Podcasts about Easter Rising

In this episode, Niall asks: Do protests still have the power to make a difference—or are they being ignored? The discussion follows last weekend's enormous demonstration in Dublin, where tens of thousands flooded O'Connell Street in a grassroots protest against Ireland's immigration policy.Despite the protest's size, it received minimal media attention and no formal response from the government, leading many to question whether public demonstrations can still force change. Unlike the usual state-funded rallies or trade union-backed marches, this protest had no political party or media machine behind it—just ordinary people voicing their frustration.The demonstration was framed as a tribute to the 1916 Easter Rising, with protesters marching in memory of those who gave their lives for Irish freedom. But for many, it also served as a sharp critique of modern Ireland's direction—highlighting issues like mass immigration, housing shortages, rising cost of living, and what many see as a government out of touch with its people.Some callers felt the protest marked a turning point, showing that public anger is growing and that change could be coming, even if not immediately. They believe such mass mobilisation is essential to send a message to the government and inspire more people to speak out.Others weren't so sure. They argued that without political organisation or action at the ballot box, protests alone won't make a difference. While powerful in spirit, they fear these events are easily dismissed by those in power unless voters follow through with change at the polls.

 Kathleen Lynn – a Rebel WomanI hope you all had an enjoyable Easter. Across the island and further afield commemorations were held at countless locations to remember those who fought in the 1916 Easter Rising and in all of the generations of the freedom struggle. The Belfast turnout was big and Pearse Doherty, who made an exceptional speech, was given a very warm welcome. I saw no mention of his remarks or those of other republican speakers on RTE, BBC or other broadcasters. So much for public service broadcasting! The story of Easter 1916 reverberates with many remarkable accounts of courage as a small band of Irish Republicans took on the largest Empire ever to have existed in human history. They include many women. Among these are Julia Grenan, Winifred Carney and Elizabeth O'Farrell who were in the GPO and in Moore St. when the decision to surrender was taken. Winifred Carney's statue now stands proudly in front of Belfast City Hall.  Finding their place in a new IrelandIn his Easter remarks at the Republican Plot in Milltown Cemetery Teachta Pearse Doherty referenced the fact that the “momentum for Irish Unity grows stronger every day…. it is fast becoming the defining political project of our generation.” Pearse also addressed the importance of preparing for unity and in doing so the imperative of engaging with the unionist section of our people. He said: “There are many issues for republicans and unionists to talk about. We need to address the genuine fears and concerns of unionists in a meaningful way.”That means examining what they mean when they say they are British. We must be willing he said; “to explore and be open to new ideas. We need to look at ways in which the unionist people can find their place in a new Ireland.”  A Barren Landscape of DeathThe Gaza Strip is one eighth the size of County Antrim and has a population three times larger. Imagine if Belfast north of the River Lagan and including Mallusk and Newtownabbey were levelled to the ground. No schools, no hospitals, no homes – just tents – no churches, no shops, no transport system, no sewage system. A barren levelled landscape of death. Gaza City has been under strict Israeli siege for seven weeks. No bread, no water, no fuel, no medicines have been allowed to enter the area. The people – the children – are starving.  And all the time the international community with a few honourable exceptions does nothing – is complicit in this genocide.All that FussA friend of mine in County Tyrone was taking her seven year old daughter to her local Gael Scoil when the child drew her attention to the road sign for Londonderry. Someone had drawn a line through the London bit.‘Why is that  like that Mammy?' She asked. So Mammy gave a children's explanation. ‘But they are both wrong' the child replied ‘It's not Londonderry or Derry. Its Doire.'And that dear readers is why there is all that fuss about Irish or bilingual signage. 

This Day in Legal History: Easter RisingOn April 24, 1916, the Easter Rising erupted in Dublin as Irish republicans launched a bold and ultimately tragic insurrection against British rule. The event, intended to establish an independent Irish Republic, had enormous legal and constitutional consequences that would ripple through British and Irish law for years. Roughly 1,200 rebels seized key buildings across Dublin, proclaiming the establishment of the Irish Republic from the steps of the General Post Office.In response, the British government declared martial law and deployed thousands of troops to suppress the rebellion. Courts-martial were swiftly convened, and between May 3 and May 12, fifteen rebel leaders were executed, including Patrick Pearse, James Connolly, and Thomas Clarke. These summary executions, carried out without the protections of civilian trial, shocked many in Ireland and Britain and were later criticized as legally excessive and politically tone-deaf.The use of military tribunals rather than civilian courts raised serious questions about the limits of legal authority during wartime and the rights of those accused of political violence. The Rising also marked a critical turning point in British colonial legal practice, highlighting the inherent tension between empire and constitutional rule.In the wake of the rebellion, the British government passed additional emergency laws to manage dissent in Ireland, but these legal measures only deepened nationalist sentiment. The Easter Rising set the stage for the Irish War of Independence, the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, and ultimately the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922.The legal legacy of April 24 is one of sharp contrast: between the rigid imposition of imperial law and the revolutionary demand for self-determination. It remains a powerful example of how law can be both a tool of control and a symbol of contested legitimacy. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) has agreed to drop its appeal in a longstanding legal battle with PayPal over a 2019 rule that required digital wallet providers to disclose fees using a standardized form originally intended for prepaid cards. The decision came through a joint filing on April 21 in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, following a March 2024 district court ruling in PayPal's favor that limited the reach of the rule.The CFPB's regulation extended fee disclosure mandates for prepaid cards to digital wallets, despite the agency's own acknowledgment that most digital wallets don't charge such fees. PayPal contested the rule soon after its issuance, arguing that digital wallets function differently from prepaid cards since they store payment credentials rather than actual funds. In contrast, prepaid cards are used to store and spend cash directly.The legal journey began when Judge Richard J. Leon initially sided with PayPal in 2020, but his ruling was overturned by the D.C. Circuit in 2023, prompting a remand. Leon again ruled for PayPal in March 2024, leading the CFPB to appeal before ultimately deciding to drop the case.This withdrawal marks the second recent instance of the CFPB, under acting Director Russell Vought, stepping back from litigation challenging its rules. A week prior, the agency also agreed to halt enforcement of a proposed $8 cap on credit card late fees amid a separate lawsuit. PayPal is represented by WilmerHale which, you will of course remember, has been targeted by a Trump executive order.CFPB Agrees to Halt Appeal of PayPal Win on Digital Wallet RulePresident Trump announced via Truth Social that he is suing the law firm Perkins Coie, accusing it of committing “egregious and unlawful acts,” specifically pointing to the actions of an unnamed individual at the firm. However, it remains unclear whether Trump intends to file a new lawsuit or was referring to ongoing legal disputes.Last month, Trump signed an executive order that aimed to terminate federal contracts with clients of Perkins Coie if the firm had performed any work on them. In response, Perkins Coie sued the administration, claiming the order was unconstitutional.Trump's legal team also requested the recusal of U.S. District Judge Beryl Howell from overseeing that case, alleging a “pattern of hostility” toward the president. Trump repeated his criticism of Judge Howell in his latest post, calling her “highly biased.”The legal conflict adds to Trump's ongoing confrontations with the judiciary and firms linked to Democratic causes. Perkins Coie has historically represented Democratic interests, making the dispute politically charged.Trump says he is suing Perkins Coie law firm | ReutersLaw firms Perkins Coie and WilmerHale asked federal judges in Washington, D.C., to permanently block executive orders issued by President Donald Trump. The firms argue the orders are unconstitutional acts of political retaliation. These orders sought to revoke government contracts held by their clients and restrict the firms' access to federal buildings, citing their ties to Trump's legal and political opponents.The legal battle marks a significant escalation between major law firms and the Trump administration. U.S. District Judge Beryl Howell heard Perkins Coie's request for summary judgment, while Judge Richard Leon handled WilmerHale's case later in the day. Both judges had already issued temporary blocks on Trump's orders in March.The Department of Justice defended the executive orders as valid exercises of presidential authority. Meanwhile, other prominent firms like Paul Weiss and Skadden Arps have settled with the White House to avoid similar orders, agreeing to provide pro bono services and other terms reportedly totaling nearly $1 billion in value.The legal community has widely condemned the executive orders. Hundreds of firms and legal organizations argue the moves were designed to chill legal representation against Trump, infringing on the right to counsel and undermining the legal profession's independence. Some attorneys at firms that settled have resigned in protest.Law firms targeted by Trump ask judges to permanently bar executive orders against them | ReutersThe State Bar of California plans to ask the California Supreme Court to lower the passing score for the February 2025 bar exam after a troubled rollout that included technical and logistical failures. The proposed score of 534 is below the 560 recommended by the bar's testing expert. This score adjustment would apply to all test takers, regardless of the specific issues they faced.February's exam marked the first time California administered a hybrid bar test, offered both remotely and in-person, and without components of the long-used national bar exam. Although the change aimed to reduce costs, it resulted in significant problems such as software crashes and intrusive proctoring interruptions. It's unclear how many of the 4,300 examinees were affected, but the State Bar has opened an investigation into the widespread issues.The bar also recommended imputing scores for test takers unable to complete key sections, a process that estimates performance based on completed answers. The Committee of Bar Examiners acknowledged the challenge of crafting a remedy that is both fair and preserves the integrity of the exam.In addition to adjusting scores, the committee is considering provisional licensing programs that would allow affected test takers to practice under supervision while awaiting full licensure. Final test results are due May 2, and the Supreme Court is expected to rule on the score change request by April 28. The committee will meet again on May 5 to consider further options.California bar seeks to reduce pass score after disastrous exam rollout | Reuters This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

 Wear an Easter LillyI did not think Easter is almost upon us. It has crept up on me. For Irish republicans Easter holds a special significance. It is synonymous with the 1916 Easter Rising and the heroism over a century ago of those who rose up against the British Empire and declared for a Republic. It is also a time when we remember all of those women and men – over countless generations – who gave their lives in pursuit of Irish sovereignty and independence.In the course of my activism I have travelled widely. I have visited many countries. Time and again I have been struck by the determination of nations to honour the patriots and freedom fighters who gave meaning to their desire for freedom and self-determination.Across the world there are countless memorials to those who fought in wars against colonialism. National ceremonies of remembrance are held. Buildings or lands and even prisons associated with struggles for freedom are protected and used as aids to teach young people the value of citizenship and the importance of freedom and democracy.Across this island and beyond there are many such monuments to Irish patriots. Next Sunday tens of thousands of people in towns, villages and cities, at country crossroads and at lonely hillside graveyards across the country, will gather for commemorations. They will gather also in Britain, Australia, Canada, the USA and many other places.Most will wear an Easter Lily. This is a symbol of our enduring commitment to the ideals of 1916 and of the Proclamation of the Republic and is a mark of respect for all those, from every generation, who paid with their lives in the cause of Irish freedom.  Micheál Martin and Moore St.Micheál Martin visited 14-17 Moore St. last week. Number 16 is where the leaders of the Rising held their last meeting before their execution. Numbers 14-17 are the planned location for a National Monument to those who fought in the 1916 Easter Rising and who evacuated to that street as the GPO was in flames. Martin's visit comes 12 years after he called for the "protection and enhancement" of Moore Street. It comes 19 years after the Fianna Fáil government of Bertie Ahern designated 14-17 Moore St. as a National Monument. During that time the buildings lay derelict and have fallen into a dangerous state of disrepairNow almost two decades later Martin takes an interest, on the cusp of Easter, in a site that his government has starved of funding. Moreover, Martin has backed the plan by the London based developer Hammerson to obliterate the Moore St. Battlefield site, including historic buildings that are part of that period.The rumour was that he was to make a public statement about this. Representatives of the Moore Street Preservation Trust were there to respond, including the grandson of James Connolly, James Connolly Heron. James presented An Taoiseach with the Trusts plan for a 1916 historic and Cultural Quarter. This encompasses the preservation, restoration and management of the Moore Street Battlefield Area, as designated by the High Court in 2016 “the lands, buildings, streets and lanes within an area including Moore Street, Henry Place, O'Rahilly Parade and Moore Lane, in which the 1916 Rising Volunteers travelled after evacuating the GPO”.  Two different Voices on UnitySpeaking of Micheál Martin, the Fianna Fáil leader was interviewed for the Belfast Telegraph last week. I was disappointed but not surprised by his assertion that he wasn't even thinking of a ‘border poll'. When pushed about the constitutional future of Ireland in 50 years-time he couldn't even bring himself to utter the words ‘united Ireland.' In the 15 years he has been leader of Fianna Fáil Martin has engaged in a deliberate strategy of obfuscation when it comes to unity. His current excuse for not pursu

