the war, but not enough to change the social fabric just yet. Cinema's remained open, the shopping arcade was crowded as usual, traffic was heavy along Zhongshan Road, order remained. Telephones remained on, except during air raids. Connections to the outside world functioned as they should, given this was the capital. The region had seen a good harvest in 1937, no one was going hungry. However as the front 200 miles away drew closer, bombing raids more frequent, fear of the enemy increased. Contact with the outside world gradually declined. By mid November the train link from Nanjing to Shanghai was severed.  While the fear amongst the populace increased, so did a newfound sense of common purpose against a common enemy. Poster calling for the Chinese to unite against the Japanese invaders were found throughout Nanjing. Residents were conscripted for various fortification efforts, with some receiving basic military training to help defend the city. Those who refused to cooperate faced severe penalties as “traitors,” while the majority willingly participated. Both military and civilian police were deployed throughout the city, diligently checking identities in an ongoing effort to root out spies and traitors. The authorities enforced a strict prohibition against discussing military matters in restaurants and other public venues. Then all the high ranking military officials and politicians families gradually began departing the city in secrecy. This was followed by said politicians and military officials. Twas not a good look. Nanjing soon saw its population decline from 1 million to half a million. Those who stayed behind were mainly the poor, or those anchored, like shopkeepers. Every day saw a steady stream of Nanjing citizens leaving the city over her main roads, fleeing into the countryside with carts full of belongings. On November 12th at 10am orders were issued for the Japanese to advance west. What had been a war of attrition, where inches of land were claimed with blood, suddenly it was a war of movement. As one Japanese soldier recalled “In the course of 50 days, I had moved only two miles. Now suddenly we were experiencing rapid advance”. As the Japanese came across small towns, they found large posters plastered on all the walls. These were all anti-japanese with some nationalist propaganda. The Japanese soldiers would tear them down and paint up their own messages “down with Chiang Kai-Shek!”.  Towns and cities west of Shanghai fell rapidly one after another, each succumbing to a grim pattern: swift conquest followed by widespread devastation. Jiading, a county seat with a population of approximately 30,000, succumbed to a prolonged siege. When the 10st division captured Jiading on November 13, after relentless shelling had leveled a third of the city, they began a massacre, indiscriminately killing nearly everyone in their path, men, women, and children alike. The battle and its aftermath resulted in over 8,000 casualties among the city's residents and surrounding countryside. One Japanese soldier referred to Jiading as “A city of death, in a mysteriously silent world in which the only sound was the tap of our own footsteps”.  On November 14, soldiers from the 9th Division reached Taicang, an ancient walled city designed to withstand lengthy sieges. As they crossed the 70-foot moat amid heavy fire, the Japanese troops confronted the formidable 20-foot-high city wall. After breaching the wall, their infantry swiftly entered the city and seized control. The destruction persisted long after the fighting ceased, with half of the city being devastated, including significant cultural institutions like the library, and salt and grain reserves were looted. It was as if the Japanese aimed to obliterate not just the material existence of the people but their spiritual foundation as well.  Casual cruelty marked the nature of warfare along the entire front, with few prisoners being taken. Ishii Seitaro, a soldier in the 13th Division's 26th Brigade, encountered a mass execution while marching alongside the Yangtze River. Several headless corpses floated nearby, yet three Chinese prisoners remained alive. A Japanese officer, personally overseeing the execution, wore a simple uniform, but the two ornate swords at his belt indicated his wealthy background. Approaching one prisoner, the officer dramatically drew one of the swords and brandished it through the air with exaggerated flair. In an almost theatrical display, he held it aloft, the blade trembling as if he were nervous. The prisoner, in stark contrast, exhibited an unnerving calmness as he knelt, awaiting his inevitable fate. The officer swung the sword down but failed to deliver a clean strike. Although he inflicted a deep gash to the prisoner's skull, it was not fatal. The prisoner collapsed, thrashing and emitting a prolonged scream that sent chills through those present. The officer, seemingly exhilarated by the anguish he caused, began wildly slashing at the figure until the screams subsided. Ishii turned away in horror, his mind swirling with confusion. Why were the Chinese being executed? Had they not surrendered?  