Express agreement under international law entered into by actors in international law
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On 10th October, 1967 a treaty went into force that has gone on to become the backbone for all international space law – a United Nations-approved agreement known as the The Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, but better known today as the Outer Space Treaty. It's a relatively succinct document of just 17 articles, some as short as a single sentence, but it represented a lot of fundamentally very challenging cooperation at the time. Not least because it came about when the Cold War was in full swing, and both the United States and the Soviet Union wanted to prevent the expansion of the nuclear arms race into space. In this episode, Arion, Rebecca and Olly explain why the principles of the Antarctic Treaty of 1959 turned out to be a good fit for rules on what can and can't be done in outer space; revisit everyone's favourite topic of property law in the 13th century; and discuss whether Elon Musk will, according to the law, own other planets if he lands on them. Further Reading: • ‘Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies' (US Department of State, 2009): https://2009-2017.state.gov/t/isn/5181.htm • ‘How an international treaty signed 50 years ago became the backbone for space law' (The Verge, 2017): https://www.theverge.com/2017/1/27/14398492/outer-space-treaty-50-anniversary-exploration-guidelines • ‘Who Owns The Moon?' (Vsauce, 2015): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ks8WH3xUo_E This episode first aired in 2023 Love the show? Support us! Join
While neither nation is famed for their military might, the mutual defence treaty signed this week by Australia and Papua New Guinea has some strategic benefits for both. Andrew Mueller explains. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Ua sainia le feagaiga o le puipuiga, le PukPuk Treaty i le va o Ausetalia ma Papua Niu Kini.
A final roundup of critics of the Treaty of Versailles, including some big names.
Australia's landmark defence treaty with Papua New Guinea has been approved by PNG's cabinet after a two week delay.
In this week's episode of The Learning Curve, co-hosts U-Arkansas Prof. Albert Cheng and Center for Public Schools' Alisha Searcy interview Randall Woods, John A. Cooper Distinguished Professor of History at the University of Arkansas, and author of John Quincy Adams: A Man for the Whole People. Prof. Woods shares the life and career of American statesman John Quincy Adams, the “first son of the Republic,” whose upbringing in the household of John and Abigail Adams shaped his lifelong devotion to public service. He reflects on Adams's early diplomatic triumphs, including the Treaty of Ghent and the Monroe Doctrine, as well as the 1824 election that resulted in him becoming the sixth U.S. President. Prof. Woods describes the highlights of Adams's congressional career—his leadership in overturning the “gag rule” on antislavery petitions and his powerful U.S. Supreme Court defense of the Amistad Africans' revolt at sea — before turning to the significance of his voluminous diaries in guiding future generations of the Adams family and American public servants. Woods concludes the interview by reading a favorite passage from his biography, John Quincy Adams: A Man for the Whole People.
ACT says Auckland University should pay back thousands of students who did compulsory Treaty of Waitangi and Te Ao Māori courses. The university's senate has now recommended making the courses optional - after criticism from staff, students and politicians. ACT's Parmjeet Parmar, says more than 8,000 students had to take the course this year. "They had to push some papers out, papers that they really wanted to do, papers that are relevant to the degree or their aspirations - so they'll have to do that paper in future semesters." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed a mutual defense treaty last week. And no, you're not the only one thinking, “Hmmm, why would two countries with mismatched security concerns enter into a defense pact?”Join the Patreon here: https://www.patreon.com/PeterZeihanFull Newsletter: https://mailchi.mp/zeihan/saudi-arabia-and-pakistan-sign-a-mutual-defense-treaty
Welcome to the first episode of our new Wolfpack series with Saul David and Roger Moorhouse diving into the intriguing origins and early, devastating success of Nazi Germany's U-boat campaign in the Atlantic. This foundational episode unpacks how naval limitations imposed by the Treaty of Versailles failed to stop German rearmament and secretly fostered the development of submarine warfare doctrine. They also explore Admiral Karl Dönitz's desperate strategic vision—the famed "wolfpack" tactics—and how a small fleet initially achieved spectacular results. From the shocking sinking of the civilian liner SS Athenia immediately after the declaration of war, to the "First Happy Time," a period where U-boat crews operated with lethal impunity, nearly crippling Britain's supply lines and setting the stage for the true Battle of the Atlantic. If you have any thoughts or questions, you can send them to - podbattleground@gmail.com Producer: James Hodgson X (Twitter): @PodBattleground Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Trusting Your Intuition | Intuition, Chakras, Mediumship & Grief with Krystal Parry | Daughters of the Moon PodcastThank you for tuning in to the Daughters of the Moon Podcast. In this episode, we feature Krystal Parry, a gifted intuitive and medium, who shares her insights on trusting your intuition, understanding your chakras, navigating grief, and exploring mediumship. Krystal's guidance helps listeners connect with their inner wisdom and embrace the subtle energies that surround us.Connect with Us:
Treaty Talk is kindly sponsored by Limerick Motor Centre - the home of Hyundai in Limerick #SportLK
The Dixon Street building debacle surely allows us to ask some questions of the Treaty process. If you missed it, Dixon St Apartments sold for a million dollars to local Māori under their Treaty deal – the Treaty deal had a first right of refusal clause. Now my assumption, clearly incorrect, is you would get first right of refusal based on the idea that something of cultural or historic significance was coming to the market, and as local iwi you wouldn't want to miss the opportunity. I didn't realise this was a commercial free for all, where anything and everything for sale goes to local Māori first. Further, I had assumed, clearly wrongly as well, that in having a first right of refusal, that meant that long lost treasure, whether historic or cultural, would be returned to said iwi to be honoured and looked after in perpetuity, not flicked off for quick profit. So obviously nothing like that is remotely part of the Treaty deals. So first question: why not? Next question is: if it isn't, is it commercially acceptable to have a race-based clause when it comes to real estate? And even if it is, is it commercially acceptable to sell stuff cheap? For if you haven't followed the story, five minutes after buying the building, the new owners sold it on for $3 million. So under a special deal signed for, on our behalf, by our government, we, the taxpayer, lose $2 million on one building. Next question: how could a Crown agency, i.e. Kainga Ora, think $1 million was a good price for something that was clearly worth $3 million? And in that is the problem with not involving the free market. Next question: did anyone involved in the cloistered deal know what they were doing, and if not, given its taxpayers' dosh, why not? Another question: was the Treaty process designed so tribes could get into real estate speculation? At what point was a Treaty settlement about putting past wrongs right versus turning tribes into speculators? This was a bad deal. The original owners of Dixon St, us, got stiffed. And we got stiffed because of a race-based real estate clause that arguably should never have been part of an historic arrangement in the first place. Final question: what are we going to do about it? Or more worryingly, is there anything we can do about it? See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
The Government's open to legislating to over-rule court decisions on incorporating tikanga Māori. That's from the Prime Minister - echoing comments last week from his Justice Minister. Paul Goldsmith claimed at a Law Association meeting that including concepts of Māori customs and values in law could cost the country investment. Former Treaty Negotiations Minister Chris Finlayson says the Law Commission had been doing a substantial amount of work on tikanga. "I would have thought that what the Crown should be doing is taking a good look at that report and trying to provide some definition of where and when tikanga would apply. So there's no point in just having a sort of group lamentation about it, it's within the ability of Parliament to knuckle down and do something about it." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