I'm back with a new volume of standalone episodes on the history and politics of Irish republicanism! In this episode I talk to Pádraig Óg Ó Ruairc, author of Burn Them Out! a history of the Irish far right, recently published by Bloomsbury. Padraig has written several non-fiction books on the Irish revolutionary period, including bestselling The Disappeared, which explores all the forced disappearances arising from political violence in 20th-century Ireland, and Revolution, which was shortlisted for the 2011 Irish Book Awards. In November 2023, the Dublin riots shocked Ireland and the wider world. They were sparked by a knife attack by an immigrant on three children. Inflammatory online rumours spread in minutes. Part of the north inner city were wrecked, cars and buses torched, and protestors wreaked havoc on the streets for hours. Until very recently, Ireland had prided itself on having escaped the wave of far-right, xenophobic populism now rampant throughout Europe. That complacency has been rudely challenged. In Burn Them Out!, Pádraig Óg Ó Ruairc explores the long history that has led to this pivotal moment. He uncovers the pervasive anti-Semitism of the Irish political elite in the 1920s and 30s, the energetic efforts of Mosley and other British fascists to extend their movement to the North of Ireland, the IRA's alliance with Nazi Germany in the 40s and the many ultra-Catholic, anti-communist Irish movements that were millimetres away from fascism As is befitting the nature of this podcast we will be discussing the rise of the Irish far right and its history within the context of republican responses to fascism. From the Easter Rising through to the Troubles and the recent, disgraceful, cynical appropration of Irish republican aesthetics by the fascist far right.

(Part 2/2) On Easter Monday in 1916, Irish rebels read a proclamation of independence that sparked a week-long battle with the British army.Over the next six days, this new bloody frontier of the First World War unfolded and became known as the Easter Rising.How did the Irish rebels plan to take on the might of the British army? How did this pave the way for eventual Irish independence? And did the 1916 Rising spark the beginning of the end for the British Empire?In this second of two-parts, Anthony and Maddy talk to Dr. Conor Mulvagh, lecturer in Irish History at University College Dublin, about the dramatic events of 1916 Easter Rising and its aftermath.This episode was edited by Tom Delargy and produced by Stuart Beckwith. The senior producer was Charlotte Long.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe.  You can take part in our listener survey here.All music from Epidemic Sounds.After Dark: Myths, Misdeeds & the Paranormal is a History Hit podcast.

(Part 1/2) With Britain engaged in the First World War in Europe, Irish rebels sensed an opportunity.Irish revolutions had fought for independence from Britain in the past, would the Easter Rising be any different?In this first of two-parts, Anthony and Maddy talk to Dr. Conor Mulvagh, lecturer in Irish History at University College Dublin, about the dramatic events that lead to the 1916 Easter Rising.This episode was edited by Tom Delargy and produced by Stuart Beckwith. The senior producer was Charlotte Long.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe.  You can take part in our listener survey here.All music from Epidemic Sounds.After Dark: Myths, Misdeeds & the Paranormal is a History Hit podcast.

The Irish republicans who led the Easter Rising of 1916 are tried for treason by the British government, and sentenced to death. Some are so unwell they have to be tied to a chair to be killed, and the brutality of these executions turns the tide of public opinion in Ireland, increasing support for the Republican cause. The remaining revolutionaries are carted off to prisons and internment camps, where they come up with new ideas for the next fight for independence. The British press has misrepresented the Easter Rising as “The Sinn Féin Rebellion”, but this accidental branding gives the political party a newfound prominence, and its leaders seek to turn it into a national republican organisation. In 1918, during the first British general election where women can vote, Sinn Fein candidates win 73 seats in the Houses of Parliament. But they refuse to go to Westminster. They create their own parliament and declare themselves an independent Irish Republic. Meanwhile, the newly-named Irish Republican Army launches guerrilla attacks on the police force upholding British rule in Ireland. A new war of independence has begun… Listen as William and Anita are joined once again by Diarmaid Ferriter, author of A Nation Not A Rabble, to discuss the significance of the Irish War of Independence.  _____________ Empire UK Live Tour: The podcast is going on a UK tour! William and Anita will be live on stage in Glasgow, Birmingham, York and Bristol, discussing how the British Empire continues to shape our everyday lives. Tickets are on sale NOW, to buy yours head to empirepoduk.com. Empire Club: Become a member of the Empire Club to receive early access to miniseries, ad-free listening, early access to live show tickets, bonus episodes, book discounts, and a weekly newsletter! Head to empirepoduk.com to sign up. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk  Blue Sky: @empirepoduk  X: @empirepoduk goalhanger.com Assistant Producer: Becki Hills Producer: Anouska Lewis Senior Producer: Callum Hill Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The 1916 Easter Rising was a definitive moment in 20th-century Irish history. Its memory was evoked throughout The Troubles, with republicans wearing commemorative Easter Lily badges to honour the revolutionary martyrs that came before them.  On Easter Monday in 1916, amongst the backdrop of the ongoing First World War, Irish revolutionaries brought the anti-colonial struggle to Britain's doorstop.  Armed men and women stormed and seized important buildings across Dublin, and proclaimed the beginning of The Irish Republic. From the steps of the General Post Office, Patrick Pearse read the proclamation of independence that would be referred back to for generations. As the leaders of the revolution faced their tragic fate, we trace the journeys of three rebels who escaped execution: a countess with a pistol, a maths-teacher-turned-military-commander, and a young man from Cork who will soon oversee a guerrilla war campaign as the revolution is reborn…  Listen as Anita and William are joined by Diarmaid Ferriter, author of A Nation Not A Rabble, to discuss the impact of the Easter Rising.  _____________ Empire UK Live Tour: The podcast is going on a UK tour! William and Anita will be live on stage in Glasgow, Birmingham, York and Bristol, discussing how the British Empire continues to shape our everyday lives. Tickets are on sale NOW, to buy yours head to empirepoduk.com. Empire Club: Become a member of the Empire Club to receive early access to miniseries, ad-free listening, early access to live show tickets, bonus episodes, book discounts, and a weekly newsletter! Head to empirepoduk.com to sign up. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk  Blue Sky: @empirepoduk  X: @empirepoduk goalhanger.com Assistant Producer: Becki Hills Producer: Anouska Lewis Senior Producer: Callum Hill Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this episode we cover subjects from how the British and Commonwealth soldier named the 'Battle of the Somme' in 1916 to how Irish soldiers on the front line in France thought about the Easter Rising in Dublin in April 1916, to the flooding of the Yser Plain in 1914 and how infantry signallers went over the top in the Great War.Got a question about this episode or any others? Drop your question into the Old Front Line Discord Server or email the podcast.Send us a textSupport the show

Luke Whitty, a singer/songwriter from Wexford, is set to release his latest original single, "Tiss the year 1916," on 14th March 2025. The song, an Irish ballad, tells the poignant story of a soldier's final reflections during the 1916 Easter Rising.

Join Lorcan Collins as he examines the life of Thomas James Clarke, revolutionary, Fenian, signatory of the Proclamation and mastermind of the 1916 Easter Rising.

Let's hope for something galoptious when all's said and done.Topics in this episode include the lestrygonian feast in the Burton, masculinity and meat eating, societal paralysis, Bloom's plan to feed the masses, Bloom's memories of working in the cattle market, the importance of cattle to the Irish economy, the horror that is dicky meat, the violence of the cattle trade, the carnivore diet, Bloom's performative masculinity, Bloom's political moderateness, class horror, Padraic Pearse and the Easter Rising, Æ's political decline, and the problem of pacifism.Support us on Patreon to access episodes early, bonus content, and a video version of our podcast.On the Blog:Rawhead and Bloody Bones in the BurtonBlooms & Barnacles Social Media:Facebook | Twitter | InstagramSubscribe to Blooms & Barnacles:Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube

The 1916 Easter Rising was organised by a tiny group of conspirators. They were the Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood - a small, oath bound organisation dedicated to achieving an Irish Republic by any means necessary, including violent insurrection. Despite the impact of the Rising, the IRB was eclipsed in history by the IRA and faded away in less than 10 years. Ciarán Dunbar is joined by John O'Beirne Ranelagh, author of ‘The Irish Republican Brotherhood, 1914-1924'. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Summary Michael Collins joins Andrew to discuss the National Intelligence Council. Michael is the NIC's current acting chair.  What You'll Learn Intelligence The role of the National Intelligence Council National Intelligence Officers and their work around the world The products of the NIC, including the Annual Threat Assessment The importance of Intelligence Diplomacy and objective analysis  Reflections The power of collaboration Staying grounded and optimistic And much, much more … Quotes of the Week “In the analytic product, the first paragraph says: Here's the bad thing. Second paragraph says: This is what the bad thing means for the United States. Third paragraph is: What can be done to stop the bad thing, or more importantly, to identify an opportunity. I have to be optimistic. If I weren't, I wouldn't be in this job.” – Michael Collins. Resources  SURFACE SKIM *SpyCasts* Telling Americans About China (and Intelligence) with Sara Castro (2024) CIA Director, Defense Secretary, Gentleman with Leon Panetta (2024) The Past 75 Years with Historian of the CIA Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones (2022) The National Intelligence University with its President Scott Cameron (2022) *Beginner Resources* America's Intelligence Community, Explained, Washington Post, YouTube (2014) [2 min. video] What is Intelligence Analysis and Why is It So Important? National American University (n.d.) [Short article] Members of the IC, Office of the Director of National Intelligence (n.d.) [List of agencies] DEEPER DIVE Primary Sources  2024 Annual Threat Assessment (2024)  IC OSINT Strategy 2024-2026 (2024)  2023 National Intelligence Strategy (2023) Updated Assessment of Anomalous Health Incidents (2023) Global Trends 2040 (2021) National Intelligence Estimates on Climate Change (2021) *Wildcard Resource* This week's guest shares a name with another intelligence professional: Michael Collins (1890-1922), a prominent leader of Irish independence.  You may remember this Michael Collins from his involvement in the 1916 Easter Rising, but did you know he was also the Director of Intelligence for the Irish Republican Army? Check out some of “The Squad's” spy gadgets and artifacts here.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The history of the British Empire is littered with horrendous crimes. From the partitions of India and Ireland, to the suppression of the Mau Mau uprising, to the violent Jallianwala Bagh massacre, to its murderous role in the Easter Rising and Bloody Sunday; it is impossible to mention all the brutalities of British imperialism. Many brave anti-imperialists have fought and died for the cause of expelling British imperialism from their countries. It is our duty to learn from this history. Despite this, the legacy of the British Empire lives on, as does British Imperialism, though in a degenerate and pathetic form. Today, many previous colonies are still struggling to break free from the economic and political backwardness imposed upon them by the British state. In this episode, Sarah Vedrovich will discuss the rise and fall of the British Empire and the heroic attempts to fight back against British forces, opening up the arsenal of historical lessons which must be absorbed if we are to overthrow imperialism and capitalism today.

