Podcasts about Anastasio Somoza Debayle

Offerta Black Friday di NordVPN! Vai su https://nordvpn.com/dentrolastoria per ottenere l'esclusivo sconto Black Friday + 4 mesi extra sui piani biennali +30gg soddisfatti o rimborsati! Il nostro canale Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC1vziHBEp0gc9gAhR740fCw Sostieni DENTRO LA STORIA su Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/dentrolastoria Abbonati al canale: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC1vziHBEp0gc9gAhR740fCw/join Il nostro store in Amazon: https://www.amazon.it/shop/dentrolastoria Sostienici su PayPal: https://paypal.me/infinitybeat Dentro La Storia lo trovi anche qui: https://linktr.ee/dentrolastoria Il 19 luglio 1979 una folla di persone festanti invade pacificamente le strade di Managua, capitale del Nicaragua: celebrano la fuga di Anastasio Somoza Debayle, ultimo esponente di una famiglia che ha schiavizzato e derubato il piccolo Paese centramericano. La vittoria contro il tiranno è frutto di una guerra civile nata dall'assassinio di un giornalista oppositore del regime e dall'impegno di un gruppo di ex studenti che hanno creato un fronte rivoluzionario. I sandinisti diventano un simbolo per l'America che si oppone alle dittature sostenute economicamente dagli Stati Uniti e uno spauracchio per Washington. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Lo scorso 19 luglio l'FSLN-Fronte Sandinista di Liberazione Nazionale ha celebrato i 44 anni trascorsi dalla vittoria della rivoluzione in Nicaragua con conseguente deposizione del regime di Anastasio Somoza Debayle. In realtà, c'è ben poco da festeggiare… A guidare le danze è stato il presidente in carica, Daniel Ortega, colui che, di fatto, sta ripercorrendo esattamente gli stessi passi tanto deprecati nel suo predecessore, tanto da spingere l'autorevole quotidiano spagnolo Abc, lo scorso 19 luglio, ad accusare il dittatore nicaraguense di essersi ormai trasformato «in ciò che tanto odiava».

Radio Sandino, Nicaraguan clandestine radio station, voice of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Recorded the day Anastasio Somoza DeBayle resigned the presidency and fled to Miami.  The following is a translation of the first two minutes of the announcement:  "Somoza is leaving. During these moments, [inaudible]. No one shall act freely. Everyone should act under orders of the one responsible [over them], under instruction of the national joint leadership, FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation Front). We must prevent, at all costs, the individual energy and [inaudible]. The FSLN guarantees publicly and emphatically to respect life and physical integrity of all military and their families once this fight is over. Nicaraguan brothers, abiding by the provisions of the new government, FSLN, reaffirms publicly that executions will not be allowed, nor physical violence against those military members who comply with the orders to ceasefire. Denying disseminated malicious versions by the Somoza [government], the new government of national reconstruction guarantees that the death penalty shall not apply to any military member guilty or not of a crime. The ordinary courts of justice will be the ones who will recognize [inaudible] and judgement. We alert all of the honest officers of the national guard that the Somoza Security Office has initiated a fierce persecution against all honest officers. We call upon you to not let them, and to trust in the guarantee the new government of national reconstruction offers you. We reiterate that every honest officer can integrate to the new patriotic military. We know that many military members have not had the opportunity to get out of the Somoza military. To those, we ask to have confidence in the imminent victory." Recorded by Tom Gavaras, courtesy of the Shortwave Radio Archive. Part of the Shortwave Transmissions project, documenting and reimagining the sounds of shortwave radio - find out more and see the whole project at https://citiesandmemory.com/shortwave

After the sudden deaths of his father and brother, Anastasio “Tachito” Somoza Debayle took office in May 1967. By 1978, his regime was crumbling. An opposition group known as the Sandinistas were rallying Nicaraguans against their leader — and soon, it wasn't just citizens denouncing Somoza. As resentment boiled over into revolution, the revolution found international allies.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In 1934, a beloved anti-imperialist guerrilla in Nicaragua was betrayed and executed by a National Guard commander. General Anastasio Somoza García seized power, establishing his own political party and steadily cementing his rule before forming one of the few familial dynasties in Latin America. The Somoza dynasty ruled for nearly four decades in Nicaragua. This week, we trace its rise.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Poca gente sabe acerca del origen de una de las cumbias más populares de El Salvador: "La Bala", de la Orquesta Internacional de los Hermanos Flores. Y todavía menos gente conoce que una fiesta del dictador nigaragüense Anastasio Somoza Debayle tiene que ver en esta historia.