In this NBN episode, host Hollay Ghadery speaks with Zilla Jones about her debut novel, The World So Wide (Cormorant Books, 2025). Felicity Alexander should be charming audiences at New York's Metropolitan Opera, not under house arrest in Grenada in October 1983, as rumours swirl that United States troops are preparing to invade.Born and raised in Winnipeg, the daughter of a Grenadian woman and an absent white father, Felicity is blessed with enviable beauty and an extraordinary singing voice. Arriving in London to study opera in 1965, she finds early success and joy on stage, as well as a sense of belonging in the arms of the charming Claude Buckingham. Members of the West Indian Students Association, Claude and his friends are law students and activists. They plan to return to Grenada to overthrow the corrupt dictator, “Uncle” Percy Tibbs. Felicity and Claude's intense affair cannot survive their diverging destinies. Claude brings revolution to Grenada and becomes a minister in the new Black Pearls of Freedom government; Felicity devotes herself to music, conquering the racism and sexism of the opera world to rise to international stardom. The brighter she shines, the more she struggles to find her place and purpose in life.Her career in ascendance, Felicity accepts an invitation to perform in Grenada. The red sky of revolution calls to her almost as much as the hope of Claude's embrace. But their reunion is interrupted by a coup. Surrounded by soldiers and guns, Felicity's voice is born anew. Zilla Jones is an African-Canadian anti-racist educator, lawyer, mother, and singer of Caribbean, Chinese, and European heritage, writing on Treaty 1 territory (Winnipeg). She was born in the UK and now lives in Winnipeg, Manitoba. She is a winner of the Journey Prize, a finalist for The Writers' Trust Bronwen Wallace Emerging Writers Award, and a finalist for the CBC Short Story Prize. Her writing has appeared in many literary journals including Event Magazine, The Fiddlehead, Prairie Fire, The Malahat Review, and Bayou Magazine. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
In this NBN episode, host Hollay Ghadery speaks with Zilla Jones about her debut novel, The World So Wide (Cormorant Books, 2025). Felicity Alexander should be charming audiences at New York's Metropolitan Opera, not under house arrest in Grenada in October 1983, as rumours swirl that United States troops are preparing to invade.Born and raised in Winnipeg, the daughter of a Grenadian woman and an absent white father, Felicity is blessed with enviable beauty and an extraordinary singing voice. Arriving in London to study opera in 1965, she finds early success and joy on stage, as well as a sense of belonging in the arms of the charming Claude Buckingham. Members of the West Indian Students Association, Claude and his friends are law students and activists. They plan to return to Grenada to overthrow the corrupt dictator, “Uncle” Percy Tibbs. Felicity and Claude's intense affair cannot survive their diverging destinies. Claude brings revolution to Grenada and becomes a minister in the new Black Pearls of Freedom government; Felicity devotes herself to music, conquering the racism and sexism of the opera world to rise to international stardom. The brighter she shines, the more she struggles to find her place and purpose in life.Her career in ascendance, Felicity accepts an invitation to perform in Grenada. The red sky of revolution calls to her almost as much as the hope of Claude's embrace. But their reunion is interrupted by a coup. Surrounded by soldiers and guns, Felicity's voice is born anew. Zilla Jones is an African-Canadian anti-racist educator, lawyer, mother, and singer of Caribbean, Chinese, and European heritage, writing on Treaty 1 territory (Winnipeg). She was born in the UK and now lives in Winnipeg, Manitoba. She is a winner of the Journey Prize, a finalist for The Writers' Trust Bronwen Wallace Emerging Writers Award, and a finalist for the CBC Short Story Prize. Her writing has appeared in many literary journals including Event Magazine, The Fiddlehead, Prairie Fire, The Malahat Review, and Bayou Magazine. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literature
Repurposing the Site C Work Camp Guest: Mukhtar Latif, CEO of Pomegranate Housing Consultancy By Stuart McNish “We have a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to create Canada's premier centre for excellence in mental health and addictions in [British Columbia]'s northeast,” says Mukhtar Latif of Pomegranate Housing Consultancy. The North Wind Wellness Centre Society and Treaty 8 First Nations have put forward a plan to repurpose the Site C workers' camp into a permanent asset that will deliver transformational healthcare services. The worker accommodation facility was built to house 1,600 workers and it came with a wide range of services and utilities. Now that the work of building the dam is complete, the site is about to be decommissioned. “This facility will address a more than 6 month waitlist for people needing treatment in Northern BC,” says Latif. If successful in their bid to have BC Hydro endorse the plan to repurpose the site, the benefits are multidimensional. “The centre will generate new treatments and best practices, train more than 200 people in critical healthcare roles, [and] save the healthcare system more than $30 million,” says Latif. We invited Mukhtar Latif to join us for a Conversation That Matters about the innovative plan to reuse the Site C workcamp as a place of healing. You can see the interview here https://www.conversationsthatmatter.ca/ Learn More about our guests career at careersthatmatter.ca
On today's show:, scientists successfully treat Huntington's disease for the first time, slowing the disease by at least 75%: we hear how they've done it. Also, the High Seas Treaty takes a step closer to protecting the world's oceans. And the Earth-sized planet not that far away that might have conditions suitable for life. Like this podcast? Please help us by supporting the Naked Scientists
Rev. Dr. Ray Aldred joins Claire and Rachel to share his journey of faith and ministry, the spiritual work of healing and reconciliation, and the significance of Truth and Reconciliation Day/Orange Shirt Day in Canada. Ray's generous pastoral heart and years of ministry experience are reflected in his commitment to developing empathy for the pain of others. Framing reconciliation through the lens of becoming relatives, he shares Indigenous perspectives on relationality, connecting them to insights from the life and passion of Jesus. Ray encourages us to rethink our understandings of repentance and holiness, portraying an expansive view of the life we are invited to in Christ. He provides practical steps for listening well and learning about Indigenous culture and history as we work to address injustices and develop a shared plan for the future.Ray's BioRev. Dr. Ray Aldred is a Cree theologian and ordained minister from Treaty 8. He serves as Director of the Indigenous Studies Program at Vancouver School of Theology, where he helps shape theological education through an Indigenous lens. Dr. Aldred's work focuses on healing, reconciliation, and the integration of Indigenous spirituality and Christian faith. A respected speaker and writer, he has contributed to volumes such as Buffalo Shout, Salmon Cry and Decolonizing Evangelicalism. He is deeply committed to helping the church reckon with the legacy of colonization while nurturing pathways toward justice, truth, and spiritual renewal.Regent College Podcast Thanks for listening. Please like, rate and review us on your podcast platform of choice and share this episode with a friend. Follow Us on Social Media Facebook Instagram Youtube Keep in Touch Regent College Summer Programs Regent College Newsletter
This show was recorded 9/13/2025 but we found good audio of it. This show was played as a refeed on radio as well Sat 2025-09-27Charlie Kirk's murder; Did Israel do it? :: Collapse of empires :: Political violence :: Peter Schiff laughed at but he predicted 2008 recession :: Rage bait :: Voting in New Mexico is on the honor system :: Firing over opinions :: Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons :: Self defense nukes? :: Jason Osbourne calls for turning up the temperature :: Live Free in New Hampshire Magazine :: Did the shooter have a tranny boyfriend? :: Man arrested for clapping :: Man waterboarded on CIA black sites can't sue :: 2025-09-13 Hosts: Bonnie, Angelo, Riley