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Am 24. April 1916 ruft Patrick Pearse am Hauptpostamt die Unabhängigkeit Irlands aus, bevor er sich mit insgesamt 1.250 Frauen und Männer auf den Kampf mit den Regierungstruppen vorbereitet. Die jahrelange Unterdrückung sind die Rebellen satt. Sie wollen gewaltsam gegen die britische Oberherrschaft vorgehen und das, obwohl mit dem "Home-Rule-Gesetz" eine Selbstregierung auf dem friedlichen Weg in Aussicht steht. Weniger als eine Woche später ist der Aufstand zu Ende und alles verloren. Dublin liegt in Schutt und Asche und die Rebellen werden festgenommen oder hingerichtet. Nichts, aber auch rein gar nichts deutet zunächst daraufhin, dass die nationalistisch-republikanische Bewegung sich bald vom Mythos des Osteraufstands ernähren wird, um Irland in die Unabhängigkeit zu führen...Das Folgenbild zeigt das zerstörte Hauptpostamt in Dublin nach dem Aufstand im April 1916........QUIZHier gehts zum Quiz mit Gewinnspiel! Quiz2Go#9 - Geschichtsquiz zum Mitraten.......WERBUNGDu willst dir die Rabatte unserer Werbepartner sichern? Hier geht's zu den Angeboten!.......Jetzt His2Go unterstützen für tolle Vorteile, über Acast+ oder Steady.Werde His2Go Hero oder His2Go Legend: https://plus.acast.com/s/his2go-geschichte-podcast.Werde auch ohne Kreditkarte His2Go Hero oder His2Go Legend: steadyhq.com/his2go.........LITERATURDe Rosa, Peter: Rebellen des Glaubens. Der irische Freiheitskampf 1916, 1991.Hartmann, Antje: Osteraufstand und Bürgerkrieg. Die irische Revolution in Geschichte und Literatur, 2003.Maurer, Michael: Geschichte Irlands, Ditzingen 2019.Stuchtey, Benedikt: Geschichte Irlands, München 2012..........UNTERSTÜTZUNGIhr könnt uns dabei unterstützen, weiterhin jeden 10., 20. und 30. des Monats eine Folge zu veröffentlichen!Folgt und bewertet uns bei Spotify, Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, Podimo, Instagram, Twitter oder über eure Lieblings-Podcastplattformen.Wir freuen uns über euer Feedback, Input und Vorschläge zum Podcast, die ihr uns über das Kontaktformular auf der Website, Instagram und unsere Feedback E-Mail: kontakt@his2go.de schicken könnt. An dieser Stelle nochmals vielen Dank an jede einzelne Rückmeldung, die uns bisher erreicht hat und uns sehr motiviert..........COPYRIGHTMusic from https://filmmusic.io: “Sneaky Snitch” by Kevin MacLeod and "Plain Loafer" by Kevin MacLeod (https://incompetech.com) License: CC BY !Neu! Jetzt hier His2Go unterstützen, Themen mitbestimmen und Quiz2Go mit Moderatorin Chiara erleben! https://plus.acast.com/s/his2go-geschichte-podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This Day in Legal History: Republic of Ireland ActOn April 18, 1949, a significant transformation in Ireland's political and legal landscape occurred with the enactment of the Republic of Ireland Act. This pivotal legislation marked the culmination of Ireland's progressive move towards full sovereignty, severing the last formal ties with the British monarchy. Previously, the Executive Authority Act had designated the King of England as the head of state in Ireland, a symbolic vestige of the colonial relationship that had long influenced Irish governance.The Republic of Ireland Act, passed by the Irish parliament, Dáil Éireann, in 1948, came into effect on Easter Monday, 1949, resonating symbolically with the 1916 Easter Rising, a key event in Ireland's struggle for independence. By declaring Ireland a republic, the Act definitively removed the role of the British monarch in Irish affairs and also led to Ireland's exit from the British Commonwealth. This move was both a statement of national identity and a reflection of Ireland's desire for complete self-governance.The Act also had profound implications for the legal system in Ireland. It entailed the establishment of a presidential office, replacing the governor-general, a representative of the crown. The first President of Ireland, Douglas Hyde, thus assumed a role that was more clearly defined in terms of national rather than imperial allegiance. Furthermore, the Act necessitated adjustments in the Irish constitution and prompted a series of legislative revisions to align national law with the newly affirmed republic status.Internationally, the Republic of Ireland Act altered Ireland's position on the world stage, allowing it to establish and maintain foreign relations as a fully sovereign state. It represented a shift towards non-alignment and neutrality in international affairs, a stance that Ireland has maintained since.The enactment of the Republic of Ireland Act was met with mixed reactions. While it was a moment of patriotic pride for many, symbolizing a definitive break from colonial rule, it also provoked concerns among unionists in Northern Ireland, exacerbating tensions that were already present.Today, the Republic of Ireland Act remains a cornerstone of Irish constitutional law and a testament to Ireland's enduring commitment to self-determination and independence. Its anniversary serves as a reminder of the long and often tumultuous path to establishing a republic that stands as an equal on the international stage.The criminal trial of former U.S. President Donald Trump in New York faced a significant development when a juror was excused after expressing feelings of intimidation due to her identity being partially exposed by the media. This incident highlights the intense scrutiny and pressures surrounding this high-profile case, which marks the first criminal trial of a former U.S. president. The judge, Justice Juan Merchan, took steps to protect jurors' anonymity and issued a partial gag order on Trump following his criticism of court officials and witnesses.The trial centers on allegations that Trump falsified business records to conceal hush money payments to porn star Stormy Daniels before the 2016 presidential election. Trump, who is concurrently facing three other criminal prosecutions, has pleaded not guilty to 34 felony counts in the Manhattan case. His legal team argues that no willful violations of the gag order have occurred, despite accusations from prosecutors of repeated breaches by Trump, particularly on social media.The jury selection process reveals the polarized opinions about Trump, complicating the search for unbiased jurors in heavily Democratic Manhattan. The trial's outcome holds significant political stakes, with a Reuters/Ipsos poll indicating that a conviction could sway voters' opinions in the upcoming election. As the trial proceeds, the focus is on forming a complete jury, with opening statements anticipated next week if the jury is fully seated. The entire trial is expected to last six to eight weeks, potentially concluding before the November presidential election.Trump hush money trial loses juror who felt intimidated, judge says | ReutersA federal appeals court has ruled that U.S. Circuit Judge Don Willett does not need to recuse himself from a case involving a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) rule that caps credit card late fees, despite his son owning stock in Citigroup. The ruling came after concerns were raised about a potential conflict of interest given Citigroup's stake in the outcome of the case, as the company is significantly involved in the credit card industry and is a member of the groups challenging the CFPB's rule.The issue surfaced when Politico reported on Willett's financial interest following a court decision he authored, which moved the case from Texas to Washington, D.C. In response, Willett disclosed that the contested stock was part of his son's education savings account, valued around $2,000. The Judicial Conference's Committee on Codes of Conduct, after reviewing the matter, advised that the connection to Citigroup's performance in the stock market was too indirect to necessitate Willett's recusal.The committee's opinion, authored by U.S. District Judge Gerald McHugh, emphasized that the potential effect on Citigroup's stock was speculative and did not directly impact Willett's impartiality in the case. The CFPB rule at the heart of the case seeks to limit what it terms "excessive" late fees charged by credit card issuers, which reportedly cost consumers approximately $12 billion annually. It mandates that issuers with over a million accounts can charge no more than $8 for late payments unless they justify higher fees. This significant reduction from the previously allowed fees aims to curb financial burdens on consumers. The legal battle continues as part of broader discussions about regulatory oversight and consumer rights within the financial sector.US judge in credit card fee rule case doesn't have to recuse, panel says | ReutersCorizon Health Inc., a distressed prison health-care company, has utilized a controversial bankruptcy strategy known as the Texas Two-Step, affecting inmates who face legal challenges due to limited access to resources. This maneuver involves spinning off liabilities to a new entity, Tehum Care Services Inc., which then filed for bankruptcy, impacting hundreds of inmates with pending personal injury claims. These inmates are now in a precarious position as they await Tehum's decision on how to handle their claims, further complicated by their confinement and limited legal knowledge.A recent judicial decision underscored the challenges faced by these inmates; a judge rejected a proposed $54 million settlement for medical malpractice claims, noting that it was unclear if the affected inmates were even aware of the settlement. This situation highlights the broader issue of inmates' difficulty in accessing timely and accurate legal information, a problem exacerbated by their reliance on the prison's mail system, which is notoriously slow and unreliable.Additionally, the case brings attention to the broader implications of such bankruptcy strategies on the prison health-care sector. If Tehum's strategy succeeds, it might set a precedent for other troubled medical providers to follow suit, potentially affecting more inmates. Critics argue that approving such settlements without proper consent from all parties involved is unfair and deprives inmates of their rights to seek further legal recourse.The case also reflects the systemic issues within prison healthcare services, as other companies like Armor Health Management LLC and YesCare Corp face similar challenges with legal claims and financial instability. The ongoing legal battles and the potential setting of a precedent with Tehum's bankruptcy case highlight the urgent need for reforms in how medical care and legal issues are handled in the prison system, ensuring fair treatment and access to justice for incarcerated individuals.Prison Health Company Bankruptcy Poses Unique Hurdles to InmatesA Texas federal jury has determined that Samsung Electronics must pay $142 million to G+ Communications for infringing on G+ patents related to 5G wireless technology used in Samsung's Galaxy smartphones. The jury specified the compensation amounts as $61 million for one patent and $81 million for another. This verdict follows a retrial on damages ordered by Chief U.S. District Judge Rodney Gilstrap, who questioned the clarity of the previous $67.5 million award given in January, debating whether it should be a lump sum or a running royalty.The lawsuit was initiated by G+ in 2022, accusing Samsung of using its patented technology in 5G-capable Galaxy phones without obtaining the necessary licenses. G+ holds patents that have been recognized as essential for meeting international 5G standards. In defense, Samsung contested the validity of these patents and argued that G+ had not offered licensing terms that were fair and reasonable as required by standards organizations.The case underscores ongoing legal battles over patent rights in the rapidly advancing field of 5G technology, highlighting the significant financial stakes involved. The outcome of this case could have broader implications for technology companies and the enforcement of standard-essential patents. This verdict marks a notable development in intellectual property law, especially concerning the telecommunications industry.Samsung owes $142 mln in wireless patent case, jury says | Reuters Get full access to Minimum Competence - Daily Legal News Podcast at www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

We continue our story of the history of Ireland, exploring the Easter Rising, the Irish Free State, the Troubles, and finally, independence. But the story doesn't end with independence... is reunification possible by the end of the decade?  

Special Rapporteur criticises Irish government on GazaFifteen years ago this month I led a Sinn Féin delegation on a visit to the occupied Palestinian territories. Our visit took place seven weeks after Israel's assault on Gaza between 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009. In that attack Israeli forces killed 1400 Palestinians, including more than 400 children and injured thousands more. Schools and hospitals and infrastructure were also targeted. Our delegation was impressed by the resilience of those we met and especially by the medical staff who were working hard to provide a health service, despite Israeli restrictions on medicines and spare parts for radiation and other medical equipment.Lá Breithe Áras Uí ChonghaileÁras Uí Chonghaile, the James Connolly Visitor Centre, on the Falls Road celebrated its fifth birthday at Easter.  Located in the very heart of West Belfast's Gaeltacht Quarter it was opened five years ago by Uachtarán na hÉireann Michael D Higgins and Labour and Trade Union leaders from Ireland, the USA, Canada, England, Wales and Scotland.I frequently visit the Áras, as it is affectionately known. It celebrates the life and times of Labour leader James Connolly who was executed by the British for his part in the 1916 Easter Rising. It commemorates the key role he played in the struggle for workers rights, the Labour movement and Irish freedom.