Claudia Rueda’s book Students of Revolution: Youth, Protest, and Coalition-Building in Somoza-Era Nicaragua (University of Texas Press, 2019) is a history of student organizing against dictatorship in twentieth-century Nicaragua. By mobilizing in support of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional and other anti-Somoza forces, students helped to build what Rueda calls “a culture of insurrection” that made armed revolutionary struggle seem imaginable and needed to Nicaraguans from many backgrounds. What made students such an effective political force in Nicaragua was that as valuable future professionals and idealized youth, students enjoyed great latitude to express dissent and counted upon widespread public sympathy when they faced state repression. Drawing from oral histories and rich archives of student movements, Rueda documents how student activism against authoritarianism developed from the 1930s to 1979 as university enrollment grew and diversified. Student tactics and ideological commitments shifted during these decades in response to events at home (brief, limited democratic openings and harsh crackdowns on student dissidence) and abroad (the Cuban Revolution). By the 1960s, student organizations included moderate as well as leftist groups who were ultimately able to make common cause against the last Somoza dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Joining a growing body of scholarship on student politics in Latin America during the Cold War, Rueda’s book illustrates the profound impact of student activism in a small country which did not see major uprisings in 1968. Nevertheless, as dissident, organized, and well-connected youth, Nicaraguan students were instrumental in laying the groundwork for a successful revolution over a decade later, when the Sandinistas brought down Somoza in 1979. Claudia Rueda is an assistant professor of history at Texas A&M Corpus Christi. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about youth, higher education, transnationalism, and social class in t Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Claudia Rueda’s book Students of Revolution: Youth, Protest, and Coalition-Building in Somoza-Era Nicaragua (University of Texas Press, 2019) is a history of student organizing against dictatorship in twentieth-century Nicaragua. By mobilizing in support of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional and other anti-Somoza forces, students helped to build what Rueda calls “a culture of insurrection” that made armed revolutionary struggle seem imaginable and needed to Nicaraguans from many backgrounds. What made students such an effective political force in Nicaragua was that as valuable future professionals and idealized youth, students enjoyed great latitude to express dissent and counted upon widespread public sympathy when they faced state repression. Drawing from oral histories and rich archives of student movements, Rueda documents how student activism against authoritarianism developed from the 1930s to 1979 as university enrollment grew and diversified. Student tactics and ideological commitments shifted during these decades in response to events at home (brief, limited democratic openings and harsh crackdowns on student dissidence) and abroad (the Cuban Revolution). By the 1960s, student organizations included moderate as well as leftist groups who were ultimately able to make common cause against the last Somoza dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Joining a growing body of scholarship on student politics in Latin America during the Cold War, Rueda’s book illustrates the profound impact of student activism in a small country which did not see major uprisings in 1968. Nevertheless, as dissident, organized, and well-connected youth, Nicaraguan students were instrumental in laying the groundwork for a successful revolution over a decade later, when the Sandinistas brought down Somoza in 1979. Claudia Rueda is an assistant professor of history at Texas A&M Corpus Christi. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about youth, higher education, transnationalism, and social class in t Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Claudia Rueda’s book Students of Revolution: Youth, Protest, and Coalition-Building in Somoza-Era Nicaragua (University of Texas Press, 2019) is a history of student organizing against dictatorship in twentieth-century Nicaragua. By mobilizing in support of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional and other anti-Somoza forces, students helped to build what Rueda calls “a culture of insurrection” that made armed revolutionary struggle seem imaginable and needed to Nicaraguans from many backgrounds. What made students such an effective political force in Nicaragua was that as valuable future professionals and idealized youth, students enjoyed great latitude to express dissent and counted upon widespread public sympathy when they faced state repression. Drawing from oral histories and rich archives of student movements, Rueda documents how student activism against authoritarianism developed from the 1930s to 1979 as university enrollment grew and diversified. Student tactics and ideological commitments shifted during these decades in response to events at home (brief, limited democratic openings and harsh crackdowns on student dissidence) and abroad (the Cuban Revolution). By the 1960s, student organizations included moderate as well as leftist groups who were ultimately able to make common cause against the last Somoza dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Joining a growing body of scholarship on student politics in Latin America during the Cold War, Rueda’s book illustrates the profound impact of student activism in a small country which did not see major uprisings in 1968. Nevertheless, as dissident, organized, and well-connected youth, Nicaraguan students were instrumental in laying the groundwork for a successful revolution over a decade later, when the Sandinistas brought down Somoza in 1979. Claudia Rueda is an assistant professor of history at Texas A&M Corpus Christi. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about youth, higher education, transnationalism, and social class in t Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Claudia Rueda’s book Students of Revolution: Youth, Protest, and Coalition-Building in Somoza-Era Nicaragua (University of Texas Press, 2019) is a history of student organizing against dictatorship in twentieth-century Nicaragua. By mobilizing in support of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional and other anti-Somoza forces, students helped to build what Rueda calls “a culture of insurrection” that made armed revolutionary struggle seem imaginable and needed to Nicaraguans from many backgrounds. What made students such an effective political force in Nicaragua was that as valuable future professionals and idealized youth, students enjoyed great latitude to express dissent and counted upon widespread public sympathy when they faced state repression. Drawing from oral histories and rich archives of student movements, Rueda documents how student activism against authoritarianism developed from the 1930s to 1979 as university enrollment grew and diversified. Student tactics and ideological commitments shifted during these decades in response to events at home (brief, limited democratic openings and harsh crackdowns on student dissidence) and abroad (the Cuban Revolution). By the 1960s, student organizations included moderate as well as leftist groups who were ultimately able to make common cause against the last Somoza dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Joining a growing body of scholarship on student politics in Latin America during the Cold War, Rueda’s book illustrates the profound impact of student activism in a small country which did not see major uprisings in 1968. Nevertheless, as dissident, organized, and well-connected youth, Nicaraguan students were instrumental in laying the groundwork for a successful revolution over a decade later, when the Sandinistas brought down Somoza in 1979. Claudia Rueda is an assistant professor of history at Texas A&M Corpus Christi. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about youth, higher education, transnationalism, and social class in t Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Speaking of brutal Nicaraguan dictator Somoza, Harry Truman is supposed to have said “He’s a bastard, but he’s our bastard.” This quote is attributed to Truman, FDR, and Nixon. This is a broad chronological range, because there were actually three Somozas: Anastasio Somoza Garcia, who fathered Luis Somoza Debayle and Anastasio Somoza Debayle, the Somoza dynasty that ruled Nicaragua from the mid 1930s through the late 1970s. The Marines invaded Nicaragua in 1912 and stayed until 1933, fighting but never defeating the revolutionary Augusto Sandino. They created the Nicaraguan National Guard and installed Anastasio Somoza Garcia in power. Then Sandino, who had signed a truce and put down his arms, was assassinated by Somoza. In 1935, General Smedley Butler, who led the Marines into Nicaragua, said: “[I was] a high class muscle man for big business, for Wall Street and for the banks. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism – I helped purify Nicaragua for [an] international banking house.”