Henry III of England and Alexander II of Scotland met in York to settle the whole "where does England end, and where does Scotland begin?" question on 25th September, 1237. The consequent ‘Treaty of York' (mostly) settled the map of the borders right up to the present day. Alexander agreed to give up claims on northern English counties like Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland in return for a small chunk of land and the right to hand over one falcon a year as a symbolic payment. Yes, a falcon. Medieval politics loved a bit of flair. In this episode, Arion, Rebecca and Olly consider how future English kings could spin Scotland's resultant ‘fealty' as an admission that England was the natural powerhouse; discover the lawlessness of the borderlands for the centuries afterwards; and reveal just how many times Berwick-upon-Tweed has caused a cartographical headache… Further Reading: • ‘A History of Scotland, Series 1, Hammers of the Scots, The Treaty of York, 1237' (BBC, 2013): https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p0198xmq • ‘Magna Carta, Scotland and Scots Law' (University of Edinburgh, 2025): https://www.pure.ed.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/31216033/Magna_Carta_Scotland_and_Scots_Law_LQR_version.pdf • ‘The world's oldest border?' (Jay and Mark, 2019): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9DqZYsckBwI #Scotland #Medieval #Royals Love the show? Support us! Join
Send us a textNovember 29, 1864 dawned cold on the Colorado plains as Cheyenne and Arapaho families slept peacefully under an American flag—a gift promising protection. By nightfall, over 200 Native Americans lay dead in what would become one of the most shameful episodes in American history.The Sand Creek Massacre didn't happen in isolation. It grew from a toxic brew of broken treaties, gold rush fever, and political ambition. Once respected Cheyenne and Arapaho territories, recognized in the 1851 Treaty of Fort Laramie, were systematically stripped away as miners and settlers poured into Colorado. When tribes resisted this invasion, territorial officials seized their opportunity. Governor John Evans issued proclamations essentially authorizing the killing of any Native Americans, while Colonel John Chivington—a Methodist minister with political aspirations—assembled a regiment specifically to confront the "Indian problem."What makes this story particularly heartbreaking is that Chief Black Kettle and other peace-seeking leaders had been actively working with authorities, believing they were under military protection at Sand Creek. Instead, Chivington's troops unleashed unspeakable violence: women and children shot as they fled, bodies mutilated, scalps and body parts taken as souvenirs to be displayed in Denver theaters. As one witness testified: "It was hard to see little children on their knees have their brains beat out by men professing to be civilized."Though three federal investigations condemned the massacre in the strongest terms, justice remained elusive. Chivington escaped punishment by resigning his commission, while brave whistleblowers like Captain Silas Soule paid with their lives for speaking truth. The massacre transformed the American frontier, shattering trust between Native peoples and the government and igniting decades of intensified conflict across the plains.By exploring this difficult history, we confront uncomfortable truths about our nation's past and the human capacity for both cruelty and courage. Join us for Dr. Jeff Broom's upcoming presentation at the Dodge City Library on October 4th, where he'll examine the complex narratives surrounding this pivotal event through rigorous historical research and primary sources.Support the showIf you'd like to buy one or more of our fully illustrated dime novel publications, you can click the link I've included.
In this transformative conversation, we sit down with Dr. Christopher Macklin, founder of the Global Enlightenment Project, to explore the art of calming the mind. Dr. Macklin shares powerful insights and practices to quiet mental chatter, release stress, and create space for deeper peace and clarity.This episode is a guide to reconnecting with stillness and cultivating inner balance in the midst of life's challenges. Whether you're new to meditation and mindfulness or looking to deepen your spiritual practice, Dr. Macklin's wisdom offers tools you can use every day.
Treaty Talk | 348 | Shaughs on hurling; LGFA drama; Camogie last four; football semis. Tom and Matt are joined by Andrew O'Shaughnessy who looks at the SHC and the PIHC drama from last weekend. Treaty Talk also looks at all the other codes across the Treaty #SportLK
“Treaty is powerful. It's not just a document or an agreement of the past. It's a living agreement,” says Cree lawyer and advocate Deanne Kasokeo. For nearly 150 years, Treaty 5 has shaped the lives of Cree and Anishinaabe communities across northern Manitoba and Saskatchewan—and its story is far from settled. Also called the Winnipeg Treaty, it included more First Nation communities than any other in Canada and promised land, tools, education, and health care. In practice, those agreements have been unevenly realized, and communities continue to navigate their impacts today. In this episode, Kasokeo shares how her family history and her grandmother's teachings drive her to defend treaty rights and reconnect communities with their heritage. Then, Chief Maureen Brown of Opaskwayak Cree Nation reflects on the long-term effects of colonial policies, the importance of passing knowledge to the next generation, and why she remains hopeful for the future.To read the episode transcripts in French and English, and to learn more about historic Canadian milestones, please visit thewalrus.ca/canadianheritage.This podcast receives funding from The Government of Canada and is produced by The Walrus Lab.Check out the French counterpart podcast, Voyages dans l'histoire canadienne.--Aussi longtemps que coulera la rivière : L'héritage du Traité numéro 5« Le Traité numéro 5 est un outil puissant. Ce n'est pas simplement un document ou un accord du passé. C'est un document vivant, » affirmait l'avocate et défenseure des droits des peuples cris, Deanne Kasokeo. Depuis 150 ans, il façonne la vie des peuples cris et anichinabés du nord du Manitoba et de la Saskatchewan, et cette question demeure loin d'être résolue. Également connu sous le nom de Traité de Winnipeg, il a impliqué le plus grand nombre de communautés des Premières Nations au Canada, offrant des promesses de terres, d'outils, d'éducation et de soins de santé. Cependant, ces engagements ont été mis en œuvre de manière inégale. Les communautés des Premières Nations continuent de subir les conséquences au quotidien. Dans cet épisode, Deanne Kasokeo nous parle de l'histoire de sa famille et de l'impact des enseignements de sa grand-mère sur son engagement à défendre les droits issus des traités, tout en œuvrant pour reconnecter les communautés à leur héritage. Ensuite, la cheffe Maureen Brown de la Nation crie d'Opaskwayak partage ses réflexions sur les effets à long terme des politiques coloniales, l'importance de la transmission des savoirs aux nouvelles générations et les raisons qui nourrissent son optimisme pour l'avenir.Pour lire les transcriptions des épisodes en français et en anglais, et pour en savoir plus sur les jalons historiques canadiens, veuillez visiter le site thewalrus.ca/canadianheritage.Ce balado reçoit des fonds du gouvernement du Canada et est produit par The Walrus Lab.Découvrez le balado en français, Voyages dans l'histoire canadienne. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
with Brad Friedman & Desi Doyen
France joins the U.K., Canada and Australia in recognizing a Palestinian state, Trump honors slain conservative activist Charlie Kirk, German and Swedish jets track a Russian plane over the Baltic Sea, The U.S. sanctions ‘enablers' of a sanctioned Brazilian judge, Egypt pardons British-Egyptian activist Alaa Abdel Fattah, Germany's AfD reaches 26% in polls, The FBI allegedly recorded Trump's border czar taking a $50K cash bribe, Trump says the Murdochs will join a TikTok U.S. investment group, The U.S. approves Meta's Llama AI for government use, and Nobel laureates call for binding AI 'red lines' by 2026. Sources: www.verity.news
Thank You for Listening | Colors of Consciousness with Nicole Harp | Daughters of the Moon PodcastThank you for tuning in to the Daughters of the Moon Podcast. Today, we feature Nicole Harp, author of Colors of Consciousness and founder of harpspace.org. Nicole brings her creative and spiritual insights into writing, consciousness, and the transformative power of storytelling.✨ Connect with Us ✨
AP correspondent Charles de Ledesma reports Russia's President Vladimir Putin says Moscow will adhere to nuclear arms limits for one more year after the last remaining nuclear pact with the U.S expires in February.