Three months into the war's expansion to the Yangtze region, air raids had become an all too frequent menace in Nanjing. The first major raid came on August 15th and increased each week. On the night of August 27, approximately 30 bombs were dropped on Purple Mountain, specifically targeting the Memorial Park for Sun Yat-sen, aiming to hurt the morale of Nanjing's residents. As days melted into weeks and weeks stretched into months, the landscape of Nanjing transformed under the weight of war. Residents began constructing dugouts in courtyards, gardens, public squares, and even on streets. Foreigners painted their national flags on top of buildings and vehicles, attempting to avoid the risk of being machine-gunned by strafing aircraft. Each raid followed a predictable routine: sirens wailed loudly 20 to 30 minutes before the attack, signaling pedestrians to seek shelter and drivers to stop their engines. By the time a shorter warning sounded, the streets had to be cleared, leaving nothing to do but await the arrival of Japanese planes. Initially, the part-US-trained Chinese Air Force posed a considerable threat to Japanese bombers. The 4th and 5th Chinese Squadrons, stationed near Nanjing to defend the capital, achieved early success, reportedly downing six bombers during the first air raid on Nanjing. Much of the credit for these aerial victories belonged to Claire Chennault, a retired American Army Air Corps captain who had become an advisor to the Chinese Air Force, overseeing Nanjing's air defense. Chennault taught his pilots tactics he had developed in the US but had never fully implemented. His strategy was straightforward: three fighters would focus on one enemy bomber at a time. One would attack from above, another from below, while a third would hover in reserve to deliver the final blow if necessary. He instructed the Chinese pilots to target the engines rather than the fuselage, reasoning that any missed shots could hit the gas tanks located in the wing roots. This approach proved successful, leading to the loss of 54 Japanese planes within three days. For Chennault, it validated his belief that air superiority required a diverse range of aircraft, not just bombers. Nighttime raids, however, posed a greater challenge. Chennault, along with other commanders, sought solutions. Chinese General C.C. Wong, a German-trained artillery officer overseeing the country's anti-aircraft defenses, ensured that dozens of large Sperry searchlights were positioned throughout Nanjing in a grid pattern. This setup had a dual purpose: it would dazzle the Japanese bomber crews and highlight their planes in silhouette for Chinese fighters above to target. The bravery of the most skilled Chinese pilots occasionally gained media attention, making them local celebrities amidst an otherwise grim war environment. However, this bright moment faded quickly when the Japanese command decided to provide escorts for their bombers. Consequently, the elite of China's air force, its finest pilots and aircraft, were lost within weeks that fall. All air raids were brutal, but the worst assaults occurred at the end of September. As a radio broadcaster reported on September 25th “Gallons of civilian blood flowed today as Nanking endured three ferocious air raids”. In total, 96 Japanese sorties were launched on that day. Witnesses observed around a dozen Chinese aircraft retreating north across the Yangtze, initially believing they were fleeing, but some returned to confront the enemy. When Chinese fighters managed to down a Japanese bomber, the streets erupted in cheers as civilians momentarily forgot their fear. The primary aim of the September 25 attack appeared to be spreading terror among the civilian population. Chiang Kai-Shek wrote in his diary that day  “The repeated Japanese air raids over the past several days have had no impact on our military installations. Instead, civilian property has sustained significant damage.” Around 20 bombs struck the Central Hospital, one of Nanjing's largest medical facilities, causing extensive destruction and prompting the evacuation of its staff. Two 1,000-pound bombs exploded nearby, leaving large craters. Had these bombs landed slightly closer, they could have resulted in mass casualties among the hospital's 100 patients, including a Japanese pilot who had been shot down earlier that month. The air raids at the end of September prompted protests from the Americans, British, and French governments to Japan. In response, Tokyo issued a statement on September 30, asserting that while they were not intentionally targeting non-combatants, it was “unavoidable” for achieving military objectives that military airfields and installations in and around Nanjing be bombed.   The battle for Jiashan was among the fiercest in the southern Yangtze delta campaign in November 1937. Although Jiashan was a moderately sized town straddling a crucial railway connecting Shanghai to Hangzhou, the capital of Zhejiang province. For the Japanese, seizing Jiashan was imperative for their westward advance; without it, their military progress would be severely hampered. Jiashan had endured three days of relentless bombing by the Japanese Air Force, driving most residents to flee into the surrounding countryside. Only about 100 remained, those who were too old or too sick to escape, abandoned by family or friends who lacked the means to assist them. The Japanese troops brutally bayoneted nearly all of these individuals and buried them in a mass grave just outside the town's northern gate. Jiashan was captured by the 10th