Podcasts about irish parliamentary party

Just two weeks after the end of the divorce proceedings between Katharine and William O'Shea, the Irish Parliamentary Party assembled in Committee Room 15 of the Palace of Westminster, for the most fateful meeting in Charles Stewart Parnell's career. The backlash from the divorce and the revelations that emerged about Parnell's behaviour, left Gladstone feeling that continuing his association with Parnell would fatally undermine the chances of his Liberal Party winning re-election. Paradoxically, that meant that the hopes for Irish Home Rule, which required the formation of a Liberal government, depended on his distancing himself from its most powerful champion. So in Committee Room 15, the Irish Parliamentary Party had to decide whether, to achieve its aim, it had to remove from its leadership the very man who'd brought that aim so close to realisation. The explosive effect of this destructive paradox would be devastating for the Irish Parliamentary Party and for Parnell himself. Illustration: Parnell addressing a crowd during the Kilkenny North by-election, from The Illustrated London News, 27 December 1890. Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License.

James Augustine Aloysius Joyce was an Irish novelist and poet. Perhaps best known for his novel Ulysses, his other works remain must-reads, in particular the short-story collection Dubliners and Finnegans Wake.At the age of 9 Joyce wrote the poet “Et tu, Healy.” The poem related to the death of Charles Stewart Parnell and expressed a sense of betrayal by the Irish Catholic Church, the Irish Parliamentary Party and the British Liberal Party for the result of the failure of establishing Irish Home Rule. 9 years old…At university he discovered the scholasticism of Thomas Aquinas and was thereafter influenced by his thoughts. After university he went to live in Paris. In April 1903 he returned to Dublin to tend to his dying mother reading to her drafts of his work.In 1904 he met Nora Barnacle and they remained together until the day he died. Joyce had considered becoming a doctor, and in 1904 explored becoming a musical performer.Joyce travelled to find work where he could, it was trying, often being told vacancies existed where they did not. Via Zürich, then Pola the Joyce family moved to Trieste, where he started teaching English. A noble undertaking. As much as Joyce travelled and wrote however, Dublin was forever in his heart and soul…and pen.There is so much to cover that I do not have the space to do so here. In 2019, when the proposal arose of repatriating Joyce's remains, the Irish Times wrote this: " ...it is hard not to suspect that there is a calculating, even mercantile, aspect to contemporary Ireland's relationship to its great writers, whom we are often more keen to 'celebrate', and if possible monetise, than read."I welcome opinions of every kind so please come and find me on social media at:Instagram: TwoandaMicTwitter: TwoandaMic1

This episode picks up Ireland's story again, just as the English establishment turned its guns on Charles Stewart Parnell. Round 1 of its attack was launched through the Times newspaper, in a series of articles entitled ‘Parnellism and Crime'. It set out to show that, despite his public commitment to the parliamentary road to achieving Ireland's aspirations, in reality and in the background he was prepared to collaborate with men of violence. Indeed, in the second article of the series, the Times published a letter apparently from Parnell to a leading Fenian, in which he seemed to condone one at least of the Phoenix Park murders of 1882. That attack failed when it emerged that the letter was simply a forgery. Even so, damage had been done to the Irish movement by the sheer extent of the investigations carried out by the Commission set up to examine the allegations against Parnell. It cleared him but found other mud to throw at different parts of the Irish movement. Round 2 of the attack came when William O'Shea, husband of Katharine, the great love of Parnell's life, sued for divorce. The revelations at the trial were immensely damaging to him. In this episode, we follow events up to the point where the Irish Parliamentary Party, having rallied to him at one meeting, have called another to review that decision and Parnell has weakened his position by publishing a manifesto that could hardly have been better calculated to offend people on whose support he needed to count. Illustration: The Times attack on Parnell, accusing him of association with criminality. Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License.

It was a bad time for Gladstone, defeated in an election held just a few months after the previous poll which he'd won. It was a bad time for Charles Stewart Parnell and his Irish Parliamentary Party who'd felt Home Rule for Ireland was within their grasp only to see themselves cheated of the prize. But it wasn't an easy time for Salisbury either who had to approach building his second government with a lot of care, watching out who he offended and who he couldn't afford to offend. But Salisbury's biggest problem was the most outspoken and best-known parliamentarian his Conservative Party had in the House of Commons, Lord Randolph Churchill, father of the Winston who would ultimately become far better known than he ever was. Randolph Churchill was a problem for Salisbury until the latter showed his skill by turning the tables on the former. And making it a bad time for Churchill too. Illustration: Photo of the original performance of Shaw's Arms and the Man, 1894. Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License.