The second-last episode on the Treaty of Versailles 1919 is about Keynes's critique of the treaty, the Economic Consequences of the Peace. What he got right, what he got wrong, critics of him at the time, and the impact of his book on the way the Interwar period unfolded.
Charlie Kirk's murder on a Utah stage in September 2025 was not just another grim entry in the catalog of American political violence. It was a detonation — the moment when a single blasting cap set off a chain reaction that no one could fully control. To understand it, we need less the vocabulary of day-to-day politics and more the physics of escalation.In a nuclear weapon, you don't need much fissile material to create an unimaginable blast. What you need are precisely shaped conventional charges — “explosive lenses” — timed to compress the core into criticality. Small charges, aimed correctly, unlock apocalyptic force. Political violence, as history shows, operates on the same principle. One bullet in Sarajevo, fired by a young nationalist named Gavrilo Princip, compressed the fragile alliances of Europe into total war. The Treaty of Versailles, meant to end that war, functioned instead as a pause that guaranteed another. Small detonations, brittle systems, spirals without ceilings.Charlie Kirk's assassination functioned as just such a lens. The man himself was controversial, adored on the right, despised on the left, mocked by late-night comedians, venerated by his followers as a cultural warrior and, in some quarters, even as a modern Saint Paul. But the meaning of his death lies less in the biographical details than in the cascade it triggered: presidential proclamations, half-staff flags, memorials filling stadiums, new laws drafted in grief and vengeance. Within hours, the online square divided into camps: those mourning, those jeering, those hunted for failing to mourn properly. Employers fired staffers who made jokes; activists doxxed students who cheered; even foreign governments issued statements of condolence or disdain. The assassination became implosion.The reaction illustrates what I called, in an earlier essay, the ladder of escalation. Words treated as violence. Violence treated as legitimacy. Cancel culture feeding into martyrdom. Martyrdom feeding into repression. Each rung climbs higher until there is no way down. History is littered with moments where a single flashpoint cascaded into an epochal rupture: Sarajevo in 1914, Kristallnacht in 1938, Dallas in 1963. What begins as an act of brutality quickly becomes a referendum on legitimacy itself.Why is Kirk's case so combustible? Because he was not a marginal figure. He was beloved by a sitting president, courted by world leaders, followed by millions. He represented, to his supporters, the silent majority finally speaking. To his enemies, he embodied the weaponization of grievance. That polarity meant his assassination could not be absorbed as a tragic crime; it had to be read as symbol, as trigger, as proof.And once symbols replace arguments, escalation is automatic. Trump promised a crackdown on enemies. JD Vance vowed institutional purges. Cardinals and pop stars consecrated Kirk as martyr. Meanwhile, conspiracy theories bloomed: Was the shooter Antifa? A Groyper? A false-flag pawn of Ukraine, Israel, Russia? Like radiation after a blast, the speculation itself became toxic fuel.The lesson is the same one Sarajevo teaches: small charges, aimed at brittle systems, create explosions whose shockwaves last generations. If every offensive post is treated as treason, if every death is weaponized into mandate, then the republic ceases to be a forum and becomes instead a minefield.The answer, paradoxically, is mercy. Protect the square. Let ugly words be answered with argument, not annihilation. Let crimes be punished through law, not mobs. Otherwise, Kirk's death will not be remembered as a tragedy but as a trigger — the moment America's fissile material reached critical mass.
Why protecting even offensive words is the only way to prevent violenceBy Chris Abraham for SubstackEvery generation rediscovers an old lesson the hard way: words are not bullets, but if you confuse them long enough, bullets eventually appear.Lately I've been struck by how quickly our civic conversations move from irritation to punishment. A clumsy remark or ugly slogan goes viral; the mob mobilizes; firings and cancellations follow. It's tempting to say “well, that's accountability,” but the speed and severity of these reactions tell a different story. What we are really doing is rehearsing a very old drama: escalation without a ceiling.Think about Sarajevo, 1914. A teenager named Gavrilo Princip fires a pistol at Archduke Franz Ferdinand. One act of political violence sets off treaties, obligations, and mobilizations. Within weeks, a continent is on fire. The war that followed didn't solve the problem — the punitive Treaty of Versailles created conditions for something even worse. What began as one shot became decades of blood.In our own time, the weapons are reputations, jobs, and platforms. The principle is the same. A careless post spirals into professional ruin. A mob decision substitutes for law. The difference between a town that argues and a town that shoots isn't etiquette — it's survival. Civilized societies invest in procedures: courts, ballots, deliberation. Mobs invest in immediacy. And immediacy always tempts violence.I am not blind to the harm of speech. Racist, vile, or threatening words sting. But the constitutional line exists for a reason. U.S. law is clear: speech only loses protection if it incites imminent lawless action. Everything else, however ugly, is permitted. That boundary protects not just bigots but everyone who dissents from the reigning consensus. Without it, majorities punish minorities on impulse.Cancel culture, whatever name you prefer, is efficient at punishment but poor at persuasion. It does not change minds; it exiles people. It does not reduce resentment; it deepens it. Every mob firing creates martyrs. Every public shaming fertilizes resentment. And resentment, history shows, is a renewable fuel for conflict.Even in theology, escalation is a central theme. The Gospel's “go, and sin no more” joins mercy with responsibility. Mercy without limits collapses into indulgence. Punishment without procedure collapses into vengeance. Both errors invite cycles that consume communities.Revolutions prove this. Marx promised liberation through rupture. Mao promised purification through violence. Che romanticized guerrilla struggle. What followed was not paradise but repression breeding new radicals, one cycle after another. The dueling codes of earlier centuries made the same point: treat words as violence, and violence answers back.We flatter ourselves that the modern age is different because our weapons are digital. But doxxing, mass reporting, and professional exile are simply new swords. The old instinct is unchanged.There is also a dangerous illusion that pauses equal peace. Versailles looked like peace; it was only a ceasefire. Contemporary ceasefires often work the same way: an interval to rearm. Punishment without reconciliation buys time, not resolution.So what should we do? Protect the square. Keep the civic forum open even to speech you despise. Reserve punishments for true threats, not for dissent. Train institutions to resist the adrenaline of the mob. Encourage citizens to answer ugliness with argument, not annihilation.This isn't naivety. It's strategy. If you want fewer bullets, you must tolerate more words. Ugly words, even dangerous-sounding words, are less corrosive than the torches we light to silence them.History has already taught us what happens when we confuse offense with violence and treat every slight as existential. Once the crowd is chanting and the torches are lit, the path back down the ladder is hard to find.