On this episode, Cat covers Nicaragua's brutal dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, and the guy responsible for bungling the Chernobyl disaster, Boris Shcherbina, with comedian Wyatt Grey from America's Got Talent.  --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/villainsofhistory/support

“The documentary “‘¡Las Sandinistas!” compiles the reminiscences of women who fought with the Sandinistas, the revolutionary group in Nicaragua that toppled the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979 and then ruled that country until 1990,” wrote Ben Kenigsberg of the New York Times. “In focusing on the testimonies of women, this film by Jenny Murray aims to memorialize what one participant, the poet Daisy Zamora, calls the ‘revolution inside the revolution.’ It argues that, despite chauvinism and sexual harassment from the movement’s male leaders, the Sandinistas were as groundbreaking for feminism as they were for ostensibly socialist governance.” On Wednesday’s “Leonard Lopate at Large” on WBAI, Jenny Murray discusses the vital role women played in the Nicaraguan revolution of the late ’70s.

Gorriaran Merlo, fue uno de los dirigentes del Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT) que, en su V° Congreso, resuelve fundar el brazo armado, el Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP). En marzo de ese mismo año se sumó a la lucha armada clandestina. El 15 de agosto de 1972 protagonizó junto a otros jefes guerrilleros de diversas agrupaciones políticas, una cinematográfica fuga de la cárcel de máxima seguridad de Rawson (en la Patagonia argentina), sucesos que luego derivaron en lo que se conoció como la Masacre de Trelew. Hacia comienzos de 1976 el ERP estaba virtualmente derrotado y había tenido muchas pérdidas en el fallido ataque al Batallón de Monte Chingolo. Esto se agravó cuando en julio de ese año, ya producido el golpe de Estado, cayó muerto Santucho dejando valiosa documentación sobre el ERP en manos de los militares. A finales de 1976 Gorriarán Merlo dejó el país y combatió en Nicaragua junto al sandinismo, bajo cuyo gobierno fundó el departamento de seguridad del Estado tras el triunfo de la revolución. Gorriarán comandó una célula que el 17 de septiembre de 1980 mató en Asunción al ex dictador nicaragüense Anastasio Somoza Debayle, después de meses de seguimiento en la capital paraguaya. En los últimos años de su vida tuvo la entrada prohibida en Nicaragua por los gobiernos de derecha de Violeta Chamorro y Arnoldo Alemán; aunque gozaba del apoyo y la amistad del líder sandinista Daniel Ortega. Al regreso de la democracia en Argentina, Gorriarán fundó el Movimiento Todos por la Patria (MTP). En enero de 1989, durante el gobierno de Raúl Alfonsín, Gorriarán lideró un grupo armado de Todos por la Patria que intentó copar el Regimiento Militar de La Tablada, en el oeste del Gran Buenos Aires, acción en la que murieron 39 personas, entre las cuales se encontraban nueve guerrilleros que habrían sido prisioneros fusilados por los militares una vez detenidos.1 El líder guerrillero justificó la toma diciendo que tenía el objetivo de impedir un supuesto golpe de estado planeado por el entonces candidato a presidente Carlos Saúl Menem (luego presidente, entre 1989 y 1999) y el ex militar Mohamed Alí Seineldín. Para la investigadora Claudia Hilb, en cambio, un reducido grupo de personas encabezado por Gorriarán Merlo trató de «fabricar un presente ficticio: fabricar en primer lugar la «materia» a ser interpretada —el ficticio golpe carapintada— para sobre esta ficción erigir una mentira verosímil —fuimos a parar el golpe— que, bien instrumentada, deberá poder manipular ahora los sentimientos antigolpistas del pueblo en favor de la insurrección». Por ese ataque, Gorriarán fue detenido en 1995 en México y extraditado hacia Argentina. Tras ser condenado a prisión perpetua en 1996, Gorriarán protagonizó junto a otros ex guerrilleros detenidos una huelga de hambre que duró 162 días, y fue liberado en 2003 por un indulto presidencial del entonces presidente Eduardo Duhalde. En enero de 2003 publicó el libro Memorias de Enrique Gorriarán Merlo. De la Década del Setenta a La Tablada, un volumen de más de 600 páginas. En 2006, en la ciudad de Rosario, el ex guerrillero descartó "totalmente que volvamos a la lucha armada", debido a que no están dadas las "condiciones necesarias", y adjudicó su militancia a las reiteradas intentonas dictatoriales de las Fuerzas Armadas. En 2006, Gorriarán lanzó una nueva agrupación política, llamada Partido para el Trabajo y el Desarrollo, con la propuesta de "cerrar la zanja que separa al pueblo de la política y a los ricos de los pobres", con la adhesión de varios partidos de izquierda latinoamericanos, entre ellos el gobernante Frente Amplio de Uruguay. Gorriarán se proponía participar en las elecciones de 2007 "en alianza o con candidatos propios", y había dicho estar dispuesto a "la unidad con todo aquel que se oponga al neoliberalismo y que tenga una óptica de integración latinoamericana". Sin embargo, falleció el 23 de septiembre de 2006 en el hospital Argerich de Buenos Aires, víctima de un paro cardíaco. Una biblioteca en Managua, capital de Nicaragua, lleva su nombre.