It was heartbreak time for Parnell. He'd spent eleven years in parliament, leading to the emergence of a powerful Irish Parliamentary Party that eventual won the balance of power. That put Home Rule, the restoration of a Dublin parliament, apparently within his grasp. Yet all that culminated in defeat and disappointment when Gladstone's bill was thrown out. The loss led to the fall of Gladstone's third government and the formation of Salisbury's second. In turn, that was the start of a long period of Conservative dominance over British politics, lasting for nineteen years. Or, in my view, more like 137 years right up to the present day. But to get that well launched, Salisbury had to deal with one great thorn in his side. That was Randolph Churchill. And he sorted that problem with his customary skill. Illustration: George Goschen, the Liberal Unionist found a Conservative seat and made Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a Conservative government, by Lord Salisbury. Pen and ink by Harry Furniss, before 1891. National Portrait Gallery 3577 Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License.

Salisbury, who'd secured his position in the Conservative Party by his clever political work over Gladstone's 1884 Reform Act, was now Prime Minister. But only at the head of a minority government. That wasn't something he could live with for long, since it meant that the Liberals had a Commons majority hanging over his head, ready to kick him out whenever they decided it was time to use their strength against him. The election, when it came, would have nearly three million more voters on the registers than previous time around. Many of them would be Irish, including quite a few Irishmen living in England. So issues to do with the government of Ireland, and in particular Irish Home Rule, would be a key factor in the outcome. Both main parties had contacts with Parnell and his Irish Parliamentary Party. Gladstone, though he had come around to supporting Home Rule himself, encouraged Parnell's conversations with the Conservatives, rather hoping to have them introduce Home Rule rather than having to do so himself, if he came back to office heading a new Liberal government. Salisbury was having none of that since he was opposed to the whole idea of Home Rule. On the other hand, with Irish votes at stake, he didn't mind people thinking he might be considering the possibility. So Parnell spoke to both sides. Then, when the election results were announced, it turned out Gladstone had won but without a majority, with the Conservatives second. Parnell's Irish party had taken 86 seats, the 86 of 86 as they were called, since the parliament only met in 1886. He held the balance of power. In the meantime, a bold action by Gladstone's son with the British press, the so-called Hawarden Kite, had seen the Liberal leader identified as the champion of Home Rule. Parnell could put him back into office. Maybe it was time for him to stop flirting with both sides and commit himself to the Liberals who seemed committed to the goal he was pursuing. Or were they?     Illustration: Herbert John Gladstone, First Viscount Gladstone, by Sir Leslie Ward, published in Vanity Fair, 6 May 1882. This is Herbert, Gladstone's son and a Liberal MP, who was responsible for flying the 'Hawarden Kite'.National Portrait Gallery 3288 Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License.

Historian and author Dr John Burke talks about the history of Roscommon in the 1912–23 during the Irish revolutionary period which covers the Great War, Irish War of Independence and Irish Civil War. Roscommon was an agricultural area which had been solid political territory of the Irish Parliamentary Party. However, during the war, the area […]

While not in the vanguard of armed activity during the War of Independence, Wexford has the distinction of being one of the few counties outside Dublin that saw action during the 1916 Rising. On the other hand it was also one of the few places where John Redmond's (a native of the county) Irish Parliamentary Party maintained a substantial level of support throughout the revolutionary period. To interrogate these apparent contradictions listen to History Ireland editor, Tommy Graham, in discussion with Bernard Browne, Ida Milne, William Murphy and Kevin Whelan.   The Hedge School series of podcasts is produced by History Ireland and the Wordwell Group. For more information or to subscribe, visit historyireland.com   This podcast is supported by Wexford County Council Public Library Service and the Department of Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media under the Decade of Centenaries 2012-2023 initiative.   This podcast is available at https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/history-ireland/id1503109266 and https://www.historyireland.com/hedge-schools/ or wherever you get your podcasts.   Image: National Army troops in Wexford during the Civil War.