Army, a division fresh from victories and eager to engage in combat, unlike the weary forces of the Shanghai Expeditionary Force further north. With less than a week of combat experience, the 10th Army's soldiers were hungry for a fight. The martial spirit of the 10th Army was exemplified by its commander, Yanagawa Heisuke. Born near Nagasaki in 1879, he was among a group of retired officers called back to active service as the war in China escalated unexpectedly. Having served in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and taught at the Beijing Army College in 1918, Yanagawa had considerable experience in military affairs. However, his past exposure to China did not cultivate any empathy for the enemy. He was determined to push all the way to Nanjing, and once there, he intended to blanket the city in mustard gas and incendiaries until it capitulated. While Japanese commanders debated the value of capturing Nanjing, the Chinese were equally preoccupied with whether it was worth defending. Most military professionals viewed the situation as a lost cause from the start. After the fall of Shanghai, Chiang Kai-shek summoned one of his top commanders, Chen Cheng, to Nanjing for discussions. “How can Nanjing be held?” Chen Cheng shot back “Are you ordering me to hold Nanjing?” Chiang replied “I am not”. Chen Cheng stated frankly, “I believe Nanjing should not be held at all.” By mid-November, Bai Chongxi, one of China's most respected generals, advocated for declaring Nanjing an open city. He argued that defending it was not only unnecessary but also impossible. All available forces had been deployed to Shanghai and were now exhausted. Furthermore, no reinforcements would be forthcoming if they made a stand in Nanjing. Instead of stubbornly clinging to fixed positions, he preferred a more flexible defensive strategy. Zhang Qun, Chiang's secretary, supported Bai's stance, believing that while Nanjing should ultimately be abandoned, political considerations were paramount. If the Chinese simply withdrew and allowed the Japanese to occupy the city, it would undermine China's position in any future negotiations. The Japanese would not be able to present themselves as victors who had triumphed in battle. Similarly, Chiang's chief military advisor, General Alexander von Falkenhausen, was against attempting to hold Nanjing. He deemed it “useless from a military perspective, suggesting it would be madness.” He warned that if Chiang forced his army into a decisive battle with their backs to the Yangtze River, “a disaster would probably be unavoidable.” Chiang's head of the operations bureau Liu Fei argued Nanjing could not be abandoned without a fight as it would crush the NRA's morale. He believed that defending the city could be managed with as few as 12 regiments, although 18 would be feasible. Most at the meeting agreed and Chiang understood Nanjing's international recognition necessitated some form of defense, doomed or not. A second meeting was formed whereupon, Tang Shengzhi, a general staff officer whose loyalties were, lets be honest very flip floppy. During the warlord era, he routinely switched sides, especially against Chiang Kai-Shek. At the meeting Tang stated in regards to Nanjing's international prominence and being the final resting place of Dr Sun Yat-Sen “How can we face the spirit of the former president in heaven? We have no choice but to defend the capital to the death.” Chiang's commanders were all well aware of his intentions. The generalissimo was eager for a dramatic last stand in Nanjing to serve propaganda purposes, aiming to rally the nation and convey to the world that China was resolute in its fight against Japan. His commanders also recognized the rationale behind fighting for Nanjing; however, very few were inclined to embark on what seemed a likely suicide mission. The third meeting occurred the day after the second. Chiang opened by asking, as many anticipated, “Who is willing to shoulder the burden of defending Nanjing?” An awkward silence followed. Then Tang Shengzhi stepped forward. “Chairman, if no one else is willing, I will. I'm prepared to defend Nanjing and to hold it to the death.” Without hesitation, Chiang accepted his offer. “Good, the responsibility is yours.”A little refresher on Tang, he had played a role in Chiang Kai-shek's efforts to unify China by force in the 1920s, when the nation was a patchwork of fiefdoms. However, their relationship had soured on two occasions, forcing Tang into temporary exile, first to Japan and then to Hong Kong. The Japanese invasion of northeastern China in 1931 prompted a loose reconciliation, and since then, Tang had held several important positions, notably organizing war games simulating a Japanese assault on Nanjing. However Tang had often suffered from illness, and crucially, he had not led troops in the field against the Japanese since the onset of full-scale war that summer. Hailing from Hunan province, he was a typical provincial soldier and would likely face challenges commanding respect among elite divisions loyal solely to the central government in Nanjing. He was definitely not the first choice for such a significant task.  