Revolution in Cuba between 1953 and 1959
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ORIGINALLY RELEASED Nov 13, 2017 Dr. Thoreau Redcrow is an American academic with a Ph.D. in Conflict Analysis with a concentration in Global Conflict. Thoreau is a researcher who specializes in studying armed guerrilla movements, and who has over a decade of experience studying the life and legacy of Che Guevara. His prior investigations into Che's biography have taken him to Cuba to speak to those who knew and fought alongside Che, as well as to other arenas around the world which have been influenced by Che Guevara's armed struggle. Brett sits down with Dr. Redcrow to discuss the Argentine Marxist revolutionary; including an entire segment of the podcast dedicated to debunking many of the right-wing and anti-communist lies about him. Topics Include: Che's childhood, the political context out of which Che emerged, the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro, debunking lies and slander about Che, The Bay of Pigs, Anti-Imperialism, "Guevarism", Marx, Lenin, and much, MUCH more! ---------------------------------------------------- Support Rev Left and get access to bonus episodes: www.patreon.com/revleftradio Make a one-time donation to Rev Left at BuyMeACoffee.com/revleftradio Follow, Subscribe, & Learn more about Rev Left Radio HERE Outro Beat Prod. by flip da hood
We kick off Season 4 with a deep, layered look at resurrection, queer liberation, and spiritual unbinding. Host Peterson Toscano brings together three unique stories—tied together by one enduring biblical moment: Jesus calling Lazarus out of the tomb.
This talk shares the story of Teófilo Stevenson, a prominent and dominant Afro-Cuban boxer whose decision to remain in Cuba following the Cuban Revolution of 1959 elevated him to the status of Cuban national hero and international sports celebrity; it also set off discourses about race and black athletic activism and Cuban exile culture and politics.
Enrique “Ric” Prado is a 24-year veteran of the CIA's operations directorate, playing a pivotal role in counterterrorism and clandestine operations. As a co-founder of the Osama bin Laden task force, Alec Station, and later Chief of Operations for the CIA's Counterterrorist Center, he was instrumental in the agency's post-9/11 counterterrorism expansion. Prado led high-stakes intelligence and kinetic operations worldwide, earning recognition for his leadership in some of the most challenging missions against terrorist networks and hostile foreign agents. His career has been described as an "operational adventure," with significant contributions to some of the most critical covert actions in modern CIA history. Born in Cuba, Prado experienced the Cuban Revolution before immigrating to the U.S. as a refugee. He later served as a U.S. Air Force Pararescue operator before joining the CIA, where he spent decades in high-threat environments, including Latin America, the Middle East, and East Asia. He was a key figure in operations against the Shining Path in Peru, the Abu Sayyaf Group in the Philippines, and North Korean intelligence activities. After retiring from the CIA, he continued his work in private intelligence and security operations. A recipient of multiple prestigious awards, including the CIA's Distinguished Career Intelligence Medal, Prado is widely regarded as one of the most accomplished and daring intelligence officers of his generation.He is an author of the best seller, “Black Ops- the life of a CIA Shadow Warrior.” Ric understands resilience, high stakes leadership and how to be incredibly decisive when it matters most. Black Ops: The Life of a CIA Shadow Warrior https://www.cbsnews.com/video/black-ops-the-life-of-a-cia-shadow-warrior/ To know more about Ric visit his website: www.ricprado.comAll of the episodes in April are brought to you by The Outlier Project where we choose to live extraordinary lives.
Russ Eagle is the guest host for a discussion of Clay's recent cultural tour of Cuba. Clay, Russ, and guests spent 10 days in Cuba, traveling in a small bus across the island. They began in Santiago, where the Cuban Revolution touched off on July 26, 1953, and ended in Havana, once one of the most vibrant cities in the Caribbean. It is still full of creative people exhibiting extraordinary resourcefulness under difficult circumstances. They visited two Bay of Pigs museums, one in Little Havana in Miami (pro-insurrection) and one at the Bay of Pigs itself (pro-Castro). They spent an afternoon swimming in the Bay of Pigs! Clay performed as Theodore Roosevelt at San Juan Hill, followed by a thoughtful refutation by a Cuban professor of law. At the end of our journey, they visited Ernest Hemingway's villa outside Havana and the fishing village from which he took his boat, Pilar, out to sea in search of marlin.
The US has spent decades trying to crush Cuba, but why does this small island nation still stand? In this episode, we dive intoThe Declarations of Havana, exploring Fidel Castro's most radical ideas, how his speeches shaped the Cuban Revolution, and why the empire still fears them. From anti-imperialism to mass mobilization, we break down how Castro framed Cuba's struggle for independence and what made his vision so dangerous to US interests.Here's where you can get the bookhttps://z-lib.gs/book/5206735/0ff530/the-declarations-of-havana.html?ts=2221Or you can buy it herehttps://www.versobooks.com/en-ca/products/2055-the-declarations-of-havana?_pos=1&_sid=be5041e5b&_ss=rhttps://redemmas.org/titles/41395-the-declarations-of-havana/https://pilsencommunitybooks.com/item/byaBWPmPb52by_Rvq3hByg Referenceshttps://daily.jstor.org/cuba-annexation-nation/Here is what we talked about in the post showhttps://z-library.sk/book/30095239/cc3439/on-cuba.htmlhttps://thenewpress.com/books/on-cubaCheck out Justin's links and follow himhttps://www.justinclark.org/https://www.instagram.com/justinclarkph/https://www.tiktok.com/@justinclarkphhttps://bsky.app/profile/justinclarkph.bsky.socialhttps://www.threads.net/@justinclarkphhttps://www.in.gov/history/https://blog.history.in.gov/https://newspapers.library.in.gov/And check out my linktreehttps://linktr.ee/SkepticalleftistIf you enjoyed the show, consider supporting us on Patreonhttps://www.patreon.com/skepticalleftist to help keep the content coming. You can also subscribe to my Substackhttps://theskepticalleftist.substack.com/ for updates and extra content or get bonus episodes through Spotifyhttps://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/skepticalleftist/subscribe . Every bit makes a difference! If that's not your thing, sharing the episode with friends or on social media goes a long way too. Thanks for listening and for your support!And please, if you can, support the Cathedral Community Fridgehttps://www.cathedralcommunityfridge.com/ or your local community fridge. Mutual aid matters—let's help each other thrive!
Robby Starbuck, filmmaker and conservative activist, joins us to discuss the historical similarities between the encroachment of DEI into American culture and the Cuban Revolution—which destroyed his parents' lives—and how that motivated him to eradicate DEI from corporate America. - - - Today's Sponsor: Beam - Try Beam's best-selling Dream Powder and get up to 40% off for a limited time when you go to https://shopbeam.com/KLAVAN and use code KLAVAN at checkout.
Joseph Michael Lopez - JML, (b. 1973) is an independent photographer born in New York City to a Puerto Rican father and a mother who escaped the Cuban Revolution in 1967. He earned his MFA in 2011 at Columbia University. Lopez began his career as an analog cinematographer on the critically acclaimed Bruce Weber film, Chop Suey (2001). Currently, Joseph divides his time between long-form projects, teaching, and commercial work. His photographs have appeared on the covers of M, The Magazine for Leica M Photography, Leica Fotografie International, The Sunday Review of The New York Times, New York magazine and The New Yorker, among others.Joseph's photographs were on exhibit in “Cuban Photography after 1980: Selections from the Museum's Collection”, at The Museum of Fine Arts in Houston. In 2016, a commissioned series of his photographs of New York neighborhoods, “New York at Its Core: Future City Lab”, was installed at The Museum of the City of New York. Photographs from JML NYC, the series from which this commission originated, have also been published in the book Bystander: A History of Street Photography, by Colin Westerbeck and Joel Meyerowitz. JML's first book JML NYC 02-23 was published by GOST in the fall of 2024. In episode 250, Joseph discusses, among other things:Relocating to Rome from NYCHis intro to NYC via assisting Bruce WeberHis early career as a professional assistantShooting with his Leica as a ‘coping mechanism'The challenge of creating a cohesive narrative from 20 years of single imagesHis Dear New Yorker projectWhy B&W is where his heart is atHow what we see is who we areHis approach towards light and sunUsing digital vs. filmAssisting Mitch EpsteinHow his opinion on grad school has changedControversy surrounding Columbia University prof. Thomas RomaHis plans for working in Rome and going forward Referenced:Bruce WeberDanny Lyon, Knave of HeartsTodd PapageorgeChuck Kelton's darkroomMitch EpsteinThomas RomaMohammad Rasoulof Website | Instagram“Essentially, it's about saying something and having a voice and having a perception of the world that is, like singing a loud song you know, your pictures have to say something. And how do you separate yourself from all the noise that's out there already? You have to have an obsessive, empahtic way to perceive things. I think to a certain extent what we see is who we are in a way.” Become a full tier 1 member here to access exclusive additional subscriber-only content and the full archive of previous episodes for £5 per month.For the tier 2 archive-only membership, to access the full library of past episodes for £3 per month, go here.Subscribe to my weekly newsletter here for everything A Small Voice related and much more besides.Follow me on Instagram here.Build Yourself a Squarespace Website video course here.
This Day in Legal History: Cuba Suspended from OASOn January 22, 1962, the Organization of American States (OAS) took the historic step of suspending Cuba from its membership. This decision followed the Cuban Revolution, which saw Fidel Castro's government align itself with communist ideologies and the Soviet Union, marking a stark departure from the democratic and anti-communist principles upheld by the OAS. The suspension, supported by 14 member states against six dissenting votes, highlighted Cold War tensions and the fear of communist influence spreading across the Americas. It marked the first time the OAS had taken such a measure against a member nation, emphasizing the geopolitical divide between the United States and Soviet-aligned nations.The resolution to suspend Cuba was rooted in Article 8 of the OAS Charter, which mandated respect for representative democracy as a condition of membership. Cuba's embrace of communism and its growing ties with the USSR, particularly during events like the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis, deepened the rift with its neighbors. The suspension effectively isolated Cuba from multilateral political cooperation within the Americas but did little to curtail its growing influence among leftist movements globally.Efforts to reintegrate Cuba into the OAS came decades later. On June 3, 2009, the OAS voted to lift the suspension, acknowledging changing political landscapes and calls for normalization. However, Cuba immediately rejected the offer, citing its disinterest in rejoining the organization. The Cuban government viewed the OAS as a tool of U.S. hegemony and incompatible with its principles. The 1962 suspension remains a critical moment in the history of inter-American relations, illustrating the enduring complexities of ideology and diplomacy during the Cold War.Twenty-two Democratic-led states, the District of Columbia, and San Francisco filed lawsuits challenging President Donald Trump's executive order eliminating birthright citizenship for children born in the U.S. to parents who are neither U.S. citizens nor lawful permanent residents. The lawsuits, filed in federal courts in Boston, Seattle, and Maryland, argue that the order violates the Citizenship Clause of the 14th Amendment, which guarantees citizenship to all individuals born in the United States and subject to its jurisdiction.The lawsuits emphasize the constitutional foundation of birthright citizenship, citing the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark decision in United States v. Wong Kim Ark (1898), which upheld citizenship rights for children born on U.S. soil to non-citizen parents. Plaintiffs assert that Trump's order represents an unconstitutional overreach of presidential authority and an attempt to bypass established constitutional and legal principles.If implemented, the order would leave over 150,000 children born annually without citizenship, rendering them stateless and depriving them of rights such as voting, working lawfully, and accessing federal benefits like Medicaid. States also face increased financial and administrative burdens, including the loss of federal funding for healthcare and education programs that are tied to citizenship status.Among the plaintiffs are civil rights groups, immigrant advocacy organizations, and an expectant mother with temporary protected status. The lawsuits seek declaratory and injunctive relief, aiming to prevent the enforcement of what they call a flagrantly unconstitutional policy. Early hearings on temporary restraining orders are scheduled in some jurisdictions, marking this as one of the first major legal battles of Trump's administration.22 Democratic-led states sue over Trump's birthright citizenship order | ReutersPresident Donald Trump's executive order delaying enforcement of a bipartisan law banning TikTok has plunged the platform into legal uncertainty. The law, passed with overwhelming support in Congress and signed by President Joe Biden, required TikTok's Chinese parent company, ByteDance, to divest the platform by January 19. It also imposed heavy penalties—$5,000 per user—on service providers like Apple and Google for noncompliance.Trump's order pauses enforcement for 75 days and directs the Justice Department to assure service providers that they won't face liability during this period. However, legal experts argue the order offers limited assurance. Executive orders cannot override duly enacted laws, and courts generally do not view such directives as binding. Moreover, the president retains the authority to alter the order or enforce the law selectively, adding to the uncertainty.This action marks a rare instance of a president attempting to circumvent a law passed by both houses of Congress and upheld by the Supreme Court. Legal analysts note that while Congress could sue to enforce the law, courts might dismiss such a case as a political question or national security issue. Meanwhile, service providers are exposed to billions in potential penalties and shareholder lawsuits if they defy the law based on Trump's directive.Despite the pause, TikTok remains unavailable on major U.S. app stores, reflecting the precarious legal and financial risks for service providers caught between compliance with federal law and Trump's temporary reprieve. This legal limbo underscores tensions between the executive branch, Congress, and the tech industry over the regulation of foreign-owned platforms.Trump executive order leaves TikTok in legal limbo, for now | ReutersPresident Donald Trump issued an executive order revoking the authority of the Department of Labor's Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) to enforce diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives among federal contractors. The OFCCP, which oversees compliance with anti-discrimination laws for companies receiving federal funds, had required contractors to develop affirmative action programs and address workforce disparities based on gender, race, and other protected characteristics.Trump's order mandates the OFCCP immediately stop promoting affirmative action or workforce diversity measures. It also requires contractors to certify within 90 days that they are not implementing DEI programs deemed discriminatory under federal civil rights law. Additionally, the order redefines DEI initiatives as a potential form of illegal discrimination and encourages private companies to abandon such programs.The president's actions rescinded Executive Order 11246, a landmark 1965 order that established the OFCCP's affirmative action enforcement framework. Trump also repealed EO 13672, which protected federal contractor employees from discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity—protections that were later recognized by the U.S. Supreme Court under Title VII.This move is part of Trump's broader rollback of DEI policies, including prior executive orders eliminating diversity programs in federal agencies and restricting the legal definition of gender. Critics argue these changes undermine civil rights protections, while supporters claim they prevent reverse discrimination. The order creates significant uncertainty for federal contractors navigating compliance and DEI program implementation.Trump Guts Contractor Watchdog's Anti-Discrimination Power (1)In my column for Bloomberg this week, a discussion of religious exemptions for unemployment taxes.The U.S. Supreme Court is poised to address a pivotal question of tax policy and religious exemptions in a case involving Catholic Charities Bureau (CCB). The organization, affiliated with the Catholic Church, argues it should be exempt from paying unemployment taxes because of its religious connection, despite providing social services that are fundamentally secular, such as job placement for individuals with disabilities and daily living assistance. This case raises concerns about fairness in the nonprofit sector. Granting CCB a tax exemption would create an uneven playing field, where secular organizations performing identical services face higher tax burdens. Such an outcome risks distorting the marketplace of charitable organizations and undermines the principle of equal obligations for entities engaging in similar work. The implications extend far beyond this case. A ruling in favor of CCB could incentivize other religiously affiliated organizations to seek similar exemptions, potentially leading to widespread abuse of the tax system. Hospitals, schools, and social service agencies with religious ties might claim exemptions for services indistinguishable from those provided by secular counterparts, further eroding tax equity and integrity.The core of the issue lies in the distinction between genuinely religious activities and secular services provided under religious affiliation. Exempting organizations like CCB shifts the financial burden of public goods, such as unemployment insurance, onto other employers, including secular nonprofits, weakening their ability to serve the public effectively. Additionally, it blurs the boundary between secular and religious activities, making tax exemptions a potential tool for avoidance rather than a recognition of genuine religious exercise.This case also highlights the challenge of determining what qualifies for a religious exemption. While proponents argue that no organization should have to prove its religiosity, some oversight is necessary to prevent abuse and maintain fairness. Without such standards, exemptions could devolve into unchecked privileges for organizations with tenuous religious affiliations.Ultimately, the Court must balance respecting religious liberty with upholding public responsibilities. Preserving the Wisconsin Supreme Court's ruling against CCB would protect the integrity of the tax system, ensure fairness among nonprofits, and maintain a clear distinction between secular and religious activities while reinforcing the shared obligations of all public-serving entities.Supreme Court Must Ensure All Charities Get Fair Treatment This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe
Season 6, Episode 1 - Welcome to our 6th season! Pasquale shares “This Day In History: “1959 - The Cuban Revolution was an armed uprising led by Fidel Castro that eventually toppled the brutal dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. The revolution began with a failed assault on Cuban military barracks on July 26, 1953, but by the end of 1958, the guerrilla revolutionaries in Castro's 26th of July Movement had gained the upper hand in Cuba, forcing Batista to flee the island on January 1, 1959.”, “2002 -The Euro, as a currency, is introduced as the official currency of the newly formed ‘EU'', 2011 - Oprah Winfrey starts her network'OWN'” Ev shares a “Whacky Bumper Sticker”, and the “Two New Yorkers' Fortune Cookie”, and Eric is back with his “Eric The Travel Mensch's Travel Tip”. Please Like us AND SHARE on https://www.facebook.com/2newyorkers1000opinions/and follow us on X and Instagram or subscribe on your favorite podcast platform.