Charles Stewart Parnell was an Irish nationalist politician who served as Leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party from 1882 to 1891 and Leader of the Home Rule League from 1880 to 1882. He served as a member of parliament from 1875 to 1891.

Programme 1 charts the development of the suffrage movement in Ireland and the role of the Irish Citizen newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Irish Women's Suffrage League. The programme assesses the influence of Britain's Emily Pankhurst and her more militant suffragette movement, the Women's Social and Political Union, on the more pacifist Irish suffragists. Discussion points for this programme include the effects of the 1913 Lockout on the attitude of many key figures such as the poet W.B. Yeats, and the dramatist Sean O'Casey- to Irish politics and the influence of the socialist thinker, James Connolly- on the Irish suffrage movement. Also the opposition of John Redmond's Irish Parliamentary Party to women's suffrage, provides a challenging field of discussion. Dr Doyle O'Neill is a Board member of the Cork Film Festival, as well as being an active committee member of IFUT. She is also a member of The Women's History Association, the National Union of Journalists, as well as being a patron of the UCC Journalism Society. She has also written an historical play on the women of 1916, called Walking with Ireland into the Sun, which was performed throughout Munster during 1916/17 . She has also written an award winning radio series, The Road to the Vote: The fight for female suffrage in Ireland, which is currently available on the Oireachtas website in Dail Éireann. Dr Doyle O' Neill is a broadcast historian. She was the first UCC graduate to receive a Doctorate in Ireland's radio and television history. She lectures in the area of Ireland's broadcast and film history- as well as in the area of Crime and the Media- as part of the BA in Criminology. She is author of The Gaybo Revolution: How Gay Byrne Challenged Irish Society, which is currently a recommended text for the Leaving Certificate

On this episode of the show we were joined by Dr. Pádraig Óg Ó Ruairc to discuss the historic East Clare by - election of 1917. The by - election was held on the 10th of July 1917 following the death of the incumbent MP, Willie Redmond, of the Irish Parliamentary Party. The by - election saw the leader of Sinn Féin, Éamon de Valera, face Patrick Lynch of the Irish Parliamentary Party. The Home Rulers had held the seat since it was first created in 1885. Sinn Féin ended up winning the seat by a more than two to one majority.

Welcome once again to the next episode of Past Loves - the new weekly history podcast that explores affection, infatuation and attachment across time.This week I am joined by author and senior research fellow of the Institute of Historical Research at the University of London, Elisabeth Kehoe as we discuss the relationship between Leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party and MP Charles Stewart Parnell and Katie O'Shea. It was Katie who was later dubbed Kitty O'Shea for the vehement public response to their relationship, vilified by many as the most hated woman in Ireland.Against the backdrop of the ever-growing call for Irish Independence, Elisabeth delves into Katie's first marriage to Willie O'Shea, her true love for Charles Stewart Parnell (who also referred to her as 'wifey') and the political ramifications of this now infamous love triangle. As a divorce case ensues, Charles and Katie's willingness for mutual self-destruction, in order to build a happier life together, is desperately clear. It is a testament to the power of love. But, will they get their happy ending?Where To Find UsShop Elisabeth's book Ireland's Misfortune: The Turbulent Life of Kitty O’Shea: https://www.amazon.co.uk/gp/product/1843544865Follow Past Loves on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/pastlovespodcast/You can find the transcript for the episode here: https://pastlovespodcast.co.uk/2020/06/22/charles-stewart-parnell-kitty-oshea/If Past Loves has become your current love, you can email me at pastlovespodcast@gmail.comSourcesIn the introduction I summarise a quote from Katie's memoir Charles Stewart Parnell: His Love Story and Political Life. The full quote and the entire book can be read here: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/60895/60895-h/60895-h.htm

This week Patrick covers the best in Irish and International history publications for June 2020. Books featured on the show include: 'Agents of Disorder: Inside China's Cultural Revolution' with Andrew Walder, 'Days of the Blackthorn: Faction Fighters of Kerry' by Sean Moraghan, 'The Legacy of the Irish Parliamentary Party in Independent Ireland 1922-1949' with Martin O Donoghue, The Journey to the Mayflower: God’s Outlaws and the Invention of Freedom' with Stephen Tomkins, 'The Journey Matters: Twentieth-Century Travel in True Style' with Jonathan Glancey and 'Stasi Winter' by David Young.   