Amazingly, while tens of thousands of Chinese and Japanese were killing each other, while Japanese planes relentlessly bombarded Chinese cities including the capital, and while Japanese soldiers committed heinous atrocities against Chinese civilians, the two nations maintained diplomatic relations. China had a fully operational embassy in Tokyo, led by Xu Shiying, a 65-year-old diplomat. This surreal arrangement persisted because neither side was willing to officially declare war. In the fall of 1937, as Japanese armies were heavily engaged on two fronts within mainland China, Xu met with Japanese Foreign Minister Hirota Koki to propose a non-aggression treaty. The proposal was swiftly rejected in Nanjing. By November 1937, Xu was no longer at the forefront of events, and foreign observers shifted their focus from the capitals of the warring nations to Belgium. While large-scale battles raged along the lower Yangtze, representatives from 19 countries convened in Brussels to search for a way to end hostilities. Although China participated in the conference, Japan did not. Japan had received two invitations to join the talks, with its response to the second arriving in Brussels on November 12: a firm rejection. Japan asserted that it preferred direct bilateral negotiations with China, dismissing the Brussels conference held under the auspices of the Nine-Power Treaty, a pact signed in 1922 aimed at ensuring China's national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Japan argued that intervention by a collective body like the conference “would merely stir national sentiments in both countries and complicate efforts to reach a mutually satisfactory resolution.” The League of Nations had called for a Nine-Power conference a month earlier, which ultimately became a 19-power conference as other nations with interests in East Asia joined. From the outset, Japan opposed the assembly and was absent when the first plenary meeting commenced in Brussels on November 3. Japanese leaders feared that China might attempt to leverage the conference against Western powers, recalling how, in 1895, Japan had been denied its spoils following its first modern war with China due to the intervention of Russia, France, and Germany, who blocked Japan from claiming the strategic Liaodong Peninsula adjacent to Korea. China also exhibited a lukewarm attitude toward the conference. While Japan feared the potential outcomes, China was concerned about the lack of significant results. The proposal to transition discussions from the League of Nations, perceived as ineffective, to the even less authoritative Nine Powers, which lacked formal organization. Nonetheless, the Chinese chose to participate in Brussels, maintaining the pretense that something meaningful could be accomplished. Shortly after Japan's second rejection of the invitation, Wellington Koo made an impassioned plea in Brussels, stating, “Now that the door to conciliation and mediation has been slammed in your face by the latest reply of the Japanese Government, will you not decide to withhold supplies of war materials and credit to Japan and extend aid to China?” In reality, Koo understood that significant Western aid to China was highly unlikely, aside from token gestures. Previous international discussions had momentarily halted Japanese advances in the past; for instance, in 1932, Japanese troops had paused their movements in the Shanghai area just hours before the League of Nations General Assembly commenced. However, that was nearly six years earlier, and circumstances had changed dramatically since then. Rogue states had grown bolder, while democracies seemed increasingly timid. Thus, the Chinese agenda in Brussels was not primarily driven by hopes for substantial Western concessions. Instead, the delegates had been tasked by Nanjing to anticipate the post-conference landscape and to actively seek ways to encourage Europe and America to support Soviet military action against Japan.   China, long reliant on Germany as a diplomatic partner, increasingly felt betrayed, not just by Germany, but also by its fascist ally, Italy. Consequently, it began looking more favorably upon the Soviet Union, Japan's archrival in Northeast Asia, as its main source of international support. The Soviet Union exhibited a firmer stance than the Western democracies at the Brussels conference, joining China in advocating for collective security in Europe and Asia. On November 15th, a small group of officers from the 10th Army gathered for late-night discussions in an abandoned building north of Hangzhou Bay, where they would effectively decide the fate of China. Yanagawa Heisuke, the commander of the 10th Army, presided over the discussions. Fresh from the battlefield since the beginning of the month, he was eager to escalate the fight, a sentiment echoed among the others. It was an unusual meeting, where officers as low in rank as major were making decisions typically reserved for the highest echelons of political power. The agenda included a pivotal question: Should they adhere to Order No. 600 received from Tokyo a week prior, which instructed them to halt their advance along a line from Suzhou to Jiaxing? Or, should they disregard these explicit orders and push forward to seize Nanjing? While the Japanese Army had failed to completely annihilate the Chinese forces around Shanghai, there was a consensus that their adversary was now reeling from recent setbacks, presenting an opportune moment to strike decisively and secure a swift victory. The