fWotD Episode 2793: Palo (religion) Welcome to Featured Wiki of the Day, your daily dose of knowledge from Wikipedia’s finest articles.The featured article for Friday, 27 December 2024 is Palo (religion).Palo, also known as Las Reglas de Congo, is an African diasporic religion that developed in Cuba during the late 19th or early 20th century. It draws heavily upon the traditional Kongo religion of Central Africa, with additional influences taken from Catholicism and from Spiritism. An initiatory religion practised by paleros (male) and paleras (female), Palo is organised through small autonomous groups called munanso congo, each led by a tata (father) or yayi (mother).Although teaching the existence of a creator divinity, commonly called Nsambi, Palo regards this entity as being uninvolved in human affairs and instead focuses its attention on the spirits of the dead. Central to Palo is the nganga, a vessel usually made from an iron cauldron. Many nganga are regarded as material manifestations of ancestral or nature deities known as mpungu. The nganga will typically contain a wide range of objects, among the most important being sticks and human remains, the latter called nfumbe. In Palo, the presence of the nfumbe means that the spirit of that dead person inhabits the nganga and serves the palero or palera who possesses it. The Palo practitioner commands the nganga to do their bidding, typically to heal but also to cause harm. Those nganga primarily designed for benevolent acts are baptised; those largely designed for malevolent acts are left unbaptised. The nganga is "fed" with the blood of sacrificed animals and other offerings, while its will and advice is interpreted through divination. Group rituals often involve singing, drumming, and dancing to facilitate possession by spirits of the dead.Palo developed among Afro-Cuban communities following the Atlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries. It emerged largely from the traditional religions brought to Cuba by enslaved Bakongo people from Central Africa, but also incorporated ideas from Roman Catholicism, the only religion legally permitted on the island by the Spanish colonial government. The minkisi, spirit-vessels that were key to various Bakongo healing societies, provided the basis for the nganga of Palo. The religion took its distinct form around the late 19th or early 20th century, about the same time that Yoruba religious traditions merged with Roman Catholic and Spiritist ideas in Cuba to produce Santería. After the Cuban War of Independence resulted in an independent republic in 1898, the country's new constitution enshrined freedom of religion. Palo nevertheless remained marginalized by Cuba's Roman Catholic, Euro-Cuban establishment, which typically viewed it as brujería (witchcraft), an identity that many Palo practitioners have since embraced. In the 1960s, growing emigration following the Cuban Revolution spread Palo abroad.Palo is divided into multiple traditions or ramas, including Mayombe, Monte, Briyumba, and Kimbisa, each with their own approaches to the religion. Many practitioners also identify as Roman Catholics and practice additional Afro-Cuban traditions such as Santería or Abakuá. Palo is most heavily practiced in eastern Cuba although it is found throughout the island and abroad, including in other parts of the Americas such as Venezuela, Mexico, and the United States. In many of these countries, Palo practitioners have faced problems with law enforcement for engaging in grave robbery to procure human bones for their nganga.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 01:01 UTC on Friday, 27 December 2024.For the full current version of the article, see Palo (religion) on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm generative Matthew.
In 1953, Fidel Castro attacked military barracks in the east of Cuba in a bid to revolutionise the country. He failed, but it marked the beginning of his career as a guerrilla fighter. Michael Voss spoke to one of his comrades, Agustin Diaz Cartaya, in 2010.Eye-witness accounts brought to life by archive. Witness History is for those fascinated by the past. We take you to the events that have shaped our world through the eyes of the people who were there. For nine minutes every day, we take you back in time and all over the world, to examine wars, coups, scientific discoveries, cultural moments and much more. Recent episodes explore everything from football in Brazil, the history of the ‘Indian Titanic' and the invention of air fryers, to Public Enemy's Fight The Power, subway art and the political crisis in Georgia. We look at the lives of some of the most famous leaders, artists, scientists and personalities in history, including: visionary architect Antoni Gaudi and the design of the Sagrada Familia; Michael Jordan and his bespoke Nike trainers; Princess Diana at the Taj Mahal; and Görel Hanser, manager of legendary Swedish pop band Abba on the influence they've had on the music industry. You can learn all about fascinating and surprising stories, such as the time an Iraqi journalist hurled his shoes at the President of the United States in protest of America's occupation of Iraq; the creation of the Hollywood commercial that changed advertising forever; and the ascent of the first Aboriginal MP.(Photo: Fidel Castro (second from right) with comrades during the preparation of the 1953 attack. Credit: FILES-PRENSA LATINA/AFP via Getty Images)
On this episode Brian, Steve, and Lornett discuss U.S. military expansion during the 1950s, the Cuban Revolution, The Bay of Pigs, and our modern situation with the two party duopoly.
In Episode 94 of The TBD Podcast, Garrett sits down with Patrick Manteiga, editor and publisher of La Gaceta, the nation's only tri-lingual newspaper. Patrick shares the story of his family's 102-year-old publication, Tampa's rich cultural heritage, and the evolution of its immigrant communities. From the role of cigar factories in shaping the city to the politics that have defined its growth, this conversation provides a thoughtful look at the past, present, and future of Tampa. Join us for an episode that connects Tampa's history with its ongoing development. 0:00:00 - Intro 0:01:35 - History of La Gaceta 0:04:20 - Cigar Factories and Tampa's Growth 0:10:15 - Immigrant Contributions 0:16:50 - Urban Renewal Impacts 0:23:30 - Cuban Revolution and La Gaceta 0:31:45 - Evolution of La Gaceta 0:37:10 - Urban Development Challenges 0:45:25 - Preserving Tampa's Identity 0:53:00 - Community Leadership 1:02:15 - Tampa's Future 1:10:00 - Closing Remarks
Historian Joana Salém Vasconcelos joins us to discuss her book Agrarian History of the Cuban Revolution: Dilemmas of Peripheral Socialism (Brill 2023; Haymarket 2023). Translated from Portuguese and originally published in Brazil in 2016, this meticulously researched study unpacks the complicated political and economic challenges Cuba has faced since its 1959 revolution, demonstrating why the sugar plantation economic structure in Cuba has persisted. Drawing on diverse historical sources, Salém Vasconcelos narrates in detail the three dimensions of Cuban agrarian transformation during the decisive 1960s – the land tenure system, the crop regime, and the labor regime – and its social and political actors. She explains the paths and detours of Cuban agrarian policies contextualized in a labor-intensive economy that desperately needs to increase productivity and, simultaneously, promised widely to emancipate workers from labor exploitation. Joana Salém Vasconcelos is a full-time Visiting Professor at Federal University of ABC (UFABC), Brazil, and has a PhD in Economic History from the University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil. Agrarian History of the Cuban Revolution: Dilemmas of Peripheral Socialism is available for purchase through Haymarket books and Brill: https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2420-agrarian-history-of-the-cuban-revolution https://brill.com/display/title/64107?language=en For more information about Latin American Perspectives, our podcasts and guests, please contact latampodcasts@gmail.com
St. Teresa of Ávila (1515-1582) was a sixteenth-century Spanish nun and one of the most influential mystics in all of Church history, writing two spiritual classics still read today: The Way of Perfection and The Interior Castle. Her autobiography (more accurately, a confession to Spanish Inquisitors) is The Life of St. Teresa of Avila, detailing her spiritual experiences of the love of God.In this episode, Evan Rosa welcomes Carlos Eire (T. Lawrason Riggs Professor of History and Religious Studies at Yale University) for a discussion of how to read St. Teresa of Ávila, exploring the historical, cultural, philosophical, and theological aspects of her life and writing, and offering insights and close readings of several selections from her classic confession-slash-autobiography, known as La Vida, or The Life.About Carlos EireCarlos Eire is T. Lawrason Riggs Professor of History and Religious Studies at Yale University. All of his books are banned in Cuba, where he has been proclaimed an enemy of the state. He was awarded the 2024 Harwood F. Byrnes/Richard B. Sewall Teaching Prize by Yale College, received his PhD from Yale in 1979. He specializes in the social, intellectual, religious, and cultural history of late medieval and early modern Europe, with a focus on both the Protestant and Catholic Reformations; the history of popular piety; the history of the supernatural, and the history of death. Before joining the Yale faculty in 1996, he taught at St. John's University in Minnesota and the University of Virginia, and was a member of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. He is the author of War Against the Idols (1986); From Madrid to Purgatory (1995); A Very Brief History of Eternity (2010); Reformations: The Early Modern World (2016); The Life of Saint Teresa of Ávila: A Biography (2019); and They Flew: A History of the Impossible (2023). He is also co-author of Jews, Christians, Muslims: An Introduction to Monotheistic Religions (1997); and ventured into the twentieth century and the Cuban Revolution in the memoir Waiting for Snow in Havana (2003), which won the National Book Award in Nonfiction in the United States and has been translated into more than a dozen languages. His second memoir, Learning to Die in Miami (2010), explores the exile experience. A past president of the Society for Reformation Research, he is currently researching various topics in the history of the supernatural. His book Reformations won the R.R. Hawkins Prize for Best Book of the Year from the American Publishers Association, as well as the award for Best Book in the Humanities in 2017. It was also awarded the Jaroslav Pelikan Prize by Yale University Press. The Life of Saint Teresa of Ávila by Carlos Eire (https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691164939/the-life-of-saint-teresa-of-avila )The Book of My Life by Teresa of Ávila (https://www.icspublications.org/products/the-collected-works-of-st-teresa-of-avila-vol-1 or https://www.shambhala.com/teresa-of-avila-1518.html )A long confession to the Inquisition which had placed her under investigation and read by those who were curious and believed her mysticism might be a fraudThe Spanish Inquisition in the 16th CenturyAutobiography v. Auto-hagiographyThe chief virtue of sainthood was humilityMedieval mysticism in the asceticism of monastic communitiesThe Reformation's rejection of monastic communities and their practices“You can fast as much as you want, and you can punish yourself as much as you want. That's not going to, uh, make God love you any more than he already does. And it's not going to wipe out your sins. Christ has wiped out your sins. So, all of this, uh, Oh, self obsession and posturing, uh, the very concept of holiness is redefined.”Direct experience of the divine in mysticism: purgation (cleansing), feedback from God (illumination), and union with the divine.On Loving God by Bernard of Clairvaux (https://litpress.org/Products/CF013B/On-Loving-God)Surrendering of the self in order to find oneself, and in turn GodInterior Castle by Teresa of Ávila (https://www.icspublications.org/products/st-teresa-of-avila-the-interior-castle-study-edition)Recogimiento - a prayer in which one lets go of their senses; a form a prayer in which you are just in a chat with a friendThe Cloud of Unknowing by Anonymous (https://paracletepress.com/products/the-cloud-of-unknowing )Meaning that is found without words - recollection and recogimientoFrancisco Jiménez de Cisneros, Archbishop of Toledo - translation of Rhineland mysticism into SpanishStaged approach and a development of spirituality“You're doing some transforming of your own, of course, by, you know, being engaged in this, but it's, it's really a gift from God progress and progress. Uh, progress and progress, or, uh, pretty much like an athlete whose skills become better and better and better. Or any artist whose skills improve and improve and improve and improve.Except in this case, there's someone else involved. You're not just working out or rehearsing. It's the other party involved in, in this, uh, phenomenon of prayer.”The Four Waters as an image for the progression of prayerThe irony of Teresa's writing and her nods to the inquisition found within her writingsThe experience of mysticism and God cannot be understood - it is beyond languageRepetition in prayer and meditationEdith Stein was inspired by Teresa of ÁvilaMonastic life was very isolated and was filled with hard workThe doubt of her confessors that her visions of Jesus were realResponding to the devil with crudenessMystical marriage with ChristThe Life of Catherine of Siena by Raymond of Capua ( https://tanbooks.com/products/books/the-life-of-saint-catherine-of-siena-the-classic-on-her-life-and-accomplishments-as-recorded-by-her-spiritual-director/ )Physical visions and intellectual visionsHer visions were beyond her controlTransverberation - a vision of an angel with a spear that she is struck with; pain and bliss simultaneously in the woundingGod as a very clear diamondTeresa of Ávila and the Rhetoric of Femininity by Alison Weber (https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691027449/teresa-of-avila-and-the-rhetoric-of-femininity) - Constant self-humbling of TeresaDevotion to heart imagery in mysticism, Catholicism, and Teresa's spiritualityThey Flew: A History of the Impossible by Carlos Eire (https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300280074/they-flew/)The bodily effects and physical nature of Teresa's mysticismmysticism for the masses and books for the laityMysticism is a double edged sword - this is also what makes Jesus threatening in the gospelsSteven Ozment (Mysticism and Dissent: Religious Ideology and Social Protest in the Sixteenth Century?) https://archive.org/details/mysticismdissent0000ozme/page/n295/mode/2upHuman nature and our potentialGreat detail and charming in her writingProduction NotesThis podcast featured Carlos EireEdited and Produced by Evan RosaHosted by Evan RosaProduction Assistance by Alexa Rollow, Emily Brookfield, Kacie Barrett, & Zoë HalabanA Production of the Yale Center for Faith & Culture at Yale Divinity School https://faith.yale.edu/aboutSupport For the Life of the World podcast by giving to the Yale Center for Faith & Culture: https://faith.yale.edu/give
This Day in Legal History: Che Guevara ExecutedOn October 9, 1967, Ernesto "Che" Guevara, a prominent figure in revolutionary movements across Latin America, was executed by Bolivian forces after being captured during a failed guerrilla campaign. Guevara was a key leader in the Cuban Revolution and sought to spread Marxist insurgencies throughout Latin America, hoping to ignite similar revolutions. His execution without a trial, carried out with the assistance of the CIA, became a controversial event, raising questions about the legal treatment of non-state actors under international law.Che Guevara's death highlighted the evolving legal frameworks for dealing with insurgencies, guerrilla warfare, and the rights of captured combatants. At the time, international law, including the Geneva Conventions, offered limited protection to guerrilla fighters, whose status as non-traditional combatants fell outside of established norms for prisoners of war. The Bolivian government's decision to execute Guevara without due process sparked widespread condemnation and intensified debates on the legality of such actions.The legacy of Che Guevara's execution extended far beyond his death, as it became a symbol of the broader struggles for political justice, human rights, and the use of state power to suppress insurgencies. His killing underscored the need for clearer international legal standards governing the treatment of insurgents, contributing to later discussions on how to apply humanitarian law to non-state actors and revolutionaries.The U.S. government may seek to force Google to break up parts of its business, such as its Chrome browser and Android operating system, to address what it argues is an illegal monopoly in online search. A judge found in August that Google's dominance—processing 90% of U.S. searches—violates antitrust laws. The Justice Department's proposed remedies aim to end Google's control over search distribution and prevent its dominance from expanding into artificial intelligence (AI). One suggestion is to stop Google from making billion-dollar payments to device manufacturers like Apple to have its search engine pre-installed as the default. Google plans to appeal, calling the proposals radical, and arguing that users choose its search engine for its quality. The company also claims it faces competition from platforms like Amazon. Additionally, a recent court ruling requires Google to allow more competition in its app store. The Justice Department's more detailed proposal will be submitted in November, and Google can respond by December.The antitrust ruling against Google could have significant consequences for smaller companies like Mozilla, which heavily relies on Google's payments to make its Firefox browser financially viable. If Google is forced to stop paying for default search positions, Mozilla could lose a substantial portion of its revenue—more than $500 million annually—putting its future in jeopardy. This would limit Mozilla's ability to compete with larger players like Apple and Microsoft, and could further consolidate market power in the hands of Big Tech.US considers breakup of Google in landmark search case | ReutersWill Google's historic monopoly lawsuit be the death knell for Mozilla and Firefox? | FortuneThe U.S. Supreme Court will hear arguments in the case of Oklahoma death row inmate Richard Glossip, who is seeking to have his conviction overturned for a 1997 murder-for-hire. Glossip, now 61, was convicted of paying Justin Sneed to kill Barry Van Treese, the owner of the motel where Glossip worked. Sneed, who confessed to the murder, testified against Glossip in exchange for avoiding the death penalty. Glossip admits to helping cover up the crime but denies commissioning the murder. Newly uncovered evidence suggests that prosecutors withheld information that could have helped Glossip's defense. Oklahoma's Attorney General, Gentner Drummond, now supports Glossip's appeal, acknowledging flaws in the case, though he still believes Glossip should face some punishment. Due to the attorney general's stance, the Supreme Court appointed an outside lawyer to defend the conviction. The justices are expected to rule by June 2025.US Supreme Court to weigh appeal by Oklahoma death row inmate Glossip | ReutersThe U.S. Supreme Court is signaling support for President Biden's regulation of "ghost guns," or build-at-home firearm kits, by likely allowing the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) to regulate these kits as firearms. The rule, introduced in 2022, would require serial numbers, background checks, and record-keeping for gun kits, treating them like fully assembled guns. Challengers, including gun-rights advocates, argue that the rule expands beyond the authority granted by the 1968 Gun Control Act. However, several justices, including Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Barrett, expressed skepticism about the challengers' claims, noting how easily kits can be turned into functioning firearms. The case echoes past legal battles over firearms regulation, such as the one involving bump stocks, and centers on the scope of the ATF's power.Supreme Court Signals Backing for Biden's ‘Ghost Gun' Rule (1) This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe
The late leader of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro, famously called Cuba “the safest country in the world”. But more and more Cubans are starting to speak out about crime on their streets. And increased violence isn't the only problem it is facing. Blackouts, food shortages and a lack of water are all fuelling a mass exodus from the country. On this episode, Caitríona Perry speaks to our Cuba correspondent Will Grant about what its rising crime rate reveals about life on this struggling island.The Global Story brings you trusted insights from BBC journalists worldwide. We want your ideas, stories and experiences to help us understand and tell #TheGlobalStory. Email us at theglobalstory@bbc.com You can also message us or leave a voice note via WhatsApp on +44 330 123 9480. Producers: Tom Kavanagh, Alice Aylett Roberts and Mariana Hernández CarrilloSound engineers: Ricardo McCarthy and Gareth JonesAssistant editor: Sergi Forcada FreixasSenior news editor: Sara Wadeson
On episode 66 of the VITAL HOOPS Podcast ShakaRa breaks down the ideology of Race First and what it means to be an Afrikan. ShakaRa and Fernando also speak about Cuba and afro cubans among other topics all related to Panafrikanism. “Was Castro's Cuban Revolution a Victory for Afrikan People” https://youtu.be/PuzHIAjE9QM Book Recommendation: “Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association” by Tony Martin “Let the Circle be Unbroken” by Marimba Ani “Decolonising the African mind” by Chinweizu Ibekwe “The Afrikan World” available on https://kimbungamedia.com ShakaRa: @ShakaRaSpeaks and @KimbungaMedia on all socials. https://kimbungamedia.com VITAL HOOPS: PayPal - https://www.paypal.me/fernandocardenasxb Patreon - https://www.patreon.com/vitalhoops IG - https://www.instagram.com/vitalhoopspodcast/ Email - vitalhoopspodcast@gmail.com https://www.vitalhoops.net https://www.blackpowermedia.org VITAL HOOPS is 4 THE KULTURE
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/caribbean-studies
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/film
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/performing-arts
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/music
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University.
From television to travel bans, geopolitics to popular dance, The Subject of Revolution: Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba (UNC Press, 2024) explores how knowledge about the 1959 Cuban Revolution was produced and how the Revolution in turn shaped new worldviews. Drawing on sources from over twenty archives as well as film, music, theater, and material culture, this book traces the consolidation of the Revolution over two decades in the interface between political and popular culture. The "subject of Revolution," it proposes, should be understood as the evolving synthesis of the imaginaries constructed by its many "subjects," including revolutionary leaders, activists, academics, and ordinary people within and beyond the island's borders. The book reopens some of the questions that have long animated debates about Cuba, from the relationship between populace and leadership to the archive and its limits, while foregrounding the construction of popular understandings. It argues that the politicization of everyday life was an inescapable effect of the revolutionary process, as well as the catalyst for new ways of knowing and being. Jennifer Lambe is Associate Professor of History at Brown University. Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/popular-culture
Get ready for a game-changing episode of Connecting the Dots! Dr. Wilmer Leon and Caleb Maupin dive into the seismic shifts happening worldwide—where the U.S. is no longer the sole superpower and what that means for our future. They explore a growing movement challenging America's global influence and break down what the 2024 election could mean for the future of U.S. politics. If you care about where our country is headed, this is a must-listen. Don't miss out on insights that could change how you see the world! Find me and the show on social media. Click the following links to find @DrWilmerLeon on X/Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Patreon and YouTube! Hey everyone, Dr. Wilmer here! If you've been enjoying my deep dives into the real stories behind the headlines and appreciate the balanced perspective I bring, I'd love your support on my Patreon channel. Your contribution helps me keep "Connecting the Dots" alive, revealing the truth behind the news. Join our community, and together, let's keep uncovering the hidden truths and making sense of the world. Thank you for being a part of this journey! Wilmer Leon (00:00:00): As we are living through a pivotal moment in world history, the shift from a unipolar to a multipolar world, anti-imperialism is at the core of this global movement as the US is at the center of this global shift. How did anti imperialism take hold in the us? Let's find out Announcer (00:00:27): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge. Wilmer Leon (00:00:35): Welcome to the Connecting the Dots podcast with Dr. Wilmer Leon and I am Wilmer Leon. Here's the point. We have a tendency to view current events as though they happen in a vacuum, failing to understand the broader historical context in which these events take place. During each episode, my guests and I have probing, provocative, and in-depth discussions that connect the dots between these events and the broader historical context in which they take place. This enables you to better understand and analyze the events that impact the global village in which we live. On today's episode. The issue before us, the issues before us, are the shift from a unipolar to a multipolar world. How is this happening and what does it mean? As well as the developing 2024 US presidential political landscape to help me work through these issues. Let's turn to my guest. He's an author, independent journalist, political analyst and reporter for RT, and his latest book is entitled “Out of the Movement to the Masses, Anti-Imperialist Organizing in America”. And he's also the author of Kamala Harris and The Future of America, an essay in Three Parts. He is Caleb Maupin, my brother. Welcome back! Caleb Maupin (00:01:53): Sure. Glad to be here. Wilmer Leon (00:01:55): So first of all, your thoughts on my introduction, is that a hyperbole or is that a fairly accurate description of the dynamics that we find ourselves dealing with? Caleb Maupin (00:02:13): Trying to stop the rise of a multipolar world would be a lot like trying to stop the sun from rising in the morning, maybe trying to stop gravity. That's the way the world is moving. But our leaders are committed to trying to keep the world centered around Wall Street and London and they are going to fail. The question is how much of a cost in terms of human lives, in terms of the economy, in terms of political repression, are we going to have to endure before they come to the terms of reality, which is that we're going to have a world where there are other centers of power and countries trade with each other on a different basis. So I would agree with you, Wilmer Leon (00:02:54): And so as we look at this changing dynamic from the unipolar to the multipolar, we've got China, we have Russia, we have India. There are a number of countries that over the years have been targets of American sanctions, regimes and all other types of pressure from the United States. With all of that or from all of that, we now have the rise of the BRICS nations, we've got Brazil, we've got Russia, we've got India, we've got China, we've got South Africa, and now what about how many, I've lost track now about 15 or 17 other countries that have joined this organization, this economic organization, which also seems to be an anti imperialist organization. Caleb Maupin (00:03:49): Sure. I mean, if you understand imperialism in the economic sense, imperialism is a system rather than a policy, right? Kind of layman's terms imperialism is when one country is mean to another country or attacks another country. But we're referring specifically to imperialism as an economic system when the world is centered around financial institutions, trusts, cartels and syndicates centered in the Western countries that dominate the world through the export of capital, sending their corporations all over the world to dominate the economies of developing countries, to hold back economic development, to keep countries as captive markets and spheres of influence. That process whereby countries are prevented from lifting themselves up, from electrifying, from building modern education systems, developing modern industries, developing their own economies, and just kind of used to dump the excess commodities of Western countries and have their economy dominated by a foreign country and a foreign monopolies and big corporations from another country from the west. (00:04:55): That process refers to, that's what I mean when I say imperialism. I'm referring to a global economic setup, and that economic setup is on its way out. And that's been pretty clear and a lot has gone on, went on in the 20th century to kind of erode imperialism. And in the 21st century, imperialism continues to be in the decline, and there is this new economy rising around the world, centered around the two U superpowers, Russia and China. They are kind of at the center, the linchpin of a global network of countries, Iran, Venezuela, Cuba. But then there's even other countries that are willing to trade and are kind of on the one hand friendly to the United States, but on the other hand are happy to work with Russia or China if they give them a better deal. The shape of global politics is changing, the world is changing, and this is just something we need to embrace. The world is not going to be centered around the West as it was for so long during the age of colonialism and sense. Wilmer Leon (00:05:54): In fact, what we're finding out is that on the 27th and the 28th of August, Moscow is hosting the sixth annual, the sixth International Municipal BRICS Forum. And what might surprise a lot of people is there are delegations from 126 countries that are expected to take part, more than 5,000 participants from 500 cities around the world. This isn't getting very much attention or coverage here in the western media, but folks need to understand, as we talked about the shift from the unipolar to the multipolar, this is a perfect example of that shift isn't happening, that shift HAS happened. Caleb Maupin (00:06:45): Sure. When I was at the Valdi Discussion Club in Sochi, Russia in the mountains near the city, I saw Ael Togi, the head of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, and he pointed out that in the Eurasian subcontinent and outside of the Western countries, this is like a golden era. The amount of electrification that's going on, the amount of roads and railways that are being constructed, I mean, there is a whole exploding new economy happening in the world. And I saw that when I was at the Yalta Economic Forum in Crimea in 2018, and other people have seen it when they go to the Vladi Stock Economic Forum in the Russian Far East. People have seen it with the Belt and Road Initiative and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization that China is building. There is this whole new economy in the world now that is focused on development and growth, building power plants, building schools, building universities, building hospitals, and it's a really, really big part of the global economy. And our leaders are being very foolish by trying to just barricade it and blockade it and oppose it because they're locking the United States out of that economic growth. When somebody's growing economically, they have more money to spend, they have more products they can buy, and we could be benefiting from this new economy that's rising, but instead, our Western leaders are committed to maintaining their monopoly at all costs. And so we are getting locked out of an explosion of growth. It's just a very, very mistaken approach. Wilmer Leon (00:08:18): And I want to, with that intro shift to shift to your book out of the movement to the masses, anti-imperialist organizing in America, because as I said in the intro, one of the major elements I believe of this shift from the unipolar to the multipolar is anti imperialism. And you write in the second paragraph of your introduction, what made the Communist party USA important was that it was the first anti-imperialist organization to take hold in the country. There were certainly anti-war organizations such as Mark Twain's, anti-Imperialist League. There had been pacifists and socialists like Eugene Debs, who opposed War on a Class basis, but the Communist party of USA was founded on the ideological breakthroughs of the Bolshevik Revolution and Russia specifically the teachings of Vladimir Lenin. So I wanted to use this book out of the Movement to the Masses, which is a textbook, and wanted to start the conversation with what motivated you to write this book and what motivated you to write this as a textbook? Caleb Maupin (00:09:33): Well, it's important to understand that I think the ultimate interest of we the American people is in a society free from imperialism. I don't think that helping ExxonMobil and BP and Shell and Chevron dominate the global oil markets really benefits American working people in the long run. There might be some short-term bonuses, but those things are fading and that there is a long Wilmer Leon (00:09:57): Short-term bonuses such as, Caleb Maupin (00:09:59): Well, we've had a higher standard of living at least in the past, but that standard of living is in decline, and the future of the United States is not in this decaying western financial system. It's in a new order where we're trading with countries on the basis of win-win cooperation. And the reason I wrote the textbook is because I wanted people to be aware of the fact that there has been a strong anti-imperialist movement in this country, and that we can learn from these struggles of the past and these organizations that existed and what they achieved as we figure out in our time how we can build an anti-imperialist movement to rescue our country from the nightmare of the emerging low wage police state and the drive toward World War iii. And I mean, really, you don't have anti imperialism as we understand it, right? You don't have the rise of Russia and China. (00:10:50): You don't have the bricks. You don't have any of that without the Bolshevik revolution of 1917. That was a pivotal moment. That was a country that broke out of the Western imperialist system during World War I and started on an independent course of development. And it came out of the Bolshevik started out as part of the Marxist movement. Marxism was the ideology of the labor movement, right? The worker versus the employer. But there was a division in the labor movement increasingly between wealthy labor union bosses and higher paid skilled trade jobs that increasingly became supporters of empire and supporters of their country, colonizing countries in Africa and countries in Asia, et cetera. And the lower levels of the labor movement of more oppressed workers, the American Federation of Labor, the A FL was the big labor federation in the United States. And the people who started it, like Samuel Goer's, they were socialists or Marxists, but they were not anti-imperialist. (00:11:55): And by the time World War I came along, the A FL was a union that largely was for whites only. Most of the unions that were part of it banned black people from joining, banned people not born in the United States from joining, banned people who did not speak English as their first language from joining. And they were big supporters of World War I when it happened. And there was a divide in the labor movement and Marxism that had been the ideology of the labor movement got very much divided. And you had parties like the British Labor Party, the ruling party of Britain today. It originated as a Marxist party of labor organizers, but it became a pro imperialist party. Well, Bolshevism and the people who took power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, they were a breakaway from the Marxist movement that had developed this new theory of imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism. (00:12:48): And they said, we're not just fighting against regular capitalism. We're fighting against the monopolistic capitalism of Britain and France and Germany and America, and that means that we support nations, right? Originally, Marxists and the labor movement said, there are no nations workers of the world unite. It's just the workers versus the bosses. No borderers in our struggle. Well, Lenin says, actually, we