In this episode we look at the 1918 Westminster General Election. This was the first General Election held in the UK since 1910. The results of this election would see a complete transformation of political representation in Ireland. Sinn Féin, running on an abstentionist, Republican platform, would win a landslide victory throughout Ireland replacing the established nationalists, the Irish Parliamentary Party. The Unionists, committed to maintaining the link with Britain, would win 26 seats. In this episode we look at the events that led up to the election and the rise of Sinn Féin. We also look at the extension of the franchise before the election and the failure of the Labour Party to contest seats outside Belfast.

ON_THIS_DAY_IN_HISTORY - 14th December 1918 - The Coupon Election secures Lloyd George's Coalition Government.It had long been expected that Lloyd George would call for an election at the end of the war, to beat off challenges to his position from both sides of the political spectrum, and to secure his mandate for the looming peace conference. Much was said about punishing Germany during the campaign trail, and making her pay what she owed to Britain and everyone else. The British electorate were thus heavy with expectation once their PM left for France in the new year - they anticipated Lloyd George would drive a hard bargain, and wrest concessions from the defeated foe which would vindicate their losses. As Lloyd George discovered, but probably knew already deep down, it wasn't so simple as taking things from Germany.Lloyd George, whatever his white lies, did managed to secure a mandate from the British electorate with this election. It was the most votes ever cast in any election in British history, and for the first time ever, women were also entitled to vote (so long as they were over 30 and were connected to someone with at least £5 of property that is...). The Coupon Election - so called for the curious way with which the incumbent government represented itself, with a coupon that indicated the loyalty of several varied candidates - was a success for the PM, but dark clouds were on the horizon.In Ireland, the old Irish Parliamentary Party had been wiped out by a new force called Sinn Fein, which refused to take its seats at Westminster. Within a month, a guerrilla war would erupt in Ireland, instigated by the decision of those Irish MPs to set up their own Parliament in Dublin. Still though, for the moment, Lloyd George could be happy. It was the result which Woodrow Wilson would have died for, because it granted a mandate for everything he did later, and demonstrated the faith and gratitude which the British people wished to express in their wartime leader.*****************The Versailles Anniversary Project is possible because of your support and interest - make sure to spread the word, engage with the debate, and look at the different ways you can help this project succeed!->Visit the homeland for this new project!->Become a delegate and play the Delegation Game for just $6 a month!->Support the podcast financially and access ad free episodes with transcripts from just $2 a month! ->Follow WDF on Twitter! ->Join the Facebook group!->Subscribe on iTunes! See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Recorded on Wednesday, 14 March 2018 at 7pm @ The Officers' Mess, Custume Barracks, Athlone March 2018 marks the centenary of the death of John Redmond, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, which had dominated party political life since the heyday of Parnell in the 1880s. It would all but be wiped out by Sinn Féin in the December 1918 General Election. Was that inevitable? To what extent was Redmond responsible for this change or was it due to circumstances beyond his control? Is it fair in hindsight to judge Redmond on the final few years of a long and eventful career? Was the Treaty settlement of 1921 to a large degree ‘Home Rule for slow learners' in any case? To discuss these and related questions History Ireland editor, Tommy Graham, was joined by Martin O'Donoghue (National Library of Ireland), Brian Hanley (University of Edinburgh), and Dermot Meleady (Redmond's biographer). This History Ireland Hedge School was made possible by the support provided by the Department of Culture, Heritage and the Gaeltacht