Episode Summary This week on Live Like the World is Dying, Margaret and Dean talk about the ways that mutual aid helps communities prepare for disasters that are already here and disasters that have yet to come. Guest Info Dean Spade is an American lawyer, writer, trans activist, and associate professor of law at Seattle University School of Law. You can find Dean's work at Deanspade.net, and you can read the article that Margaret and Dean talk about, "Climate Disaster is Here--And the State Will Never Save Us" on inthesetimes.com. You can also find Dean on Twitter @deanspade or on IG @spade.dean. Host Info Margaret (she/they) can be found on twitter @magpiekilljoy or instagram at @margaretkilljoy. Publisher Info This show is published by Strangers in A Tangled Wilderness. We can be found at www.tangledwilderness.org, or on Twitter @TangledWild and Instagram @Tangled_Wilderness. You can support the show on Patreon at www.patreon.com/strangersinatangledwilderness. Transcript Live Like the World is Dying: Dean Spade on Mutual Aid as Preparedness **Margaret ** 00:24 Hello and welcome to Live Live the World is Dying, your podcast for what feels like the end times. I'm your host today Margaret Killjoy. And today, I'm gonna be talking to Dean Spade, and we're gonna talk about so much stuff. We're gonna talk about so much stuff that this is going to be a two parter. So you can hear me talk with Dean this week and you can hear me talk with Dean next week. Or, if you're listening to this in some far-flung future, you can listen to it both at once in between dodging laser guns from mutants that have come out of the scrap yards, riding dinosaurs. I hope that's the future, or at least it wouldn't be boring. This podcast is a proud member of the Channel Zero Network of anarchist podcasts, and here's a jingle from another show on the network. **Margaret ** 01:53 Okay, we're back. So if you could introduce yourself with I guess your name, your pronouns, and then maybe a little bit about how you ended up doing the kind of work that led you to be on this show talking about mutual aid and collapse and preparedness? **Dean ** 02:10 Totally. Yeah, I'm Dean, I use he/him. And we could start anywhere. I became politicized primarily, like in the late 90s, living in New York City. You know, Rudy Giuliani was mayor/ There was a really vibrant, like very multi-issue, cross-class, multiracial kind of resistance happening to his range of anti-poor pro-police politics happening in the city; people, you know, in the fight around immigrant rights, in the fight around labor, sex workers being zoned out of Time Square. You know, there was just. . .it was a real moment. And I was part of queer nightlife. And people were experiencing a lot of intense policing. And a lot of us were part of work related to, you know, things that had spun off of Act Up, like a lot of direct support to people who were living with HIV and AIDS and trying to get through the New York City welfare processes, and dealing with housing. So a lot of mutual aid in that work from the get, and a lot of work related to that overlap between criminalization and poverty, from a queer, trans, feminist perspective. And that work was also tied into like, very, you know. . . a broader perspective. Like a lot of people were tied to the liberation of Puerto Rico, and the fight against the US Navy bombing Vieques, people were tied into the fight around Palestine. So it was very local--hyperlocal--New York City work, but it was very international because New York City is a very international place, and those politics were very international. So that really shaped me in a lot of ways. And I went from there to becoming a poverty lawyer and focusing on doing Poverty Law for trans people, you know, really focused on people in jails and prisons and welfare systems and immigration proceedings and foster care and stuff like that; homeless shelters. I did that for a number of years, and then increasingly felt like I. . . I just felt the real limits of doing that work as a lawyer and really prefer unpaid organizing and not being do not doing that to kind of the nonprofit and sort of like social services, legal services frame. And so my job, for now 15 years, has been that I'm a law professor. It's like a really great job that's not like. . . you know, it's not a nine to five, and that's wonderful. You don't have a boss really, and things like that. And so I teach to kind of pay my bills and what my life is really about is, you know, a lot of. . . it's been a lot of local abolitionist stuff. Like, you know, site fights around different jails and other facilities or police stations or whatever and mutual aid work and, you know, tied in for years with various aspects of like Palestine movement, especially around trying to push back against pinkwashing. And like writing stuff and making media and collaborating with artists and and, yeah. So, that's like that's that same. . .I've always think I've stayed the same, but also, I think my ideas have changed a lot over time. I've gravitated more towards anarchist or anti-state thought. And thinking a lot more in recent years about the ecological crisis and collapse and just kind of like what that means for the tactics and strategies we're all engaged in kind of all these different movements spaces. **Margaret ** 05:41 I think that that's probably--that last point--is kind of the core of what I want to ask you about and talk to you about, because while you were talking, I was thinking about how like, you know, all of these things that you're talking about--the activism you're doing in New York, for example==I mean, it's all preparedness, right? Like us, helping each other out is being. . . like, aware of actual threats and working to mitigate them? And that's what preparedness is for me, right? And, I actually think activism is a very good, solid place to come from for preparedness, right? I'd rather have a bunch of activists and organizers around me than specifically people who like, know how to skin squirrels. I like people who can do both to be honest, but you know, as compared to the traditional assumption of what a prepper or someone who's involved in preparedness, what their background would be. But I also. . .okay, so it's like I want one, I kind of wanna talk about the activist-preparedness pipeline. But the thing that I'm really excited to talk to you about is kind of the opposite, is the thing that you just brought up. What does awareness of ecological crisis do to our activism? What does it do to how we make decisions around what to prioritize? How to live? Like, for me, the thing that started this show was that I was like, "I'm very aware of this coming ecological crisis. I feel a little bit distant from other people because I feel a little bit like I'm running around screaming, 'the sky is falling.' Because I could see it and I don't understand why no one else can see it," you know? And it was basically like, how does this inform the decisions we make? Right? Which is where the title sort of literally comes from. But I think you've done a lot of work around this, around how awareness of ecological crisis impacts how we choose to be activists. And I'm wondering if you could talk about how it's impacted you or how you've learned to help communicate this to people. Right, because that's one of the biggest scary things is how do we not Chicken Little while needing to Chicken Little? You know, we need a little bit of Chicken Little--a little. Yeah, okay. I'm done. **Dean ** 08:05 I want to come back to the pipeline later. Let's remember to do that. But one thing that your question brings up for me also is just, I just want to talk--and I'm curious about your experiences of this--I want to be real about how much denial there is like. And I think this is really interesting. Like, I find an extreme amount of denial about the level of the crisis, even amongst people I know who are incredibly radical and spent their lives trying to end denial around other things they care about. Like we spent our lives trying to be like, "Look what's happening in prisons and jails in our society," or "Look at what poverty is," or "Look at what the war machine is." But then when it comes to like, "Hey, y'all, I think that, like, collapse is nigh, and that might affect our strategies." People are like, "I don't want to hear about that." Literally, "Don't talk to me about that," because it's so scary, and there's so much stress. And then I get like a certain set of like really common denial reactions like, "Well, the world has ended before." And it's like, yes, every time colonialism is happening a world, a way of life, a way people have been together is ending. Absolutely. And there is something unique and specific about this particular mass extinction event. And it's okay to say. . . it doesn't mean that those things didn't happen or aren't happening. But they're. . .but that feels to me like sometimes a phrase people use that's just like, "I don't want to think about this anymore." I'm like, let's think about that and this because actually, they're all happening together. Right? Like, obviously, colonization is ongoing and it determines who is feeling the heat fastest, you know? That, I get that one a lot or I get like, "Well, humans are bad and maybe the world should just end," kind of thing. Like, let's hasten it, or like, you know, maybe not, "Let's hasten it," but like, you know, that feels really messed up to me. That feels like skipping over and denying how much meaningful suffering we want to acknowledge and recognize and also try to prevent, and it ignores the fact that not all humans have made this happen. Actually, most humans who ever existed have fought against extraction and states and wars, and it's like just elites running state formations that have made this happen. Like that feels really not right and unjust, that kind of frame. I just get a lot of autopilot denial statements from people when I try to talk about this, that are from people like who I love and who really share my other values. And I'm just like, what's going on? How can I get people to talk with me about this in a way that's not--I'm not trying to just kick up fear and terror. And also, it's probably reasonable to feel fear and try to hold that with each other, because that's a reasonable response to the fact that I'm. . .I feel very certain that my life will end earlier than it likely would have ended because of the collapse of systems that I rely on--all of which are like terrible systems of extraction that I wish I didn't rely on to live, but I do. Like, I want to talk about that with people I love. And, you know, I think it makes such a big difference in our political movements because we're so often in conversations that are about unrealistic timelines of change by trying to persuade people, trying to. . . you know, let's persuade Congress, let's persuade. . . like, I don't know, these are kind of moral persuasion, long-term frameworks for transformative change that are dubious on many levels but also are just really unrealistic with what we're staring down the barrel of. So to me, potentially, awareness of the level of crisis that's happening, would allow us to be very humble and pragmatic about immediate needs and preparation, as opposed to being invested in.... One other thing I'll say about denial is I think one of the things that produces so much of this denial is there's so much fake good news about climate. It's like "This person is developing this cool thing to put in the ocean," or it's all tech-based and it's like tech is gonna save us somehow. And it's those kinds of, "I feel good because I read one good thing about how one species is on the rebound." That is a whole news machine telling us not to be worried and also that experts have an under control, and someone else is going to fix it. And don't look around at the actual overwhelming evidence of, again, living through another hottest year on record, you know? And so I guess I'm just--I'm sorry I'm all over the place--but I just, I really feel strongly about what would it take for the people in our communities who are so. . .who dedicate our lives to reducing suffering of all living beings, to let ourselves know more about what's happening, and see how that would restructure some of our approaches to what we want to do with this next five years, you know? **Margaret ** 12:50 I think that that's such a. . .it's such a good point because one of the things that we. . .one of the mainstream narratives around climate change--you know, I mean, obviously, the right-wing narrative is  that it's not happening--and then the liberal narrative--and it's the narrative that we easily fall into, even as radicals and progressives and anarchists an ect--Is that, "Hey, did you know that we're in trouble by 2050?" You know, and we're like, "We better get our shit together in the next 30 years." And I'm like, "I'm gonna be dead 30 years from now and not of old age." You know? And, I, maybe I'm wrong. I hope I'm wrong. I'm often wrong about this kind of thing, right? But I need to take into consideration the very likely possibility that that is going to happen. And I need to--and there's certain things that I can do to like mitigate the dangers that I'm facing--but overall, it's the same thing that you do by being born, where you're like, "Well, I'm going to die," right? And so you're like, I need to make decisions based on the fact that I'm gonna die one day. And so I need to choose what's important to me and, like, do my YOLO shit. I don't think anyone says YOLO anymore. But, you know, I need to, act like I know that I might die at any moment and make my decisions based on that. And people are like, "Yeah, by 2045 It's gonna be so much trouble." And I'm like, "2030." You know, this year, last year, two years ago, COVID," you know? And we just need to take it into consideration. All of these things that you're bringing up is a really interesting me. I took a bunch of different notes. I'm going to talk--I'm going to also kind of scattershot it. And one of the things that came up recently, we do a This Month in the Apocalypse and we do a This Year in the Apocalypse or "last year in the apocalypse," and the last year we did Last Year of the Apocalypse-- whatever the episode we did recently about last year--you know, we got some feedback where people were like, "Y'all were a little bit more cynical and doom and gloom than you usually manage," and it's true. And I try actually fairly hard with the show, because if you're completely doom and gloom all of the time, it's pretty natural to just shut down and eat cookies and wait for the end or whatever, right? And that's like, not what I want to promote. But on some level, I'm reaching the point where I'm like, "Yeah, no, this is. . . it's bad. The asteroid's right there. We can see it. It's coming. We need to act like that's happening, you know? And there's only so many times and ways you can say that. But the thing I.... Okay, one of the things I really like about what you brought up, is what that timeline does. In some ways it disrupts--including radical projects, right--like, one of my projects is social change and cultural change and one of my projects is to help people--and especially next generations of people--operate in a more egalitarian way, you know, in my mind a more anarchic way but whatever. I honestly don't give all that much of a shit about labels with this, you know? And that's like, a lot of my work, right? And then I'm like, I wonder how much that matters? You know, right now. And I wonder how much--and I think it does in kind of an.... I think this comes from the Quran, "If the world were ending tomorrow, I would plant a tree today." You know? I always saw it as like the cool activist slogan. And then eventually, it was like, "Oh, that, I think that's a Quranic slogan." And that's cool. And so as an anarchist that influences my thinking, right? About like,, okay, this slow cultural work has a point but isn't necessarily what we're going to do to save us--as much as "saving" happens. But it also really disrupts--and I think this is what you kind of mentioned--it's really interesting how much it disrupts the liberal perspective of this. And I remember having this conversation--I don't want to out this person as a liberal, [a person] that I love dearly [and is] an important part of my life, is very much a liberal--and when we're talking about, "Oh, I wish we would have a green New Deal, but it just, it won't happen. There's no way it'll get through Congress." And so at that, this person throws up their hands, they're like, "Well, what would save us is a green New Deal and it's not going to happen. So okay." And it's just, to me, it's like, well then what? You know? And you get into this place. And I think overall, I think anarchists and some other folks have been kind of aware of this for a while, where revolution is actually less of a long shot than electoral change on something that has a timeline, like mitigating the worst effects of climate change. And revolution is a shit fucking record, just an absolute garbage record. But it happens faster--but electoral change also as a garbage record and is slow as shit. **Dean ** 18:04 Yeah, and also, if everything's falling apart.... So like, I think that the systems that we live under, like the food system and the energy system in particular, are, you know, I think we saw this with COVID, the supply chains breaking down really quickly. Like the whole global supply chain is already like a shoe-strung, ramshackle, broken, messy, really violent thing and it falls apart--it's barely patched together--and it falls apart quickly when it's disrupted. And there's no reason to think we wouldn't have more pandemics soon. And there's no reason to think we won't have other major disasters, both resulting from political stuff and from ecological stuff and from economic access. So, if we know that the things we live under are falling apart, it's not like. . . It's like it's not even like a revolution like some people topple something. It's like things are just cracking, toppling unevenly across space and time across regions. And how do we want to be thinking about our lives? I like that you brought up that "YOLO," sharpens your own priorities, like