Headlines: - Albanese's Office Response: Prime Minister Albanese blames protestors for disruptions, while the church that owns the building states that the protestors have not caused any disturbances and that the lease simply expired. Criticism arises over Albanese's perceived opportunism in his anti-Palestinian rhetoric. - Worker's Death in Sydney: A worker dies from carbon monoxide poisoning while cleaning a restaurant, yet mainstream media focuses on the bravery of police rather than addressing systemic failures in infrastructure that allowed this tragedy to occur. - Tunnel Contractor Allegations: Reports emerge of malfeasance by a tunnel contractor, including a $5000 levy for work and demands for sexual favors and domestic work from female workers. The coverage inaccurately implicates the CFMEU, despite no connection to the union, highlighting issues of sloppy journalism. Additionally, the CFMEU faces ridicule for financial losses on a wellness center, which the union clarifies is intended for member wellbeing, not profit. - Italian Unions General Strike: Italian rank-and-file unions declare a general strike for September 22 in response to attacks on the Global Sumud Flotilla in Tunisian waters.Bail Reform Laws Citizen Report II here Caller John on Talkback With Attitude compiles an incisive critique and report on the Victorian Government's Bail Reform Laws that set a double standard for police and a larger critique of Victorian Police media fact checking and media bias demystification. Voices 4 Palestine II here "I Am The Pain" Poem by Lebanese mother and poet Samia recorded and edited by Karina Song - Portishead - Roads Live @ Together For Palestine Shirley Winton NO to AUKUS II hereLive interview from convener of Say No To AUKUS community forum held at Trades Hall Victoria on Sunday the 21st of September 2025 talking to us about why it is important for community to actively resist AUKUS and the ramping up of militarization around the country and indeed the world. Sue Bolton Save Public Housing II hereThe Victorian Government wants to knock down the 44 Public Housing Towers and hand over the property over to private developers.Why is Public Housing so important listen up from the recent public housing rally in Naarm Melb on Aug 2We hear from life-long community activist and Socialist Alliance member Sue Bolton as she delivers a searing speech at the Save Public Housing rally that was held on the 2nd of August 2025. This Is The Week II hereThe inimitable Comrade Kevin Healey provides his cutting satirical report on the week that was. First People's Assembly Reuben Berg Treaty Explainer II hereRueben Berg from the First People's Assembly of Victoria gives a nuts and bolts understanding of what is in the legislation and answers some questions around the issues that naysayers are pushing.
Treaty Talk | 347 | Quarter-finals to come; Mungret Magic & More #SportLK by Sporting LK
Thank you for tuning in to the Daughters of the Moon Podcast! In this episode, we feature Carmen Turner-Schott, an expert in astrology, who guides us through the energies influencing your life and how to harness them for clarity, growth, and self-discovery.Whether you're a seasoned astrology enthusiast or just curious about the cosmic influences shaping your days, Carmen offers practical insights and empowering guidance to help you align with your personal astrological energy.Connect with Us:
Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton is known as one of the earliest Mexican-American authors published in English, and her life story is tied closely to the Mexican-American war and the establishment of California as a state. Research: Amero, Richard W. “The Mexican-American War in Baja California.” The Journal of San Diego History. Winter 1984, Volume 30, Number 1. https://sandiegohistory.org/journal/1984/january/war/ Annenberg Learner. “Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton (c. 1832-1895).” https://www.learner.org/series/american-passages-a-literary-survey/masculine-heroes/maria-amparo-ruiz-de-burton-c-1832-1895/ Brink, Jean R. “María Amparo Ruiz de Burton.” EBSCO Knowledge Advantage. 2023. https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/history/maria-amparo-ruiz-de-burton Contreras, Alicia . "María Amparo Ruiz de Burton". In Oxford Bibliographies in American Literature. 3 Sep. 2025. https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199827251/obo-9780199827251-0191.xml. Contreras, Alicia. "'I'll publish your cowardice all over California': Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton's the squatter and the don in the age of Howells." American Literary Realism, vol. 49, no. 3, spring 2017, pp. 210+. Gale Academic OneFile, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A491311790/GPS?u=mlin_n_melpub&sid=bookmark-GPS&xid=97ad48d9. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. Crawford, Kathleen. “María Amparo Ruiz Burton.” The Journal of San Diego History. Summer 1984, Volume 30, Number 3. https://sandiegohistory.org/journal/1984/july/burton/ Diaz, Ella Maria. "Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton: Critical and Pedagogical Perspectives." Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers, vol. 22, no. 2, June 2005, pp. 202+. Gale OneFile: Business, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A141999447/GPS?u=mlin_n_melpub&sid=bookmark-GPS&xid=1c4826f6. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. Dietrich, Lucas. “A Sensational Job: Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton, J.B. Lippincott Co., and Commission Printing.” Bibliographical Society of America. Via YouTube. 4/19/2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fb6sfXdUyR8 Hedrick, Joan D. "Who Would Have Thought It?" The Women's Review of Books, vol. 13, no. 7, Apr. 1996, p. 6. Gale OneFile: Business, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A19140252/GPS?u=mlin_n_melpub&sid=bookmark-GPS&xid=c31ab587. Accessed 28 Aug. 2025. Meylor, Megan. “California Nerves.” Texas Studies in Literature and Language, FALL 2020, Vol. 62, No. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/27117136 Quarstein, John V. “Worden and the Californios.” U.S. Naval Institute. October 2023. https://www.usni.org/magazines/naval-history-magazine/2023/october/worden-and-californios Raab, Josef. “The Imagined Inter-American Community of María Amparo Ruiz de Burton.” Amerikastudien / American Studies, 2008, Vol. 53, No. 1. Via JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41158358 Sánchez, Rosaura and Beatriz Pita, editors. “Conflicts of Interest: The Letters of María Amparo Ruiz de Burton.” Arte Publico Press. University of Houston. 2001. Spitzzeri, Paul R. “Article Ten of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, 1848.” Homestead Museum Blog. 5/31/2019. https://homesteadmuseum.blog/2019/05/31/article-ten-of-the-treaty-of-guadalupe-hidalgo-1848/ “María Amparo Ruiz, a woman of that century.” Issue 30. 3/8/2017. https://tendenciaelartedeviajar.com/en/2017/03/history/maria-amparo-ruiz-a-woman-of-that-century/ University of Texas Press. “María Amparo Ruiz de Burton and the Conquered Californios: An Interview With Meagan Meylor.” 11/15/2021. https://utpress.utexas.edu/blog/2021/11/15/maria-amparo-ruiz-de-burton-and-the-conquered-californios-an-interview-with-meagan-meylor/ Women & The American Story. “Life Story: María Ruiz de Burton (1832–1895).” The New York Historical Society. https://wams.nyhistory.org/industry-and-empire/expansion-and-empire/maria-ruiz-de-burton/ See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
