Neologism used by the World Bank to refer to developing countries
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This week on Sinica, a rare treat: an in-person recording from Beijing with two dear friends who happen to be two of the very best in the business on technology and China — Samm Sacks and Paul Triolo, fresh off the exhibition floor of the World Artificial Intelligence Conference in Shanghai. We dig into Xi Jinping's first in-person WAIC appearance and his most extensive statement on AI to date, the launch of the World AI Cooperation Organization, Moonshot's release of Kimi K3, the Trump administration's reported push to shut Chinese open-weight models out of the U.S. market, the coming age of agents, the untranslatable problem of ānquán, and what to expect from the first U.S.-China AI dialogue in September.8:51 – The view from the floor: heat, humidity, robot boxing grandmas, WeChat-gated free water, and the "AI+" vibe — why WAIC 2026 felt less like an AI conference than a sector-by-sector snapshot of China's entire economy being supercharged with AI, with attendance swelling to some 200,000 tickets16:32 – Why Xi showed up: what the leader's first in-person WAIC appearance and his most extensive AI statement to date signal, and why domestic drivers matter as much as geopolitics18:01 – Chapter and verse: which phrases from the speech will be put to work in the system — "secure and orderly development" and the governance of agents, and Xi's strikingly extensive language on AI safety after China was frozen out of the Paris process22:26 – The ānquán problem: one word meaning both "safety" and "security," the three buckets of AI risk, and how China's safety community has moved from bias and deepfakes toward CBRN and loss-of-control concerns — Black Mirror versus Star Trek28:14 – Shanghai's baby: how WAIC's ownership structure differs from the CAC-run World Internet Conference in Wuzhen, Chen Jining's very visible host duties, and whether the center of gravity in AI policy is shifting to the Yangtze River Delta30:05 – WAICO: what the new World AI Cooperation Organization with its 29 founding members is actually for, Xi's concrete deliverables for the Global South — 5,000 AI training slots, regional cooperation centers, the MAZU early-warning system — and healthy skepticism about follow-through34:39 – Kimi K3: what's technically significant in Moonshot's big new model, why it's the fourth arguably frontier-class Chinese release in a single month, the two-way traffic in distillation accusations, and what it all says about the state of the frontier gap four years into export controls40:33 – Washington reacts: the reported menu of options for shutting Chinese open-weight models out of the U.S. — entity listings, a draft executive order, supply-chain security authorities — and why none of the tools actually fit the problem49:36 – Strange bedfellows: David Sacks versus the "closed lab duopoly," the FUD strategy, why some 80% of Andreessen Horowitz portfolio companies reportedly run on Chinese open models, and how gating U.S. frontier models while Chinese weights flow freely supercharges the AI sovereignty argument worldwide54:55 – The model is infrastructure, the agent is the product: the ByteDance–ZTE agentic phone, the CAC's new initiative on agent trust and interoperability, and why agents fused into operating systems upend both super-app walled gardens and China's data protection regime1:02:27 – An exegesis of kěkòng: the many meanings of "controllable," the long history of ānquán kěkòng in Chinese tech policy, and the unanswered question of who — CAC, NDRC, or somebody new — actually owns AI safety in either system1:08:54 – The road to September: what to expect from the first U.S.-China AI dialogue, why Mythos tops the Chinese grievance list, the securitization feedback loop that starves trust-and-safety advocates of resources on both sides, and why recursive self-improvement makes this feel like a last, best chancePaying It ForwardPaul nominates Tony Peng, whose Substack RecodeChinaAI offers sharp, well-written analysis of the application side of China's AI industry — part of an impressive new generation of independent China tech writers. Samm gives a shout-out to Professor Zhu Yue of Tongji University Law School, published in Science and doing pioneering work at the intersection of disability law and AI law.RecommendationsSamm: The Land and Its People by David Sedaris — laugh-out-loud funny, especially the "Enough is Enough" chapter; Transcription by Ben Lerner, a perfect small novel about fathers, sons, memory, and technology as enabler or disabler of connection; and Didion and Babitz, on Joan Didion and Eve Babitz and the 1970s California rock scene.Paul: The Party's Interests Come First by Joseph Torigian — dense but beautifully written, and essential for understanding the current Chinese leadership.Kaiser: A fiction-only summer! Stoner by John Williams, a small life told most grandly in some of the most beautiful sentence-level writing anywhere; Gilead by Marilynne Robinson, an epistolary novel dense with distilled wisdom from a dying Iowa minister; and Wang Xiaobo's The Golden Age (黄金时代) in Yan Yan's excellent new translation — bawdy, hilarious, and super Beijing-y despite its Cultural Revolution setting.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Eric Olander, editor-in-chief of the China Global South Project, joins the pod to discuss the developments on the other side of the globe. From Ho Chi Minh City, Eric explains how the Global South actually sees the US-Iran war, why nobody expects China to ride to anyone's rescue, and how Vietnam's tariff and energy shocks became a never-again moment. He and Jacob dig into the myth that tariffs can implode China, America's fading China literacy, and why the next order won't be Chinese-led - but China will be its transformational character.*Note: There are some weird buzzing sounds in the pod, we know! There was some sort of issue uploading the audio, we're on it.--Timestamps:(00:00) - Welcome and Guest Intro(00:46) - World Cup Travel Chaos(02:01) - Soccer Politics and Tensions(03:33) - Meet Eric Olander(05:32) - China's Transformation Story(07:54) - Global South Views of China(10:26) - China as Daily Operating System(13:12) - Pew Poll Surprises Explained(14:10) - Southeast Asia vs Northeast Asia(17:32) - Why Philippines Aligns With US(20:10) - Japan Taiwan Flashpoint(21:15) - Supply Chains and Sea Lanes(23:36) - Japan Rearms for Post US Era(28:19) - Japan's Regional Influence(30:38) - Japan as Counterbalance(32:04) - Drone Age Security Shift(33:05) - South China Sea Alarm(33:28) - Iran War Global South(38:37) - China Gains and Risks(40:46) - No Alliance Expectations(43:51) - ICBM Test Explained(47:40) - Decoupling and US Pragmatists(50:35) - People to People Breakdown(54:41) - China Blowing Europe Window(58:56) - Mutual Misunderstanding Finale(59:55) - Closing Thanks and Signoff--Referenced in the Show:--Jacob Shapiro Site: jacobshapiro.comJacob Shapiro LinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/jacob-l-s-a9337416Jacob Twitter: x.com/JacobShapJacob Shapiro Substack: jashap.substack.com/subscribe --The Jacob Shapiro Show is produced and edited by Audiographies LLC. More information at audiographies.com--Jacob Shapiro is a speaker, consultant, author, and researcher covering global politics and affairs, economics, markets, technology, history, and culture. He speaks to audiences of all sizes around the world, helps global multinationals make strategic decisions about political risks and opportunities, and works directly with investors to grow and protect their assets in today's volatile global environment. His insights help audiences across industries like finance, agriculture, and energy make sense of the world.--Mentioned in this episode:Check Out Future Hindsight!If you enjoy our podcast, check out our homies over at Future Hindsight! It's an award-winning weekly podcast that takes big ideas about civic life and democracy and turns them into action items for you and me. Learn more at www.futurehindsight.com/
Dream the Size of Freedom: How African Liberation Mobilized New Left Internationalism (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2025) by Dr. R. Joseph Parrott explores how anti-colonial movements in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau reshaped US activist engagement with the Global South from the 1960s through the 1970s and influenced American foreign policy as the Vietnam War drew to a close. These Portuguese African liberation movements, led by nationalists like Eduardo Mondlane and Amílcar Cabral, built global solidarity networks to support their military and social challenges to empire while defending against Western intervention. US activists disillusioned with the Cold War came to see African self-determination as central to global campaigns for racial and economic justice. A broad coalition ranging from Black Power radicals to religious liberals mobilized against the North Atlantic alliance with Portugal. In the process, this grassroots movement helped define a New Left Internationalism that championed decentralized, multiracial organizing and a collaborative vision of US foreign policy to redress historic inequalities between Global North and South. Drawing on more than fifty oral histories and research in government and activist archives on three continents in English, Portuguese, French, and Afrikaans, Dr. Parrott reconstructs the transnational anti-imperial network that injected Global South priorities into US political debates. Popular protests and informational campaigns led to collaborations with legislators eager to constrain the powerful executive branch. In 1976, this grassroots-legislative alliance halted Gerald Ford's anti-communist intervention against the Soviet-backed government of newly independent Angola. This victory of New Left Internationalist ideas anticipated future anti-apartheid and Latin American peace movements while also fueling a conservative revival of Cold War containment. By exploring US engagement with the contested process of African decolonization, Dream the Size of Freedom highlights the origins of two contrasting visions of American foreign policy that defined debates over the country's proper role in the Global South into the 1990s. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda's interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history
Dream the Size of Freedom: How African Liberation Mobilized New Left Internationalism (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2025) by Dr. R. Joseph Parrott explores how anti-colonial movements in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau reshaped US activist engagement with the Global South from the 1960s through the 1970s and influenced American foreign policy as the Vietnam War drew to a close. These Portuguese African liberation movements, led by nationalists like Eduardo Mondlane and Amílcar Cabral, built global solidarity networks to support their military and social challenges to empire while defending against Western intervention. US activists disillusioned with the Cold War came to see African self-determination as central to global campaigns for racial and economic justice. A broad coalition ranging from Black Power radicals to religious liberals mobilized against the North Atlantic alliance with Portugal. In the process, this grassroots movement helped define a New Left Internationalism that championed decentralized, multiracial organizing and a collaborative vision of US foreign policy to redress historic inequalities between Global North and South. Drawing on more than fifty oral histories and research in government and activist archives on three continents in English, Portuguese, French, and Afrikaans, Dr. Parrott reconstructs the transnational anti-imperial network that injected Global South priorities into US political debates. Popular protests and informational campaigns led to collaborations with legislators eager to constrain the powerful executive branch. In 1976, this grassroots-legislative alliance halted Gerald Ford's anti-communist intervention against the Soviet-backed government of newly independent Angola. This victory of New Left Internationalist ideas anticipated future anti-apartheid and Latin American peace movements while also fueling a conservative revival of Cold War containment. By exploring US engagement with the contested process of African decolonization, Dream the Size of Freedom highlights the origins of two contrasting visions of American foreign policy that defined debates over the country's proper role in the Global South into the 1990s. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda's interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Dream the Size of Freedom: How African Liberation Mobilized New Left Internationalism (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2025) by Dr. R. Joseph Parrott explores how anti-colonial movements in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau reshaped US activist engagement with the Global South from the 1960s through the 1970s and influenced American foreign policy as the Vietnam War drew to a close. These Portuguese African liberation movements, led by nationalists like Eduardo Mondlane and Amílcar Cabral, built global solidarity networks to support their military and social challenges to empire while defending against Western intervention. US activists disillusioned with the Cold War came to see African self-determination as central to global campaigns for racial and economic justice. A broad coalition ranging from Black Power radicals to religious liberals mobilized against the North Atlantic alliance with Portugal. In the process, this grassroots movement helped define a New Left Internationalism that championed decentralized, multiracial organizing and a collaborative vision of US foreign policy to redress historic inequalities between Global North and South. Drawing on more than fifty oral histories and research in government and activist archives on three continents in English, Portuguese, French, and Afrikaans, Dr. Parrott reconstructs the transnational anti-imperial network that injected Global South priorities into US political debates. Popular protests and informational campaigns led to collaborations with legislators eager to constrain the powerful executive branch. In 1976, this grassroots-legislative alliance halted Gerald Ford's anti-communist intervention against the Soviet-backed government of newly independent Angola. This victory of New Left Internationalist ideas anticipated future anti-apartheid and Latin American peace movements while also fueling a conservative revival of Cold War containment. By exploring US engagement with the contested process of African decolonization, Dream the Size of Freedom highlights the origins of two contrasting visions of American foreign policy that defined debates over the country's proper role in the Global South into the 1990s. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda's interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day