who do I want to be near? What do I want? Who do I want to be with? How do I? What kind of person...skills would I like to have when that comes up? This relates to the kind of activist-prepper pipeline thing. Like, learning how to facilitate a meeting with a lot of people who are different from each other is really useful. Like my beloved, beloved, dear friend lived through Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico. She lived in a really big apartment building that's part of a complex of two really big apartment buildings. And she was like, "The thing I really wish I'd known how to do would be to facilitate a great meeting for that many people--even if everyone didn't come." People were already supporting elders in the building, trying to help each other in every way possible, but she wished there had been big meetings to help facilitate that more. So those kinds of skills, knowing how to help people share stuff, knowing how to help deescalate conflict, knowing how to...what to do when intense men are trying to take things over, you know, and knowing how to organize around that. These are things that a lot of activists who are in any number of movements know how to do. So like knowing those skills and then also knowing it's going to actually be really...like it's going to be really local. There's going to be a level of just like, "Do people have stored water on my block? How much? What stored water do we have to share? If I get more people on my block to store more water now, then when the water stops flowing we'll have more water on the block." I think a lot about something you said in one of your episodes about how it's more important to have a tourniquet than a gun. Like just things that you can share. Partly, it's like, if more people are carrying tourniquets or Narcan or any of the things we know are about how I'm then a person who doesn't need that and I'm a person who could share it. So just that aspect of preparation, that's already what works. You know, we already live in a bunch of crises. Like, lots of our community members are in prison, people are living outside. Like, we live with so much crisis. We already kind of--if you're working on those things, you know a bit about what that's like, what you want to have in your bag, what kind of things would prepare you for the fight that's likely to break out or emotional crisis people are likely to be about to fall into or whatever. So I feel like that kind of thinking, it's like when we get to this level of awareness about the crises we live in and we're like, "It's not 2050. It's already happening/it's the next pandemic, which could be much a worse pandemic and start any day now. Or it's the next storm coming to where I live or fire or smoke," or whatever. Like when we accept that more, which is like this whole difficult process about accepting our own mortality, accepting that things change, accepting. . . ridding ourselves of like, nationalism that tells us the United States is forever and will always be like this, you know, all these illusions are like so deep in us, like when we do that, it just clarifies what this short, precious life is about. You know what I mean? It gives us a chance--and there's a lot of heartbreak. It's like, wow, I won't be with all the people I love who live all over the country or all over the world when this happens. I don't know when this is happening. I don't know how it's gonna unfold. There's so much powerlessness. And, what are the immediate things I want to do about appreciating my life right now and setting things up as to the extent that I can--I mean I can't prepare to prevent it--but I can be like, "Yeah, I'm gonna store some water," or "Yeah, I would rather live closer to this person," or whatever it is, you know? I feel like people deserve a chance to ask those questions of ourselves and then, politically, to stop doing tactics that are based on a lie, that things are going to stay this way forever or even for a while. Because that feels like. . . I'm like, I want to stop wasting our beloved, precious time, you know, on shit that's too. . . It's on a timeline that's not real. You know? **Margaret ** 22:45 I wonder if it's like. . .To me--I don't talk much about my romantic life on the podcast, but I'm polyamorous--and one of the things that distinguishes a partner versus a sweetie is that I make my life plans incorporating partners, you know? Not necessarily like, oh, we're gonna live together or whatever. But they're like, these are the people that I like, from a romantic point of view, and being like, I am going to make my decisions absolutely, including these people. It's like we need to date the apocalypse. We need to just accept that the apocalypse is our partner. Like, we need to make our decisions incorporating the uncertainty and. . . the uncertainty about what's to happen, and the likelihood that what is coming is very different than what is currently--or certainly than what was 10 years ago. I mean, even like. . . I don't know, talking to my friends who I've been friends with for 10-20 years, I'm like, we'll talk about 10 years ago and we'll be like, "That was a different world politically," right? It was just a completely fundamentally different world. And, you know, the future is going to be really different. And that is, you know.... For me, the biggest decision I made was around preparedness--and everyone has a different relationship with their families--I moved a lot closer to my family. I moved within one tank of gas to my family and back. And, you know, that is the single biggest step that I took in terms of my preparedness, and you know, that's far more important to me than the, probably, about nine months' worth of food, my basement. But, you know, I live in the mountains and have a lot of storage. **Dean ** 24:41 Yeah, I think there's a piece of this about getting to divest. Like, I mean, so much of what liberalism is and what nationalism is, is it tells us that if you're mad about what's happening, where you live, you should appeal to the people who govern you and you should further invest in their system and show up and participate in it. And maybe you should even run for office. It's all about going towards, because that thing is going to deliver you what you want or not depending on how well you appeal to it. And when we're like "That thing," you know, "first of all is rotten and is never going to deliver us anything but war and destruction and that's what it was made for. That's what it does." But also, like, even those of us who know that, even though those were like, "Yeah, I hate the United States. I'm not trying to improve it or fix it or make it into a wonderful.... Even those, we still, you know, we're still very invested. Like, you know, I have a really mainstream job or there's people I know, who want to own a home, all these things that we've been told will make us safe, it turns out they won't? It turns out already they didn't and haven't for lots of people for lots of reasons for lots of times, you know? See 2008 crash, see, you know, hurricanes did taking out all-Black property and displace Black people. All the things. All the uneven, horrible, terrible violences of Capitalism and crisis. But it's really a dead end. You know, when people ask me all the time about going to grad school and I'm like, "I don't know, do you want to spend the last--possibly the last-- few years of your life doing that? Will you enjoy it? Like will it let you do art and activism and whatever else you want or will it be a slog that you're just putting in this time because you think in 10 years, you'll have the job you want? In which case, no. Like for me that kind of invitation to divest from things that I don't really want or believe in any way or to really be like, ?Why am I saying yes to this? Why am I saying no to that?" is one of the liberating aspects of accepting how dire things are that I want people to get to have. Because it's about letting go of stuff that doesn't work and that was never going to work, but like really, really, really. . . Like the Green New Deal. Like if I dedicate my life to passing and Green New Deal and Medicare for all in this political climate with this time, like, it's not gonna happen, you know? And even I think many people who are liberals know that, but it's like, what would happen? Like, do I really? Do I want to produce my own abortion drugs and hormones for my community out of my basement? Do I want to. . . Like, what do I want to do that is immediate support to people I love and care about instead of deferred, you know, wellness, "hopefully,"--if we can convince elites? **Margaret ** 27:19 I like that idea. And I'm going to think about that more. I really liked the perspective of just specifically divesting, and I even. . . It's one of the things I sometimes try to convince the liberals in my life is that the way that incremental change happens isn't from people asking for incremental change, it happens when you're like, "Oh, we don't need you anymore. We've created our own thing," then the State is like, "Shit, shit, shit. No, we can do it too. We promise!" You know? And make them rush to catch up with us. And to compare it to something with my own life, when I when people ask for professional advice in a creative field, one of the reasons I like pushing DIY as a good intro--and even as someone who, you know, I do the show, which isn't quite DIY, it's collectively produced, but I'm one of the collective members, but started off DIY--and then I also have a corporate podcast, right, where, I get my salary from doing a podcast. And the way that you do things is you do things so well that the people who gatekeep look for you to invite you in, rather than going to them and begging for access. You declare that you're too cool to go to the club, and then the club asks you to come in, you know? And in order to do that, you have to genuinely be too cool for the club. But then sometimes when people give you salaries, it's fine and you can use it to fill your basement with food and give it to people and shit. And I think about that even with the Green New Deal stuff, it's like, well, that's not going to happen--probably at all--but it would need to be them co-opting a successfully organized wide-scale, decentralized movement, you know? **Dean ** 29:11 And the Green New Deal is like the prior New Deal, it's a deal to try to save Capitalism and extraction. It's very drastically inadequate for anything that would. . . I mean, so much of what's happened environmentally is not preventable at this point anyway, you know--in terms of what's already been set in motion--much less the idea that something. . . I mean, it's all based on the idea of maintaining a Capitalist job framework. I mean, it's just, it's really, really, really, really, really, really inadequate. And the United States is the world's biggest polluter ever and has. . . The US military is the most polluting thing ever for reasons. It's not just gonna be like, "Oh, you know what, those people those hippies were right, let's stop." You know what I mean? Like, the idea that our opponents are gonna just change their minds because we tell them enough. You know? It's just so. . . It's like, we've been told. . . And it's so like. . . We've just we've been given that message so relentlessly that if we're just loud enough, if there's just enough of us in the streets. And I think a lot of people saw Occupy and saw 2020 and see like, "Wow, this is so. . ." you know, Standing Rock, see these moments where people really, really show up and put everything on the line and are incredibly disruptive. And our opponents just right the ship and suggests that we don't live in a democracy--and we never have. They're not persuadable. Like, it's not going to happen through those kinds of frameworks. And yet, I think that the kind of like brainwashing or the fiction version of the Civil Rights Movement that we've been given is so powerful. Like people really are like, "If I go to a march then. . ." I guess one of my questions at this point in life, too, is how can we bring new people into our movement, because more more people are like unsatisfied, miserable, terrified for good reasons, wonderful mobilizable. How do we bring people in and have ways that we engage in action together that help people move towards a perspective that isn't liberal? So help people move away from love, just thinking they need to get their voice heard to like, "Oh, no, we actually have to materially create the things we want for each other." We have to directly attack our opponents' infrastructure. And we have to have solidarity with everybody else who's doing that instead of getting divided into good protesters and bad protestors, and all that stuff that you see happening, you know, every day. That to me, that question, like, what's the pedagogy. . . What's a pedagogical way of organizing that helps people move out of those assumptions, which are so powerful and are really in all of our heads. It's just a matter of degree. Like, I feel like it's a lifelong process of like trying to strip liberalism out of our hearts and minds, so to say. As they say. As liberals say.  **Margaret ** 31:55 I really liked that way of framing it. I think about how one of my friends always talks about the way to judge the success of actions--and I don't think that this is the only way. I think that sometimes, like "Did you accomplish your goals?" is a very good way. But I think that one of them is, "Does this tend to give the participants agency? Because I think that agency is--I mean, it's addictive--but it's in the same way that air and water are addictive, you know? The more you experience agency--and especially collectively produced agency--the more I think that people will tend to stay in the movement, even as their ability to express that agency, like even when the movement ebbs, right, people who learned. . . You know, there's this thing that I think about with 2020, and 2020 has been memory hold completely, but on some level, everyone in 2020 who had never before seen a cop car on fire or never before seen the police retreat, I remember really clearly the first time in my life I saw the police retreat, because it never seemed like it was a thing that could happen. I've been doing direct action protesting for like eight years before I saw that police retreat, because the way that US tactics tended to work in protest didn't tend to do things that made the police retreat. And that protest where I saw the police retreat, we did not win our strategic goals, right? But it's part of why I am still in this movement is because I can't forget that feeling. And so, yeah, I think that for we people are systematically stripped of agency, learning to invite people into space to collectively create agency is really important. But that said, I do think that actually--especially sort of anti-State leftism, which tends to be less structured, which I actually don't think is inherently a positive or negative thing about it--is that I think one of our biggest stumbling blocks is we're bad at bringing people in. **Dean ** 34:13 Yeah, the insularity of some of the more insurrectionary work is, I think that is exactly it. It's like yes, you can have your little cell that's going to go into an amazing sabotage action or an incredible, you know, deface something or, you know, make something about the more machinery of the prison system or something harder, but how do people join? How are people? And also how to take those steps from like, "Wait, I'm really mad at what's happening in Gaza," or  "I'm really pissed about what's happening with the environment," or "I'm really scared about how the police are," or whatever, to finding what's most available to find, which will often be organizations or groups that are doing a good job recruiting new people but maybe using not very bold tactics. How do we have those groups also be in better. . . You know, I was just reading Klee Benally's book and one of the things Klee talked about is de-siloing the above ground from the underground, like having there be more solidarity is something I've been very concerned about, especially since the recent indictment of the forest defenders and in Atlanta. How do we not have people be like, "Well, the ones who were just flyering are just good protesters, and the ones who, you know, did sabotage and lived in the forest are bad." How do we build such a strong solidarity muscle--which means we have to break ties with like the pacifism narrative--how to build the strong solidarity muscle so that people can get recruited into our movements wherever they get recruited, whatever interests them, whatever tactic they first stumble upon, and then can take bolder action and take more autonomous action, cause there's also kind of passivity in our culture. Like, wait for the experts to tell you. Wait for the people at the nonprofit to tell you. Wait for the group that organizes protests to tell you when to go home, instead of like, "What do me and my friends want to do? What do I want to do? Where it's my idea to go, go off and do something else that's potentially very disruptive to our opponents?" So how to have people get what you're calling agency, or what I might call a feeling of autonomous power and inventiveness and creativity and initiative that isn't just "I'm waiting to be called to come to the march once a year," or once a month, or whatever. But instead, like, "Yeah, I might go to that, and I also then met some people there, and they're going to do this wild thing, and I'm gonna do that," and then how good it feels the first few times you break the law with other people and don't get caught. Like having those joyful feelings--people talk about the joy of looting a lot and after 2020 there were a lot of great references to that--you know, those feelings of like, "Oh, my God, this entire system is fake. I can break the rules in here with others, and we can keep each other safe, maybe. And we can see that we don't have to abide by this rigid place we've been fixed," you know? All of that, I think does--like you were saying--it keeps people in the movement or it feeds us. Given how difficult. . . I mean, you know, it's not like anybody's doing something where they're like, "Yeah, this is totally working." So you need a lot of. . . You gotta get your morale from some kind of collaborative moments of pleasure and of disobedience that can like. . . You know, including hating our opponents and hating what they're doing to all life, you know? **Margaret ** 37:22 I really like the way that you talk about these things. I'm really. . . There's like, so much more I'm gonna like to keep thinking about as I go through this, but one of the things that makes me think of is, you know, what does it take to take ourselves seriously, right, as a political force? I think that there's this. . . Either, some people take themselves too seriously, but are not actually providing any real threat. Right? I would say that the sort of--don't get me wrong, I've worked for nonprofits before and I don't think nonprofits are actually inherently bad--but like the nonprofit, activisty, professional activism world, right, will often take themselves very seriously, but not present any fundamental threat or accomplish systemic change. And some of the people who actually do present a real threat, don't take themselves seriously. They're like, "Oh, we're just kids acting out," kind of attitude. You know, I mean, like, well you're 30, what are you doing? You know and they're like, "We're kids acting out," and like I'm like, okay, whatever you can, you can call yourself kids as long as you want. I remember one time I was hitchhiking when I was 26 and I was like, "Oh, yeah, we use the word 'kids' instead of like, the word 'punks.'" You know? It's like, "I'm gonna meet up with these other kids." And the woman who gave me a ride hitchhiking was like, "You're an adult." And I was really offended. I was like...I'm an adult, that's true. **Dean ** 38:36 I'm not a square. I'm not a square.  **Margaret ** 38:38 Exactly. And one of the things that I think about, I remember. . . Okay, there's two stories about it. One was I was I was in Greece 10 years ago or 12 years ago, shortly after a lot of the uprisings that were happening in Greece, and after that kid, Alex, I believe his name was was. . . a like 16 year old anarchists kid was killed by the police, and then half the nation, you know, rioted around it. And I remember talking to this older anarchist about it, and he was saying that there were people who did studies and they were saying that the average person in Greece basically believed that the police and the anarchists were equally legitimate social forces. Like not like each. . . I think some people were not even like they're both. . .they're all the same. We hate them both. But instead, people being like, "Oh, well, the anarchists, that's a perfectly legitimate thing that these people are trying to do, right, as a legitimate social force. And usually when people use the word "legitimacy" they mean squareness and operating within the system, and I'm not trying to use it that way. I haven't come up with a better word for this. But I think about that a lot. And then because of the history research I do, I, you know, spent a lot of time reading about the Easter Rising in the early Irish Revolutionary Movement. And, you know, I haven't gotten to read Klee Benally's book yet. I got to start it. Someone had a copy of it. But it was sold out for obvious reasons. Although, by the time you all are listening to this Klee Benally's book, which is--what's it called? Sorry.  **Dean ** 40:16 "No Spiritual Surrender"  **Margaret ** 40:17 "No Spiritual Surrender" should be back in print from Detritus books. And anyone who's listening, we talked about it before, but Klee Benally was a indigenous anarchist who recently died and had been doing movement work for a very long time. Might have actually hated the word "movement work," I'm not entirely certain. But, you know, the de-siloing of the above ground and the underground, I think that the more successful movements do that. And I think that, you know, the Easter Rising, one of the things that was really interesting about this thing in 1916, or whatever--you can listen to me talk about for literally, four hours if you want because it's a four part episode--but one of the things that happened with it, that I didn't realize, it gets presented most of the time in history as like, "Oh, well, there was a big. . . Everyone agreed that we should have this revolution." That is absolutely not the case. Absolutely the--I think it was called Redmond-ism, or something. There was like a guy and he was basically the liberal-centrist and vaguely wanted some a little bit of more freedom from England. And that was absolutely the political position of the average person in Ireland at that time. And then these crazy radicals, some of them nationalists and some of them socialists and some of them complicated other things, threw an uprising. And they threw that uprising, and it just fundamentally changed. . . That political position, that centrist position ceased to exist almost overnight. And I'm not suggesting that that is the way it will always work. But there is a way in which you say, "We are not embarrassed. . ." like sometimes you have to do things underground because you don't want to get caught, right? But instead of being like, "Oh, well, I know this is unpopular," instead being like "I'm doing this, and it should be popular, because that makes so much sense." You know, and I actually think that the Atlanta folks in the US are some of the people who have been doing the most work about doing above ground and underground work in a movement that is like. . . These are all the same movements. Sorry, that was a long rant. **Dean ** 42:24 I thought it was great. It made me think about how--and I really will listen to those episodes. I love that you're doing history. It made me think about how sometimes I feel tension--I'm going to be overly simplistic right now--but between the parts of. . . In all the movements I'm in, there's a part that's more nonprofitized, and where people, I think, don't know whether they're interested in taking over the State or not, but because they are not sure and I'm not thought about anti-State politics there, they tend to actually accidentally be statist or some of them are more explicitly really trying take over the State or believe in that fantasy. And so that set of people, when you when you have a belief like that shaping what you're going to do and you imagine yourself and you're like "We're going to run the FDA, or we're going to run. . ." you know, when you imagine the scale of the nation and then you think about your people trying to get it, even though you know your people have never had it and aren't anywhere near getting it, and maybe want to get rid of some parts of it altogether. Like maybe you want to get rid of the Border, get rid of the cops or something, that is not a non-humble framing. And it often includes a distrust of ordinary people and a sense that they still need to be managed. And those I think are like subtextual beliefs inside the work that is often happening at the more legitimized nonprofit side of our movements. And then more scrappy, you know, sometimes anarchist or less institutionalized parts of our movements are often much more humble. Like, could we stop one of these sweeps? Could we feed a hundred people in the park tonight? Could we. . . They're very like, it has less of a like, "We're going to take over and make a utopia out of this whole joint," which I think is a very unrealistic and also dangerous framework for a number of reasons, including to look at who else has tried that, you know? I think the idea of running other people in that massive way is just very dangerous and leads to different kinds of authoritarianism, honestly. But also, I think, for me, what happens when I really take into account the crises we're living in and that are mounting and the unknown intense kinds of collapse that are coming soon, it really points me to that kind of humility. Like what's doable here and now with what's going on now? And what would I do if that were my focus? And it really leads to things like direct attacks, like sabotaging, like direct attacks on our opponents, like making their jobs harder. It leads to immediate mutual aid efforts to support people's well being and preparation for things we know are about to happen. Like, what would make this less dangerous when this thing is about to happen? Like, that's the stuff. Yes, it makes sense to just have masks now because more pandemics are coming, and the current one is so bad. You know, it makes sense to have certain things around or it makes sense to build certain skills and not to be overwhelmed. I think some people get really overwhelmed by the idea of, "Oh my God, I'm such a turn my whole life around, become a hunter, become someone who can farm tons of food," I know that's not gonna happen for me. I'm not going to become an expert farmer and hunter. I'm not going to have the skills of somebody from the 1800s in the next few years. It's not what I built my life to do. My body wouldn't be good at it. But what is within reach that's. . . How does it reorient me towards these very humble things that are both humble and that have a little more faith in other people? Like a little more faith that if we stored more water on my block--I don't need everyone on my block to become interested in this--but if a few more people in my neighborhood were interested in this, we could store some more water. And if it feels. . . I just need to find some people who are interested. I don't need to have every single person be interested. And I don't need to convince everyone this is happening. But I also shouldn't just do it by myself. Like somewhere in the middle. And this relates also to the pipeline question, like why are people who've been involved in organizing and activism often good at prep? One of the things is like--as I think your podcast does a great job showing--prep should be collective and not individualist. It shouldn't be about "How can I have the biggest gun to protect my horde?" And instead, it's like, how do I care about people even if I don't like them. And that is something that our movements are about. It's like, how do I care about people, even if they're annoying, even if they don't speak all the same kinds of terms, even if they don't have my exact identities? How do I care about people because they're around me and they're thirsty? And that skill, that's also going to be about "Who do I want to be in the end times?" Like, I'm living through a very, very hard time in human history, what kind of person do I want to be? I hope I'm generous. I hope I'm thoughtful. I hope I am oriented towards attacking things that hurt life and caring for life. And it's not easy to do those things in this society. And so what would I want to change about what I've learned and what I know how to do to get a little closer to that. I'm going to die either way. Like we're all gonna die even if we're totally wrong and there's no collapse and everything's great. We're all going to. So these questions aren't bad to ask even if things turn out totally fine.  **Margaret ** 47:28 No, I, I really liked this, this way of framing it. And it is. . . One of the things I've been thinking about a lot lately is I've been thinking about my own cynicism. And I don't feel like. . . I feel like misanthropy is not the right word, because everyone I know who's like a misanthrope is kind of an asshole about it. You know? But it's like, once you realize that everyone is disappointing, you no longer have to judge the disappointing people as much, because then you realize that you're disappointing, right? You know? And I'm like, "Oh, everyone kind of sucks." And then you're like, "That includes me. I'm not better than everyone else. So now I should look after these people who kind of suck." And like, all of a sudden, I no longer have this thing where I'm like, oh, queers or anarchists or queer anarchists are the enlightened people and all the cis people are terrible and all the straight people are terrible. And I'm like, look, there are systems that privilege people of certain identities over certain other identities, right? But there's nothing about being a lady who likes other ladies that makes me a better person than someone else, you know? And like, and so then I'm like, okay, well now I care about everyone because I dislike everybody. This is not what I actually advocate for other people to do. But this is kind of where I'm at a little bit personally. I really like this idea of pointing out how we care about people that we don't necessarily like? And this is the thing that's always felt strongly about communities. Community is the people who you're doing a thing with or like to live near or, you know, whatever, rather than the people where you all agree about the current way to define the following word. And that said, I mean, there's people who are like, "Well I might live near them, but they're a racist who wants to hurt my friends." You know? But then again, I've also seen people--I know it's controversial--but I've seen the people do the work of be like, "Hey, white person to white person, don't be such a fucking racist. What the fuck is wrong with you?" And I've seen that work. Or, I've been part of a queer land project in a rural area where the neighbor starts off a little bit like, "What? What's a pronoun?" you know? And then it's like, "I don't really get it, but you can use my tractor."  And I'm like, "Great!" Now we're on the same side in terms of certain important decisions, like should we all starve to death when the food system collapses.  **Dean ** 50:00 And safety can include--I think we see this a lot with people who've been working around domestic violence and intimate violence in our communities--where you're like, "Yeah, there's a guy who lives down the block and he has a lot of guns and he's really, really reactive and he's someone we all need to be aware of." It's like not everyone is gonna move towards us. And so preparedness can also be about how we are currently supporting anybody who's living with him? And how are we preparing to support us all in regard to him if that need be? Like that kind of just frankness, you know? Like just being clear with ourselves about. . . But that's different. I do think that one of the downsides of social media has been--for me--like doing activism for many years before it started and then how it exists now, because it gives us a feeling that we could reach anyone--which of course, isn't true. Most of us just reach people that are in our own little silos or a lot of nobody looks at it at all. It's like there's a fantasy that I could find my real people and I could have a real set of people who really understand me as opposed to just these jokers I've been stuck with on this block or in this school or in this job or whatever and actually who we are stuck with. That fantasy that we have. . . It's true that it's beautiful when we find people to share ideas with and that some of that happens over the internet, and I love all that. But ultimately, nobody gets to live in a little world of people who perfectly understand them. And when you think you've found those people and then you actually hang out with them, it always ends up that there's actually tons of still intragroup differences and struggles and patterns. And so moving away from hoping to find the right people or climb to the right space where people will be truly radical--not that we don't stop looking for our people everywhere--but also just be like, "Well, who's here now? And what would it be like to learn how to care for those people? And also protect myself from them--to the extent that I need to.  And also try to make them more into what I want by showing them the cool ideas and hoping they come along?" You know, all of that, but not being in a fantasy that if I could just get these other people, then I would be happy. Like, that's Capitalism just telling us to claim everything, you know? **Margaret ** 52:00 I like that sometimes you'll say the thing and I'm like, "No, I just agree with you. That makes a lot of sense. And I got to think about that." And like, I like it. Okay, I've got kind of a final question, I think. . .  **Bursts ** 52:15 [Interrupting] But oh dear listeners, it was far from her last question. Stay tuned for the hair-raising conclusion of Mutual Aid with Dean Spade next week, on Live Like the World is Dying. **Margaret ** 52:40 Thank you so much for listening. If you enjoyed this episode, you should tell people about it. And all of the things that I always tell you to do, like hack the algorithms by leaving me. . . I hate anything that I say that involves me making that voice. I'm terribly sorry. I will never do it again. However, leaving reviews does tell machines to tell other people's machines to listen to this. And that has some positive impact on the world that is falling apart. And I need to tell you that that's what I do all day, is I tell you about the world falling apart. But you can support us as we try to alleviate it. We are saving the world, and if you don't support us, it is your fault when people will die. That's what I'm trying to say. That's "not" what I'm trying to say. Put your money towards whatever you think is best. If what you think is best is putting it towards Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness so we can continue to produce this podcast, pay for our audio editor, pay a transcriptionist, and one day pay the hosts, then you can support us on Patreon at patreon.com/strangersinatangledwilderness. That supports all of our shows and all of our different projects. And in particular, we want to thank Amber, Ephemeral, Appalachian Liberation Library, Portland's Hedron Hackerspace, Boldfield, E, Patolli, Eric, Buck, Julia, Catgut Marm, Carson, Lord Harken, Trixter, Princess Miranda, Ben Ben, anonymous, Funder, Janice & Odell, Aly, paparouna, Milica, Boise Mutual Aid, theo Hunter, SJ, Paige, Nicole, David. Dana, Chelsea, Staro, Jenipher, Kirk, Chris, Mic Aiah, and Hoss the Dog. Alright. That's it. I'm done recording. I'm gonna go play with my dog and I hope that you can do whatever makes you happy between now and the end of all things which might be a long time from now. Maybe. Talk to you soon. Find out more at https://live-like-the-world-is-dying.pinecast.co