This Day in Legal History: Treaty of Fort PittOn September 17, 1778, the Treaty of Fort Pitt—also known as the Treaty of Fort Pitt or the Delaware Treaty—was signed between the newly independent United States and the Lenape (Delaware) Nation. It was the first formal treaty between the United States and a Native American tribe, signaling an alliance during the Revolutionary War against British forces. The treaty, negotiated at Fort Pitt (present-day Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania), promised military collaboration, mutual defense, and provisions for supplies and protection for the Lenape people. In a striking and largely symbolic provision, the treaty even entertained the idea of creating a 14th state within the Union to be governed by Native Americans.Though the treaty framed the Lenape as equal partners, its promises were quickly eroded by reality. The United States failed to deliver many of the resources it pledged, and the idea of a Native-governed state was abandoned almost as soon as it was proposed. Lenape leaders had agreed to the treaty in part out of necessity, caught between colonial and British expansion and hoping to safeguard their people's survival. Instead, they faced encroachment, displacement, and repeated betrayals.Within a few years, American militias and settlers would violate the treaty's terms, seizing land and disregarding Lenape sovereignty. The alliance never materialized in the way it was envisioned. The treaty, once a beacon of potential cooperation, became an early example of the fragility of Native-American treaties with the United States. It set a precedent for broken agreements that would recur throughout American expansion.A Senate report released by Democrats on September 17, 2025, criticized KPMG LLP for failing to act on warning signs at Silicon Valley Bank, Signature Bank, and First Republic Bank prior to their 2023 collapses. The auditors issued clean reports just weeks before the banks failed due to rising interest rates and liquidity issues, yet they allegedly ignored key red flags such as massive asset devaluations, governance concerns, and internal risk assessments. Lawmakers said KPMG adopted an overly narrow view of its responsibilities and maintained close, long-term relationships with the banks, raising questions about its objectivity. The report highlighted a revolving door between KPMG and the banks, with executives and audit staff frequently moving between roles. KPMG defended its audits, saying it followed U.S. standards and criticized the report as out of step with other investigations, which have not blamed auditors for the failures.Senator Richard Blumenthal called for substantial reform to the audit industry, citing “willful blindness” by KPMG and a failure to protect the public. Though the Senate subcommittee's report is unlikely to spur immediate regulatory changes—especially given the political instability at the PCAOB—it proposed new oversight tools, including mandatory auditor rotation and a whistleblower office. The report also recommended making audit enforcement investigations public sooner, arguing that long delays leave investors unaware of potential problems. KPMG, meanwhile, noted it had improved its audit practices and achieved its best regulatory inspection in 15 years.KPMG Dismissed Red Flags at Regional Banks, Senate Review FindsA New York state judge dismissed two terrorism-related charges against Luigi Mangione, who remains accused of second-degree murder in the killing of health insurance executive Brian Thompson. Justice Gregory Carro ruled that prosecutors failed to provide sufficient evidence that Mangione acted with the intent to intimidate health workers or influence government policy—criteria necessary for charges under the state's terrorism statute. While the judge acknowledged the seriousness of the crime, he clarified that not all non-traditional crimes qualify as terrorism.Mangione, 27, still faces nine other charges in the state case, including multiple counts of criminal possession of a weapon and a charge for possessing false identification. He has also been indicted federally, where the U.S. Justice Department is seeking the death penalty. The state court's decision does not impact the federal terrorism case, which remains active. Thompson, a former CEO at UnitedHealthcare, was shot outside a Midtown Manhattan hotel in December 2024 during a company event.The case has drawn national attention, particularly as concerns grow over politically motivated violence following the recent killing of conservative activist Charlie Kirk. Public reaction to Mangione has been sharply divided, with some viewing him as a vigilante figure amid frustration with rising healthcare costs. Supporters even rallied outside the courthouse, holding signs and wearing themed attire. Mangione has pleaded not guilty to all charges, and no trial dates have been scheduled.Luigi Mangione wins dismissal of terrorism counts in US insurance executive's killing | ReutersSeveral major U.S. law firms that reached agreements with President Donald Trump earlier this year are now representing clients in lawsuits against his administration, despite concerns that the deals would deter such actions. At least four of the nine firms that made arrangements with the White House—Latham & Watkins, Willkie Farr & Gallagher, Skadden Arps, and Milbank—have since taken on cases involving challenges to Trump-era policies on immigration, transgender rights, tariffs, and environmental regulations.The firms' deals with the Trump administration, reached in March and April, came in response to executive orders targeting firms seen as opposing the president's agenda or promoting diversity policies he opposed. As part of the agreements, the firms pledged nearly $1 billion in pro bono legal work for causes aligned with the administration. Critics feared the arrangements would chill dissent and limit the firms' independence, but court records show several firms continued to litigate against the government.Legal experts suggest these firms are balancing risk with professional obligations, especially in high-profile cases involving long-standing clients or influential attorneys. For example, Latham represents Danish energy company Orsted in a lawsuit over a halted wind project, and Willkie is defending Virginia school districts in a transgender rights dispute. Milbank is involved in litigation over Trump's tariff powers and sanctuary city policies, led by prominent attorneys Neal Katyal and Gurbir Grewal. Skadden has partnered with a nonprofit to represent an immigrant woman denied a special visa.Four firms successfully challenged the legality of Trump's executive orders in court, with rulings finding they violated First Amendment protections. The administration has appealed. Meanwhile, Reuters has reported that other top firms have reduced pro bono and diversity initiatives, cautious of possible political retaliation.Some law firms that cut deals with Trump take cases opposing his administration | ReutersTesla has reached a confidential settlement with the family of Jovani Maldonado, a teenager killed in a 2019 crash involving a Tesla Model 3 operating on Autopilot. The case, which was set to go to trial next month in Alameda County, adds to a string of fatal crash lawsuits the company has quietly resolved to avoid jury trials. The Maldonados alleged that Tesla's driver-assistance system failed to detect slowing traffic and that the car struck their Ford Explorer at 70 mph, ejecting and killing 15-year-old Jovani. According to the lawsuit, the Tesla driver had no hands on the wheel at the time of impact, and the family claimed Tesla misled the public about the safety and capabilities of its Autopilot technology.Although Tesla argued the technology worked as designed and blamed the driver, it continues to settle similar cases even after Elon Musk publicly stated in 2019 that he opposed settling “unjust” lawsuits. The company has also recently settled other high-profile fatal crash suits, including ones involving distracted drivers and cases with alcohol-related elements.These legal battles come as Tesla faces mounting scrutiny over Autopilot and its marketing practices. The California DMV is pursuing an administrative complaint accusing Tesla of exaggerating its software's capabilities, with a ruling still pending. Tesla has three more fatal Autopilot crash trials scheduled in the next six months, including one in Houston involving injured police officers.Tesla Settles Another Fatal Crash Suit Ahead of Jury Trial (1) This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe
Theresa Crow Spreading His Wings is the founder of Gathering Our Bundles, a leadership and healing platform rooted in love, truth, and cultural safety. A survivor of the Sixties scoop, Theresa specializes in trauma-informed care, decolonizing leadership, and system navigation for Indigenous communities. She is a Blackfoot First Nations woman from the Blood Tribe in Treaty 7 Territory in Standoff, Alberta. Her work is grounded in Blackfoot values and teachings.
50 years since Papua New Guinea gained independence from Australia, will a treaty see the two nations come back together on defence?
The ADHD Narrative | Episode 270 | Featuring Dr. Connie McReynoldsJoin us on the Daughters of the Moon Podcast as we sit down with Dr. Connie McReynolds, licensed psychologist, researcher, and author of Solving the ADHD Riddle. With more than 30 years of experience, Dr. McReynolds brings fresh insights into the ADHD narrative—beyond medication, beyond the label, and into practical solutions that help children, teens, and adults thrive.In this episode, we explore:✨ Understanding ADHD from a new perspective✨ The role of neurofeedback in managing symptoms✨ Tools for parents, educators, and individuals✨ How mindset and awareness shift the ADHD storyWhether you're a parent navigating ADHD with your child, an adult managing your own diagnosis, or simply curious about neuropsychology and holistic approaches, this conversation is full of practical wisdom and hope.Connect with Us:
50 years since Papua New Guinea gained independence from Australia, will a treaty see the two nations come back together on defence?