do support nations in their fight against imperialism. And after the Bolsheviks took power in Russia, one of the first things they did is they called a conference in Baku in Azerbaijan. And at that conference, they invited all kinds of people from all over the world and they said, we will support you as long as you're fighting imperialism. And one of the people that came to that conference and was given military support by the Bolsheviks was the Amir of Afghanistan. And the Amir of Afghanistan was a conservative monarchist. (00:13:40): He was not a Marxist, not a socialist of any stripe. He was a conservative monarchist, a very conservative Muslim, but the Bolshevik said, you're fighting imperialism and so and so, we support you. And he gave them support. And many people around the world were inspired by the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist message that the Bolsheviks had, which was kind of a breakaway from the standard Marxist movement. The understanding was we're not just fighting capitalism, we're fighting against imperialism, and we support nations and colonized people of all different classes, workers, capitalists, whoever who are struggling against imperialism. That is the basis of this new movement that we are trying to build. And the Communist Party of the United States was the incarnation of that movement, and that's why it was embraced by many different sections of the population, most especially the black community in America, because they viewed black people as a colonized people, an oppressed nation within US borders. Marcus Garvey had been leading the black nationalist movement in the United States, the Back to African movement, and many black people saw African-Americans as a colonized people within the US borders. And the Communist Party agreed with that, and that was a winning point that they had with many people in the United States. And the Communist Party was supportive of anyone around the world who was struggling against British American or French imperialism. Wilmer Leon (00:15:04): And as we look at that history and we bring it forward to the current moment and the Russia phobia that we find ourselves subjected to, I submit, and please if I'm wrong, correct me that one of the things that's at the crux of this Russia phobia is the fact that America is an imperialist nation and a neo-colonial power, and Russia has the Soviet Union and then into Russia has been anti-colonialism, which is one of the reasons why we find now Russia gaining so much traction with countries on the continent of Africa. Caleb Maupin (00:15:53): Well, I got to tell you, just a few weeks after the special military operation in Russia began a couple of years ago, I was in New York City with Tanner, 15 of my friends, and we were marching around with American flags and Russian flags chanting, Russia is not our enemy, Russia is not our enemy. And we chanted this in Union Square, and then we went up to Grand Central Station, we marched around Grand Central Station chanting that, and while we were doing that, we got thumbs up from a lot of different people. Now, many people did not agree with us, but the people who did give us thumbs up, many of them were people that were not from the United States. New York City is a big international center. You have the United Nations that's there. You have Wall Street that's there. And I would say the majority of the people who gave us thumbs up and gave us support were from the continent of Africa. (00:16:40): They were people from West Africa, from Nigeria. They were people from South Africa. And that the economy of Africa is very tied in with the Russian economy, and Russia provides fertilizer to many countries. Russia has partnerships with many countries to help them develop their state run mining industries or their state run oil and natural gas industries. So support for Russia on the African continent is widespread. Now, this doesn't match the narrative of liberals. Liberals would have us believe that Russia is a white supremacist country, and that's why they rigged the elections in 2016 to get white supremacist. Donald Trump elected, and that just does not match reality. The Soviet Union, which modern Russia is built on the foundations of the Soviet Union, was the best friend of anti-colonial and liberation movements on the African continent, and those relationships still exist. When I was in Russia, I sat down with people from various African countries. (00:17:43): I sat down with people from Namibia. Well, the ruling party of Namibia is the Southwest People's Organization, which was a Soviet aligned, Soviet funded organization that fought for Namibia to become independent. The ruling party of South Africa, the African National Congress was armed and funded by the Soviet Union. If you go to Ghana, the man who created modern Ghana was Kwame Nkrumah, who was a big friend of the Soviet Union and was called himself an African socialist and developed his own interpretation of the Marxist philosophy that was specific to the African continent. I mean, there was Julius Nire, there was Gaddafi who built Libya into the most prosperous country on the African continent. There are just so many examples of how Russia is intimately tied in with the struggle against colonialism on the African continent with the struggle of African countries to pursue their own course of development. (00:18:43): And that is rooted in the foundation of the Bolshevik Revolution. And the Bolshevik ideology, which I will emphasize was a break with the standard Marxist view. Marx himself, he believed that the first communist revolution would happen in Germany, and it would be the European countries that had the communist revolution first because they were the most advanced. And it was Lenin who came along and said, well, actually, that's wrong. The center of revolutionary energy is going to be in the colonized and oppressed countries of the world. And the working class in the imperialist homeland is largely being bought off, and it's going to be the division between what we now some academics talk about the global north and the global south. It's going to be that division that brings socialism into the world. And that is kind of the defining aspect of what Lenin taught. And as much as the global anti-imperialist movement is not explicitly Marxist Leninist in the Soviet sense, they don't exactly follow that Soviet ideology. That understanding of imperialism and what happened in the 20th century with the Soviet Union, with later the Chinese Revolution, the Vietnamese revolution, the Cuban Revolution, all of that laid the basis for what exists today. And that understanding is important, and that's why I wrote this textbook. Wilmer Leon (00:19:55): And to your point about all of these myths and stories and fictions about Russia being involved in our election and all of this other foolishness, mark Zuckerberg just wrote a letter to Jim Jordan saying that he apologizes for having purged stories from Facebook regarding the Hunter Biden laptop and some of the other stories, because he has now come to understand that that whole narrative was not Russian propaganda as the FBI had told him, he now has come to understand that those stories are true. And I bring that up just as one data point to demonstrate how so much of this rhetoric that we've been hearing, so much of this propaganda that we've been hearing about China being involved in our elections and Russia being involved in our elections, and Iran, mark Zuckerberg, the head of Facebook, just sent a letter to Jim Jordan laying all this out, that it was bs. It was a fiction created by the FBI, Caleb Moin. Caleb Maupin (00:21:14): Well, we've been through this before, right after the Russian Revolution, just a few years later in London, in Britain, there was a scandal called the Enovia of letter. And the British people were told, oh my goodness, the Russians are meddling in our elections. They're trying to get the Labor Party to win the election. And Lloyd George, who was the conservative military leader, was playing up the idea that the Labor Party was being funded and supported by Russia, and they held up this piece of paper they said was the smoking gun. It was the proof, the Enovia letter, this letter supposedly from the Russian government official of Enovia to the Labor Party. Well, it was later proven to be a complete hoax. It was fake, right? But that was happening back in the 1920s. And we've been through this over and over and over again. When Henry Wallace ran for president, he was the vice president under Roosevelt, and then when Truman was president, he ran against the Democrats as they became a pro-war party, the party that was leading us into the Korean War, et cetera. (00:22:12): He ran as an independent candidate in 1948, and they acclaimed his campaign was a big Russian conspiracy, and it was a communist conspiracy. There's a whole history of this and the FBI, if you look at the number of investigations they've done into supposed Russian influence in American elections, it's endless, but it's always a hoax, right? American elections happen because of events in America, not because of Russia. However, there is no question that many people in the United States do want peace, and they do want peace with the Soviet Union or with modern Russia, and they may vote for candidates who they think are more likely to bring about that peace, but that's not a conspiracy. That's doing what you're supposed to be able to do in a democracy expressing yourself at the ballot box. And what they're really worried about is Americans thinking wrong. They're really worried about not having a monopoly over the information that we receive. They're really worried about us questioning what we're told and not marching in lockstep behind their agenda of war and dividing the world into blocks and isolating certain countries. And this story has happened over and over and over again in American politics. We've been through it so many times. Wilmer Leon (00:23:25): Final point on this, I don't want to get back to the book. As you just said, events happen in American elections due to America. Well, all of this chicken little, the sky is falling and the world is interfering in our elections. Well, there was a story in the New York Times about what, three months ago, about APAC spending $100 million to unseat what they consider to be left-leaning Democrats, whose position on Israel was not consistent with the Zionist ideology. I'm going to say that again. This was in the New York Times. I'm not making this up. This is an anti-Semitic dialogue. It was in New York Times APAC spending $100 million on primary campaigns to remove Democrats that they consider to be anti-Israeli. What happened in New York with Jamal Bowman? That's what happened in Missouri with, what's her name? I think she's in St. Louis, the Congresswoman. I'm drawing a blank on her. Anyway, and they were successful in a number of campaigns. So we're running around chasing ghosts, chasing Russian ghosts, and Chinese ghosts when the real culprits are telling you right upfront in the New York Times what it is they're doing and why it is they're doing it. With that being said, you can either respond to that or how did you organize your textbook and why is it organized in the manner in which it is? Caleb Maupin (00:25:16): Well, I went over like case studies of three different anti-imperialist movements or organizations in the United States. I started with probably the most successful, which was the Communist Party of the United States, which at one point had a huge amount of influence During the Roosevelt administration, they entered an alliance with Roosevelt, and in the late 1930s, the Communist party controlled two of the city council seats in New York City. They had a very close ally in the US Congress representing Harlem named Veto Mark Antonio. They also had a member of Congress in Minnesota who was their friend and ally and read their newspaper into the congressional record. They had meetings at the White House with President Roosevelt. On multiple occasions, members of the Communist Party or the Young Communist League were brought to the White House to meet with Roosevelt, and they led the CIO, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, which was a new labor federation they had created as an alternative to the American Federation of Labor. (00:26:14): And they were a very influential group in the labor movement among intellectuals in Hollywood. And they put forward an anti-colonial, anti-imperialist message, and their successes are worth studying. There were certainly mistakes that were made, and they were very brutally crushed by the FBI in the aftermath of the Second World War with the rise of McCarthyism. But there were studying then from there, I talked about the Workers' World Party, which was a Marxist Leninist political party that really came into prominence in the late sixties and really kind of peaked in its influence during the 1980s. And they were a party that took inspiration, not just from the Soviet Union, but from the wave of anti-colonial movements that emerged. They were sympathetic to Libya and Gaddafi. They were sympathetic to North Korea and others, and they did a lot of very important anti-war organizing, building anti-war coalitions. They were very close to Ramsey Clark, the former US Attorney General who left the Lyndon Johnson administration and became an international lawyer and an opponent of the International Criminal Court in his final years and such. (00:27:17): And then I talked about the new communist movement of the 1970s, which was a number of different organizations that emerged during the 1970s that were trying to take inspiration from China. They wanted to take guidance from the Chinese revolution. China had argued that the Soviet Union had kind of abandoned the global anti-colonial, anti-imperialist struggle. They felt it was holding back revolutionary forces, but China was at that point presenting itself as a bastion of anti imperialism. And so there were a number of new political parties formed during the 1970s that modeled themselves on China. And all three of these case studies, all three of these groups made big mistakes, but also had big successes. The most successful was the Communist Party prior to it being crushed by the FBI during the McCarthy period. All of them had big successes and were able to do big important things, and I studied all of them. (00:28:08): And then from there, the fourth chapter talked about divisions in the ruling class, and why is it that we see, at this point, we're seeing a big all-out fight between Donald Trump and those who oppose him. And when you talk about the Watergate scandal and you talk about the assassination of John F. Kennedy, what was really going on behind closed doors? And then in the final chapter, I tried to kind of take from all of that what we could take and what we could learn when trying to build a movement in our time. One thing I made a point of doing in the book is that every chapter is accompanied by a number of original texts from the period discussed. I have a number of texts from the Communist Party, from the Workers' World Party, from the new communist movement of the 1970s, so that we can hear from the horse's mouth, so to speak, what these people were preaching and what they believed as they were building their organizations. Wilmer Leon (00:29:01): So how does this history, how relevant is this history you just mentioned Donald Trump? How relevant is this history to where we find ourselves today with our politics? Caleb Maupin (00:29:15): I would argue it's extremely relevant. And if you look at Roosevelt and who opposed him, and if you look at the Kennedy assassination, and if you look at the Watergate scandal, there has always been a divide among the American elite between what you can call the Eastern establishment, the ultra rich, the ultra monopolies, the Rockefellers, the DuPonts, the Carnegies that are now at this point aligned with Silicon Valley, the tech monopolies, bill Gates and Jeff Bezos and others. There's always been a divide between these entrenched ultra monopolies and a lot of lower level rich people who are not part of the club and feel that those entrenched monopolies are kind of rigging things against 'em. And I quote, there's a very good text called the Anglo-American Establishment by Carol Quigley that talks about this divide. I think he was one of the first people to talk about it. (00:30:06): But then from there, you also have a great book by Carl Oglesby called The Yankee and Cowboy War that talks about this and specifically applies that analysis to what went on with the Watergate scandal, with the assassination of JFK and the political crisis in the 1960s and seventies. And I would argue that in our time, this is the fight that kind of defines things when we talk about trying to build a movement against colonialism and imperialism in the United States, these lower level capitalists would gain if America had paved roads, if America had a stronger economy, and if we were doing business with the countries around the world that are growing right now in alliance with China, right? If we were trading with them and some of that wealth was flowing into our economy, we would be benefiting. However, it is the ultra monopolies that are very much tied in with the intelligence apparatus, the people who brought us, Henry Kissinger, the people who brought us z, big new Brozinsky. (00:31:01): They are determined to keep the United States at the top and keep Western imperialist this financial system at the top of the world at all costs, even if that means kind of playing a long geopolitical game and if it means dramatically decreasing the standard of living and kind of collapsing the domestic economy of the United States. And so when Trump talks about America first and his supporters rail against globalists, this is really what they're getting at is the lower levels of capital are fighting against the Eastern establishment. And that creates an opening for those of us who want to build an anti-imperialist movement in this country to intervene. And I talk about that, and unfortunately, it seems like really since the 1970s and since kind of the end of the 1960s and seventies, political upsurge, much of the left has kind of just deteriorated into being the foot soldiers of that Eastern establishment. (00:31:56): They see those lower level capitalists as being the most hawkish and warlike as being the most anti-union and the most authoritarian. So they think, okay, we're going to align with the Eastern establishment against them. And I argue that that's not the correct approach because right now it is those lower level capitalists who