only remaining question was how aggressively to pursue this goal. Colonel Terada Masao, a senior staff officer within the 10th Army, spoke first. “The Chinese Army is currently retreating toward the capital. We should cross that line and pursue the enemy straight to Nanjing.” Major Iketani Hanjiro, a staff officer recently attached to the fast-moving 6th Division, then offered his input “From a tactical perspective, I completely agree with Terada that we should cross the line, but the decision to attack Nanjing should be considered not just tactically, but also politically. It's not that field commanders can't create a fait accompli to pressure our superiors in Tokyo. However, we must proceed with great caution”. A staff officer raised this question  “What if Tokyo orders us to pull back those smaller units?” Iketani responded “In that case, we will, of course, withdraw them to this side of the line”. Ultimately, Iketani's cautions were set aside, and Terada's aggressive approach prevailed. The majority agreed that the tactical circumstances presented a rare opportunity. Japanese troops in the Shanghai area were poised to advance west, not through small, individual skirmishes but with a substantial deployment of their forces. Officers estimated that if a decisive push was made immediately, Nanjing could fall into Japanese hands within 20 days. However Colonel Kawabe Torashiro, the newly appointed chief of the Army General Staff's Operations Section suddenly arrived at the theater. He was sent on a mission to assess whether the Central China Area Army should be granted greater operational freedom. It was well known in Tokyo that field officers were eager to capitalize on the momentum created by the collapse of Chinese defenses around Shanghai. Kawabe's task was to explore the possibility of allowing forces to cross the line from Suzhou to Jiaxing and move westward in pursuit of the retreating enemy. However, Kawabe was staunchly opposed to further military adventures in China. Kawabe was part of the dwindling faction of "China doves" within the Japanese military. As early as the summer of 1937, he had become alarmed by a letter from a civilian Japanese visitor to the Chinese mainland, warning that Japanese officers were attempting to engineer an “incident” with China to provoke open conflict. This would provide Japan with a pretext to expand its influence in northern China. Kawabe had attempted to alert his superiors, but his warnings fell on deaf ears. They had been lulled into a false sense of security by reports from China that dismissed all talk of war-mongering as baseless and alarmist. When he arrived to the front he stated “I am here to inspect conditions on the ground so that a final decision can be made on where to establish the operational restriction line”. Alongside him came General Akira Muto, recently appointed the commander of the Central China Area Army. He also happened to be one of the architects of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Muto responded promptly: “The line currently stretches from Suzhou to Jiaxing, but we should consider crossing it. This will help us achieve our overall objectives in the theater.” Muto continued, arguing that the 10th Army should be permitted to advance to Huzhou, south of Lake Tai, effectively cutting off communications between Nanjing and the strategic city of Hangzhou. He further claimed that the Shanghai Expeditionary Force should be allowed to capture the vital city of Jiangyin, suggesting, perhaps overly optimistically, that its loss could lead to the fall of Chiang Kai-shek. Ultimately, Muto insisted, Nanjing should also be seized, which he asserted would bring an end to the war. Kawabe listened patiently, a practice he would repeat in the following days as other field officers echoed similar sentiments, eagerly expressing their desire to advance all the way to Nanjing. Yanagawa and his 10th Army exemplified this aggressive mindset. Nevertheless, just as the hawks within the Japanese military and the nation's political leadership appeared to be prevailing in the struggle over China policy, they faced unexpected challenges from a different direction. Germany, a power with ambiguous sympathies in East Asia, was quietly engaged in negotiations aimed at bringing peace. Oskar Trautmann, Germany's ambassador to China, had maintained an objective and neutral stance when he met with Chiang Kai-shek in early November to relay Japan's conditions for initiating peace talks. These conditions included extensive concessions in northern China, such as the withdrawal of all Chinese troops to a line south of Beijing and the establishment of a pro-Japanese regime in Inner Mongolia, bordering the Soviet-controlled Mongolian People's Republic. Chiang dismissed these demands outright, but Trautmann and his superiors in Beijing continued their top-secret efforts. Germany's motivation for seeking an end to the Sino-Japanese War was not rooted in a genuine love for peace, but rather in their embarrassment over witnessing their old Asian ally, China, fighting against their new partner, Japan. Herman Göring, president of the Reichstag and a leading figure in the Nazi party, told a Chinese visitor, “China and Japan are both friends of Germany. The Sino-Japanese War has put Germany between Scylla and Charybdis. That's why Germany is ready to seize the chance to become a mediator.” Germany also feared that a prolonged conflict in China could jeopardize its commercial interests in East Asia and weaken Japan's capacity to confront the Soviet Union, potentially freeing Moscow to allocate more resources to a fight in Europe. In essence, continued hostilities could significantly harm Germany. Japanese field commanders were frustrated by Germany's mediation efforts.  