Welcome to Indigenous in Music with Larry K, this week we welcome from the Treaty 5 Territory, Manitoba., Rhonda Head is in the house. Award winning singer, songwriter, and performer. Her new album is out, “Iskwaywuk,” honoring women, the land, and love. You can read all about Rhonda at our place at our homepage at www.indigenousinmusicandarts.org/past-shows/rhonda-head. Enjoy music from Rhonda Head, Robbie Robertson, Khu.eex, Theia, Bomba Estereo, Brandis Knudsen, Litefoot, Siibii, Asani, Alicia Kayley, Mimi O'Bonsawin, Boogat, Nathan Cunningham, Blackfoot, Campo, Clube da Bossa, Robin Cisek, Elisapie, Thea May, Julian Taylor, Logan Staats, TRIBZ, Stevie Salas, Pretendians, XIT, Tom Bee, Aysanabee and much much more. Visit us on our home page to learn about us and our programs at www.indigenousinmusicandarts.org, check into our Two Buffalo Studios and our SAY Magazine Library to find out all about our Artists and Entrepreneurs.
Charlie Kirk's murder; Did Israel do it? :: Collapse of empires :: Political violence :: Peter Schiff laughed at but he predicted 2008 recession :: Rage bait :: Voting in New Mexico is on the honor system :: Firing over opinions :: Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons :: Self defense nukes? :: Jason Osbourne calls for turning up the temperature :: Live Free in New Hampshire Magazine :: Did the shooter have a tranny boyfriend? :: Man arrested for clapping :: Man waterboarded on CIA black sites can't sue :: 2025-09-13 Hosts: Bonnie, Angelo, Riley
“Can excommunicated Catholics be saved?” This episode explores the complexities of salvation and excommunication, while also addressing the morality of IVF and the Church’s perspective on good deeds in different faiths. Additionally, we delve into the workings of the Holy Spirit in our lives and clarify the role of sacramentals versus talismans. Tune in for a thoughtful discussion on these important topics. Join The CA Live Club Newsletter: Click Here Invite our apologists to speak at your parish! Visit Catholicanswersspeakers.com Questions Covered: 02:30 – I understand IVF is immoral even if there is only one child created and implanted, but should it also be illegal? Where is that line? 13:41 – How would the church differentiate between a work a saved person does versus a non-saved one. (context: good deeds in Islam vs works in Catholicism.) 28:40 – How does the Holy Spirit work in our daily lives? After confirmation, why do so many youths lose the guidance of the Holy Spirit? 33:25 – Can a baptismal candle be used for everyday purposes (like when the power goes out)? 36:28 – James IV of Scotland was excommunicated by Pope Julius II for breaking the Treaty of Perpetual Peace with England in favor of the much older “Auld Alliance” with France when Henry VIII of England participated in the “Holy League” against France via a military invasion. James IV of Scotland later perished in the Battle of Flodden field against England and his excommunication had never been rescinded. Did James (or any excommunicate for that matter) have any hope for salvation after dying while formally excommunicated? Are there distinctions between spiritual vs. politically motivated excommunications? I understand this requires context provided by James' private conscience, which we can only speculate on. 45:00 – How do we think about the Trinity when directing our prayers? Should I be developing a prayer rapport with each person of the Trinity or am I overthinking this? 51:31 – How do you explain sacramentals to someone when they say it's basically like having a magic talisman? I've understood it as God's grace working through the sacramental, but how can we make a better distinction between sacramentals and talismans?
"...and as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do." In this episode, Professor Johnson (Baylor U.) explores the origins of American theories of diplomacy and the importance of race and freedom in early American history. These concepts are seen most clearly in early relations between the USA and France, particularly the French colony of Saint-Domingue (modern day Haiti). This episode covers the period between the First Treaty of Paris (1763) and the Second Treaty of Paris (1783). Topics include: -the origins of American diplomacy -the conditions in the First Treaty of Paris that enflamed colonial tensions in North America, the Caribbean, and even Africa -the evolving racial politics amongst whites, free people of color, and slaves in Saint-Domingue, which had 128 categories of racial distinction -the similarities and differences between racial politics and colonial politics in British North America and French Saint-Domingue -the fascinating story of Crispus Attucks, a Massachusetts slave who freed himself and then became the first martyr in the Boston Massacre -strategies of black liberation in both French and British colonies -black authors who wrote about black emancipation, including Phillis Wheatley and Lemuel Haynes -John Adams' founding foreign policy theory of the new United States, namely the rejection of Europe's concept of the balance of power and military alliances -the first treaty between France and the US in 1778 -the story of the Chasseurs-Volontaires de Saint-Domingue, who fought with American rebels at the Siege of Savannah and who, after the American Revolution, returned to Saint-Domingue to lead the Haitian Revolution against the French Empire -the importance of Article 1 of the second Treaty of Paris (1783), which states: "His Brittanic Majesty acknowledges the said United States...to be free sovereign and Independent States; that he treats with them as such, and for himself his Heirs & Successors, relinquishes all claims to the Government, Propriety, and Territorial Rights of the same and every Part thereof." You can find a link to Prof. Johnson's new book, Entangled Alliances (Cornell UP) here: [Entangled Alliances: Racialized Freedom and Atlantic Diplomacy during the American Revolution](https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9781501783715/entangled-alliances/#bookTabs=1) The cover image features a reproduction of Paul Revere's famous lithograph of Crispus Attucks being killed during the Boston Massacre.
In an extended version of the programme that was broadcast, Melvyn Bragg and guests discuss the influential book John Maynard Keynes wrote in 1919 after he resigned in protest from his role at the Paris Peace Conference. There the victors of World War One were deciding the fate of the defeated, especially Germany and Austria-Hungary, and Keynes wanted the world to know his view that the economic consequences would be disastrous for all. Soon Germany used his book to support their claim that the Treaty was grossly unfair, a sentiment that fed into British appeasement in the 1930s and has since prompted debate over whether Keynes had only warned of disaster or somehow contributed to it. With Margaret MacMillan Emeritus Professor of International History at the University of Oxford Michael Cox Emeritus Professor of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Founding Director of LSE IDEAS And Patricia Clavin Professor of Modern History at the University of Oxford Producer: Simon Tillotson Reading list: Manfred F. Boemeke, Gerald D. Feldman and Elisabeth Glaser (eds.), The Treaty of Versailles: A Reassessment after 75 Years (Cambridge University Press, 1998) Zachary D. Carter, The Price of Peace: Money, Democracy and the Life of John Maynard Keynes (Random House, 2020) Peter Clarke, Keynes: The Twentieth Century's Most Influential Economist (Bloomsbury, 2009) Patricia Clavin et al (eds.), Keynes's Economic Consequences of the Peace after 100 Years: Polemics and Policy (Cambridge University Press, 2023) Patricia Clavin, ‘Britain and the Making of Global Order after 1919: The Ben Pimlott Memorial Lecture' (Twentieth Century British History, Vol. 31:3, 2020) Richard Davenport-Hines, Universal Man; The Seven Lives of John Maynard Keynes (William Collins, 2015) R. F. Harrod, John Maynard Keynes (first published 1951; Pelican, 1972) Jens Holscher and Matthias Klaes (eds), Keynes's Economic Consequences of the Peace: A Reappraisal (Pickering & Chatto, 2014) John Maynard Keynes (with an introduction by Michael Cox), The Economic Consequences of the Peace (Palgrave Macmillan, 2019) Margaret MacMillan, Peacemakers: Six Months that Changed the World (John Murray Publishers, 2001) Etienne Mantoux, The Carthaginian Peace or the Economic Consequences of Mr. Keynes (Oxford University Press, 1946) D. E. Moggridge, Maynard Keynes: An Economist's Biography (Routledge, 1992) Alan Sharp, Versailles 1919: A Centennial Perspective (Haus Publishing Ltd, 2018) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes, 1883-1946 (Pan Macmillan, 2004) Jürgen Tampke, A Perfidious Distortion of History: The Versailles Peace Treaty and the Success of the Nazis (Scribe UK, 2017) Adam Tooze, The Deluge: The Great War, America and the Remaking of the Global Order, 1916-1931 (Penguin Books, 2015) Spanning history, religion, culture, science and philosophy, In Our Time from BBC Radio 4 is essential listening for the intellectually curious. In each episode, host Melvyn Bragg and expert guests explore the characters, events and discoveries that have shaped our world.