feel threatened, and it is among them that you found support for Julian Assange that you find interest in being friendly with Russia and with China and anti-establishment sentiment, you find opposition to the tech monopolies and their censorship. And that really we're in a period where those of us who are anti-imperialist need to pivot into trying to build an anti-monopoly coalition. And that's what the Communist Party talked about at the end of the Second War as the Cold War got going, as they were being crushed by the FBI, they said their goal was to build an anti-monopoly coalition to unite with the working class, the small business owners, even some of the wealthy against the big monopolies in their drive for war. (00:32:54): And I would argue that's what we should be aiming to do in our time, is build an anti-monopoly coalition. And that's what I've pulled from that textbook and from that history going over what has been done and what has been successful and that the Communist Party really gained from having an alliance with Roosevelt that was very strategic on their part. And I would argue that similar alliances are necessary, but the main thing is that there needs to be a network of people that are committed to building anti-imperialist politics in America. We need a network of people who can work together, who can rely on each other and can effectively carry out anti-imperialist operations. And there are examples of this. I'm about to go to Florida to support the Yahoo movement, the Yahoo movement, the African People Socialist party. They are an anti-colonial, anti-imperialist organization, and they're doing it. And if you go to St. Louis, Missouri, and if you go to St. Petersburg, Florida, Wilmer Leon (00:33:50): Who, Cory Bush, I'm sorry, her name you said St. Louis, Cory Bush, sorry, is the other congresswoman that was defeated by the, sorry, I had to get it out. Go ahead. Okay. Caleb Maupin (00:34:01): But you'll see the huge community centers that they've built, the farmer's markets that they've built, I mean, they have built a base among the African-American community in these two cities where they are providing services to people while teaching an anti-colonial, anti-imperialist ideology. Now, I don't necessarily agree with their entire approach on everything, but I see why they're being targeted because they are laying the foundations of building a broader anti-imperialist movement. And what they are doing is a great model to look at. They are building a base among the population. The title of the book is Out of the Movement to the Masses. I've been going to anti-war protests, and I've been going to socialist and communist spaces, and very rarely did I ever encounter the African People's Socialist Party, but they were organizing where it counted not in these kind of obscure academic bohemian spaces. (00:34:54): They were organizing in communities and they were providing real services, and they were building community centers and having classes for pregnant mothers and having organic farmer's markets. And they were doing things among the masses of people, not among the, so-called movements of people that like to read books about communism or whatever. And that is why they're being targeted, because they are actually building the kind of movement that needs to be done. They're doing what the Communist Party did during the 1930s. They're doing what the new communist movement of the 1970s attempted to do and was pretty unsuccessful because of global circumstances, et cetera. They are doing what needs to be done to build a real anticolonial movement. And that's kind of what I'm in the text is we have to have a reevaluation and we have to figure out how we can reach the bulk of the American people and not confine ourselves to kind of left academic and intellectual spaces. Wilmer Leon (00:35:50): Is it too simplistic to, when you look at this battle between the elites, is it too simplistic to categorize it as the financials versus the industrialists? Caleb Maupin (00:36:01): Yes. It's a little bit too simplistic because there is a lot of financialization, a lot of the lower levels Wilmer Leon (00:36:07): Of capital. Caleb Maupin (00:36:09): Yeah. Yeah. I mean, it's not exactly right, but you're pointing to a certain trend that there is one faction that favors economic growth because economic growth will mean more money for them. There's another faction that is not concerned about economic growth so much as they're concerned about maintaining their monopoly. And in order to maintain their monopoly, they need to slow down growth around the world, and they're actually pushing degrowth or slow growth economics. So that's probably the primary divide is pro-growth and anti-growth, right? You would think that every businessman would be pro-growth, but the ultra monopolies that are heavily involved in finance at this point, they're blatantly talking about degrowth as a way to stay at the top. Wilmer Leon (00:36:51): In fact, one of the ways that they maintain their position is through consolidation. One of the ways that the banks control their monopoly is by buying smaller banks and bringing the or. So that's just one example. Caleb Maupin (00:37:10): Sure, sure. I mean, we live in a time where at the end of the day, the issue is technology is that it is human labor that creates all wealth, right? It is only human labor that creates value at the end of the day, and it is the value that workers create that lays the basis for the profits that capitalists can make, et cetera. And we are in a period where the technological revolution is reducing the role of workers at the assembly line. There's a lot of jobs that are no longer in existence because of technological advancement. And in a rational society that would be great. But in our society where profits are in command, that's leading to an economic crisis. Great example is self-driving cars, self-driving cars should be a great thing. It should be great that this job called driving this chore, this human labor of driving cars is no longer necessary. (00:38:02): But if they introduce self-driving cars, you would immediately in this country have millions of truck drivers unemployed, millions of Uber drivers unemployed, millions of traffic court employees unemployed. You would have riots in the streets. And Andrew Yang talked about how if self-driving cars came to the United States, we would have a society-wide crisis of unemployment and chaos like we never seen. How is that rational? Why should technological advancement lead to greater poverty? And that is the problem that we are facing. Human creativity and brilliance has outstripped the narrow limits production organized to make profit. We need a rationally planned economy so that economic growth can continue and technological advancement leads to greater prosperity for all Wilmer Leon (00:38:46): That sounds like China. Caleb Maupin (00:38:47): Yeah. And China, by controlling their economy and by having the state assigned credit based on their five-year plans and having state controlled tech corporations that are in line with the Communist party's vision, they're able to continue having growth despite having technological advancement. And that's ultimately what we need to have. And that is what Marx wrote about. One of the writers I quote extensively from is a brilliant thinker from the new communist movement named Nelson Peery and his autobiography, black Radical, which is very good, talks about his involvement in the Communist Party and then getting kicked out of the Communist Party and FBI infiltration of the Communist Party and then starting the Communist Labor Party during the 1970s. But also his very important book that he published before he died, I believe in 2004, called The Future Is Up To Us, which really gets into this contradiction of technology leading to impoverishment. (00:39:42): And he's saying this like during the Bush administration before ai, before any of what we're saying now he's laying out how this is going to lead to a big economic crisis that's going to necessitate a new economic system. Nelson Period is a brilliant thinker who had this kind of understanding. I also draw from Fred Goldstein, from Sam Marcy from some of the other writers who said the same thing. But this has always been kind of the understanding is that technological advancement should not lead to impoverishment, it should lead to greater prosperity. I often quote, there's an old story called the coal miner's riddle, the coal miner. He's sitting in his house with his son. The son says, father, why is it so cold in the house? And he says, because I can't afford to buy any coal. And he says, well, why can't we afford to buy any coal? (00:40:30): And he says, because I lost my job at the coal mine. I was laid off. And he says, father, why were you laid off from the coal mine? Why did you lose your job? He says, because there is too much coal. That's capitalism, but that's not rational. It's poverty created by abundance. I keep hearing our politicians talk about a housing shortage. Have you heard this? A housing shortage in America, there's no housing shortage. I live in New York City, there's four empty apartments for every homeless person. There's millions of empty housing, there's no housing shortage in America. There's a shortage of affordable housing black, because the national economic system, Wilmer Leon (00:41:06): BlackRock bought up a lot of the housing stock and instead of putting those houses back on the market, they held those homes off the market and then put 'em out for rent. So in many instances, it's not a matter of oh, $25,000 credit to those first time home buyers allegedly to lower the price of housing or to make housing more affordable. No, all that's going to do is raise the price of houses by $25,000. What you need to do is get that housing stock that BlackRock has as bought up and put that on the market, make that available. Because if you look at the Econ 1 0 1 supply and demand, you put more houses on the market, chances are the price of houses is going to decline. Caleb Maupin (00:42:02): Absolutely. Absolutely. When we talk about imperialism and we talk about anti-imperialist movements, one great example is the situation with Yemen, right? Yemen right now, this is one of the poorest countries in the world, and right now, this country that has a big movement called the Houthis or Anah, they're shaking the world. But if you go and listen or read the sermons or the founder of the Houthis movement, Hussein Al Houthis, what he's fighting for is economic development because he points out that Yemen is one of the poorest countries in the world, but yet it has a huge amount of oil. It has a huge amount of arable land to grow food, but the people there are very, very poor. And the Houthis movement that is now at this point, stopping ships in the Mediterranean and standing with the Palestinians and sending drones to the Indian Ocean and just shaking the world. (00:42:56): That was a movement of very, very poor people in one of the poorest countries in the world that demanding to take control of their natural resources and take control of their economy. My understanding of imperialism and such very much had a lot to do with the fact that in 2015, I participated in a humanitarian mission attempting to deliver medical aid to Yemen after the upsurge of 2015 when the Houthis movement and their revolutionary committee took power, I went on a ship from the Islamic Republic of Iran with the Red Crescent Society, and we tried to deliver medical aid to Yemen, and we were blocked in doing so. And reading about this anti-colonial movement that was formed in Yemen, a very religious Shia Muslim movement, demanding economic development, demanding, taking control of their resources, reading about that was very inspiring in the aim of building an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movement in the United States. (00:43:54): Now to see what the Houthis are doing as they're blocking ships to support the Palestinians as they're withstanding us attack, this is a movement of impoverished people fighting for their economic development and fighting to build a new country. This is a mass anti-colonial movement that is worth studying. And the fact that they align themselves with Russia and China, they're not blocking ships from Russia, they're not blocking ships from China. They are blocking ships from Israel and any country that trades with them, that shows you that this global anti-imperialist movement that is about mobilizing millions of people to fight for their rights, this global movement has a real strength. Wilmer Leon (00:44:34): Let's shift now to the 2024 presidential election. We've come out of the Republican Convention, we've now come out of the Democratic Convention and the Democratic Party convention, and Donald Trump was shocked when Joe Biden stepped down, Kamala Harris stepped in. That has changed the dynamic, at least in terms of the dialogue, and we're starting to see some shift in the numbers. Your thoughts on where we are now with this landscape. Caleb Maupin (00:45:09): I think that Kamala Harris is a completely manufactured candidate. She was created by the people who brought us the Hillary Clinton State Department when it was made clear that Hillary Clinton couldn't run for president once again in 2020, all of Hillary Clinton's financial backers put their money behind Kamala Harris. She was not popular with the American people, but yet powerful forces twisted Joe Biden's arm and put her on the ticket as vp. She has not been popular or successful as vp, but she is the candidate that the forces that are committed to regime change and all out efforts to oppose Russia and China at all costs. She is the one that they have invested the most in supporting. And I don't think she's going to win. I think that Trump will win the upcoming election. And that doesn't mean everything about Trump is good or I endorsed Donald Trump. (00:46:03): I'm just telling you that I think Trump is going to win. But I also believe that there are very powerful forces that see Kamala Harris as their best bet at getting what they want, which is more regime change wars, more destabilization around the world. I did write a book in 2020 about Kamala Harris four years ago, and I thought it was very odd that right after she got the Democratic nomination, this book that had been on sale for four years on Amazon suddenly got removed from Amazon. And for seven days my book was banned from Amazon and then restored with no explanation seven days later. I thought that was very, very odd. It raised a lot of eyebrows, but it also points to the amount of power the tech monopolies really have. It seems like everything was being done to support Kamala Harris. What I also thought was interesting is that in my book, I talked about Tulsi Gabbard and how Tulsi Gabbard kind of represents forces in the Pentagon that are really worried about another Arab Spring and what Kamala Harris and the Hillary Clinton State Department forces people like Samantha Power, people like Anne-Marie Slaughter, what they might engineer if they come back to office. (00:47:11): My book highlighted Tulsi Gabbard as being kind of a faction that is opposed to Kamala Harris. And the very same day that my book was pulled from Amazon, Tulsi Gabbard was added to the Quiet Sky's terrorism watch list by the American government. When she tried to board a plane, she found out she was accused of being a terrorist. And I thought that was interesting as well. And it just kind of points to, and there was all kinds of weird stuff going on in terms of social media and Google searches that was being manipulated around that time. But the book that I wrote about Kamala Harris and who has backed her and the ties that she has getting pulled from Amazon, it was interesting to see the timing, Wilmer Leon (00:47:52): The position of the Democratic Party as it relates to Gaza. And I was at the DNCI was also at the RNC conventions, but there were protestors in Chicago demanding a change in the US policy as it relates to the genocide in Gaza. Then you had uncommitted delegates that were able to have a sit-in at the DNC right outside the front door of the entrance to the United Center, demanding that a pro-Palestinian spokesperson be added to the speaker's list. And none of that was agreed to. In fact, it was basically dismissed summarily. So your thoughts on the dangers that the Democrats are playing with taking that position as it relates to the general election? Caleb Maupin (00:48:55): Well, if the Democrats are going to win this election, they're going to need lots of votes in Minnesota, lots of votes in Wisconsin and lots of votes in Michigan. And what do all three of those states have in common? Those swing states, Wilmer Leon (00:49:06): Large Arab populations. Caleb Maupin (00:49:08): That's right. Lots of Muslim Americans, lots of Arab Americans, and with Joe Biden and Kamala Harris giving a blank check to Israel to do what they're doing. I think it's very unlikely to see those folks lining up to vote for them. Now, Kamala Harris has made some noise about this or that, but she's basically the president already. If she was going to do something, she could do it right now. I mean, she's the vice president, but Joe Biden doesn't seem to be as actively involved in the political running of the country as some people might expect. That said, I will say that Donald Trump, I mean his position on Israel Palestine, I mean, is pretty reprehensible, and he continues to play up the idea that Kamala Harris and the Democrats are somehow anti-Israel, which they are not. What I think is interesting though, and I noticed that it seems like anti-Israel voices in the Trump camp, they may not be on the front stage, but they do have a lot of influence. (00:50:03): And I'm not saying all these people are doing what they're doing for necessarily good reasons, but I noticed when Elon Musk was interviewing Donald Trump in the chat, it just exploded. And all over Twitter, it exploded. The phrase, no war on Iran that came from Nick Fuentes. Now, Nick Fuentes is somebody that I don't agree with on many, many things and find a lot of his views and just his presentation style to kind of reprehensible and gross, but he, for his own reasons says no war with Iran. I also noticed that Candace Owens, who is a conservative and was very pro-Israel at one point, she was not pro-Israel enough. Now she's kind of moved for interesting reasons that are very different than anything I would say. She's moved into an anti-Israel direction and she has also got a lot of people in the Trump camp who listen to her and she is making noise, no war in Iran and urging Trump supporters not to support