We talk the Hoops' Easter Rising with big wins over Bohs and Waterford last weekend, breaking the 10k mark at Tallaght and Robbie Gaffney's antics in Knocktopher. You'll also hear from Gary O'Neill (quiz draw), Dan Fulham (SRFC Ticketing App) and Hannah Dunne (on Inchicore icon Anne O'Brien) ahead of Friday's game with St Pat's.

We need a government that will finish the business of 1916 and make thepromise of the Proclamation real in the everyday lives of ordinary people We need a Government of change, and we need a General Election now!https://linktr.ee/sinnfein

Friends in Ireland have sent us a video (see below) from an underground activist group sending a message using an AI rendering of Ireland's famous freedom fighter, Michael Collins. The initial message on the first clip of the video includes Collin's message to his people: It is not to political leaders our people must look, but to themselves. Leaders are but individuals, and individuals are imperfect, liable to error and weakness. The strength of the nation will be the strength of the spirit of the whole people. Michael Collins Easter Rising 2024 is in reference to the Irish Easter Rising which was an armed insurrection in Ireland during Easter week in April 1916. The rising was launched by Irish republicans against British rule in Ireland with the aim of establishing an independent Irish Republic. The rising raised awareness and increased the desire for the Irish to be free from Britain. Michael Collins was an Irish revolutionary, soldier and politician who was a leading figure in their fight for independence from the British. He was the Director of Intelligence of the Irish Republican Army and a government minister of the new Irish Republic. After fighting for their independence, the Irish, led by Collins, negotiated their right to their own sovereignty state separate from England. This was a huge victory for freedom after Ireland had been occupied by the British since the 12th century. After the treaty was formed, Collins became the country's first Chairman of the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and the Commander-in-Chief of the National Army until his death in an Ambush in August 1922. Numerous historians believe that Collins was duped into accepting an agreement which only changed the public perception of independence while major institutions, such as banking, were still under the control of England. Many people also believe that this same arrangement has been foisted on countries worldwide under the hidden control of the city of London banking system and the global central bankers. The country was split as members within the freedom movement did not agree with the new arrangement with Britain. This ultimately led to an Irish civil war and eventually Collins death in 1922. Evidence exists that the man who shot Collins was a member of the British Army who was active in providing intel for the British Army Intelligence Center. There was a movie named, Michael Collins, starring Liam Neeson from 1996 which garnered 4 movie awards and 17 nominations, including two Academy award nominations. The movie is currently available on Amazon with the tagline "Michael Collins, the man and the movie, stands tall. The man is a hero whose fighting tactics became a model for other 20th-century struggles."     Message from our friends in Ireland: See on Bastyon | Bitchute | Brighteon | Clouthub | Odysee | Rumble | Youtube | Freedom.Social    

This Easter Sunday, the East Clare Memorial Committee will continue its over 100 years of commemorating the men and women who fought for Irish independence in East Clare. A number of events are planned for both Scariff and Tuamgraney. To find out more about what will be happening, Alan Morrissey was joined by the Chairperson of East Clare Memorial Committee, Councillor Pat Hayes and Tomás Mac Conmara, an oral historian, author, and lecturer. Picture (c) Tomás Mac Conmara via Facebook

Wear An Easter LilyI did not think Easter is almost upon us. It was our oldest lad's oldest lad who remarked to me that Easter was early this year. I was bemused that a nine - almost ten - year old would know this and describe it in these words. Of course he is probably thinking of Easter eggs. For many people Easter also marks an important date in their religious calendar. But for children especially – and for many adults – it is all about Easter Eggs. These come in all shapes and sizes and prices and despite the cost of living crisis confronting many families chocolate eggs will be devoured in most homes this Eastertide. For Irish republicans Easter holds a special significance. It is synonymous with the 1916 Easter Rising and the heroism over a century ago of those who rose up against the British Empire and declared for a RepublicMoore St. RaffleOn Easter Saturday the draw for the Moore St. 1916 Robert Ballagh print will take place. The print is one of a limited edition of 200 that was produced last September by the Moore St Preservation TrustClíodhna. It isn't easy speaking in public and it can be very daunting when faced by a hostile audience who are not interested in what you have to say but simply want to shout you down. Belfast Councillor Clíodhna Nic Bhranair faced this challenge last weekend and demonstrated enormous strength of character when confronted by a section of people at the pro-Palestinian march in Belfast who chose to ignore what she had to say and tried to drown her out with whistles and boos.