China is an active advocate and practitioner of global governance in artificial intelligence, committed to ensuring that the benefits of AI are shared more broadly and equitably among people around the world, experts said.专家表示，中国是人工智能全球治理的积极倡导者和践行者，致力于让人工智能发展成果更广泛、更公平地惠及世界各国人民。Guided by the principles of multilateralism, openness and inclusiveness, China works to build the broadest possible international consensus on AI governance and contributes Chinese solutions to advancing global development in the age of intelligence, they said.专家们说，中国秉持多边主义、开放包容的原则，努力凝聚人工智能治理领域最广泛的国际共识，为推动智能时代全球发展贡献中国方案。Speaking in Shanghai at the opening ceremony of the 2026 World AI Conference and High-Level Meeting on Global AI Governance, President Xi Jinping called for joint efforts to build a just and equitable system for global AI governance.国家主席习近平在上海出席2026世界人工智能大会暨全球人工智能治理高级别会议开幕式并发表讲话，呼吁各方共同努力，构建公正合理的全球人工智能治理体系。"All countries should take a people-centered approach and develop AI for the positive and for good. We should ensure that AI is an important driver for shared prosperity and common security," Xi said.习近平表示："各国应坚持以人为本，推动人工智能向善发展，确保人工智能成为促进共同繁荣与普遍安全的重要力量。"In his keynote speech, Xi stressed the need for adhering to the principles of openness and win-win and boosting innovation-driven development.习近平在主旨演讲中强调，要坚持开放合作、互利共赢，加快创新驱动发展。He called for strengthening risk awareness, ensuring that AI is secure and controllable, encouraging inclusiveness, promoting mutual learning between civilizations, advocating solidarity and improving global governance.他呼吁增强风险意识，确保人工智能安全可控，倡导包容普惠，促进文明互鉴，弘扬团结协作精神，完善全球治理。Gordon K'achola, founder and CEO of the Africa Center for Diplomatic Affairs, highlighted that China has promised to help developing countries build their own AI know-how.非洲外交事务中心创始人兼首席执行官戈登·卡乔拉指出，中国已承诺帮助发展中国家建立自主人工智能技术能力。"For Africa and the broader Global South, the goal isn't just getting the latest tech. It's about building the capacity to create and control their own AI writing algorithms, growing research centers, and strengthening local institutions," he said.他表示："对非洲和更广泛的全球南方国家而言，目标不仅仅是获得最新技术，更在于培养自主研发和掌控人工智能算法的能力，壮大本地研究中心，加强本土机构建设。"Xi said that China will develop international AI application cooperation centers with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the League of Arab States, the African Union, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS.习近平表示，中国将与东盟、阿盟、非盟、拉共体、上海合作组织、金砖国家共同建设人工智能应用国际合作中心。Furthermore, China will promote the deployment of MAZU, an AI-powered meteorological early-warning solution, in 30 countries, he said.他还表示，中国将推动人工智能气象预警方案"妈祖"在30个国家落地应用。Philip Okello, principal meteorologist at the Kenya Meteorology Service, noted that China has made significant advances in meteorological forecasting, satellite observation and early warning of disasters, adding that deeper cooperation in these areas could help enhance Africa's forecasting capabilities and strengthen its resilience to climate change.肯尼亚气象局首席气象学家菲利普·奥凯洛指出，中国在气象预报、卫星观测和灾害预警等领域取得显著进展，他补充说，在这些领域深化合作将有助于提升非洲的预报能力，增强其应对气候变化的韧性。"President Xi's speech is timely because climate change is no longer a future risk; it is a present-day reality that is affecting countries across the globe," he said.他说："习近平主席的讲话恰逢其时，因为气候变化已不再是未来的风险，而是正在影响全球各国的现实挑战。"Okello also said that Xi's emphasis on strengthening meteorological science, innovation and international cooperation "aligns closely with what Africa needs to better prepare for increasingly frequent droughts, floods and extreme weather events".奥凯洛还表示，习近平强调加强气象科学研究、创新与国际合作，这与非洲应对日益频发的干旱、洪涝和极端天气事件、提升防范能力的需求高度契合。Xi also announced the establishment of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, whose headquarters will be in Shanghai, as "a major move by China to answer the call of the Global South and unite the international community" to vigorously promote AI development and governance.习近平还宣布成立总部设在上海的世界人工智能合作组织，称这是"中国响应全球南方国家呼声、凝聚国际社会共识"、大力推动人工智能发展与治理的重大举措。Maria Sun, co-chair of the FIRA RoboWorld Cup 2026, said the rapid development of AI has brought new challenges, underscoring the need for stronger international cooperation to address them collectively.2026世界机器人足球锦标赛联合主席玛丽亚·孙表示，人工智能的快速发展带来了新的挑战，凸显出加强国际合作、共同应对这些挑战的必要性。"China's efforts to promote AI cooperation with developing countries are very encouraging. International exchanges like these help bring more countries into the AI era," she said.她说："中国致力于推动与发展中国家的人工智能合作，这非常令人鼓舞。此类国际交流有助于让更多国家融入人工智能时代。""China has maintained an open approach to AI development, and that will contribute significantly to technological progress worldwide. Today, China is one of the global leaders in AI, and its continued openness will help drive innovation and international cooperation," Sun added.孙补充说："中国在人工智能发展上始终秉持开放态度，这将为全球科技进步作出重要贡献。当今，中国已成为全球人工智能领域的领军者之一，其持续开放的姿态将有助于推动创新与国际合作。"Humprey Arnaldo Russel, head of the ASEAN-China Research Center at the University of Indonesia, said that AI creates transnational challenges involving safety, ethics, misuse, technical standards, regulatory fragmentation, and widening digital and governance divides.印度尼西亚大学东盟-中国研究中心主任汉弗雷·阿纳尔多·拉塞尔表示，人工智能带来了涉及安全、伦理、滥用、技术标准、监管碎片化以及数字和治理鸿沟扩大等跨国性挑战。He said that the Global AI Governance Initiative, put forward by President Xi in 2023, advances global AI governance through solidarity and multilateral cooperation, which requires the greatest attention from the international community.他表示，习近平主席于2023年提出的《全球人工智能治理倡议》，通过团结协作与多边合作推动全球人工智能治理，这需要国际社会给予高度关注。"The proposal is especially important for the Global South, whose interests remain underrepresented in global technology governance. A broadly accepted, United Nations-centered framework could strengthen developing countries' participation (in global AI governance) while respecting different national conditions," he added.他补充说："这一倡议对全球南方国家尤为重要，因为它们的利益在全球科技治理中长期代表性不足。一个得到广泛认可、以联合国为中心的框架，既能尊重各国不同国情，又能加强发展中国家在（全球人工智能治理）中的参与。"David Tuffley, an adjunct senior lecturer at Griffith University's School of Information and Communication Technology in Australia, said the people-centered approach seeks to address a major challenge in AI governance: ensuring that the benefits of the technology are shared broadly rather than remaining concentrated in the hands of a few.澳大利亚格里菲斯大学信息与通信技术学院客座高级讲师戴维·塔夫利表示，"以人为本"的理念旨在应对人工智能治理中的一大挑战，即确保技术发展成果得到广泛共享，而非被少数人垄断。President Xi's speech highlighted China's commitment to promoting global AI governance and the development of international norms, he noted.他指出，习近平主席的讲话彰显了中国致力于推动全球人工智能治理和国际规则制定的坚定承诺。Tuffley also said that for the international community, particularly developing countries, the commitment to capacity building and greater access to computing power is especially significant, as much of the world's population currently has little voice in shaping the rules that govern AI.塔夫利还表示，对国际社会尤其是发展中国家而言，加强能力建设、扩大算力获取渠道的承诺意义尤为重大，因为当前全球相当一部分人口在人工智能规则制定中话语权十分有限。"Australia and China share an interest in AI safety research, in standards for evaluating frontier systems, and in ensuring AI serves rather than displaces human judgment in critical domains such as healthcare and education," he said.他说："澳大利亚与中国在人工智能安全研究、前沿系统评估标准，以及确保人工智能在医疗、教育等关键领域服务于人类判断而非取代人类判断等方面，拥有共同利益。"practitioner /prækˈtɪʃənər/ n.实践者，践行者equitably /ˈekwɪtəbli/ adv.公平地multilateralism /ˌmʌltiˈlætərəlɪzəm/ n.多边主义inclusiveness /ɪnˈkluːsɪvnəs/ n.包容性fragmentation /ˌfrægmenˈteɪʃən/ n.碎片化underrepresented /ˌʌndərˌreprɪˈzentɪd/ adj.代表性不足的adjunct /ˈædʒʌŋkt/ adj.兼任的，客座的frontier /ˈfrʌntɪr/ n.前沿
President Xi Jinping unveiled on Friday a set of concrete measures to help developing countries build artificial intelligence capacity, including 5,000 training opportunities over the next five years, as he called for joint efforts to build a just and equitable system for global AI governance.Speaking at the opening ceremony of the 2026 World AI Conference and High-Level Meeting on Global AI Governance, held in Shanghai, Xi said that China will develop international AI application cooperation centers with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the League of Arab States, the African Union, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS.China will also promote the deployment of MAZU, an AI-powered meteorological early-warning solution, in 30 countries, he said.Xi announced the establishment of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization as "a major move by China to answer the call of the Global South and unite the international community" to vigorously promote AI development and governance.On Thursday, representatives of 29 countries signed an agreement establishing the organization. With headquarters in Shanghai, it will be the world's first intergovernmental organization dedicated to AI."It will be an important milestone in the history of AI development," Xi said, noting that AI development should be a symphony of international cooperation instead of a solo performance by a single country.In his keynote speech, Xi said China believes that all countries should take a people-centered approach and develop AI for positive and good outcomes and for humanity.He stressed the need to uphold openness and win-win cooperation and promote innovation-driven development, calling for greater openness, collaboration and sharing in open-source development, technological innovation and AI applications to empower industries, upgrade traditional sectors and foster emerging and future industries.Xi called for strengthening risk awareness to ensure that AI is secure and under human control. He also urged stronger legal, monitoring, early-warning and emergency-response systems to prevent the misuse or malicious use of AI, while opposing the overstretching of national security concerns in the AI sector or placing one country's security above that of others."We should … ensure that AI is always under human control," he said.Xi also called for countries to encourage inclusiveness and mutual learning among civilizations, saying that the values of AI should be shaped with humanity's common values, and AI technologies should be used to deepen understanding, tolerance, exchanges and sharing among all civilizations."AI development and its application should not erode or undermine the diversity of world civilizations or the uniqueness of cultures of different countries," he said.Xi advocated solidarity and stronger global AI governance, urging countries to work through the United Nations to align development strategies, governance rules and technical standards, in order to form a consensus-based global governance framework at an early date.He also called for stronger capacity-building support for the Global South to bridge the AI and digital divides and prevent creating new historical injustice in AI.Addressing the opening ceremony, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said no country should remain merely a consumer of AI, and that every state should have the opportunity to develop its own digital infrastructure and institutional capacity.Tokayev described the establishment of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization as a decision of historic significance, saying that it could become an important pillar of the global AI governance architecture and a platform for mutually beneficial cooperation.Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet said his country views AI as a bridge for international cooperation rather than a source of geopolitical rivalry, and supports an open, multi-aligned architecture that enables collaboration across regions, political systems and governance models.Developing countries should have meaningful and equitable access to AI technologies, data infrastructure and localized tools, he said.Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul said that although AI is already reshaping many aspects of people's lives, technological progress does not automatically become human progress, which depends on the choices countries make together."Thailand, therefore, commends the foresight of President Xi Jinping and his government for convening this important meeting and for advancing international cooperation on AI governance, including the initiative to establish the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization," he said.United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said technology that will shape the future of humanity must be shaped by all humanity, and cannot be governed by only a handful of countries or companies.While AI can accelerate medical breakthroughs, transform education, strengthen food systems and create new industries and jobs, Guterres warned that computing power, data resources and technical expertise remain concentrated, with developing countries receiving only a trickle of AI investment.He said China has an essential role to play in making AI a force for greater inclusion and shared progress.The four-day conference, which runs through Monday under the theme "AI Partnership for a Brighter Future", is one of the world's leading annual AI events.This year, it has drawn government officials and representatives from industry, academia and research institutions, with participants representing more than 100 countries and international organizations.A chair's statement issued on Friday called for stronger international cooperation to address major challenges in the AI era and greater prominence for AI capacity building in global governance.It also urged action to tackle unequal access to resources and power, so that Global South countries can share fairly in the benefits of AI and contribute to achieving the goals of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.