“I had been brought up under the union jack and had no desire to live under any other emblem.” The words of C.P. Crane, a Tipperary R.M., in 1923, would have found an echo in the hearts of many of Waterford’s loyalist community. By 1926 their population had declined by 40% compared to 1911 and those who survived now lived in a different environment. In 1912 the small but influential loyalist community in Waterford had been vocal in their opposition to Home Rule. Led by Sir William Goff-Davis Goff and Dr Henry Stuart O’Hara, Church of Ireland bishop of the united dioceses of Waterford, Lismore, Cashel and Emly, they had publicly protested against the Home Rule Bill. On October 2 that year Dr O’Hara had led a prayer service in Christchurch which concluded with a signing of the Ulster Covenant by some of his flock – possibly a unique event in Munster. By 1914 they were very much aware that Home Rule for at least three provinces was inevitable and that in the event of a civil war they were extremely vulnerable. Those who attended an anti-Home Rule event had their names noted by a local newspaper which led to sharp exchanges in the House of Commons between the Conservative leader, Andrew Bonar-Law and John Redmond, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party and MP for Waterford. The outbreak of WW1 changed that, at least temporarily, and they responded enthusiastically to the call to arms. They paid a high price for their loyalty to King and Empire. After the war, they again found themselves vulnerable, especially between the Truce (July 1921) and the end of the Civil War (May 1923), a period in which they were subject to opportunistic violence, a republican campaign of ‘Big House’ burnings and social disorder. This paper looks at the experiences of Waterford’s loyalist community during the revolutionary decade. Pat McCarthy, a native of Waterford city, holds a PhD and an MBA from UCD and worked for many years in the pharmaceutical manufacturing sector. He is the author of The Irish Revolution 1912-23, Waterford (Four Courts Press, 2015), Waterford and the 1916 Rising (Waterford city and county council 2016) and has published extensively in the Irish Sword (journal of the Military History Society of Ireland) and Decies (journal of the Waterford Archaeological and Historical Society).