Israel. And this points to the fact that opposition to Israel, I think is much more widespread in both parties than anyone wants to recognize. (00:51:07): It's an element of the emperor has no clothes. Both parties pretend that everyone in their camp just supports Israel. But anyone who talks to a typical Democrat, you were at the Republican Convention and the Democrat Convention, and you could probably confirm that opposition to what Israel is doing is boiling beneath the surface, amid both political parties and amid all sections of this country. And that there is a lot of growing outrage about the influence and power of Israel and American politics, even among people who might support Israel otherwise, but just don't appreciate the arrogance and grip that they seem to have over policymaking. Wilmer Leon (00:51:46): And some people just help me understand why, but some people just have a problem with genocide. It's a bit os there are growing groups, Republicans for Harris, and there are those who are positing that this is because she's a stooge of the elite and this represents how she who's truly backing her. What about the argument that many of those in those types of organizations see her as an opportunity to reclaim the Republican party by getting rid of Donald Trump? And it's almost a any port in the storm kind of mentality, they see her as the stalking horse. If they can back her, if she can defeat Trump, they then can, the old school, the traditional Republicans can regain control of their party. What say you Caleb Opin? Caleb Maupin (00:52:58): Well, I would say that the Bush era Republican party is gone. It's never coming back. And Donald Trump is a symptom of that. And that's very clear. And that Donald Trump's recent embracing of Tulsi Gabbard and RFK, that indicates that Donald Trump is taking his campaign in an anti-establishment direction. Now, that doesn't mean that he's going to necessarily do good things as president. That just means that he's increasingly realizing that his appeal is to people that are opposed to the establishment. And I think that means the establishment is going to fight him a lot harder. There's no question about that. And that there are your regular traditional neo-conservative Republicans, my country, right or wrong, if you don't like it here, move to some other country, support the military, support the wars, support America dominating the world, and showing the world about our great American way of life. (00:53:51): Those folks are increasingly finding the Republican party to not be their home. And this is all very interesting. I noticed in Kamala Harris's DNC speech, she attacked the Republicans for denigrating America. And that made me smile because it reminded me of what I always heard about the far left, right? It was the far left. They hate America. They're always saying things are bad. Why are you always running down our country? And a lot of things that Kamala Harris said in her speech almost sounded like Neoconservatism. She attacked Donald Trump for meeting with Kim Jong-Un. She said he was cozying up to tyrants and being friendly with tyrants. And it seemed to me like there was very much the Republican Party, I believe over time is going to become more of a catchall populist, anti-establishment party, whereas the Democratic party is more and more becoming the party of the establishment of the way things are supposed to be. I think that what I would call the late Cold War normal in American politics is being flipped. It used to be the Republican party was the party of the establishment, and the Democrats were the party of opposition. Not very sincere opposition in many cases, but they were the party of, if you didn't agree with what you're supposed to think necessarily, if you're a little more critical, you become a Democrat. Well, Wilmer Leon (00:55:05): If you were proc civil rights, if you were pro-environment, if you were anti-war, that's where you went. Caleb Maupin (00:55:12): Yeah. And I think it's being flipped. And that doesn't mean that Republicans and the MAGA base that are talking a certain way are sincere at all. That just means who they're appealing to. The Republican party has an anti-establishment appeal more and more every day. The Democratic party has a ProE establishment appeal. And I think this Republicans for Harris is a great example of that. Wilmer Leon (00:55:32): So as we move now, spiraling towards November 5th, you've already said you believe that Donald Trump is going to win the election. One of the things that I find very, very telling, and I check it every day when you go to the Harris website, there's still no policy positions stated. There's no policy tab. In fact, when I asked that question a couple of times at the DNCC, I was told, oh, you don't understand. She hasn't had time. There hasn't been. I said, wait a minute. She ran for president four years ago. So she had to have, we hope she had established some policy positions as a candidate. She was the vice president going on four years now, we hope during those four years she could have figured out some policy and it's now been almost a month. You can't tell me that she couldn't pick up the phone and call a bunch of people in the room and say, Hey, I need policies on education, on defense, on the economy, on these five positions. I need policy in 10 days. Go get it done. Caleb Opin. Caleb Maupin (00:57:00): Well, I think there are three possible outcomes for the election. In my mind, probably the worst case scenario would be Kamala Harris winning. And I think that would be followed by a number of, there'd be chaos in the streets. A lot of Trump supporters will not accept it as a legitimate election. And I expect there will then be a big crackdown on dissent, and I expect there'll be a lot of provocations, et cetera. And that will be used by the establishment to crack down on dissent. Wilmer Leon (00:57:26): Wait a minute, wait a minute, wait a minute. And people need to understand the crackdown on dissent has already started by looking what's being done to who's being platformed from social media sites. Look at what's happening to folks who are getting arrested, the guy that started Instagram and all of these folks, the three Scott Ritter, your book taken off of taking all of these things are data points to support your position that the crackdown on descent has already started? Caleb Maupin (00:58:02): No, I mean the Biden administration has already indicted. Sue me, Terry, who was the top advisor to Obama and Bush on South Korea. And I mean the fact that she's been indicted as a foreign agent of South Korea just because South Korea wants to have mattered negotiations with North Korea. I mean, it looks like blatant retaliation. Wilmer Leon (00:58:22): And South Korea is an ally. Caleb Maupin (00:58:23): Yeah, their closest friend in Washington dc Sumi Terry has now been accused of being a foreign agent. She's facing decades in prison. I mean, this is craziness. This is a top CIA person who's been a top advisor on career matters. So that would be kind of what I think the worst case scenario would be. The most likely scenario is that I think Donald Trump will win. But all the negative things about Trumpism will amplify. I think the pro-Israel stuff, the pro-police stuff, the anti-immigrant stuff will amplify Wilmer Leon (00:58:55): Project 2025. Caleb Maupin (00:58:56): Yeah, the government will try to, the powers that be will try to ride the wave of Trumpism to push forward their own agenda, which is not good But I do think there is a third possible scenario, which is a real long shot. It's a real long shot, which is that Donald Trump takes office in a completely defensive position. And under those circumstances, he may be compelled to do a lot of good things because he's just at odds with the establishment and needs popular support. So much so we shall have to see. But those are my three predictions. But in all of those circumstances on anti-imperialist organization, a network of people that are committed to anti imperialism and building a new America beyond the rule of bankers and war profiteers is going to be vitally important. And at the end of the day, what really matters is not so much who is in office, it's what the balance of forces is in the country and around the world, and what kind of movement exists, what kind organizations. (00:59:58): There are people that are involved in the political process and to change the world and taking responsibility for the future of their country. And I wrote the book as a textbook for the Center for Political Innovation. My organization as we try to do just that, as we try to build a network of people who can rely on each other and build an anti-imperialist movement in the United States to support the Hru three, to study these ideas to be out there. That is one thing we aim to do. If Donald Trump wins the election, one thing that we aim to do is and intend to get that picture of Donald Trump shaking hands with Kim Jong-un and get it everywhere and say that this election is a mandate that the peace talks on the Korean Peninsula should continue. And that could be a way to nudge the discourse toward a more peace oriented wing of Trumpism. (01:00:46): That's one thing that we intend to do. We have other operations that we intend to carry out with the aim of nudging the country in an anti-colonial direction. One thing that I think is very important is Alaska, right? Alaska is right there close to Russia and there's the bearing Strait that separates Russia and Alaska and Abraham Lincoln had the idea of building a bridge to connect Alaska to Russia. And a lot of great people have had the idea of doing that since. And I think popularizing the idea of building a world land bridge to connect Alaska to Russia and pivot the US economy toward trading with the Russian Far East and with the Korean Peninsula and with China that could nudge the world and a direction of Multipolarity pivot away from Western Europe and towards the World Land Bridge and the bearing Strait and all of that. (01:01:36): So there are various things that we can do to try and influence discourse, but I must say the explosion is coming, right? I mean, you can feel it rumbling in the ground. The avalanche is going to pour, the volcano is going to go off. It's only a matter of time. Those of us who study these ideas and understand things, we have the job not of making the explosion come, but rather of trying to guide it in the right direction. The conditions in this country are getting worse. Americans are angry at the establishment. Things are going to change. But what we hope to do is guide that change and point it in a good direction toward a better world. And that's all we can really hope to do. I quote Mao the leader of the Chinese Revolution. He said The masses are the real heroes and at the end of the day, it will be the masses of the American people and their millions who determine what the future of this country will be. I think they are going to awaken and take action. The question is only what type of action will that be? And I think guys like you and I have a role to play in shaping what kind of action they might take when they do awaken. Wilmer Leon (01:02:39): Well, thank you for putting me in that group. And if we are able to build a bridge across the bearing strait between Alaska and Russia, I'm sure Sarah Palin will be the first one. Should be operating the toll booth. My brother. Alright, my brother Kayla mopping. Man, thank you so much for being my guest. Thank you so much for joining the show today. Caleb Maupin (01:03:05): Sure thing. Always a pleasure Wilmer Leon (01:03:07): Folks. Thank you so much for listening to the Connecting the Dots podcast with me, Dr. Woman Leon. Stay tuned for new episodes every week. Also, follow us on social media. The Patreon account is very, very important. That helps to support the effort. You can find all the links below in the show description and remember that this is where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge talk without analysis is just chatter. And we don't chatter here on connecting the dots. See you again next time. Until then, I'm Dr. Wilmer Leon. Have a great one. Peace. I'm out Announcer (01:03:50): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge.
When I started this project I had a type of guest in mind to have on. They needto have thier soul on fire for what they are doing, be able to laugh at just about everything, tell stories, be engaged. Contribute and listen to learn. Nico hit all of these and then some. Great time, enjoy! Mentions: Nico: https://www.instagram.com/realnicolagan/?hl=en HighSpeed Daddy: https://www.highspeeddaddy.com/?rfsn=7178368.317ce6 Live Rishi: Use the code "TABLE50" and get 50% off your entire order - https://liverishi.com/ B- Word Media Group - https://www.instagram.com/bwordmediagrp/?hl=en Me: https://berawpodcast.com/ 'tile next time! The history of cigars is rich and spans centuries, intertwined with cultural, social, and economic developments across the globe. The cigar, a product made from the tightly rolled and fermented leaves of the tobacco plant, has origins that trace back to the indigenous peoples of the Americas. Early Beginnings: The Indigenous Peoples and Tobacco The use of tobacco can be traced back to the ancient civilizations of the Americas, including the Mayans and the Tainos. These indigenous peoples smoked tobacco in various forms, often for ceremonial or medicinal purposes. The Mayans, for instance, are believed to have rolled tobacco leaves together, possibly creating the earliest versions of what we now recognize as cigars. The practice was deeply embedded in their spiritual and social rituals. When Christopher Columbus arrived in the New World in 1492, he and his crew encountered tobacco smoking for the first time. The indigenous people of Cuba introduced the Europeans to the habit, which they initially found strange. Nonetheless, the Spanish explorers quickly adopted the practice and brought tobacco back to Europe, where its popularity began to spread. The Spread of Tobacco and the Rise of Cigars in Europe Tobacco quickly became a lucrative commodity in Europe, primarily due to its perceived medicinal properties. By the 16th century, tobacco smoking had spread across the continent, with Spain and Portugal becoming major players in the tobacco trade. The Spanish, in particular, established tobacco plantations in their colonies, such as Cuba and the Dominican Republic, which later became central to the cigar industry. The rolling of cigars as we know them today began to take shape in the 17th and 18th centuries. During this period, cigars were handcrafted, and their production was labor-intensive. The tobacco used in cigars underwent a fermentation process, which enhanced its flavor and made it more enjoyable to smoke. Cigars quickly became a status symbol among the European elite, who viewed them as a luxury item. The Golden Age of Cigars The 19th century is often referred to as the Golden Age of cigars. During this period, the cigar industry flourished, particularly in Cuba, which became the epicenter of cigar production. Cuban cigars gained an international reputation for their quality and craftsmanship, with brands like H. Upmann, Partagas, and Cohiba becoming synonymous with excellence. The popularity of cigars spread beyond Europe to North America. In the United States, cigar smoking became a widespread habit among men, often associated with power, sophistication, and leisure. The establishment of cigar factories in cities like Tampa, Florida, and Key West further solidified the cigar's place in American culture. Modern Era and Cultural Significance The 20th century saw significant changes in the cigar industry. The Cuban Revolution in 1959 and the subsequent U.S. trade embargo against Cuba in 1962 drastically impacted the availability of Cuban cigars in the United States. This led to the rise of other cigar-producing regions, such as the Dominican Republic, Honduras, and Nicaragua, which became renowned for their high-quality cigars. Despite the fluctuations in popularity due to health concerns and changes in smoking habits, cigars have maintained their cultural significance. They continue to be associated with celebration, luxury, and status. Cigar lounges and clubs have become popular in many parts of the world, offering enthusiasts a place to enjoy cigars in a social setting. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of interest in premium cigars, driven by a new generation of aficionados who appreciate the craftsmanship and tradition behind them. Today, cigars remain a symbol of refinement and leisure, deeply rooted in centuries of history and cultural evolution.
This episode delves into the transformative Cuban Revolution of 1959 led by Fidel Castro, which overturned decades of socioeconomic inequity and political corruption, reshaping the nation's trajectory and global alliances. Castro's guerrilla campaign against the Batista regime ultimately resulted in substantial social reforms but also positioned Cuba as a pivotal player in the Cold War landscape, leading to lasting geopolitical repercussions and ongoing debates about the revolution's legacy.
It's 1959 and the swaggering Cuban revolutionary, Fidel Castro, has just overthrown the unpopular American backed dictator, Fulgencio Batista. Che Guevara, the Marxist physician whose face would become an internationally recognised symbol of resistance, is at his side. But how did the small Caribbean nation go from a profitable outpost of the Spanish empire to a heady American party island, rife with gangsters and gambling, to a hub of revolution? Listen as Anita and William are joined by Alex Von Tunzelmann to discuss the events that led up to the Cuban Revolution. Twitter: @Empirepoduk Email: empirepoduk@gmail.com Goalhangerpodcasts.com Assistant Producers: Anouska Lewis and Alice Horrell Producer: Callum Hill Exec Producer: Neil Fearn Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Fidel Castro was a Cuban born revolutionary who managed to overthrow the Cuban Government in the 1950s. Castro introduced sweeping changes to the island including nationalizing many private businesses as well as healthcare. Castro and his new Socialist state of Cuba would eventually be faced with an existential crisis after aligning with the Soviet Union during the Cold War and finding themselves in the middle of the Cuban Missile Crisis. Roll up, light up, and grab some Cuban cigars for another episode of your favorite weed fueled podcast. Contact Half Baked History Follow and engage with us on Instagram, TikTok, and Twitter Email us at halfbakedhistorypod@gmail.com - Business inquires only Thanks for listening and supporting the show!