When God entrusts us with more than we need, the question is not simply “How can we preserve it?” or “How can we grow it?” The deeper question is, “What is this surplus for?” That question moves stewardship beyond spreadsheets, tax strategies, and investment performance. It takes us into matters of the heart, family, calling, and purpose. And for many families, that is where stewardship becomes both more challenging and more meaningful. Rachel McDonough, a Certified Kingdom Advisor® (CKA®), Certified Financial Planner (CFP®), and author of The River and the Garden: A Story of Faithfully Stewarding Surplus, joined the show today to explore how Christians can think more deeply about stewarding wealth, especially when they have been entrusted with more than they need for provision. Why Tell a Stewardship Story? Rachel has spent more than 20 years crafting financial plans. So when her publisher first suggested she write fiction about stewardship, she was surprised. After all, much of the financial world is built around practical tools, frameworks, and step-by-step guidance. But Rachel came to see that a story can reach places a spreadsheet cannot. That matters because real families do not fit neatly into formulas. They bring different perspectives, fears, desires, wounds, and hopes to the table. And when money is involved, especially significant money, those relational dynamics often come to the surface. That is part of what makes The River and the Garden unique. It is not a technical manual. It is a parable about wealth, family, faith, and the purposes of God. The River, the Garden, and the Craig Family The novel follows three generations of the Craig family. Maddie, the grandmother and matriarch, has come into a surplus after the sale of a family business. Her son Roger is analytical, driven, and accustomed to solving problems through strategy and optimization. Willow, Maddie's granddaughter, is a young artist who wants little to do with money, numbers, or spreadsheets. Together, they begin a journey that takes them through overlooked neighborhoods in Dallas and even to Rwanda as they explore investment and giving opportunities. Along the way, they wrestle with a central question: What does it look like to steward a surplus faithfully? The imagery of the book is simple but powerful. The river represents capital. The garden represents what we choose to water, cultivate, and grow. That image reframes the way we think about money. Capital is not neutral. It does not merely sit still in an account. It flows somewhere. It waters something. And the faithful steward must ask whether those resources are flowing toward purposes that honor God and serve others. When Capital Becomes Stagnant One of the most striking scenes in the book comes through one of Willow's dreams. In it, she sees dark, stagnant pools of water—a picture of capital left unattended. Rachel says that the image should unsettle thoughtful Christians for at least two reasons. First, capital never truly stands still. We may think of it as simply “sitting” in an investment account, but it is always connected to something. It may be funding businesses, industries, practices, or systems that either contribute to human flourishing or diminish it. Second, surplus wealth needs a purpose. Investing for provision is good and right. Families should plan wisely, save diligently, and seek to provide for their needs. But when a family has more than enough for provision, the conversation should expand. What is the surplus for? Rachel describes surplus as “fuel”—an accelerant for the vision and calling God has placed before a family. That does not mean being careless or impulsive. It means prayerfully assigning purpose to resources rather than allowing them to drift without intention. Provision, Impact, and Prayerful Tension Rachel shared that she and her husband have wrestled personally with this tension between provision and impact. In some cases, they have chosen to invest a portion of their non-retirement savings in redemptive businesses that seek to address serious needs, including a company working toward cancer treatment that could serve not only affluent patients but also people in the Global South. Those choices were not haphazard. They were made through prayer, analysis, planning, and mutual agreement as husband and wife. That is an important distinction. Faithful stewardship is not the same as recklessness. Trusting God does not mean ignoring wisdom. Rather, it means recognizing that the resources God entrusts to us may have purposes beyond our own security. A Book for Those Asking, “What Is This For?” Rachel says The River and the Garden is especially for those who have been entrusted with more than they need and are asking what faithful stewardship looks like now. That may include someone who has received an inheritance, sold a business, accumulated significant assets, or reached a point where the resources exceed what is needed for ordinary provision. For those families, new opportunities may open up in both giving and investing. Many people are familiar with stocks, bonds, mutual funds, and traditional charitable giving. But when surplus is truly available, there may be opportunities to support redemptive businesses, private investments, community development, global work, or other efforts that are not always on a family's radar. Surplus wealth can easily become a source of pride, fear, or conflict. But rightly understood, it can become a tool for joining in the good work God is doing in the world. Aligning Head and Heart At the emotional center of the story is the relationship between Roger and Willow. Roger represents technical mastery. He is confident in spreadsheets, strategies, and optimization. Willow represents relational insight and imagination. She sees the human cost of wealth and longs for transformation, but she initially wants nothing to do with financial conversations. Their journey shows the importance of bringing head and heart together. Faithful stewardship requires wisdom, planning, and diligence. But it also requires love, humility, discernment, and imagination. If we only optimize, we may miss the people and purposes God is inviting us to see. If we only dream, we may neglect the responsibility that comes with stewardship. Near the end of the story, Maddie reflects on the windfall that came from the sale of the business her husband built. She recognizes that the family may have worked too hard and sacrificed too much along the way. She cannot recover the time that was lost, but she can still ask that the money count for something. Many families cannot rewrite the past. They cannot undo every sacrifice, repair every regret, or reclaim every missed moment. But by God's grace, they can still ask what faithfulness looks like today. On Today's Program, Rob Answers Listener Questions: I'm 65 and have an annuity worth about $28,000. I'm considering taking monthly withdrawals from it. Is that a wise option? I've been a member of my church for 10 years and have always tithed from my salary. Lately, I'm struggling with some of the church's spending decisions, including music-related purchases and the shift in support from a women's shelter to library reading programs. How should I think about continuing to tithe when I disagree with how some of the money is being used? Resources Mentioned: Faithful Steward: FaithFi's Quarterly Magazine (Become a FaithFi Partner) Garden Audit Assessment The River and the Garden: A Story of Faithfully Stewarding Surplus by Rachel McDonough Our Ultimate Treasure: A 21-Day Journey to Faithful Stewardship by Rob West Wisdom Over Wealth: 12 Lessons from Ecclesiastes on Money Look At The Sparrows: A 21-Day Devotional on Financial Fear and Anxiety Rich Toward God: A Study on the Parable of the Rich Fool Find a Certified Kingdom Advisor® (CKA) FaithFi App Remember, you can call in to ask your questions every weekday at (800) 525-7000. Faith & Finance is also available on Moody Radio Network and American Family Radio. You can also visit FaithFi.com to connect with our online community and partner with us as we help more people live as faithful stewards of God's resources. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.
This episode of The New Abnormal podcast features the Johannesburg-based ‘thinker, researcher, and sometimes do-er' Geci Karuri-Sebina, who is an Assoc Professor at the WITS Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, Organiser at the Civic Tech Innovation Network, and Chair / Director of the Southern African Node of the Millennium Project.In what I hope you'll agree is a fascinating conversation, she discussed rethinking futures, activism, and development through more pluralistic and imaginative approaches. Drawing on her interdisciplinary background across technology, urban studies, and foresight, Geci explained her shift towards post-activism, arguing that conventional responses to crisis often reproduce the very systems they seek to change. Rather than prioritising action alone, she advocates deeper understanding, experimentation, and humility in the face of complexity. She also illuminated the emerging African Foresight Network, which seeks to cultivate futures thinking rooted in African and Global South perspectives, indigenous knowledge systems, and diverse conceptions of time. Geci discussed challenging linear, Western models of futures thinking and encouraging more culturally grounded approaches - she also critiques the dominance of reductionist foresight methods (e.g. the 2x2 scenario matrix) calling for richer, more inclusive epistemologies and methodologies. Turning to urban futures, Geci outlined her work on a decolonial critique of urban studies, arguing that African cities are often constrained by limiting narratives. She advocates moving beyond these imaginaries through experimentation and new narratives. The discussion concluded with her work on AI, development models, and an "Alt Lab" for social experimentation. Finally, she explained how creating better futures depends on strengthening imagination, inclusion, and institutional transformation...
President Xi Jinping on Friday presented four observations on artificial intelligence (AI) development and governance while addressing the opening ceremony of the 2026 World AI Conference and High-Level Meeting on Global AI Governance.First, adhering to the principle of openness and win-win cooperation while boosting innovation-driven development. Xi highlighted the importance of encouraging open-source, openness, collaboration and sharing to facilitate technological innovation, industrial development and scenario-based application of AI.Second, strengthening risk awareness and ensuring that AI is secure and controllable. Stressing the need to ensure that AI is always under human control, Xi urged all sides to jointly oppose overstretching the national security concept in the field of AI or placing one country's security over that of others.Third, encouraging inclusiveness and promoting mutual learning among civilizations. AI development and its application should not erode or undermine the diversity of world civilizations or the uniqueness of cultures of different countries, according to Xi.Fourth, advocating solidarity and improving global governance. The important role of the United Nations should be recognized, Xi said, calling for further alignment and coordination on AI development strategies, governance rules and technical standards."We must carry out extensive international cooperation and help Global South countries with capacity building to bridge the AI and digital divides, promote sustainable development and prevent creating new historical injustice in AI," he said.artificial /ˌɑːtɪˈfɪʃl/adj. 人工的；人造的governance /ˈɡʌvənəns/n. 治理；管理innovation /ˌɪnəˈveɪʃn/n. 创新；革新solidarity /ˌsɒlɪˈdærəti/n. 团结；同心协力
China is stepping up its push for a more open, inclusive and collaborative approach toward artificial intelligence, as the country's open-source AI ecosystem gains growing recognition among overseas users with its wider and fairer access to high-performance AI technologies at lower costs, said senior officials and industry experts.多位高级官员与行业专家表示，中国正积极倡导以更加开放、包容、协作的思路发展人工智能。依托更低成本、更普惠公平的高性能人工智能技术获取渠道，中国开源人工智能生态正在海外获得越来越广泛的认可。"China is ready to work with all parties to establish a globally interoperable AI governance system that accommodates the interests of all parties and promotes beneficial, safe and fair AI development," said Li Lecheng, minister of industry and information technology, when attending the first session of the United Nations Global Dialogue on AI Governance last week in Geneva, Switzerland.工信部部长李乐成上周在瑞士日内瓦出席首届联合国人工智能治理全球对话会时表示：“中方愿同各方携手构建全球互通兼容的人工智能治理体系，兼顾各方利益，推动人工智能向善、安全、公平发展。”By placing great importance on both AI development and governance, the nation has supported the world's first resolution on AI standardization and has worked with international partners on more than 120 AI standards, contributing practical experience to the global intelligent transformation, Li said.李乐成称，中国统筹推进人工智能发展与治理，推动通过全球首份人工智能标准化相关决议，与国际伙伴共同制定120余项人工智能标准，为全球智能化转型贡献实践经验。He added that China will continue to help bridge the global AI divide by supporting fair and inclusive development and by assisting countries, particularly those in the Global South, in building AI technologies and services.他补充称，中国将持续推动人工智能公平普惠发展，助力弥合全球人工智能发展鸿沟，帮助各国尤其是全球南方国家建设人工智能技术与服务体系。Mathias Gabrysch, senior director of ecosystem development at global communications alliance GTI, noted during the conference that China has provided "valuable practical experience for the world" by making extensive AI applications in agriculture, healthcare and public services.全球移动通信联盟GTI生态发展高级总监马蒂亚斯·加布里施在会上指出，中国在农业、医疗、公共服务领域大规模落地人工智能应用，为世界提供了“宝贵实践经验”。"More important, China's open-source models — such as DeepSeek — enable researchers, startups and public institutions around the world to access high-performance AI at low cost. That is a genuine contribution to the global public good," he said.他表示：“更为重要的是，深度求索等中国开源大模型，让世界各地科研人员、初创企业、公共机构能够低成本使用高性能人工智能，这实实在在造福全球公共领域。”Speaking to China Daily more recently, Pan Helin, a member of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology's Expert Committee for Information and Communication Economy, said the growing international appeal of Chinese AI models is being driven by their improving capabilities, competitive pricing and open-source nature.工信部信息通信经济专家委员会委员盘和林近日接受《中国日报》采访时表示，中国人工智能模型国际吸引力持续提升，得益于模型能力不断进步、价格优势突出以及开源开放的特性。"The gap between AI models made by China and the United States is narrowing rapidly. China's significant cost advantage is increasingly offsetting the remaining difference in performance. In some areas, such as video-generation models, Chinese developers are already ahead of their overseas competitors," Pan added.盘和林补充说：“中美人工智能模型之间的差距正在快速缩小。中国显著的成本优势不断弥补性能上尚存的差距。在视频生成模型等部分赛道，国内开发者已经领先海外竞品。”According to OpenRouter, a platform widely used by developers to access AI models, weekly application programming interface calls for Chinese large language models have surpassed those for US-developed LLMs for 11 consecutive weeks as of Sunday, placing China at the top position globally.开发者广泛使用的大模型接入平台OpenRouter数据显示：截至周日，中国大语言模型每周API调用量已经连续11周超过美国大语言模型，位居全球第一。Since Feb 8, more than 30 percent of tokens used by US companies on the platform each week were related to Chinese AI models, with the share peaking at 46 percent. Tokens are small units of data processed by AI models during training and inference. In contrast, the share was only 4.5 percent in the first half of 2025.自2月8日以来，美国企业每周在该平台消耗的算力令牌中，超30%用于调用中国人工智能模型，峰值达到46%。令牌是人工智能模型训练与推理过程中处理的数据基本单位。而2025年上半年，这一比例仅为4.5%。"Whether individuals or businesses, users worldwide are validating China's AI development path through real-world adoption. That, in turn, will further strengthen the global application ecosystem for Chinese AI models," Pan said.盘和林认为：“无论是个人还是企业，全球用户正在通过实际使用认可中国人工智能发展路径。反过来，这也会进一步壮大中国人工智能模型的全球应用生态。”A growing number of overseas companies are already turning to Chinese LLMs as a more cost-effective option for deploying advanced AI.越来越多海外企业开始选用中国大语言模型，作为部署高端人工智能更具性价比的方案。In late June, Brian Armstrong, CEO of cryptocurrency platform Coinbase, shared on social media that the company had added two Chinese LLMs as default models for its engineering team, cutting AI spending to nearly half its peak level.6月末，加密货币平台Coinbase首席执行官布莱恩·阿姆斯特朗在社交平台透露，公司为技术团队接入两款中国大语言模型作为默认模型，人工智能相关开支降至峰值的近一半。The same month, AI startup Lindy announced that it had moved all its traffic from Anthropic's Claude to DeepSeek-V4.同月，人工智能初创企业Lindy宣布，将全部业务流量从安索帕公司的克劳德模型切换至深度求索DeepSeek-V4。"(This) saves us millions of dollars and we are actually seeing an increase in performance on many core use cases. (It is) transformative for the business," Lindy CEO Flo Crivello wrote on social media.Lindy首席执行官弗洛·克里韦洛在社交平台写道：“此举为公司节省数百万美元成本，并且众多核心场景的模型效果不降反升，彻底改变了公司业务格局。”interoperable /ˌɪntərˈɒpərəbl/可互通兼容的standardization /ˌstændədaɪˈzeɪʃn/标准化offset /ˈɒfset/抵消，弥补consecutive /kənˈsekjətɪv/连续不断的inference /ˈɪnfərəns/（模型）推理transformative /trænsˈfɔːmətɪv/具有变革性的
In this episode with Durba Mitra, we discuss her latest book, The Future that Was (Princeton University Press, 2026). The podcast highlights the emergence of women's internationalism as both a political project and a mode of knowledge production that grew out of the crisis of Third World developmental nationalism in the 1970s and the search for new forms of international solidarity. We examined how changing ideas about women, the family, and social reproduction became central to postcolonial politics, while highlighting how women from the Global South emerged as strong actors for creating a vision of democratic internationalism. Durba talked about how feminist activists transformed international institutions through conferences, UN initiatives, policy research, and autonomous scholarship, even as these spaces increasingly redirected radical feminist inquiry toward technocratic development agendasunder the influence of foundations and global development institutions. The conversation concludes with reflecting on the legacies of Third World feminist internationalism in an era of NGOization, professionalized feminism, and privatized global capitalism, asking what has been lost and what remains vitalfor building democratic movements and emancipatory knowledge today.