The conditions may not have been optimal but they didn't look to be getting better – so the Irish Revolutionaries made their move in Easter 1916. A week of urban warfare followed – the revolutionaries lost – but they succeeded in transforming the Irish question forever and setting the nation on the inevitable road to … Continue reading "WW Civ 36: The Easter Rising in Ireland 1916"

The History Things Podcast St. Patrick's Day special is covering a heavy topic this year, the Easter Rising of 1916. Erupting in the midst of World War One, the Irish bid for independence was well planned and initially well executed. The British response however was fast and brutal. To cover this Pat and Matt are joined by fellow ranger Anthony Trusso to discuss the details of the uprising, the major players involved, the response and the surprising results. So grab a drink, grab a friend and join us as diving into the Emerald Isle's bid for independence in 1916!Intro music: “The Foggy Dew” by The Young DublinersThe History Things Podcast is brought to you by HistoryNet, publisher of 9 different historical magazines including; the Civil War Times, American History, & Military History! Visit HistoryNet.Com to learn more or follow them on social media by searching for @HistoryNet!

CasementI have spent many enjoyable afternoons in Casement Park watching countless football and hurling games and playing in some of them. I have lost count of my man of the match triumphs. Especially for St. Marys or Belfast Schools in hurling. Or on Sports Days. In the past the stand and terraces or raised mounds around the pitch provided a wonderful view of the contests. Some games attracted a few hundred spectators while others were watched by enthralled thousands. Casement Park was opened in June 1953 and was named after Roger Casement. He was one of the leaders of the Easter Rising of 1916 who was hanged in London by the British in August that year. The people of Belfast, but especially the west of the City, raised over one hundred thousand pounds to construct Casement Park.StarvationThere is now overwhelming evidence that the Israeli state has added a new weapon to its arsenal of genocide against the Palestinian people – hunger. The video and photographic images of starving children and desperate parents searching for food and water are heart rending. The UN says some 2.3 million people in Gaza are now on the brink of starvation.

In our final part, Margaret talks with Katy Stoll about the motley collection of rebels who sparked Irish independenceSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Margaret, for the third time out of four, talks with Katy Stoll about the motley collection of rebels who sparked Irish independence.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In part two, Margaret continues to talk with Katy Stoll about the motley collection of rebels who sparked Irish independence.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Margaret talks with Katy Stoll about the motley collection of rebels who sparked Irish independence.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

President Higgins launched Volumes 1 and 2 of collected work from his Machnamh 100 series at a reception in Áras an Uachtaráin. Machnamh 100 is an initiative of President Higgins that builds on his extensive work to date during Ireland's Decade of Commemorations that has examined and explored seminal events such as the Lockout of 1913, the First World War, The Easter Rising, the Flu Pandemic, the election of 1918 and the first Dáil. https://president.ie/en/diary/details/president-launches-machnamh-100-centenary-reflections-volumes-1-and-2

Maps are essential tools in finding our way around, but they also tell stories and are great depositories of information. Until the twentieth century and the arrival of aerial images, a map was the best way of getting a sense of what a city looked like on the ground. Dublin: Mapping the City (Birlinn, 2023) by Dr. Joseph Brady and Paul Ferguson presents a carefully chosen selection of maps that traces the growth and development of Dublin from the early seventeenth century to the present day, offering a fascinating snap-shot of how the city has changed over time. Whilst the maps recount the big stories – the impact of major forces such as the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 or the effects of the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Civil War in 1922 – they also tell the smaller tales such as the creation of a colony of Irish speakers in the late 1920s and the arrival of parking meters and how they changed how people could use the city centre. Together with maps that reveal much about the famous buildings, transport, health, trade, life and work of the city, this book is a fascinating portrait of Dublin through the ages which offers many new perspectives on one of Europe's great cities. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Maps are essential tools in finding our way around, but they also tell stories and are great depositories of information. Until the twentieth century and the arrival of aerial images, a map was the best way of getting a sense of what a city looked like on the ground. Dublin: Mapping the City (Birlinn, 2023) by Dr. Joseph Brady and Paul Ferguson presents a carefully chosen selection of maps that traces the growth and development of Dublin from the early seventeenth century to the present day, offering a fascinating snap-shot of how the city has changed over time. Whilst the maps recount the big stories – the impact of major forces such as the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 or the effects of the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Civil War in 1922 – they also tell the smaller tales such as the creation of a colony of Irish speakers in the late 1920s and the arrival of parking meters and how they changed how people could use the city centre. Together with maps that reveal much about the famous buildings, transport, health, trade, life and work of the city, this book is a fascinating portrait of Dublin through the ages which offers many new perspectives on one of Europe's great cities. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Maps are essential tools in finding our way around, but they also tell stories and are great depositories of information. Until the twentieth century and the arrival of aerial images, a map was the best way of getting a sense of what a city looked like on the ground. Dublin: Mapping the City (Birlinn, 2023) by Dr. Joseph Brady and Paul Ferguson presents a carefully chosen selection of maps that traces the growth and development of Dublin from the early seventeenth century to the present day, offering a fascinating snap-shot of how the city has changed over time. Whilst the maps recount the big stories – the impact of major forces such as the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 or the effects of the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Civil War in 1922 – they also tell the smaller tales such as the creation of a colony of Irish speakers in the late 1920s and the arrival of parking meters and how they changed how people could use the city centre. Together with maps that reveal much about the famous buildings, transport, health, trade, life and work of the city, this book is a fascinating portrait of Dublin through the ages which offers many new perspectives on one of Europe's great cities. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Maps are essential tools in finding our way around, but they also tell stories and are great depositories of information. Until the twentieth century and the arrival of aerial images, a map was the best way of getting a sense of what a city looked like on the ground. Dublin: Mapping the City (Birlinn, 2023) by Dr. Joseph Brady and Paul Ferguson presents a carefully chosen selection of maps that traces the growth and development of Dublin from the early seventeenth century to the present day, offering a fascinating snap-shot of how the city has changed over time. Whilst the maps recount the big stories – the impact of major forces such as the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 or the effects of the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Civil War in 1922 – they also tell the smaller tales such as the creation of a colony of Irish speakers in the late 1920s and the arrival of parking meters and how they changed how people could use the city centre. Together with maps that reveal much about the famous buildings, transport, health, trade, life and work of the city, this book is a fascinating portrait of Dublin through the ages which offers many new perspectives on one of Europe's great cities. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Maps are essential tools in finding our way around, but they also tell stories and are great depositories of information. Until the twentieth century and the arrival of aerial images, a map was the best way of getting a sense of what a city looked like on the ground. Dublin: Mapping the City (Birlinn, 2023) by Dr. Joseph Brady and Paul Ferguson presents a carefully chosen selection of maps that traces the growth and development of Dublin from the early seventeenth century to the present day, offering a fascinating snap-shot of how the city has changed over time. Whilst the maps recount the big stories – the impact of major forces such as the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 or the effects of the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Civil War in 1922 – they also tell the smaller tales such as the creation of a colony of Irish speakers in the late 1920s and the arrival of parking meters and how they changed how people could use the city centre. Together with maps that reveal much about the famous buildings, transport, health, trade, life and work of the city, this book is a fascinating portrait of Dublin through the ages which offers many new perspectives on one of Europe's great cities. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

At Easter 1916, a small army of Irish rebels attempted to start a revolution against British rule. They held out for more than a week against a massive British military response. Simon Watts brings together eye-witness accounts of the Easter Rising. (Photo: Irish rebels lying in wait on a roof getting ready to fire during the Easter Rising. Credit: Mondadori via Getty Images)

This episode is dedicated to the memory of Sinéad O'Connor. The Foggy Dew is in itself a historic document. Written in 1919, this story of the Easter Rising and the contrasting World War has gone around the world. This episode of the podcast explores the song and its meaning, and how it came to bring together the incredible talents of The Chieftains and Sinéad O'Connor.   

The Easter Rising began in Dublin's General Post Office on Easter Monday, 24th April 1916, with Patrick Pearse's dramatic proclamation of the Irish Republic. Led by republicans opposed to British rule in Ireland, this was the most significant uprising in more than a century - and changed the entire course of Irish and British history, with effects that still reverberate today.In today's episode, Tom and Dominic return to the GPO in Dublin, as the brilliant Professor Paul Rouse tells the bloody story - at once inspiring, terrifying and heartbreaking - of the Easter Rising and its extraordinary aftermath. *The Rest Is History Live Tour 2023*:Tom and Dominic are going on a U.S. tour in 2023, performing in Washington D.C. and New York! Buy your tickets here: restishistorypod.comTwitter: @TheRestHistory@holland_tom@dcsandbrook Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The year is 1912. The bitter arguments about Home Rule for Ireland are reaching boiling point. But with Ulster in uproar, the Tories encouraging mutiny and thousands of rifles pouring into Ireland, is the United Kingdom really heading for a bloody civil war? And was Sarajevo really the turning point that saved Britain from a sectarian inferno?In today's episode, Tom and Dominic are joined by friend of the show Dan Jackson to discuss the thrilling climax to the Home Rule saga, with appearances from characters such as H. H. Asquith, Andrew Bonar Law and Sir Edward Carson. We end with Britain and Ireland plunging into the abyss of the Great War - and the Easter Rising fast approaching...*The Rest Is History Live Tour 2023*:Tom and Dominic are going on a U.S. tour in 2023, performing in Washington D.C. and New York! Buy your tickets here: restishistorypod.comTwitter: @TheRestHistory@holland_tom@dcsandbrook Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

“In every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty; six times during the past three hundred years they have asserted it in arms.” The proclamation of the Irish Republic, delivered by Patrick Pearse in Dublin, marked the beginning of the Easter Rising in 1916.Looking at the Anglo-Irish relationship leading up to the Easter Rising, Tom and Dominic are joined by historian Paul Rouse, to explore the deep history between Britain and Ireland, from the Norman conquest to the rebellion of 1798.*The Rest Is History Live Tour 2023*:Tom and Dominic are going on an U.S. tour in 2023, performing in Washington D.C. and New York! Buy your tickets here: restishistorypod.comTwitter: @TheRestHistory @holland_tom @dcsandbrook Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In our first of three chapters, Indy competes with a mysterious contender to woo a young Italian beauty named Guiletta while taking advice from friend Ernest Hemingway. Then on the African plains in November of 1916, Indiana Jones and pal Remy get lost in their attempt to join their unit in Africa. As they trek back to Lake Victoria, Indy and Remy inadvertently join the 25th Royal Fusiliers, a unit of grumpy, aging men. Indy's knowledge of Trains and fluent German make him very useful as the unit battles The Phantom Train of Doom, in this feature length adventure. Finally in Ireland, 1916. Indiana Jones and Remy arrive back to Europe after their adventures in Mexico. Raising funds while waiting tables, Indy gets caught in another love affair around the time of the Easter Rising

Final Chapters in Glimpses of an Irish Felon's Prison Life by Thomas Clarke.

Hello! This week Kevin started telling Jason about one of Ireland's greatest heros, Roger Casement. In part one we covered his exploits in the Belgian colony of Congo and in part two we'll talk about his role in the Easter Rising of 1916. I've been excited about this one for a while so hope ye enjoy it!If you want to see the video from this episode and / or by tickets to our live show in Dublin on the 25th of May, the links are all here - STH

Lads! We're BACK! This week Sarah Jane talks about the incredible life of Rosie Hackett. Rosie was an Irish insurgent and trade union leader. She was a founder-member of the Irish Women Workers' Union, and supported strikers during the 1913 Dublin Lockout. She later became a member of the Irish Citizen Army and was involved in the 1916 Easter Rising. (ref https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rosie_Hackett) We hope you have a lovely week and look after yourselves Story begins at 24.42

Happy St. Patrick's Day! Danny and Derek speak with Daniel Finn, features editor at Jacobin and author of One Man's Terrorist: A Political History of the IRA, about the Easter Rising of 1916. They discuss the rising's long-term and proximate origins, how it proceeded, its aftermath, and the role it plays in Irish politics today. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.americanprestigepod.com/subscribe