En medio de una profunda pérdida, exilio forzado y sorprendentes traiciones, surge la esperanza y un sorprendente acto de rebelión. Micaela lee el sorprendente contenido de la carta de la prisión de Bistec.
Tragedias y caos golpean el vecindario cuando tanto Echauri Suárez como Orlando Contreras se ven obligados a confrontar un amargo secreto que devastará sus vidas y obligará a Orlando a exiliarse. Los secretos del vecindario también traerán nuevas revelaciones para Micaela Martínez.
El Paseo De La Vigilancia - Episodio 5
Orlando Contreras, uno de los disidentes más respetados de Cuba, es un hombre de voluntad de acero y una poderosa habilidad con las palabras. Cuando el New York Times lo entrevista por su perspectiva única en el 50 aniversario de la Revolución Cubana, Contreras desentraña cómo es realmente el colorido trasfondo del mundo distópico de Cuba.
Echauri Suárez debería estar celebrando después de ganar el máximo premio de Cuba por su trabajo como líder de vigilancia vecinal, pero su país tiene otros planes para él. El notorio disidente Orlando Contreras se está mudando a su barrio, y Echauri tiene la tarea de ser los primeros ojos y oídos que lo reciban. Echauri debería estar disfrutando de sus enormes honores patrióticos, pero la mudanza de Contreras y otra controversia que estalla en su vecindario lo mantienen en constante gestión de crisis.
En medio de un apagón masivo en el vecindario, Micaela Martínez se entera de que un amigo ha muerto en prisión, pero no antes de enviarle una carta misteriosa titulada ‘Bistec'. La muerte de su amigo y sus propios graves problemas de salud llevan a Micaela a grabar en audio una extraña y milagrosa historia sobre los informantes del gobierno y disidentes de su vecindario.
El devoto revolucionario cubano Echauri Suárez, un veterano de combate, es el presidente del Comité de Defensa de la Revolución de su vecindario, y un hombre mayor al que sus vecinos tanto temen como desprecian. Nada escapa la atención militante revolucionario de Echauri hasta un fatídico día que lo cambiará todo.
Producida ejecutivamente y escrita por Manuel Ruiz-Barrera, Bistec es la fascinante historia de un veterano revolucionario cubano y lo que sucede cuando uno de los disidentes más prominentes del país se muda a su vecindario, exponiendo secretos, trastornando vidas y poniendo a prueba las lealtades. Este drama de ficción histórica revela el mundo moderno del misterioso sistema de vigilancia y delaciones de Cuba, en el contexto de una poderosa y emotiva historia llena de sorpresas.Bistec es una producción de Nuestro Studios. La serie fue producida ejecutivamente por Manuel Ruiz-Barrera, quien dirigió y escribió la historia.Diseño de sonido, mezcla, masterización y edición por Jaime Almiral, Jr. Productores asociados y editor de producción Efrain Gonzalez. Productor asociado Feliz Montelara. Director asistente, supervisor de guion y consultor de historia Ernesto Fundora. Supervisores de guion adicionales y consultores de historia Amaury Pacheco e Iris Ruiz.Alberto Bade compuso nuestra banda sonora. Diseño de marketing por Hiram Henriquez. Casting por Ana Braga Morfi. Medios y distribución a través de Nuestro Stories y Audio Dice Network. Narración por Ray Guiu.Nuestro increíble elenco incluye a Albertico Pujol como Echauri Suarez, Adrian Mas como Orlando Contreras, Vivian Ruiz como Micaela Martinez, Mauricio Renteria como Coronel Ramiro Roca, Laura Termini como Hortensia, Amaury Pacheco como Vizcaino “El Bisco”, Andy Barbosa como Vladimir Suarez, Omar Gonzalez como Orlandito Contreras, Audry Gutierrez Alea como Tia Millin, Iris Ruiz como Cecilia, y Alejandra Cossio como Marlene Presley.El elenco adicional incluye a Frank Egusquiza, Ramonín Veloz, Efrain Gonzalez, Cecilia "Ceci" Diaz Arguelle, Tanya Cecilia Diaz, Alex Hernandez, Naomi Ruiz, Briani Ruiz y Manuel Ruiz-Barrera.Música por Jawndarko, Leandro Tresero y Luthier, Bernardo Izaguirre, Alfredo Chacon y Odalys Salina.Productores ejecutivos adicionales incluyen a Armando Azarloza, Santiago Eljaiek, III, Lourdes Castillo y Angela Sustaita-Ruiz.Un agradecimiento especial a la inspiración para la historia, la única e inigualable Micaela Ruiz. Agradecimientos adicionales a la Universidad de Miami School of Music, Ochenta Studio, Rameh Echeverri, Celines Toribio, Katherine Costa, Rick Najera y Robert Armband.Bistec fue grabado en los estudios de South Point Productions.Para saber más sobre Bistec, sigue a Bistec.Film en Instagram o visita nuestro sitio web en www.BistecFilmcom.Si disfrutaste del podcast, ayúdanos a correr la voz dejando una reseña en iTunes o donde sea que escuches podcasts. Realmente ayuda. Gracias.Copyright2024 Brilla Media Ventures, LLC. © Any use of this intellectual property for text and data mining or computational analysis including as training material for artificial intelligence systems is strictly prohibited without express written consent from Brilla Media Ventures, LLC.
[originally published on Patreon February 1, 2024] I continue the extended story of the Tupamaros by examining the life of Manuel Hevia Coscullela, the Cuban double (or triple) agent embedded in the CIA in Uruguay. I obtained his memoir, Pasaporte 11333 : ocho años con la CIA (1978) and translated various passages into English. As far as I know, this is the first time this has ever been done. Hevia's story begins before the Cuban revolution, and I explain his education and upbringing as well as his activities before, during, and after the Cuban Revolution. Hevia was involved with the Cuban AAA during the revolution and with Che's JUCEPLAN after the revolution. Hevia got in bed with some unsavory Uruguayans at their embassy and then defected, snitched and flipped for the CIA (wink), and was sent to Uruguay to work for the agency. From there, we get into Uruguayan deep state politics which is not uninteresting but which sets the stage for all the Mitrione stuff to come later. This is the story of deep espionage. [episode artwork based off the book cover] Songs: Todo por la Reforma Agraria by Carlos Puebla Yo También Soy Miliciano by Carlos Puebla
Listen to the Sat. May 25, 2024 edition of the Pan-African Journal: Worldwide Radio Broadcast hosted by Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of the Pan-African News Wire. This episode features our PANW report with dispatches on the mass demonstration in solidarity with Palestine held in Cape Town; the South African rand has grown in value in the recent period; the restructuring of debt obligations by the West African state of Ghana is still underway; and people across the world have celebrated Africa Liberation Day. In the second and third hours we listen to excerpts of addresses delivered by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the founder of modern Ghana and Africa. Finally, we review the contributions of the Cuban Revolution to the liberation of Africa.
(Rerun of nueva trova episode, first aired in July 2023)Nueva trova is one of the few Cuban genres that is for listening and reflecting instead of dancing - it's sung poetry, much like other Latin American singer-songwriter genres, namely nueva canción. Rebecca has an in-depth conversation with independent scholar and former Cuban diplomat Eva Silot Bravo about the major figures of nueva trova and how it came to be closely identified with the ideology of the Cuban Revolution. The genre's relationship with the government shifted in the wake of the economic crisis of the 1990s, as newer artists began to openly critiqued the preferential treatment given to foreigners, as well as emigrate abroad.Songs played:Pablo Milanés, Mis 22 añosSilvio Rodríguez, Sueño con SerpientesXiomara Laugart, PariaCarlos Varela, Foto de FamiliaGema y Pavel, Se FelizSupport the showIf you like this podcast, please subscribe and give us a 5-star rating on Apple PodcastsFollow The Clave Chronicles on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook @clavechronicleshttps://theclavechronicles.buzzsprout.comIntro and outro music: "Bengo Latino," Jimmy Fontanez/Media Right Productions
This week Christina Abreu drops in to discuss Cuban-American history, Cuban music, and the representation of Cubans in film. We explore the origins and characteristics of Cuban music, as well as the migration of Cubans to the United States in the 1950s. We also discuss the relationship between Cuban-Americans and other Latino groups, as well as the integration and segregation within Cuban-American communities. This is a fun podcast and deep dive into Cuban American history. I hope you dig it.About our guest:Christina Abreu is associate professor of history and director of the Center for Latino/Latin American Studies at Northern Illinois University. Her research focuses on the role of race, nationalism, and migration in the Cuban and Spanish Caribbean diasporic communities of the United States with a particular emphasis on popular culture. Her first book, Rhythms of Race: Cuban Musicians and the Making of Cuban New York City and Miami, 1940-1960, examined the relationship between black and white Cuban musicians and the Cuban and broader Latinx communities of New York City and Miami in the 1940s and 1950s. In her second book, Patria over Profits: The Story of Afro-Cuban Boxing Champion Teófilo Stevenson, she offers a cultural history of the life and times of Afro-Cuban boxing champion Teófilo Stevenson, winner of three heavyweight boxing Olympic gold medals in 1972, 1976, and 1980. In detailing Stevenson's triumphs in the ring, another more complex and interconnected story emerges about revolutionary Cuba and the island's Afro-Caribbean connections, race and black athletic activism, Cuban exile culture and politics, and international sports celebrity. Patria over Profits is under contract with the Sport and Society series at the University of Illinois Press.
Miami is a city steeped in magic and mystery, from its rich cultural history and vibrant culture. Yet, amidst the glittering facade of glamour and vibrancy lies a darker chapter in Miami's history—the Cocaine Cowboys era—a tale of excess, danger, and intrigue that left an indelible mark on the cityscape. But beyond the myths and misconceptions, Miami beckons with its eclectic neighborhoods, picturesque beaches, and a wealth of cultural treasures waiting to be explored. Join us as we uncover the allure of Miami, from its pulsating nightlife to its serene hideaways, offering a glimpse into a world where magic and reality intertwine.The Birth of the "Magic City"Miami is often referred to as the "Magic City" due to its rapid growth and development in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The term "Magic City" was coined by a local newspaper editor named Julia Tuttle. She created the term to describe the incredible transformation of Miami from a small, remote outpost into a thriving metropolis almost overnight.Julia Tuttle was a prominent Miami pioneer. She originally visited her parents in South Florida in 1875 and fell in love with what is now known as Biscayne Bay. She later purchased 640 acres at the mouth of the Miami River and returned as a widow to live there in 1891. She convinced Henry Flagler to bring his railroad to the Miami River, and over seven years she lived there, she worked to build the community and had a lot to do with transforming the region. In 1896, Miami was incorporated as a city. From there, the city experienced a significant boom in population, infrastructure, and economy during the early 20th century, fueled by the Florida East Coast Railway. The nickname still fits the city's vibrant atmosphere, diverse culture, and ongoing growth and innovation.Cuban Influence on MiamiCuba has had a significant influence on Miami, particularly due to waves of Cuban migration to the city, especially after the Cuban Revolution in 1959. It's shaped the city's identity, culture, economy, and politics in so many ways.PoliticsCuban exiles and their descendants have been actively involved in local, state, and national politics, shaping policies and perspectives on issues related to Cuba and Latin America. You feel like you are in another country!Cultural InfluenceCuban culture is in music and art, cuisine and language. Salsa music, mambo, and Afro-Cuban rhythms have bled into Miami's music scene, and Cuban artists have made the city vibrant and contributed greatly to the colorful art.CuisineCuban cuisine is all over Miami. The city has numerous Cuban restaurants and cafes serving authentic Cuban food. Some signature Cuban dishes include sandwiches, picadillo, and arroz con pollo.ArchitectureCuban influence & heritage can be seen in so much of Miami's architecture, particularly in neighborhoods like Little Havana - colorful Art Deco buildings & classic Spanish-style architecture.Language and DemographicsSpanish, particularly Cuban Spanish, is widely spoken in Miami.EconomyCuban migration has had a significant impact on Miami's economy, contributing to the growth of tourism, hospitality, and international trade. Many Cuban entrepreneurs have also established successful businesses in Miami, which has played a huge part in enriching the city's economic landscape and creating further diversity.The "Dark Side" of Miami and the Cocaine Cowboys Era.The Cocaine Cowboys era and drug trafficking had a significant impact on Miami during the 1970s and 1980s. It caused a surge of drug-related violence, crime, and corruption in Miami. Miami was the primary entry point for cocaine smuggling into the US for powerful drug cartels like the Medellín Cartel led by Pablo Escobar. This led to an explosion of wealth in Miami, led by the cartel individuals. It fueled a construction boom because drug profits were laundered through real estate investments, which led to the rapid development of luxury properties and businesses. However, it also contributed to a culture of excess, with conspicuous consumption and hedonism becoming more prevalent. Not to mention widespread violence as rival factions were fighting for control of the lucrative trade routes and markets.Law enforcement agencies really struggled to contain the violence and corruption associated with the drug trade. There were high-profile cases and efforts to crack down on drug trafficking networks, but it created "The Cocaine Cowboys era," which gave Miami a reputation as a city marked by both glamour and danger. It still lasts today.Myths About MiamiEveryone in Miami is WealthyMiami is home to many affluent individuals and neighborhoods, there is also significant socioeconomic diversity in the city. Many residents are working- or middle-class individuals who may not enjoy the lavish lifestyle often associated with Miami. Richer areas are Brickell, Key Biscayne, and parts of South Beach; Poorer areas are downtown and some parts of Wynwood.Miami is only about beaches and nightlife.While Miami is famous for its beautiful beaches and vibrant nightlife, it offers much more than that. It has a rich cultural scene, diverse neighborhoods, delicious cuisine, and a thriving arts community. You don't have to be a party animal to love Miami.All Miamians are Latino or Cuban.While Miami does have a large Hispanic population, including many Cuban-Americans, it is a melting pot of cultures from all over the world. You'll find people from various ethnicities and backgrounds living in Miami.Miami is Not Dangerous.Known by some as a "sin city," Miami can be dangerous, but not as dangerous as you may think. Miami is not on the FBI'S top 15 most dangerous cities list - which measures the violent crime rate and the highest cost of crime per capita, which includes instances of murder, manslaughter, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault. Like any major city, Miami has its share of crime, from drugs, gambling, etc, but it's unfair to label the entire city as unsafe. Many neighborhoods are safe and welcoming to residents and visitors. But as with any city, you must exercise common sense, and taking precautions is essential. You need to do your research, do not talk to strangers or get in cars with strangers, etc. Also, ignore creepy men trying to hit on you, or tell them no if they don't look too dangerous.Miami is all Glitz and Glamour.While Miami does have its glamorous side, with luxury hotels, high-end restaurants, and designer boutiques, it also has a laid-back, casual vibe. There are plenty of opportunities to enjoy the city without breaking the bank. You can explore parks, outdoor spaces, and museums and even go dining at local eateries and food trucks. There are free cultural events and art festivals as well. And don't forget the beaches are free (Key Biscayne, South Beach, Hollywood), minus the parking. Miami is only for the Young and Single.While Miami is known for its vibrant nightlife and party scene, it's also a great place to live for families, retirees, and people of all ages. The city offers excellent schools, diverse