President Xi Jinping will set out China's policy positions, vision and proposals on artificial intelligence development and governance at one of the field's most influential international events, to be held in Shanghai this week.Xi will attend the opening ceremony of the 2026 World Artificial Intelligence Conference and High-Level Meeting on Global AI Governance and deliver a keynote speech, Foreign Ministry spokesman Lin Jian announced on Monday.The four-day conference, themed "AI Partnership for a Brighter Future", will run from Friday to Monday.China has invited government officials from around the world, representatives of industry, universities and research institutions, as well as heads of international organizations, to attend the gathering, Lin told a regular news briefing in Beijing.Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul will attend the conference during an official visit to China from Thursday to Monday, Lin said.Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet will attend and address the opening ceremony, according to Cambodia's Foreign Ministry."AI technological innovation is undergoing broad-based breakthroughs and demonstrating unprecedented dynamism," Lin said.Such advances are bringing both opportunities and challenges to the international community, making AI governance "a profound topic of our times", he added.In recent years, China has worked to advance the four global initiatives and the Global AI Governance Initiative proposed by Xi in the field of AI, Lin said.The country has remained committed to providing international public goods, advocating AI for good and for all with real actions, and helping Global South countries strengthen their AI capacity. These efforts have been widely recognized by the international community, he added."Through this conference, China looks forward to building a platform for all parties to enhance mutual trust, build consensus and deepen cooperation," said Lin.He added that China hopes the gathering will promote the sound, safe and orderly development of AI and become "a milestone in the history of AI development".Speaking at a news conference in Shanghai on July 7, Vice-Mayor Chen Jie said that this year's conference was expected to reach a record scale, attracting more than 1,100 companies, displaying over 3,000 exhibits and featuring more than 300 products making their global debut.For the first time, the exhibition area will exceed 100,000 square meters.The intelligent computing and embodied AI sections will each bring together more than 200 companies.Leading technology companies, major State-owned enterprises and top multinational corporations will exhibit alongside their ecosystem partners, showcasing the latest AI-powered applications across a wide range of industries.Shanghai has previously hosted the conference for eight consecutive years since its launch in 2018. Over the years, the event has developed into an important platform for showcasing cutting-edge AI technologies from China and abroad, as well as for deepening international cooperation.
This is episode 2 of a six-part series on food imperialism. Welcome to Edible Empire, a podcast by Planet Pulse Pacific about the hidden cost of our food.Beyond recipes lies a story of power. From colonial plantations to modern agribusiness, this podcast reveals how the pursuit of food has redrawn maps, exploited people, and continues to shape who holds control today.This episode explores how an increasingly monopolised system of multinational corporations operates as de facto states within the global food system, exercising power over land, labour, trade, and policy in ways that rival or exceed nation-states.If empires once flew flags, today they file annual reports. This episode examines how large agrifood corporations increasingly function as sovereign actors within global food systems. From controlling vast transnational supply chains and shaping trade rules, to influencing national policy and disciplining labour across borders, corporations now wield powers historically associated with states. Focusing on agribusiness, food traders, and retailers, the episode asks how corporate concentration has reconfigured food imperialism, turning companies into the new “nations” of food empires, and what this means for accountability, democracy, and food sovereignty.In this episode of Edible Empire, Professors Phil Howard and Jennifer Clapp unpack how intense corporate concentration has transformed global agriculture into a system dominated by a few powerful transnational firms that operate much like sovereign states. Using the analogy of an hourglass, Professor Phil Howard illustrates how millions of farmers and billions of consumers are squeezed through a dangerously narrow bottleneck controlled by these massive agribusinesses, which deploy specific power plays to manipulate trade rules, capture government subsidies, and avoid accountability for environmental and labour exploitation. Meanwhile, Professor Jennifer Clapp highlights how mega-mergers in the agricultural inputs sector allow a small cartel to exercise immense structural power, locking in an industrial model that dictates what society views as "normal" food practices, while trapping countries in the Global South in dependency loops that prioritise luxury exports over local food security. Despite the immense political and economic inertia behind this consolidation, both experts close with a message of hope, emphasising that because this extractive system was constructed by humans, it can be dismantled through active political engagement and collective action.Make sure you subscribe so you don't miss out on the next episode!Resources from this episode:https://philhoward.net/ https://ipes-food.org/people/phil-howard/ https://uwaterloo.ca/scholar/jclapp/homehttps://ipes-food.org/people/jennifer-clapp/https://uwaterloo.ca/environment-resources-and-sustainability/profiles/jennifer-clappTo view all the links to the websites and documents, visit the show notes on our website.Please support our work and enable us to deliver more content by buying us a coffee or becoming a member of Athletes for Nature.Follow us on Instagram and Facebook, subscribe to this podcast, and share this episode with your friends and family.
On July 6 and 7, the United Nations convened its first major meeting on AI governance. The Global Dialogue on AI Governance, held in Geneva, was different from other global gatherings on artificial intelligence because it included significant participation from constituencies that are often left out of discussions about AI, including representatives from the Global South, civil society, academia, and communities most likely to be affected by the rapid deployment of AI technologies. Claire Melamed, the United Nations Foundation's Vice President for AI and Digital Cooperation Strategy, explains why this meeting marks a milestone in the global AI governance debate, what makes the UN's approach distinct, and how international cooperation can help ensure that AI is developed and deployed in ways that serve the public good. We discuss what happened in Geneva, why inclusive AI governance matters, and what role the United Nations can play as governments, companies, and civil society grapple with one of the most consequential technologies of our time. (Sorry for my mic issues on this one.)
In this special episode, we are doing something a little different by introducing an urgent, concrete internationalist political project. We are joined by two representatives affiliated with RAIZ International.To protect the sensitive nature of their organizing on the ground, we have tailored this conversation to focus on their overarching strategic goals and material outlook without endangering any ongoing local initiatives.RAIZ International rejects the dominant trend of contemporary Western "solidarity," which often reduces internationalism to hollow press releases, moralistic posturing, or aesthetic digital templates. Instead, RAIZ operates on a model of concrete internationalism—rooting its efforts in the actual relations of production, global displacement patterns, and working-class organization.We discuss the material realities of their focus areas:The Colombian Context: Navigating the complex aftermath of displacement, land conflicts, and regional state violence, and tracing how those struggles connect directly back to Western imperialism and transnational resource extraction.The Migrant Labor Pipeline: How global capital forces displacement from the Global South into the centers of Europe, turning vulnerable migrants into hyper-exploited labor pools.Building Independent Working-Class Power: How RAIZ coordinates across borders to offer material support, link regional organizing struggles, and establish durable counter-institutions that empower workers directly rather than funneling them into state-vetted NGOs.If you are listening from Europe and hear about RAIZ initiatives or their upcoming speaking tour through local newsletters or radical community spaces, we highly encourage you to attend an event, stop by, and get involved. This is how we begin building a concrete, internationalist future with a real revolutionary outlook.Project Links & FundraisingOfficial Website: https://www.raizinternational.org/Fundraising Tour Support: https://chuffed.org/project/gira-venceremosSupport our analysis on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/varnvlogSend us Fan Mail Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan, Parzival, Adriel Mixon, Buddy Roark, Daniel Petrovic,Julian, Drea, Free Beer
Send us a text message and tell us your thoughts.A child grows up learning that love can arrive in a barrel, but comfort cannot. That tension sits at the heart of our conversation with Grenadian director, producer, and creative industry strategist Meschida Phillip, whose documentary work asks what migration costs families long after the plane takes off. We trace how the Grenada Revolution, early separation, and years of “waiting” shaped her sense of connection and pushed her toward filmmaking as a way to name what Caribbean families often keep silent. Meschida shares the story behind her feature documentary Scars of Our Mother's Dreams, grounded in Dr. Claudette Crawford-Brown's concept of “barrel children,” where parents migrate for opportunity while children remain at home with relatives. We talk about emotional trauma, reunification, and why seeing these stories on screen lands differently than reading them. Meschida also pulls back the curtain on responsible documentary practice, from deep research and interviews to building a film that works as an archive and a conversation starter for Caribbean history, culture, and healing. We then zoom out to the film industry itself, including Caribbean Tales Media Group's Cross-Continental Forum and what Black diaspora collaboration can look like when it's intentional. Meschida breaks down the real barriers Caribbean filmmakers face funding infrastructure, banking access, co-production limits, and distribution networks and paints a vivid vision of Global South co-production funds, direct Caribbean Africa pipelines, and a market that rewards cultural specificity instead of asking creators to dilute it. Meschida Philip is a filmmaker, producer, creative-industry strategist, Executive Director of Mprojekts Creative Group, and Founder and Festival Director of the 12°N, 61°W Grenada Film Festival. She is a director, producer, and creative industries strategist working at the intersection of film production and screen industry development in the Caribbean. With over 20 years of professional experience, including more than a decade leading regional initiatives, her work focuses on positioning the Caribbean as an originating creative economy, capable of developing, financing, and exporting its own stories through equitable international co-production. Her work spans both content creation and industry development, with a focus on co-production frameworks, talent pipelines, and market access for creators in small island developing states.This episode was created in collaboration with Caribbean Tales Media Group to highlight the annual Cross-Continental Forum, a curated, decolonial co-production hub specifically designed to connect Black producers across Africa, the Caribbean, Canada, Europe and the Americas. It offers a structured pathway from information sharing to treaty-driven deals and market access. As an intensive hybrid accelerator, it functions as a “strategic gateway” to co-productions, beginning with an online Accelerator covering legal, financial and distribution frameworks, followed by two in-person events including a pitch showcase.Editor's Note: Philips participated in the Cross-Continental Forum with Canary, a documentary project that was in development at the time. She is credited as the project's director and co-producer. Scars of Our Mother's Dreams was not the project presented at the Forum, however it was screened at the festival. Support the showConnect with Strictly Facts - Instagram | Facebook | Twitter | LinkedIn | YouTube | Website Looking to read more about the topics covered in this episode? Subscribe to the newsletter at www.strictlyfactspod.com to get the Strictly Facts Syllabus to your email!Want to Support Strictly Facts?Rate & Leave a Review on your favorite platformShare this episode with someone or online and tag usSend us a DM or voice note to have your thoughts featured on an upcoming episode Donate to help us continue empowering listeners with Caribbean history and educationProduced by Breadfruit Media
Angela Stent is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where she focuses on US-Russia policy and Russia’s relations with Ukraine, China, Europe, and the Global South. Concurrently, Dr. Stent is senior adviser to Georgetown University. She speaks on the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Jordan Ashley, PhD, founder of Souljourn Yoga, talks with J about the ethics of running retreats and teacher trainings in the Global South. They discuss seeing through the eyes of different cultures, the darker side of voluntourism and orphanage tourism, the NY Yoga scene circa 2016, becoming disenchanted with the yoga industrial complex, teen girls, working with locals, savior-ship mentality, hands on adjustments, retreat guest dynamics, operating as a nonprofit, using AI, and raising awareness and funds for causes we can believe in. To subscribe and support the show… GET PREMIUM. Say thank you - buy J a coffee. Check out J's other podcast… J. BROWN YOGA THOUGHTS.