Though in many ways the forgotten man of Irish politics, John Redmond came closer to achieving the long-sought goal of Home Rule for Ireland than had his more illustrious predecessors Daniel O'Connell and Charles Stewart Parnell. In John Redmond: The National Leader (Merrion Press, 2014), Dermot Meleady describes how Redmond led the Irish Parliamentary Party to the cusp of this political victory and how it came apart for him. Picking up where his previous volume, Redmond: The Parnellite left off, Meleady introduces his readers to Redmond immediately after his assumption of his party's leadership in 1900. With the anti-Home Rule Unionist Party in office, Redmond bided his time by shepherding other reforms that reshaped Irish society. When his party gained the balance of power in Parliament after the elections of 1910 Redmond used his newfound leverage to push Home Rule to the forefront of British politics, winning its passage but bringing Ireland to the brink of civil war by 1914 as a consequence. The outbreak of war in Europe in August 1914 led to a suspension of British politics and triggered a split in the Irish nationalist movement over Redmond's appeal to support the war effort a split that, with the British response to the Easter Rising in 1916, led to Redmond's political eclipse and the failure of his vision of an autonomous Ireland prospering within the British empire. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Though in many ways the forgotten man of Irish politics, John Redmond came closer to achieving the long-sought goal of Home Rule for Ireland than had his more illustrious predecessors Daniel O’Connell and Charles Stewart Parnell. In John Redmond: The National Leader (Merrion Press, 2014), Dermot Meleady describes how Redmond led the Irish Parliamentary Party to the cusp of this political victory and how it came apart for him. Picking up where his previous volume, Redmond: The Parnellite left off, Meleady introduces his readers to Redmond immediately after his assumption of his party’s leadership in 1900. With the anti-Home Rule Unionist Party in office, Redmond bided his time by shepherding other reforms that reshaped Irish society. When his party gained the balance of power in Parliament after the elections of 1910 Redmond used his newfound leverage to push Home Rule to the forefront of British politics, winning its passage but bringing Ireland to the brink of civil war by 1914 as a consequence. The outbreak of war in Europe in August 1914 led to a suspension of British politics and triggered a split in the Irish nationalist movement over Redmond’s appeal to support the war effort a split that, with the British response to the Easter Rising in 1916, led to Redmond’s political eclipse and the failure of his vision of an autonomous Ireland prospering within the British empire. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Though in many ways the forgotten man of Irish politics, John Redmond came closer to achieving the long-sought goal of Home Rule for Ireland than had his more illustrious predecessors Daniel O’Connell and Charles Stewart Parnell. In John Redmond: The National Leader (Merrion Press, 2014), Dermot Meleady describes how Redmond led the Irish Parliamentary Party to the cusp of this political victory and how it came apart for him. Picking up where his previous volume, Redmond: The Parnellite left off, Meleady introduces his readers to Redmond immediately after his assumption of his party’s leadership in 1900. With the anti-Home Rule Unionist Party in office, Redmond bided his time by shepherding other reforms that reshaped Irish society. When his party gained the balance of power in Parliament after the elections of 1910 Redmond used his newfound leverage to push Home Rule to the forefront of British politics, winning its passage but bringing Ireland to the brink of civil war by 1914 as a consequence. The outbreak of war in Europe in August 1914 led to a suspension of British politics and triggered a split in the Irish nationalist movement over Redmond’s appeal to support the war effort a split that, with the British response to the Easter Rising in 1916, led to Redmond’s political eclipse and the failure of his vision of an autonomous Ireland prospering within the British empire. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Though in many ways the forgotten man of Irish politics, John Redmond came closer to achieving the long-sought goal of Home Rule for Ireland than had his more illustrious predecessors Daniel O’Connell and Charles Stewart Parnell. In John Redmond: The National Leader (Merrion Press, 2014), Dermot Meleady describes how Redmond led the Irish Parliamentary Party to the cusp of this political victory and how it came apart for him. Picking up where his previous volume, Redmond: The Parnellite left off, Meleady introduces his readers to Redmond immediately after his assumption of his party’s leadership in 1900. With the anti-Home Rule Unionist Party in office, Redmond bided his time by shepherding other reforms that reshaped Irish society. When his party gained the balance of power in Parliament after the elections of 1910 Redmond used his newfound leverage to push Home Rule to the forefront of British politics, winning its passage but bringing Ireland to the brink of civil war by 1914 as a consequence. The outbreak of war in Europe in August 1914 led to a suspension of British politics and triggered a split in the Irish nationalist movement over Redmond’s appeal to support the war effort a split that, with the British response to the Easter Rising in 1916, led to Redmond’s political eclipse and the failure of his vision of an autonomous Ireland prospering within the British empire. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Though in many ways the forgotten man of Irish politics, John Redmond came closer to achieving the long-sought goal of Home Rule for Ireland than had his more illustrious predecessors Daniel O’Connell and Charles Stewart Parnell. In John Redmond: The National Leader (Merrion Press, 2014), Dermot Meleady describes how Redmond led the Irish Parliamentary Party to the cusp of this political victory and how it came apart for him. Picking up where his previous volume, Redmond: The Parnellite left off, Meleady introduces his readers to Redmond immediately after his assumption of his party’s leadership in 1900. With the anti-Home Rule Unionist Party in office, Redmond bided his time by shepherding other reforms that reshaped Irish society. When his party gained the balance of power in Parliament after the elections of 1910 Redmond used his newfound leverage to push Home Rule to the forefront of British politics, winning its passage but bringing Ireland to the brink of civil war by 1914 as a consequence. The outbreak of war in Europe in August 1914 led to a suspension of British politics and triggered a split in the Irish nationalist movement over Redmond’s appeal to support the war effort a split that, with the British response to the Easter Rising in 1916, led to Redmond’s political eclipse and the failure of his vision of an autonomous Ireland prospering within the British empire. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In our final episode (and also our longest!) we examine the complex series of events which led Ireland to exterminate its Irish Parliamentary Party in the 1918 General Election, to replace it with the Sinn Fein Party - the political arm of the 1916 Rising, and the vehicle through which revolutionary violence would dominate Ireland for the next few decades. It is a winding listen, tying together a number of issues as well as posing a series of controversial, challenging questions to you guys, so I hope you all enjoy it, and let me know what you think! MUSIC: 'The Mother' & 'James Connolly' by Patrick Cassidy from the album '1916'. I DO NOT OWN THE RIGHTS TO THIS SONG/ALBUM. Remember history friends, you can help this podcast and ensure that this is where history thrives! Support us by going to www.patreon.com/WhenDiplomacyFails Follow me on Twitter @wdfpodcast And visit our official website www.wdfpodcast.com See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

On this episode, John Dorney talks to Dr. Conor Mulvagh about the history of the Irish Parliamentary Party. Conor Mulvagh is a lecturer in UCD and an editorial assistant at Documents of Irish Foreign Policy.