neighborhoods, and many activities for people of all ages and interests. You can't drive in Miami - The traffic is Too BadJust be careful where you park, and know that people honk a lot.The Best Areas in Miami for a Solo TravelerSouth BeachThis area is popular for its vibrant nightlife, beautiful beaches, and diverse dining options. You'll find plenty of opportunities to meet people at bars, clubs, and social events. However, it can get crowded and rowdy at times, so staying vigilant is important.Downtown MiamiDowntown offers a mix of entertainment, dining, and cultural attractions. It's also close to popular destinations like Brickell and Wynwood, which are known for their lively nightlife scenes. Choose accommodations in well-reviewed hotels or reputable Airbnb listings.BrickellThis upscale neighborhood is known for its high-rise condos, sophisticated bars, and restaurants. It's a popular spot for young professionals and offers a relatively safe environment for solo travelers.WynwoodFamous for its street art and hipster vibe, Wynwood is home to trendy bars, breweries, and galleries. It's a great place to meet fellow travelers and locals interested in art and culture. Just be mindful of your surroundings, especially at night.Coconut GroveThis historic neighborhood has a more relaxed atmosphere than South Beach. It has scenic parks, waterfront dining, and boutique shops. It's a good option if you prefer a quieter environment but still want access to nightlife and social activities.Hotels VS Airbnbs in MiamiFor a solo traveler, a hotel is safer, but it can be pricier than Airbnb, depending on where you want to stay. Airbnbs tend to be much cheaper for a group.Unique Destinations to Visit in MiamiVizcaya Museum and GardensThis historic estate features stunning gardens, European-inspired architecture, and unique photo opportunities around every corner.Versace MansionThe Versace Mansion is where world-renowned Italian fashion designer Gianni Versace was murdered on July 15, 1997. He was shot outside his Miami Beach mansion by Andrew Cunanan, a serial killer who took his own life eight days later. His South Beach mansion is now a "killer" lunch spot, and it's a great deal. Guests can also stay there. However, it is a pricy hotel.Coral CastleThis mysterious structure was built by Edward Leedskalnin using 1,100 tons of coral rock. The method of construction remains a mystery.Wynwood Walls The Wynwood Walls is an outdoor museum that showcases large-scale works by some of the world's best-known street artists, making it a vibrant spot for unique and colorful photos.Venetian Pool This historic public swimming pool built in the 1920s featuring waterfalls, caves, and incredible landscaping, providing a picturesque setting for photos.The KampongThe Kampong Botanical Garden features a collection of tropical fruit trees and flowering plants.Oleta River State ParkOleta River State Park is Miami's largest urban park along the shores of Biscayne Bay. You can kayak, hike, and picnic among mangrove forests.Deering EstateThis historic landmark and estate has guided tours of the mansion and gardens, as well as access to scenic trails along the waterfront.Miami Beach Holocaust MemorialThe Holocaust Memorial is a moving tribute to the six million Jews who perished in the Holocaust, featuring sculptures and reflecting pools.The Monastery of St. Bernard de Clairvaux Originally built in Spain in the 12th century, this monastery was dismantled and reconstructed in Miami, creating a unique architectural juxtaposition.Grapeland Water ParkThis water park features a quirky collection of sculptures and structures, including a giant pineapple and a shipwreck-themed play area. It provides fun and unusual photo opportunities.Key Biscayne Crandon ParkCrandon Park is home to a unique fossilized reef and the historic Cape Florida Lighthouse. It offers hiking, picnicking, and wildlife viewing opportunities.Miami City CemeteryThis cemetery, dating back to the 19th century, features historic gravesites, elaborate mausoleums, and lush landscaping, providing a fascinating glimpse into Miami's past.SportsMiami has a strong sports culture, with teams like the Miami Heat (NBA), Miami Dolphins (NFL), and Florida Marlins (now Miami Marlins, MLB).Day Trips from Miami Everglades National Park Everglades National Park is a short drive from Miami. It's a unique ecosystem full of wildlife. You can take an airboat ride to see alligators, birds, and other wildlife or explore the park's trails and visitor centers. It's great if you are not from Florida and are used to seeing our wildlife, and it's great for a family trip as well.Key WestWhile it's about a 3-4 hour drive from Miami, Key West is worth the trip for its charming atmosphere, beautiful beaches, and vibrant culture. You can visit the Ernest Hemingway Home and Museum, explore Duval Street, and relax by the water. Boat rides are fun as well.Fort LauderdaleOnly about a 30-minute drive from Miami, Fort Lauderdale has beautiful beaches, shopping, dining, and great cultural attractions. It also has Gulf Stream horse racing tracks, gambling, and the famous Hard Rock Guitar Hotel. Stroll along the Fort Lauderdale Beach promenade, visit the Bonnet House Museum & Gardens, or take a gondola ride along the city's canals.Biscayne National ParkLocated just south of Miami, Biscayne National Park is perfect for outdoor enthusiasts. You can go snorkeling or diving to explore the park's coral reefs, take a boat tour to see the historic lighthouse on Boca Chita Key, and enjoy spectacular views of the ocean.Wynwood Arts DistrictIf you're interested in art and culture, head to the Wynwood Arts District in Miami. This neighborhood is one of my favorite Miami spots and is known for its colorful street art, murals, galleries, boutiques, and super trendy restaurants and cafes.Coral Gables Coral Gables is a beautiful and upscale neighborhood in Miami, known for its Mediterranean Revival architecture, greenery, and historic landmarks like the Venetian Pool and the Biltmore Hotel. Spend the day exploring the shops and restaurants along Miracle Mile or visiting attractions like the Fairchild Tropical Botanic Garden.How to Stay Safe in MiamiAreas of Miami to Avoid when VisitingHistorically known for its high crime rates, Overtown has seen some revitalization efforts in recent years but still may not be the safest area, especially at night. Liberty City is another neighborhood with a reputation for crime. While Little Havana is vibrant and culturally rich, there are many areas that are not safe, particularly at night. If you want to go, exercise caution and stick to well-lit, populated areas.Avoiding Certain Beaches at NightWhile Miami's beaches are beautiful during the day, most are unsafe after dark. Stick to well-populated areas and avoid isolated or poorly lit beach areas at night.Be Cautious of Scams and Tourist TrapsBe wary of overly aggressive street vendors, "free" tours that require a purchase at the end, and other similar schemes.Be Careful when Driving in Rush Hour TrafficIf possible, avoid driving during peak traffic times to prevent getting stuck in gridlock.Be Vigilant at NightWhile Miami's nightlife is legendary, some areas may be more prone to rowdiness and crime. Exercise caution and be aware of your surroundings, especially if you're out late at night. While Miami does have public transportation options like buses and the Metrorail, they are way less frequent and safe at night. Consider using rideshare services or taxis if you need to travel after dark, but don't get in an unregistered taxi, uber, or Lyft. Ask, "Who are you here for?" Miami can be a fun place to show off, and it's okay in certain areas like Brickell. Anywhere else, I would be extremely careful, and if you are new to the city, I would not wear your extremely fancy items. Cars also get broken into all the time, so do not leave things in your car. Better safe than sorry! In addition, don't take backroads at night.Bars can be safe to go into alone, but many female solo travelers get targeted in Miami, especially in bars and clubs. Don't take a drink from a stranger that you can't see being poured by the bartender. Also, men in Miami can be very aggressive, so be upfront with them and seek help from a bouncer if they will not leave you alone.What to Wear for A Night OutYour attire depends on where you are headed for the night. For clubs in Brickell and even South Beach, Ladies typically wear dresses or skirts and a top with heels, and guys wear nice shoes, buttoned-down short or long-sleeve shirts, and sometimes suits. Some clubs have strict "not too casual" dress code rules. For bars and any event in Wynwood, like a garage party, more casual clothes can be worn (e.g., rompers, shorts and tops, sneakers, and jeans and T-shirts for guys).Miami BeachesBeach Swimming in Miami When it comes to swimming in the waters off Miami's beaches, it's generally safe as long as you adhere to common-sense safety guidelines. While South Florida is known for its shark population, the risk of encountering a shark while swimming is very low. Most sharks are not interested in humans as prey and typically avoid interactions. Additionally, lifeguards and beach patrols in Miami are very vigilant about monitoring the waters and providing warnings or closures if any dangerous marine life is spotted.Favorite Miami BeachesMiami Beach is great for people-watching parties, meeting new people, good food, and all the action. It even has big events like pop up music festivals. For a more relaxed atmosphere, check out Key Biscayne. It is more relaxing, family-oriented, and has a great view of the Miami skyline. However, watch out for the "no-see-ems!" Beach TipsSome beaches, like South Beach, may experience higher theft rates, especially during peak tourist seasons when there are larger crowds. A few tips are to not leave valuables unattended, use lockers if available, and be mindful of your surroundings. Also, remember that local law enforcement and beach management often take measures to address theft. If you can not put items in a locker, do not bring valuables, and if you must bring valuables, like your phone and wallet, you can ask a normal-looking couple to watch them. It is taking a risk, but it has worked for me. Waterproof phone pouches are great for bringing a phone into the ocean. If you go into the water, stay where you can see your items. Do not let yourself drift far if you go into the water.Take the following precautions to ensure your safety while enjoying the beach:Swim in designated areas: Stick to beaches with lifeguards on duty and swim within the marked swimming zones.Avoid swimming alone: It's safer to swim with a buddy or in groups, especially in open waters.Stay alert: Be mindful of your surroundings while in the water and avoid areas with fishing activity or schools of baitfish, as these can attract sharks.Respect marine life: Avoid touching or approaching marine animals, including sharks, stingrays, and jellyfish.Follow beach safety guidelines: Pay attention to warning signs, flags, and instructions from lifeguards regarding water conditions and any potential hazards.Miami HurricanesIf you are visiting Miami when a hurricane hits, follow the steps below.Stay informed: Monitor local news, radio stations, or weather apps for updates on the hurricane's progress, including its projected path, intensity, and any evacuation orders or shelter information.Evacuation orders: Follow any evacuation orders issued by local authorities. Secure your accommodations: If you're staying at a hotel or rental property, inquire about their hurricane preparedness plans and follow any instructions provided by management. They may have protocols in place for guests during a storm.Stock up on supplies: Gather essential supplies such as non-perishable food, water, medications, flashlights, batteries, first aid supplies, and important documents. Ensure you have enough supplies to last several days in case of power outages or limited access to stores.Prepare your belongings: Secure outdoor furniture, decorations, and any other items that could become projectiles in high winds. If you're staying in a rental property, follow any instructions provided by the owner or management on securing the premises.Charge devices: Make sure your cell phone and other electronic devices are fully charged in case of power outages. Consider purchasing portable chargers or external battery packs for backup power.Stay indoors during the storm: Once the hurricane arrives, remain indoors in a safe location away from windows and doors. Follow safety guidelines: Follow any safety guidelines provided by local authorities, such as avoiding flooded areas, staying away from downed power lines, and using caution when venturing outside after the storm has passed.Be prepared for the aftermath: After the hurricane has passed, be prepared for potential flooding, debris, and other hazards. Follow instructions from authorities regarding cleanup efforts and any additional safety precautions.Miami stands as a captivating blend of magic and reality, where the dreams of visionaries like Julia Tuttle collide with the gritty realities of history. From its inception as a fledgling settlement to its evolution into a global destination, Miami's story is one of resilience, diversity, and constant reinvention. While the echoes of the past, including the tumultuous Cocaine Cowboys era, add layers of complexity to its narrative, Miami continues to thrive as a beacon of creativity, opportunity, and cultural fusion. As visitors traverse its vibrant streets, bask on its sun-kissed shores, and immerse themselves in its diverse tapestry of experiences, they discover a city that defies expectations and invites exploration.
Twins Tom and Tony Bancroft grew up sharing a small bedroom, trying to out-draw each other. Today, they have long careers under their belts working for Disney, Warner Brothers, and many more esteemed animation studios. Their life's work is a testament to the power of passion, imagination, faith, and brotherhood. In this episode, they discuss how they became animators at the world's most famous companies, what it's like to be storytellers for the masses, and what their faith has meant to them over the course of their lives. Show Notes: Similar episodes Johnnyswim: Reality TV, the Cuban Revolution, and a Disco Queen Mother Drew Holcomb: Fighting Dragons and Singing at Loss Resources mentioned this episode The Bancroft Brothers Animation Podcast Join NSE+ Our subscriber only community with bonus episodes, ad-free listening, and discounts on live shows Subscribe to episodes: Apple | Spotify | Amazon | Google | YouTube Follow Us: Instagram | Twitter | Facebook | YouTube Follow Lee: Instagram | Twitter Join our Email List: nosmallendeavor.com Become a Subscriber: NSE+ See Privacy Policy: Privacy Policy Amazon Affiliate Disclosure: Tokens Media, LLC is a participant in the Amazon Services LLC Associates Program, an affiliate advertising program designed to provide a means for sites to earn advertising fees by advertising and linking to Amazon.com.
When Fidel Castro took over Cuba in 1959, he deposed a dictator. And then the man who promised democracy turned into a dictator himself, and turned Cuba communist. Did he also make Cuba better than it was before? Or worse? Today we dig into the Cuba Revolution, and also go over the centuries of foreign subjugation and internal chaos and corruption that preceded it. Cuba has been struggling since long before Castro took it over. We meet a few interesting players in addition to going over the history, including infamous revolutionary Ernesto "Che" Guevara. Hail Nimrod! CLICK HERE TO WATCH MY NEW SPECIAL ON YOUTUBE! Trying to Get BetterGet tour tickets at dancummins.tv Watch the Suck on YouTube: https://youtu.be/Bjjrj7r9UHMMerch: https://www.badmagicmerch.comTimesuck Discord! https://discord.gg/tqzH89vWant to join the Cult of the Curious private Facebook Group? Go directly to Facebook and search for "Cult of the Curious" in order to locate whatever happens to be our most current page :)For all merch related questions/problems: store@badmagicproductions.com (copy and paste)Please rate and subscribe on iTunes and elsewhere and follow the suck on social media!! @timesuckpodcast on IG and http://www.facebook.com/timesuckpodcastWanna become a Space Lizard? Click here: https://www.patreon.com/timesuckpodcastSign up through Patreon and for $5 a month you get to listen to the Secret Suck, which will drop Thursdays at Noon, PST. You'll also get 20% off of all regular Timesuck merch PLUS access to exclusive Space Lizard merch. You get to vote on two Monday topics each month via the app. And you get the download link for my new comedy album, Feel the Heat. Check the Patreon posts to find out how to download the new album and take advantage of other benefits