In today's lecture, we explore Caribbean history through the lens of cinema and globalization. We begin with Chapter 11 of Neoliberalism, Globalization, Income Inequality, Poverty and Resistance by Renaldo McKenzie. This chapter examines the use of documentary films as forms of resistance and demonstrates how cinema can serve as a powerful medium for social critique and social change.The lecture centers on the documentary Life and Debt, analyzing how globalization has disproportionately affected the peoples of the Global South, particularly in the Caribbean. Students examine the contradictions and ironies of globalization, decolonization, and denationalization, while questioning whether political independence has translated into genuine economic and cultural liberation.Drawing on the works of Frantz Fanon, particularly The Wretched of the Earth; Homi K. Bhabha and The Location of Culture; and V. S. Naipaul and his literary contributions as forms of resistance and social commentary, the lecture explores the intellectual foundations of Caribbean thought and postcolonial critique.Students are introduced to and discuss key concepts including nationalism, colonialism, decolonization, postcolonialism, mise-en-scène, globalization, the Global South versus the Global North, and the ways visual storytelling can shape historical consciousness and political understanding.The lecture then transitions into a historical timeline of the Caribbean, beginning with ancient Kemet over 5,000 years ago, examining early African civilizations and pre-Columbian societies before tracing the arrival of Christopher Columbus and the profound transformations that followed. Through this historical journey, students are encouraged to rethink conventional narratives about the Caribbean and situate the region within broader global historical processes.Delivered live via Zoom, this lecture is part of the Caribbean Thought course at Jamaica Theological Seminary and reaches students across the Caribbean, the United States, Canada, and beyond. The course is taught by Professor Renaldo McKenzie, author of Neoliberalism, Globalization, Income Inequality, Poverty and Resistance, President of The Neoliberal Corporation, and creator and host of The Neoliberal Round Podcast. Professor McKenzie delivers the lectures from Philadelphia, bringing together history, philosophy, political economy, and media studies to challenge students to critically examine the Caribbean's past, present, and future.For more information, email info@theneoliberal.com.Visit theneoliberal.com and renaldocmckenzie.com.Learn more about Jamaica Theological Seminary at https://jts.edu.jm.
Comments/ideas: ACFpod@outlook.comGlobal carmakers are currently hiding a massive 33% carbon gap, effectively operating as oil companies in disguise. Ben Scott from Carbon Tracker joins us to reveal why legacy auto giants face a "Kodak moment" as they lag behind the electric vehicle transition. We explore how China's EV dominance empowers the Global South to leapfrog fossil fuel dependency for strategic industrial survival. This conversation is essential for those interested in tracking how capital markets will soon reprice these hidden emissions as high-risk energy liabilities.Reference: Oil Companies in DisguiseABOUT BEN: Ben Scott is Head of Energy Demand and leads the automotive research at Carbon Tracker, a financial think-tank working to align capital markets with climate reality. Prior to Carbon Tracker, Ben worked at MUFG Bank in London, where he provided financial and industry analysis on the automotive sector to help manage the bank's credit exposure and risk appetite. He has also worked directly within the automotive industry at Aston Martin Lagonda. Ben began his career at IHS Markit, where he led the E-Mobility research service, focusing on decarbonisation and emissions legislation. Ben holds a degree in Physics from the University of Leeds.Recommendations:Cleaning Up: A podcast hosted by Michael Liebreich that features insights into the energy transition through interviews with CEOs, politicians, and climate finance experts. LinkCapital in Transition: A podcast series produced by Carbon Tracker that focuses on the financial research and analysis surrounding the global energy transition. Link (Spotify) Link (Apple)There Will Be Blood: A film starring Daniel Day-Lewis that depicts an oil tycoon's ruthless pursuit of wealth and power. LinkHOST, PRODUCTION, ARTWORK: Joseph Jacobelli | MUSIC: Ep76 onward excerpts from Vivaldi's La Follia, played by Luca Jacobelli.
Anti-immigrant protests in South Africa have raised difficult questions about race, class, and who gets targeted during waves of xenophobic anger. While Black African migrants have faced growing hostility, Chinese migrants and other foreign communities have largely avoided the same scrutiny. This week, Eric, Cobus, and Géraud examine why that is, and what it reveals about poverty, politics, and state dysfunction in South Africa. They also unpack a new set of China-South Africa trade protocols that could quietly expand bilateral trade, especially as Pretoria's relationship with Washington becomes more strained. Finally, they reflect on recent conversations in Nairobi, South Africa, Beijing, and New York about China, Africa, and the Global South's place in a rapidly changing world order.
Over the past decade, India has emerged as one of the world's leading renewable energy markets. Clear policy direction, competitive markets, and strong public and private investment have helped drive this transformation. But as the energy transition enters its next phase, new challenges are emerging—from grid modernization and energy storage to affordable finance and regional cooperation.In this episode, we are joined by Gauri Singh, Deputy Director-General of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) and one of the key architects of India's flagship National Solar Mission. With over three decades of experience in renewable energy policy and international cooperation, she shares insights from India's clean energy journey and discusses what lies ahead for India and the Global South.Full transcript of the episode is available in English. Presented by 101ReportersGauri Singh is on LinkedIn and Twitter. Follow TIEH podcast on Twitter, Linkedin & YouTube Our hosts, Shreya Jai on Twitter, Linkedin & Dr. Sandeep Pai on Twitter, Linkedin
In this episode, Dr Elle Wadsworth talks to Pablo Gonzalez Nieto, a harm reduction provider, drug checking technician, and research assistant at Substance Drug Checking within the Canadian Institute for Substance Use Research, Canada. The interview covers Pablo's research article on drug sellers' use of a drug checking service amid the overdose crisis in British Columbia, Canada.We apologise for the sound quality at points during this episode, but we promise its worth the listen! What a drug checking service is [01:20]The motivation to examine drug sellers' use of drug checking services [03:33]The difference in findings between drug sellers and drug consumers [08:00] The unique service that Pablo's drug checking facility provides [09:00]The main take away from the paper [11:41]Using drug checking services as a harm reduction intervention [14:05]Funding cuts to harm reduction services in Canada [16:00]Drug consumption at the World Cup [17:35]About Elle Wadsworth: Elle is an academic fellow with the Society for the Study of Addiction. She is based at the University of Bath with the Addiction and Mental Health Group and her research interests include drug policy, cannabis legalisation, and public health. Elle holds a voluntary role at The Loop, a non-profit service provider of drug checking in the UK. About Pablo González Nieto: Pablo is a harm reduction provider, drug checking technician, and research assistant at Substance Drug Checking, within the Canadian Institute for Substance Use Research. He holds an MSc in Social Dimensions of Health from the University of Victoria, where his research focused on the unregulated opioid market and access to drug checking services among key populations. His research interests include drug decriminalization, novel psychoactive substances in the unregulated opioid supply, and the implementation of drug checking services in the Global South, among other topics.Declarations of interest: None Original article: Drug sellers' use of a drug checking service amid the overdose crisis in British Columbia, Canada https://doi.org/10.1111/add.70429 The opinions expressed in this podcast reflect the views of the host and interviewees and do not necessarily represent the opinions or official positions of the SSA or Addiction journal.The SSA does not endorse or guarantee the accuracy of the information in external sources or links and accepts no responsibility or liability for any consequences arising from the use of such information. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence. Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning. Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden. Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day. Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year? Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very- Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did- Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever? Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan. Cayden: Hmm. Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too. Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org. Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.” Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even- Cayden: No … Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm. Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah … Cayden: excluded Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again. Samir: Right. Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.” Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways. Sharmin: Right. Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government. Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know- Cayden: Yeah … Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person. Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this. Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because- Cayden: Hmm … Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm. Cayden: Yeah … Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving] is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like- Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.” Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we- Cayden: Contest every space. Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks, Cayden: dad … Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now. Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media. Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you? Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so… Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived. Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like- Cayden: Yeah. … Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really- Cayden: Yeah … Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon. Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys. Samir:
Examining how memory, intergenerational transmission, and kinship work together, Relative Strangers: Romani Kinship and Palestinian Difference (U Toronto Press, 2025) sheds light on Romani life in Palestine. Arpan Roy presents an ethnographic portrait of Dom Romani communities living between Palestine and Jordan, zooming in on everyday life in working-class neighborhoods, and under conditions of perpetual war and instability. The book focuses on how Doms are able to sustain ethnic difference through kinship, even when public performances of difference are no longer emphasized – a kind of alterity that is neither visible by obvious markers like race or religious difference, nor detected by the antennas of the state. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Jerusalem, Ramallah, and Amman, Roy makes a case for such alterity for Romani people and other groups in the region. Analysing intimate ethnographic scenes through anthropological theories of kinship, psychoanalysis, social theory from the Global South, and more, the book reveals how alterity in the Middle East does not adhere to rigid identitarian categories. Ultimately, Relative Strangers demonstrates the inadequacy of transposing models of pluralism centred on European and American experiences of minoritization onto other contexts. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting scholar at the Buffett Institute for Global Affairs at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Blusky and IG: @robbyref Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/psychoanalysis
Examining how memory, intergenerational transmission, and kinship work together, Relative Strangers: Romani Kinship and Palestinian Difference (U Toronto Press, 2025) sheds light on Romani life in Palestine. Arpan Roy presents an ethnographic portrait of Dom Romani communities living between Palestine and Jordan, zooming in on everyday life in working-class neighborhoods, and under conditions of perpetual war and instability. The book focuses on how Doms are able to sustain ethnic difference through kinship, even when public performances of difference are no longer emphasized – a kind of alterity that is neither visible by obvious markers like race or religious difference, nor detected by the antennas of the state. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Jerusalem, Ramallah, and Amman, Roy makes a case for such alterity for Romani people and other groups in the region. Analysing intimate ethnographic scenes through anthropological theories of kinship, psychoanalysis, social theory from the Global South, and more, the book reveals how alterity in the Middle East does not adhere to rigid identitarian categories. Ultimately, Relative Strangers demonstrates the inadequacy of transposing models of pluralism centred on European and American experiences of minoritization onto other contexts. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting scholar at the Buffett Institute for Global Affairs at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Blusky and IG: @robbyref Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Examining how memory, intergenerational transmission, and kinship work together, Relative Strangers: Romani Kinship and Palestinian Difference (U Toronto Press, 2025) sheds light on Romani life in Palestine. Arpan Roy presents an ethnographic portrait of Dom Romani communities living between Palestine and Jordan, zooming in on everyday life in working-class neighborhoods, and under conditions of perpetual war and instability. The book focuses on how Doms are able to sustain ethnic difference through kinship, even when public performances of difference are no longer emphasized – a kind of alterity that is neither visible by obvious markers like race or religious difference, nor detected by the antennas of the state. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Jerusalem, Ramallah, and Amman, Roy makes a case for such alterity for Romani people and other groups in the region. Analysing intimate ethnographic scenes through anthropological theories of kinship, psychoanalysis, social theory from the Global South, and more, the book reveals how alterity in the Middle East does not adhere to rigid identitarian categories. Ultimately, Relative Strangers demonstrates the inadequacy of transposing models of pluralism centred on European and American experiences of minoritization onto other contexts. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting scholar at the Buffett Institute for Global Affairs at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Blusky and IG: @robbyref Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies
Examining how memory, intergenerational transmission, and kinship work together, Relative Strangers: Romani Kinship and Palestinian Difference (U Toronto Press, 2025) sheds light on Romani life in Palestine. Arpan Roy presents an ethnographic portrait of Dom Romani communities living between Palestine and Jordan, zooming in on everyday life in working-class neighborhoods, and under conditions of perpetual war and instability. The book focuses on how Doms are able to sustain ethnic difference through kinship, even when public performances of difference are no longer emphasized – a kind of alterity that is neither visible by obvious markers like race or religious difference, nor detected by the antennas of the state. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Jerusalem, Ramallah, and Amman, Roy makes a case for such alterity for Romani people and other groups in the region. Analysing intimate ethnographic scenes through anthropological theories of kinship, psychoanalysis, social theory from the Global South, and more, the book reveals how alterity in the Middle East does not adhere to rigid identitarian categories. Ultimately, Relative Strangers demonstrates the inadequacy of transposing models of pluralism centred on European and American experiences of minoritization onto other contexts. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting scholar at the Buffett Institute for Global Affairs at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Blusky and IG: @robbyref Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/anthropology
Examining how memory, intergenerational transmission, and kinship work together, Relative Strangers: Romani Kinship and Palestinian Difference (U Toronto Press, 2025) sheds light on Romani life in Palestine. Arpan Roy presents an ethnographic portrait of Dom Romani communities living between Palestine and Jordan, zooming in on everyday life in working-class neighborhoods, and under conditions of perpetual war and instability. The book focuses on how Doms are able to sustain ethnic difference through kinship, even when public performances of difference are no longer emphasized – a kind of alterity that is neither visible by obvious markers like race or religious difference, nor detected by the antennas of the state. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Jerusalem, Ramallah, and Amman, Roy makes a case for such alterity for Romani people and other groups in the region. Analysing intimate ethnographic scenes through anthropological theories of kinship, psychoanalysis, social theory from the Global South, and more, the book reveals how alterity in the Middle East does not adhere to rigid identitarian categories. Ultimately, Relative Strangers demonstrates the inadequacy of transposing models of pluralism centred on European and American experiences of minoritization onto other contexts. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting scholar at the Buffett Institute for Global Affairs at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Blusky and IG: @robbyref Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology
Germany launches its North-South commission as its aid budget is cut. Plus: UAE launches its first passenger-train service, North Korea’s unlikely economic success and Monocle at Almedalen Week in Sweden. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Today it is my great pleasure to talk with Dr Lara Sheehi about her new book, From the Clinic to the Streets: Psychoanalysis for Revolutionary Futures. We talk about the ways that those fighting for Palestinian liberation are constantly confronting what Sheehi calls “psychic intrusions,” which seek to interrupt and divert our energies. These intrusions take a number of forms, from direct attacks to insinuations of impropriety. Sheehi argues that these are forms of psychological warfare—backing up these claims by documenting the original tactics and strategies governments and other organizations used to discredit and disarm radical activists in the past, and seeing similar tactics today. Against these psychic intrusions Lara mounts a forceful argument for us to develop and hold true to what she calls “psychic militancy.” She gives us many examples of both psychic intrusions and psychic militancy, thereby providing us with essential and powerful tools to recognize and resist the mundane and all too common efforts of Zionists and others to distract us from our work. This is a deeply therapeutic and empowering book, and useful to all radical activists.Lara Sheehi is a Research Fellow at the University of South Africa's Institute for Social and Health Sciences, a licensed clinical psychologist, and the host of the Psychic Militancy podcast. Lara's work focuses on psychoanalysis, the psychic refusals central to liberation struggles and life-making in the Global South, the psychic dimensions of resistance and revolution, and critical Zionism studies. She is the author of From Clinic to the Streets: Psychoanalysis for Revolutionary Futures (Pluto, 2026) and co-author with Stephen Sheehi of Psychoanalysis Under Occupation: Practicing Resistance in Palestine (Routledge, 2022). Lara is a member of the founding collective for the Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism and is on the advisory board for Forensic Architecture.