When news of Trautmann's mission leaked, the German diplomat faced severe criticism in the Chinese media, which deemed any negotiation with the "Japanese devils" unacceptable. Additionally, there was the matter of China's ties with the Soviet Union; employing a German mediator raised the possibility of cooperation among China, Japan, and Germany, potentially expanding the anti-Soviet bloc, which would, in turn, pressure Moscow to increase its support for China. By mid-November, however, the complexities of this diplomatic game started unraveling and then Japan took action. At 7:00 am on November 19, Yanagawa issued instructions to his troops in the field. “The enemy's command system is in disarray, and a mood of defeat has descended over their entire army. They have lost the will to fight. The main Chinese forces were retreating west of the line stretching from Suzhou to Jiaxing, and this withdrawal was soon likely to spiral into a full-scale retreat. We must not miss the opportunity to pursue the enemy to Nanjing.” I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Shanghai had fallen, and the Japanese forces pursued their fleeing enemy further west. However they had orders to halt, but would they? Officers from top down deliberating on the issue, with the vast majority pushing for a drive to Nanjing. They thought it represented the end objective of the conflict. They would all be very wrong. 

Gary Vaynerchuk, commonly known as Gary Vee, is an influential entrepreneur, speaker, and internet personality, best known for his expertise in digital marketing and social media. Starting his career in his family's wine business, Gary's innovative approach to e-commerce and content creation catapulted the business from a local enterprise to a national leader in wine retail. He later founded VaynerMedia, a leading digital agency that services Fortune 500 clients across the globe. In this episode, Gary shares his unfiltered insights on the dynamics of building and scaling businesses, the evolution of consumer engagement, and the relentless pursuit of hustle. Timestamps:02:41 - Introduction.05:21 - Gary Vee narrates the immigration challenges faced by his family leaving the Soviet Union and adjusting to life in America.08:02 - Gary Vee talks about his father's entrepreneurial journey from managing a store to owning it and the lessons learned from observing his work ethic.10:41 - Randall Kaplan praises the inherent strength and resilience of influential women in challenging environments.13:20 - Randall Kaplan shares an emotional personal story, underscoring the importance of strong family values.16:04 - Gary Vee elaborates on the supportive dynamics within his extended family and the emotional bonds that shaped his upbringing.18:41 - Gary Vee emphasizes the crucial life skill of dealing with adversity and finding comfort in uncomfortable situations.21:20 - Gary Vee reminisces about his childhood summers, filled with familial connections and simple joys.24:03 - Randall Kaplan reflects on his childhood outdoor activities, noting the less supervised yet richly interactive play of his youth.26:40 - Randall Kaplan discusses overcoming personal challenges and the motivation behind his drive to succeed despite obstacles.29:23 - Gary Vee debates the nature of entrepreneurial success, questioning if innate talent is a necessary component and sharing his personal experiences with early business ventures.32:03 - Gary Vee discusses his youthful business initiatives, including running a lemonade stand and the creative ways he expanded it.34:44 - Gary Vee recalls his childhood efforts to earn money through various small ventures, from selling flowers picked from neighbors' gardens to singing carols.37:22 - Gary Vee shares his philosophy on the value of hard work over formal education, reflecting on his personal and family experiences.40:00 - Gary Vee looks back on a defining weekend in his youth that solidified his passion for business and innovation.In Search of Excellence Podcast - with Randall KaplanListen to this episode on the go!Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-search-of-excellence/id1579184310Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/23q0XICUDIchVrkXBR0i6LOne-on One Coaching: I coach a select group of high achievers on how to elevate their careers, grow their businesses, and unlock their full potential. Apply Here = https://www.randallkaplan.com/coachingFollow Randall!Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/randallkaplanTikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@randall_kaplanTwitter / X: https://x.com/RandallKaplanLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/randallkaplan/Website: https://www.randallkaplan.com/Get More Excellence! In Search of Excellence Clips: https://www.youtube.com/@iseclipsCoaching and Staying Connected:1-on-1 Coaching | Instagram | YouTube | TikTok | LinkedIn

Ep555-Art Bell-Paul Stonehill-UFOs in the USSR