Interviews with pioneers in business and social impact - Business Fights Poverty Spotlight
What if one of the world's greatest untapped talent pools is hiding in plain sight? More than 120 million people around the world have been forcibly displaced by conflict, persecution and violence. Yet too often refugees are portrayed through the lens of crisis rather than capability. Their stories are reduced to statistics, while their skills, ambitions and entrepreneurial potential remain overlooked. Listen in as we mark World Refugee Month, and speak with one of the leading innovators challenging that narrative. Meet Social Impact Pioneer, Aline Sara, Co-Founder and CEO of NaTakallam, the award-winning social enterprise transforming how businesses and individuals engage with refugees and conflict-affected communities. Rather than treating displaced people as beneficiaries of aid, NaTakallam connects them with organisations and learners around the world as language tutors, translators, educators and public speakers, creating dignified work through the digital economy. Since its launch, the platform has enabled refugees and conflict-affected individuals to earn more than $5 million, working with over 37,000 users across 110 countries and supporting more than 350 organisations worldwide. Born to Lebanese parents and shaped by a childhood lived between New York and a homeland marked by conflict, Aline's personal story is inseparable from her professional mission. From journalism and human rights research to building a pioneering social enterprise, she has spent more than a decade working alongside displaced communities, proving that opportunity, not charity, is often the most powerful response to humanitarian crises. Together, we explore why the future of refugee inclusion lies beyond aid alone; how businesses can unlock talent that too often goes unseen; and why creating access to meaningful work is fundamental to restoring dignity, resilience and hope. Aline also shares candid reflections on scaling a mission-driven business, navigating the rapid rise of artificial intelligence, and balancing commercial sustainability with deep social impact. Perhaps most powerfully, we discuss why refugee issues should never be discussed without refugees themselves being part of the conversation. Through NaTakallam's Refugee Voices programme, people with lived experience are leading conversations that challenge stereotypes, build empathy and foster genuine human connection across borders. This is a conversation about displacement, entrepreneurship, inclusive business and the future of work, but above all, it is a reminder that behind every refugee statistic is a person with skills, ideas and aspirations waiting for the opportunity to contribute. Links: NaTakallam : https://natakallam.com/ Aline Sara : https://www.linkedin.com/in/alinesara/ And if you liked this, try: Financing Solar Energy in the Global South with Lassor and Ruchir: https://businessfightspoverty.org/financing-solar-energy-in-the-global-south-with-lassor-and-ruchir/ and The Business of Coral Reefs with Sam Teicher: https://businessfightspoverty.org/the-business-of-coral-reefs-with-sam-teicher/
The geopolitical checkerboard has seen, in recent years, a major shift. China, once a poor and ravaged country, is now challenging the U.S. for supremacy, and Washington doesn't like it. The Pentagon is flexing its muscle. The U.S. military budget is over a trillion dollars and climbing. It's triple what China spends. The Pentagon is planning for war. U.S. military bases surround China, yet Washington says that China is a threat. The U.S. is used to getting its way, but China won't be easily bullied or pushed around. China has a global economic strategy. It is expanding its influence by investing in the Global South, particularly in Africa and Latin America. It is taking the lead in sustainable energy, manufacturing 80% of the world's solar panels. While the U.S. is a military powerhouse, China is increasingly an economic one and most likely will supplant the U.S. as the global hegemon in the coming decades.
In this episode of Sustainability Matters, host David Rae, EY Global Lead for Sustainability Technology and Innovation, explores the impact of AI on climate change. As AI companies build massive data centers worldwide, a critical question emerges: Will the skyrocketing resource footprint of AI push global grids past their limits, or will AI become a vital tool to help accelerate the energy transition? David is joined by James Grabert from the UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change) and Michael Lepech from Stanford University to break down the duality of this digital megatrend. Together, they look at the physical reality behind "the cloud," tracking how AI is driving a massive surge in electricity demand while also leaving an extensive water footprint through data center cooling and the lifecycle of chip manufacturing. However, they also identify areas of opportunity. The episode offers a hopeful look at "decision intelligence." The guests explain how AI is already delivering measurable climate benefits — from transforming early warning weather models in the Global South to balancing power grids and optimizing renewable energy.
Between the late 1940s and the end of the twentieth century, natural gas became Iran's bedrock energy source. Billed as a futuristic fuel for a future world power, gas became an avenue for the country's developmentalist ambitions. The ability to build technologically sophisticated infrastructures served as a powerful tool of state legitimation, both before and after the 1979 Revolution, and tied top-down politics of modernization to bottom-up feelings of national belonging. Accelerant: Energy Infrastructures and the Natural World in Making Modern Iran (Stanford UP, 2026) analyzes the interwoven histories of energy, development, and the environment inIran. Following the movement of natural gas from underground deposits, through infrastructures of refining and distribution, and into everyday life, Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani explores the roles of development planners, oil firms, industrialists, engineers, and consumers—as well as the mountain ranges, sedimentary rock, and natural gas itself—to show how natural gas emerged as a crucial enabler of industrialization and a strong impetus for resource nationalism. Tracing the transformation of gas from a waste product into a vital resource, this book offers a history of anticolonial developmentalism in Iran—revealing a key driver toward intensified energy use that suggests why and how societies in the Global South became voracious consumers of fossil fuel energy. Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani is the Farhang Foundation Early Career Chair in Iranian Studies and Assistant Professor of Middle East Studies and Environmental Studies at the University of Southern California.Filippo De Chirico is a Ph.D. Candidate in Energy History at Roma Tre University. His research focuses on the history of the Italian natural gas sector. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Between the late 1940s and the end of the twentieth century, natural gas became Iran's bedrock energy source. Billed as a futuristic fuel for a future world power, gas became an avenue for the country's developmentalist ambitions. The ability to build technologically sophisticated infrastructures served as a powerful tool of state legitimation, both before and after the 1979 Revolution, and tied top-down politics of modernization to bottom-up feelings of national belonging. Accelerant: Energy Infrastructures and the Natural World in Making Modern Iran (Stanford UP, 2026) analyzes the interwoven histories of energy, development, and the environment inIran. Following the movement of natural gas from underground deposits, through infrastructures of refining and distribution, and into everyday life, Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani explores the roles of development planners, oil firms, industrialists, engineers, and consumers—as well as the mountain ranges, sedimentary rock, and natural gas itself—to show how natural gas emerged as a crucial enabler of industrialization and a strong impetus for resource nationalism. Tracing the transformation of gas from a waste product into a vital resource, this book offers a history of anticolonial developmentalism in Iran—revealing a key driver toward intensified energy use that suggests why and how societies in the Global South became voracious consumers of fossil fuel energy. Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani is the Farhang Foundation Early Career Chair in Iranian Studies and Assistant Professor of Middle East Studies and Environmental Studies at the University of Southern California.Filippo De Chirico is a Ph.D. Candidate in Energy History at Roma Tre University. His research focuses on the history of the Italian natural gas sector. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Between the late 1940s and the end of the twentieth century, natural gas became Iran's bedrock energy source. Billed as a futuristic fuel for a future world power, gas became an avenue for the country's developmentalist ambitions. The ability to build technologically sophisticated infrastructures served as a powerful tool of state legitimation, both before and after the 1979 Revolution, and tied top-down politics of modernization to bottom-up feelings of national belonging. Accelerant: Energy Infrastructures and the Natural World in Making Modern Iran (Stanford UP, 2026) analyzes the interwoven histories of energy, development, and the environment inIran. Following the movement of natural gas from underground deposits, through infrastructures of refining and distribution, and into everyday life, Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani explores the roles of development planners, oil firms, industrialists, engineers, and consumers—as well as the mountain ranges, sedimentary rock, and natural gas itself—to show how natural gas emerged as a crucial enabler of industrialization and a strong impetus for resource nationalism. Tracing the transformation of gas from a waste product into a vital resource, this book offers a history of anticolonial developmentalism in Iran—revealing a key driver toward intensified energy use that suggests why and how societies in the Global South became voracious consumers of fossil fuel energy. Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani is the Farhang Foundation Early Career Chair in Iranian Studies and Assistant Professor of Middle East Studies and Environmental Studies at the University of Southern California.Filippo De Chirico is a Ph.D. Candidate in Energy History at Roma Tre University. His research focuses on the history of the Italian natural gas sector. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies
Series Summary This series brings together scholars researching the relationship between green finance, and the everyday experiences of violence and solidarity across the world. Green finance, the various models of loans and investments that ostensibly support mitigation and adaptation to climate change, is promoted by international bodies such as the United Nations and the World Bank. However, the abstraction of this language and policies involved obscures the connections to everyday practices of extraction and resistance. This series reinfuses the economics of climate change with people's histories and agencies. Therefore, anthropologists and adjacent field scholars have a particularly apt skill set for grounding the climate finance discussion in place-based, community-informed explorations across the globe. In the second episode of the series, Denise Fernandes recounts the global process that solidified a top-down and market-driven approach to climate change action. In her analysis of the Rewa Solar Park in India, Denise weaves together the long history of colonialism, the flow of capital, and science and technologies that produce the “free, clean, and green energy.” As a result of these processes, certain spaces, like the Gurh tehsil, become banjaar zameen (barren lands) amenable to megaprojects backed by green loans from the World Bank, in what Denise describes as American energy imperialism. She also brings art into the energy discussion! From Odetta's interpretation of Woody Guthrie's “Pastures of Plenty,” to her photographic narrative of invisibilized fracking in Colorado Denise shows her interdisciplinary approach. She also discusses her teaching and public press articles, like the ones in The Wire, Article 14, and New Lines Magazine. Guest Denise Fernandes is an Assistant Professor of Global Environmental Politics at Whitman College, Washington, USA. She earned her Ph.D. in Environmental Studies from the University of Colorado-Boulder. Her teaching and scholarship focus on renewable energy and fossil fuel landscapes, climate justice, and the reproduction of injustices and inequalities in historically marginalized communities in the Global South. For her Ph.D., she studied the financialization of World Bank-financed solar parks in India. In this work, she investigated the historic narratives and rhetoric that shaped solar decision-making processes during the energy transition in the Global South. She regularly collaborates with artists and journalists to visually portray energy landscapes and the climate crisis, and to enhance the importance of public scholarship within academia. Host Jéssica Malinalli Coyotecatl-Contreras is a University of California President's Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Latin American and Latino Studies at UC Santa Cruz. She holds a PhD in Anthropology (UCSB, 2025) and a Master's in Social Anthropology (El Colegio de Michoacán, 2013). Her work builds on the knowledge of women and Indigenous communities, at the intersection of the (built) environment, feminist political ecology, and anti-coloniality in the Americas. Her work has been featured in peer-reviewed articles and online pieces for broader audiences. She is currently working on her first manuscript “Volcanic Sustainability: Progressive Fossil Capitalism, Violent Energy Transition, and Indigenous Futurities in Mexico.”
Between the late 1940s and the end of the twentieth century, natural gas became Iran's bedrock energy source. Billed as a futuristic fuel for a future world power, gas became an avenue for the country's developmentalist ambitions. The ability to build technologically sophisticated infrastructures served as a powerful tool of state legitimation, both before and after the 1979 Revolution, and tied top-down politics of modernization to bottom-up feelings of national belonging. Accelerant: Energy Infrastructures and the Natural World in Making Modern Iran (Stanford UP, 2026) analyzes the interwoven histories of energy, development, and the environment inIran. Following the movement of natural gas from underground deposits, through infrastructures of refining and distribution, and into everyday life, Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani explores the roles of development planners, oil firms, industrialists, engineers, and consumers—as well as the mountain ranges, sedimentary rock, and natural gas itself—to show how natural gas emerged as a crucial enabler of industrialization and a strong impetus for resource nationalism. Tracing the transformation of gas from a waste product into a vital resource, this book offers a history of anticolonial developmentalism in Iran—revealing a key driver toward intensified energy use that suggests why and how societies in the Global South became voracious consumers of fossil fuel energy. Ciruce Movahedi-Lankarani is the Farhang Foundation Early Career Chair in Iranian Studies and Assistant Professor of Middle East Studies and Environmental Studies at the University of Southern California.Filippo De Chirico is a Ph.D. Candidate in Energy History at Roma Tre University. His research focuses on the history of the Italian natural gas sector. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/environmental-studies
How do courts work when they work well? You would expect them to be impartial, neutral, and consistent. In much of the Global South that is a tall order. So when courts fall short of it, are they failing?Development institutions ask states to build strong courts on the North American and Western European model. Good governance follows, they argue. This model treats poorer, less democratic systems as deviations from a norm rather than as institutions doing different work.Fiona Shen-Bayh (University of Maryland) joins Tim Phillips to review the evidence on what courts in the Global South actually do, and who they help. Where the state is weak, customary elders, NGOs, even rebel groups step in to adjudicate, and people often trust these forums more than the state's own courts. Taliban courts in Afghanistan upheld due process during civil war. Dictators sometimes build genuinely independent courts, because property rights attract investment and citizens' lawsuits tell the centre what local officials are doing.The research behind this episode:Rios-Figueroa, Julio, and Fiona Shen-Bayh. 2025. "Courts in the Global South." Annual Review of Political Science 28. To cite this episode:Phillips, Tim, and Fiona Shen-Bayh. 2026. "Courts in the Global South." VoxDev Talks (podcast). Assign this as extra listening. The citation above is formatted and ready for a reading list or VLE.About the guestFiona Shen-Bayh is Assistant Professor of Government and Politics, with a joint appointment at the College of Information Studies, at the University of Maryland. Her research spans authoritarian regimes, judicial politics, and the use of legal and judicial institutions as instruments of power, often drawing on digitised archives and text-as-data methods. Her book Undue Process: Persecution and Punishment in Autocratic Courts (Cambridge University Press) won the APSA-IPSA Theodore J. Lowi First Book Award, the Giovanni Sartori Book Award, and the Juan Linz Best Book Prize.The paper is co-authored with Julio Rios-Figueroa, Professor in the Department of Law at the Instituto Tecnologico Autonomo de Mexico (ITAM), whose work spans comparative judicial politics, the rule of law, and empirical legal studies, with a focus on Latin America.Research cited in this episodeThe triad logic of conflict resolution. Drawn from Martin Shapiro's Courts: A Comparative and Political Analysis (1981). A court is effective when two parties appeal to a third to settle their dispute, and three conditions hold: the parties believe the third party is impartial; the third party is neutral, not predisposed to favour either side; and the rationale for the decision is consistent with existing norms, the idea of precedent. The review deliberately relaxes the assumption that courts are effective only when all three conditions are met.The rule of law revival. The wave of good-governance programmes promoted by the United States and Western European governments and NGOs after the fall of the Soviet Union, presenting strong courts as a remedy for corruption, instability, and tyranny in the Global South.The fallacy of legalism. The belief that creating law through statute, legislation, or precedent is enough to bring about social change. The phrase, from Sandra Joireman's work on property rights in Africa, names a habit of thought rooted in the Western experience, where the state has historically enforced property rights and contracts. In much of the Global South the absence of the state does not mean the absence of rules and order.Stateness. The extent to which a state exercises authority across its territory: its monopoly on violence in the classic Weberian sense, but also the creation of law and the administration of public affairs. Where stateness is low, non-state actors fill the judicial vacuum.Taliban and Islamic State courts. Recent fieldwork-based research finds that Sharia courts run by the Taliban in Afghanistan upheld notable degrees of due process and impartiality, offering predictability during civil war, and that the coercion associated with the Taliban featured in only a minority of the cases their courts heard.Courts in authoritarian regimes. A growing literature shows what courts do for dictators: establish credible property rights that attract foreign capital; monitor administrative conflict, as in China, where citizens' grievances against the state feed information upward to the centre; and, at other times, repress opponents or legitimise the regime by delivering popular moral outcomes even against the letter of the law.Political competition and judicial independence. Electoral competition can sustain independent courts in healthy democracies, partly because divided governments struggle to coordinate against unfavourable rulings. Under instability or an expected change of regime, the relationship can reverse: incumbents pack courts to entrench their interests before leaving, and judges may rule strategically to align with whoever they expect to hold power next, a pattern visible across Latin America.Access to justice and legal mobilisation. Social transformation through courts depends on people developing a "legal conscience", an understanding of the law and how to use it, and on support structures outside the judiciary: civil society organisations, bar associations, prosecutors, lawyers, and human rights groups that help citizens bring and sustain claims.Courts and democratic backsliding. Courts hold neither the purse nor the sword, which makes them easy targets for hostile rhetoric, legislative threats, pressure to resign, and court-packing. Courts that are neither impartial nor neutral can still stabilise a democracy while rival parties remain uncertain of each other's intentions, provided both still accept competitive elections. Once a party, especially an incumbent, abandons that commitment, there is little a court can do alone.Digitised judicial data. The digitisation and free publication of court records across the Global South has opened large-scale, fine-grained study of everyday jurisprudence, useful to scholars and to the judges, lawyers, and litigants who can now see how the law works in their own context.
Lucy Wilson-Tagoe is a Ghanaian-American writer and lawyer who writes suspenseful women's fiction and romantic thrillers centered on characters from the African Diaspora and the Global South. She studied History at Tufts University and earned law degrees from Howard University and the London School of Economics. A child immigrant and daughter of immigrants, she brings a global perspective to her storytelling. Her novel To Catch a Sinner is part of The Blurred Lines Duet.
This week on the podcast, our guest is Angela Stent, a globally recognized authority on U.S.-Russia relations. Angela has held senior roles at Georgetown University, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Brookings Institution, the U.S. State Department, the National Intelligence Council, and the Council on Foreign Relations, among others. She is also an award-winning author; some of her books include The Limits of Partnership: U.S.-Russian Relations in the Twenty-First Century (2014) and Putin's World: Russia Against the West and with the Rest (2019). Russia's war with Ukraine is increasingly becoming an energy war. As Ukraine's long-range strike capabilities improve, it has begun hitting Russian energy infrastructure with growing success, meaningfully reducing Russia's ability to produce refined products and crude oil. Jackie and Peter explore the complex geopolitics of the conflict with Angela, including Russia's relationships with Europe, the United States, and China. They also discuss the implications for Canada, including the growing attractiveness of energy from a stable supplier, a point recognized at the recent G7 meeting in France, where Canada was identified as a welcome source of energy to diversify away from supply routed through the Strait of Hormuz. Jackie and Peter ask Angela: Ukraine has delivered military strikes deep inside Russia this year — does that kind of pressure move Putin toward ending the war? How does Putin view the recent U.S.-Iran conflict, and what are the implications for the Russia-Ukraine war? Beyond Ukraine, is Russia a threat to other European countries? What is a realistic path to ending the war, and what would the best-case scenario look like? Content referenced on this podcast: G7 leaders' statement on geopolitical issues (June 17, 2026), welcoming the potential of Canada to deliver significant additional capacity to global markets in the coming years Please review our disclaimer at: https://www.arcenergyinstitute.com/disclaimer/Check us out on social media:X (Twitter): @arcenergyinstLinkedIn: @ARC Energy Research InstituteSubscribe to ARC Energy Ideas PodcastApple PodcastsAmazon MusicSpotify
Engineering Global Socialism: Ownership, Non-Alignment, and Corporate Culture in a Bosnian Company (Indiana UP, 2026) chronicles the journey of the Bosnian global corporation Energoinvest and its workers from its Yugoslav socialist ideals through decades of dissolution, reconstruction, and post-socialist transformation. Author Anna Calori provides a company-centric window into the business history of socialist globalization during periods of national development, destruction, and rebuilding. Contrary to popular perceptions of "centralized" socialist states, Energoinvest actively shaped trade relations with the Global South, driven by a socialist corporate culture that encouraged competition as well as collective decision-making. Even after Yugoslavia's disintegration in 1992 ended its dreams of a socialist path to globalization, these core characteristics shaped Energoinvest's adaptation to capitalist transformations and made it a key player in the struggle for Bosnia's post-war economic reconstruction. Through oral histories and archival research, Calori reveals how Energoinvest's workers paired the promise of a new model of global integration with their own visions of a working world in which they set the rules of engagement—and how, upon its sale to mostly foreign owners, the marginalization and ethnic homogenization of employee shareholders mirrored changes around citizenship in Bosnia. Now, in the twenty-first century, Energoinvest offers new promises of a post-industrial future, but its often hazy parameters leave workers to rely on the memory of "what could have been" to make sense of change. Tracing the long trajectory of a Yugoslav enterprise through decades of large-scale social change, Engineering Global Socialism presents a historical and sociological moment in which workers' ideas about social and corporate enterprise offered the possibility of a more democratic path to globalization. Anna Calori is Lecturer in Contemporary Economic History at the School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow. Filippo De Chirico is a Ph.D. Candidate in Energy History at Roma Tre University. His research focuses on the history of the Italian natural gas sector. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
The New Yorker staff writers Vinson Cunningham, Naomi Fry, and Louisa Thomas join Tyler Foggatt to discuss three recent collisions of sports and politics. Cunningham and Foggatt talk about President Donald Trump's appearance at a Knicks game during the team's championship run, which evoked a mixed reception from New Yorkers and complicated an otherwise celebratory week in the city. Then Fry and Foggatt discuss the U.F.C. fight that Trump hosted on the White House lawn—in celebration of America's two-hundred-and-fiftieth anniversary, and his own birthday—and how it merged the aesthetics and politics of Trump's second term. Finally, Thomas joins Foggatt to discuss the World Cup and how the Administration's immigration policies, the Iran war, and America's precarious standing on the international stage are impacting one of the world's premier sports and cultural events.Listen to Critics at Large wherever you get your podcasts.This week's reading: “Fight Night at the White House,” by Naomi Fry “Will Americans Start to Care About the World Cup Now?,” by Louisa Thomas “Lessons in Fanhood from the Knicks,” by Vinson Cunningham “Can the World Cup Transcend Donald Trump?,” by Ishaan Tharoor “The World Cup and the Changing Psyche of the Haitian Diaspora,” by Doreen St. Félix “How the Moroccan World Cup Team Became a Symbol of the Global South,” by Dan Greene The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine's writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices
The US government has signed an agreement to end its war on Iran. It is now widely admitted that Washington lost, and Tehran won. Ben Norton explains why Donald Trump failed, and how this has massive geopolitical implications for the Global South. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4NOUxBUSM64 Check out our related report on how Iran destroyed US military bases: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m_wC4KuEcWI Topics 0:00 USA & Iran sign deal 0:53 US lost the war 2:21 US lifts oil sanctions 4:14 Details of US-Iran deal 7:25 Strait of Hormuz 8:56 US agrees to end sanctions 10:13 $300 billion investment fund 14:08 Frozen assets 14:36 Nuclear weapons 15:37 Previous nuclear deal, JCPOA 18:00 Why USA lost the war 21:33 Victory for Global South 25:35 Destroyed US military bases 26:43 Historic defeat of imperialism 27:46 Outro
In this third episode of our season-long exploration of Quakers and Money, Peterson Toscano and Diana Yañez turn toward one of the largest and most difficult questions of the series: How do Friends live with integrity inside capitalism? Last month, we explored relational finance and asked whether taking responsibility for our money and institutional assets can lead to deeper integrity and more equitable power-sharing. This month, Peterson names the friction many Friends feel: the sense of being trapped in a massive economic system built on extraction, inequity, colonialism, and environmental harm. Through conversations with Lisa Graustein, Nathan Kleban, David Watt, and Traci Hjelt Sullivan, this episode examines the spiritual dissonance between Quaker values and capitalist structures. We hear about stolen land, inherited wealth, paternalism in charitable giving, the legacy of slavery in Quaker history, and the denial made possible by class and racial privilege. Rather than offering easy answers, Peterson and Diana ask what it means to stay on a journey with truth. If capitalism harms people and the planet, how might Friends move beyond individual purity or denial and toward mutual aid, community wealth-building, repair, and solidarity? In This Episode The Dissonance: Peterson reflects on the gap between Quaker faith and a global economy built on extraction and inequity. Capitalism and White Supremacy: Lisa Graustein names capitalism and white supremacy as forces that keep the here and now from becoming the realm of God. Stolen Land and Reparative Responsibility: Lisa shares the story of New England Yearly Meeting selling property after repudiating the Doctrine of Discovery and raises questions about what should happen to profits from land acquired through colonization. From Charity to Right Relationship: Nathan Kleban of Right Sharing of World Resources challenges paternalistic models of giving and asks who the economy is actually for. Quaker Wealth and Enslavement: David Watt, professor of Quaker studies at Haverford College, reminds us that some early Quaker wealth in Philadelphia was tied to Barbados, sugar plantations, and the labor of enslaved people. The Wealth of Not Having Debt: Traci Hjelt Sullivan expands the definition of ancestral wealth, naming the opportunities that come from beginning adult life without student debt. The Inner Capitalist: Diana reminds us that the Quaker belief in “that of God in everyone” also extends to capitalists, and to the parts of ourselves that continue to benefit from extractive systems. Our Guests Lisa Graustein Lisa Graustein is a Quaker educator, activist, and writer whose work often explores money, power, race, and reparative justice. In this episode, she reflects on inherited wealth, stewardship, and the responsibility to repair harm caused through the accumulation of resources. Nathan Kleban Nathan Kleban works with Right Sharing of World Resources, a Quaker organization that supports women-led economic projects in the Global South. Nathan brings a relational and community-centered lens to economics, asking how people get their needs met and how communities express their gifts outside extractive systems. David Watt David Watt is the Douglas and Dorothy Steere Professor of Quaker Studies at Haverford College. In this episode, he offers historical context about Quaker wealth, including the connections between early Philadelphia Friends, Barbados, sugar plantations, and slavery. Traci Hjelt Sullivan Traci Hjelt Sullivan is the executive director of Right Sharing of World Resources. She brings decades of nonprofit leadership and international experience to her work. In this episode, she reflects on truth, denial, race, class, debt, and the spiritual work of recognizing our own responsibility. Resources and Recommendations QuakerSpeak: “What If Wall Street Were Honest?” https://quakerspeak.com/video/what-if-wall-street-were-honest/ North Carolina Quaker Mark Hulbert has tracked investment advisors since the early 1980s. In this QuakerSpeak video, he talks about how his Quaker background and commitment to integrity led him to ask whether Wall Street advisors were telling the truth. Spent https://playspent.org/ Diana recommends Spent, a free browser-based survival game that places players inside the poverty trap. You begin with $1,000 and try to survive for 30 days while making impossible choices: pay rent, fix the car, buy medicine, or keep the lights on. It offers one way to better understand how expensive it can be to be poor in the current economic system. Caliban and the Witch by Silvia Federici https://pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&p=1575 Diana references Federici's work while discussing the relationship between capitalism, labor control, gendered violence, and colonialism. The Dawn of Everything by David Graeber and David Wengrow https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374157357/thedawnofeverything/ Diana also points to this book while reflecting on European colonialism, the construction of human hierarchy, and the ideas that shaped the modern world. Organizations Mentioned Right Sharing of World Resources: https://rswr.org/ A Quaker organization that supports women's self-help groups in the Global South through seed grants and relationship-based partnerships. Earth Quaker Action Team: https://eqat.org/ A grassroots Quaker organization that uses nonviolent direct action to challenge systems of economic and environmental injustice. New England Yearly Meeting: https://neym.org/ A regional body of the Religious Society of Friends is mentioned in Lisa Graustein's story about land, reparative responsibility, and the Doctrine of Discovery. Haverford College / David Harrington Watt: https://www.haverford.edu/users/dhwatt David Watt teaches Quaker studies at Haverford College and appears in this episode to discuss Quaker history, wealth, slavery, and capitalism. Listener Voicemails Thank you to John Choe for sharing his reflections and concerns about Quakers, financial discernment, and the role of institutions like Friends Fiduciary. Thank you also to Richard Tindall for his faithful reminder to drink a glass of water first thing in the morning. As summer begins in the Northern Hemisphere, it is a timely invitation to stay hydrated and care for our bodies. Question for Listeners How do you navigate the tension between Quaker values and capitalism? Where do you feel dissonance between your financial life and your spiritual commitments? Share your thoughts: · Voicemail: Call 317-QUAKERS, 317-782-5377 · Email: podcast@friendsjournal.org · Social Media: Respond to us on Facebook, Instagram, or TikTok Sponsors Friends Fiduciary https://friendsfiduciary.org/ Friends Fiduciary unites Quaker values with expert investing. They serve Friends meetings, churches, schools, and organizations through ethical portfolios, shareholder advocacy, and a commitment to justice and sustainability. American Friends Service Committee https://afsc.org/ The American Friends Service Committee is a Quaker organization working with communities worldwide to challenge injustice, meet urgent community needs, and build conditions for lasting peace. AFSC and the Vanguard S.O.S. / Never Vanguard campaign AFSC announcement: https://afsc.org/newsroom/afsc-joins-vanguard-sos-campaign-fossil-fuel-divestment Never Vanguard pledge: https://eqat.org/never-vanguard/ AFSC has joined with Earth Quaker Action Team in the Vanguard S.O.S. campaign, asking Friends to boycott and divest from Vanguard until it stops funding fossil fuel projects and takes climate justice into account. Disclaimers Quakers Today is a project of Friends Publishing Corporation. This season is sponsored by Friends Fiduciary and the American Friends Service Committee. This podcast is for informational and educational purposes only and does not constitute investment, legal, or tax advice. Listening does not create an advisory relationship. Friends Fiduciary is a sponsor of this podcast. Sponsorship does not constitute an endorsement, and Quakers Today does not receive compensation based on listener investment decisions. Diana Gisel Yañez is an Investment Advisor Representative of Natural Investments PBLLC. Natural Investments is an independent Registered Investment Advisor. Quakers Today and Friends Journal are not a registered entity and are not an affiliate or subsidiary of Natural Investments. See the Natural Investments Disclosures and Disclaimers and Form CRS: https://naturalinvestments.com/disclosures-disclaimers/
"Crisis creates clarity, and philanthropic funding is the best risk capital we have." That's how Hala Hanna reads the moment we're in, and as Executive Director of MIT Solve, she has the data to back it up.MIT Solve has spent a decade brokering the relationship between companies, funders, and the early-stage innovators closing equity gaps in health, learning, climate, and economic opportunity. Their 460 solvers are reaching 430 million lives, have mobilized $87 million in direct funding, and have collectively raised $1.4 billion. And Hala has a front-row seat to the fundamental shift happening in how money moves toward mission.In this episode, you'll hear:Why the most forward-thinking funders are moving from rewarding proximity to power to rewarding proximity to the problem, and what that means for your missionWhat corporate partners actually need from nonprofit partnerships right now, and how to position your org to meet them thereWhy pairing measurable outcomes with storytelling is the real fundraising unlock, and the one question every nonprofit leader needs to answer before walking into a funder conversationYou'll walk away with a sharper read on where philanthropy is heading and a concrete playbook for becoming the partner funders are actually looking for.
What does it mean, three decades after the demise of the USSR, to inhabit cities built for a future that has never arrived? In pursuit of the question—what is left of the socialist city?—this book aims not only to trace the material and mnemonic remains of the socialist city, but to show how the Soviet discourse of the city at times engendered radical ideas that challenged the narrow confines of state socialism itself. These ideas are, for instance, the efforts of Esperanto-speaking internationalists from Czechoslovakia to build the internationalist city from below in the Central Asian steppe, the quest of Armenian Futurists to root the architectural style of Soviet Armenia in the country's Persianate heritage, or a Jewish-Kyrgyz philosopher's vision of turning a science town in the hinterland of Moscow into the first ecopolis of the USSR. In an effort to rethink the life and afterlife of the Soviet city from its geographical South, The Death and Life of Southern Soviet Cities: Urban Futures and Their Afterlives (Routledge, 2026) explores the material and immaterial legacies of socialist-era urbanization in Central Asia and the Southern Caucasus. To this end, it embarks on a historical and ethnographic journey to urban sites in Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. In a quest to reconstruct competing visions of urbanity that emerged from within the Soviet South, using varied empirical sources in Armenian, Czech, Kyrgyz, and Russian, the book outlines four urban visions: bottom-up urbanity, rooted urbanity, polycentric urbanity, and ecocentric urbanity. By understanding the social vision of a "socialist city of the future" beyond the political center in its trans-local independence, the book highlights the cultural and linguistic diversity of the Soviet South and its historical embeddedness within the regional dynamics of the Global South. David Leupold is a sociologist, scholar of memory wars and research fellow in the ERC-funded research project REVENANT: Revivals of Empire. He is the author of the prize-winning book Embattled Dreamlands: The Politics of Contesting Armenian, Turkish, and Kurdish Memory (2021), the former principal investigator of the DFG-funded research project Future Images of the Past (2021–2025), and a current resource scholar for the Monterey Initiative in Russian Studies (Middlebury Institute of International Studies). He lives in Berlin. This interview was conducted by Ernest Lee, PhD student at the University of Chicago. He researches the history of postcolonial energy through the lens of development, infrastructure and environment, with a focus on West Africa and Southeast Asia. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
It's Wednesday, June 10th, A.D. 2026. This is The Worldview in 5 Minutes heard on 140 radio stations and at www.TheWorldview.com. I'm Adam McManus. (Adam@TheWorldview.com) By Jonathan Clark Hindu mob injured 25 Christians during worship service A Hindu mob attacked a Christian worship service in central India last week. The mob injured at least 25 people, including the pastor's pregnant wife. Such attacks are becoming more common in the country's state of Chhattisgarh. The state's government passed a law criminalizing conversion in March. It is India's second most oppressive state for Christians. Open Doors ranks the whole country as the 12th most oppressive in the world for Christians. 7.8-magnitude earthquake struck Philippines A 7.8-magnitude earthquake struck off the coast of the southern part of the Philippines on Monday. The quake killed at least 37 people, injured nearly 500, and displaced over 32,000. Christians in the area are jumping into action. International Christian Concern reports, “Local churches have opened their doors and converted their sanctuaries into vital emergency evacuation centers, providing safe shelter, immediate access to drinking water, and essential family food packs to thousands of displaced and traumatized residents.” In Matthew 5:7, Jesus said, “Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.” Spanish Anglican church joins Bible-believing Anglican denomination In Spain, the Evangelical Anglican Community of Valencia joined the Global Anglican Communion last week. It's the first church in the country to do so. The Global Anglican Communion is a movement of conservative Anglicans led by churches in the Global South. The group rejects the leadership of the Church of England which has shown support for sexually perverted lifestyles. Julian Milson is the pastor of the church in Valencia. He told Evangelical Focus, “We believe that the Church is called to submit to the authority of Scripture above any cultural pressure.” FDA launched safety study of Abortion Kill Pill In the United States, the Food and Drug Administration launched a safety study of the Abortion Kill Pill, reports The Wall Street Journal. This comes a year after the Trump administration promised to review the dangers of the abortion drug Mifepristone. The drug is not only part of ending the lives of unborn babies, it also poses health risks to the mothers who take it. Republican Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri introduced legislation in March to ban the Abortion Kill Pill. Listen to his comments. HAWLEY: “It is time for Congress to give the victims, the survivors -- many of whom are here today -- the right to recover against this company that has inflicted harm on them solely for the purpose of making profits. I'm introducing legislation today that will do just that. And I'm delighted to have with me here today great advocates for women's health and for life.” FBI fired analysts who targeted Catholics under President Biden MS Now reports that the FBI fired several intelligence analysts who targeted Catholics under the Biden administration. The analysts were involved in a 2023 memo which revealed how the FBI was surveilling Catholics as potential domestic threats. A recent report from the Justice Department stated, “The Biden Administration's policies regularly clashed with a Christian worldview and burdened traditional religious practices.” Amazon dethroned Walmart Amazon has dethroned Walmart as the largest corporation in the U.S. by revenue. That's according to the Fortune 500 rankings for 2026. Walmart came in second, ending its 13-year reign at the number one spot. Other top 10 companies include UnitedHealth Group, Apple, Alphabet, CVS Health, and Exxon Mobil. Also, Texas dethroned California as the state with the most Fortune 500 companies this year. Curaçao soccer player shared Christian testimony And finally, soccer teams from around the world are about to compete for the 2026 FIFA World Cup. The international men's soccer championship is being hosted across the United States, Mexico, and Canada this year. One of teams hails from Curaçao, an island county in the Caribbean. Players from the national team participated in a Christian worship event ahead of the competition. The team's striker, Kenji Gorré, shared his testimony at the event. Listen. GORRE: “I received Him as my Savior, because I knew that my good works couldn't do enough. I thought that if you're a good person, you'll make it to Heaven. I thought if you're a good person, God will forgive me. He's a loving God. But the love of God goes deeper. “And that's when I heard the true Gospel of Jesus dying for my sins on the cross, bleeding for me, washing me, cleaning me. And He cleaned me from the inside out. But I thank Jesus every single day. And from that day I've never stopped seeking Him.” Gorré also said, “Tonight we don't gather as athletes seeking worldly success, but as children of God who recognize that everything we have belongs to Him.” 1 John 2:15 and 17 says, “Do not love the world or the things in the world. … The world is passing away, and the lust of it; but he who does the will of God abides forever.” Close And that's The Worldview on this Wednesday, June 10th, in the year of our Lord 2026. Subscribe for free by Spotify, Amazon Music, or by iTunes or email to our unique Christian newscast at www.TheWorldview.com. Plus, you can get the Generations app through Google Play or The App Store. I'm Adam McManus (Adam@TheWorldview.com). Seize the day for Jesus Christ.
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