Last time we spoke about the surrender of Japan. Emperor Hirohito announced the surrender on August 15, prompting mixed public reactions: grief, shock, and sympathy for the Emperor, tempered by fear of hardship and occupation. The government's response included resignations and suicide as new leadership was brought in under Prime Minister Higashikuni, with Mamoru Shigemitsu as Foreign Minister and Kawabe Torashiro heading a delegation to Manila. General MacArthur directed the occupation plan, “Blacklist,” prioritizing rapid, phased entry into key Japanese areas and Korea, while demobilizing enemy forces. The surrender ceremony occurred aboard the Missouri in Tokyo Bay on September 2, with Wainwright, Percival, Nimitz, and UN representatives in attendance. Civilians and soldiers across Asia began surrendering, and postwar rehabilitation, Indochina and Vietnam's independence movements, and Southeast Asian transitions rapidly unfolded as Allied forces established control. This episode is the Aftermath of the Pacific War Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. The Pacific War has ended. Peace has been restored by the Allies and most of the places conquered by the Japanese Empire have been liberated. In this post-war period, new challenges would be faced for those who won the war; and from the ashes of an empire, a defeated nation was also seeking to rebuild. As the Japanese demobilized their armed forces, many young boys were set to return to their homeland, even if they had previously thought that they wouldn't survive the ordeal. And yet, there were some cases of isolated men that would continue to fight for decades even, unaware that the war had already ended. As we last saw, after the Japanese surrender, General MacArthur's forces began the occupation of the Japanese home islands, while their overseas empire was being dismantled by the Allies. To handle civil administration, MacArthur established the Military Government Section, commanded by Brigadier-General William Crist, staffed by hundreds of US experts trained in civil governance who were reassigned from Okinawa and the Philippines. As the occupation began, Americans dispatched tactical units and Military Government Teams to each prefecture to ensure that policies were faithfully carried out. By mid-September, General Eichelberger's 8th Army had taken over the Tokyo Bay region and began deploying to occupy Hokkaido and the northern half of Honshu. Then General Krueger's 6th Army arrived in late September, taking southern Honshu and Shikoku, with its base in Kyoto. In December, 6th Army was relieved of its occupation duties; in January 1946, it was deactivated, leaving the 8th Army as the main garrison force. By late 1945, about 430,000 American soldiers were garrisoned across Japan. President Truman approved inviting Allied involvement on American terms, with occupation armies integrated into a US command structure. Yet with the Chinese civil war and Russia's reluctance to place its forces under MacArthur's control, only Australia, Britain, India, and New Zealand sent brigades, more than 40,000 troops in southwestern Japan. Japanese troops were gradually disarmed by order of their own commanders, so the stigma of surrender would be less keenly felt by the individual soldier. In the homeland, about 1.5 million men were discharged and returned home by the end of August. Demobilization overseas, however, proceeded, not quickly, but as a long, difficult process of repatriation. In compliance with General Order No. 1, the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters disbanded on September 13 and was superseded by the Japanese War Department to manage demobilization. By November 1, the homeland had demobilized 2,228,761 personnel, roughly 97% of the Homeland Army. Yet some 6,413,215 men remained to be repatriated from overseas. On December 1, the Japanese War Ministry dissolved, and the First Demobilization Ministry took its place. The Second Demobilization Ministry was established to handle IJN demobilization, with 1,299,868 sailors, 81% of the Navy, demobilized by December 17. Japanese warships and merchant ships had their weapons rendered inoperative, and suicide craft were destroyed. Forty percent of naval vessels were allocated to evacuations in the Philippines, and 60% to evacuations of other Pacific islands. This effort eventually repatriated about 823,984 men to Japan by February 15, 1946. As repatriation accelerated, by October 15 only 1,909,401 men remained to be repatriated, most of them in the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the Higashikuni Cabinet and Foreign Minister Shigemitsu Mamoru managed to persuade MacArthur not to impose direct military rule or martial law over all of Japan. Instead, the occupation would be indirect, guided by the Japanese government under the Emperor's direction. An early decision to feed occupation forces from American supplies, and to allow the Japanese to use their own limited food stores, helped ease a core fear: that Imperial forces would impose forced deliveries on the people they conquered. On September 17, MacArthur transferred his headquarters from Yokohama to Tokyo, setting up primary offices on the sixth floor of the Dai-Ichi Mutual Life Insurance Building, an imposing edifice overlooking the moat and the Imperial palace grounds in Hibiya, a symbolic heart of the nation. While the average soldier did not fit the rapacious image of wartime Japanese propagandists, occupation personnel often behaved like neo-colonial overlords. The conquerors claimed privileges unimaginable to most Japanese. Entire trains and train compartments, fitted with dining cars, were set aside for the exclusive use of occupation forces. These silenced, half-empty trains sped past crowded platforms, provoking ire as Japanese passengers were forced to enter and exit packed cars through punched-out windows, or perch on carriage roofs, couplings, and running boards, often with tragic consequences. The luxury express coaches became irresistible targets for anonymous stone-throwers. During the war, retrenchment measures had closed restaurants, cabarets, beer halls, geisha houses, and theatres in Tokyo and other large cities. Now, a vast leisure industry sprang up to cater to the needs of the foreign occupants. Reopened restaurants and theatres, along with train stations, buses, and streetcars, were sometimes kept off limits to Allied personnel, partly for security, partly to avoid burdening Japanese resources, but a costly service infrastructure was built to the occupiers' specifications. Facilities reserved for occupation troops bore large signs reading “Japanese Keep Out” or “For Allied Personnel Only.” In downtown Tokyo, important public buildings requisitioned for occupation use had separate entrances for Americans and Japanese. The effect? A subtle but clear colour bar between the predominantly white conquerors and the conquered “Asiatic” Japanese. Although MacArthur was ready to work through the Japanese government, he lacked the organizational infrastructure to administer a nation of 74 million. Consequently, on October 2, MacArthur dissolved the Military Government Section and inaugurated General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, a separate headquarters focused on civil affairs and operating in tandem with the Army high command. SCAP immediately assumed responsibility for administering the Japanese home islands. It commandeered every large building not burned down to house thousands of civilians and requisitioned vast tracts of prime real estate to quarter several hundred thousand troops in the Tokyo–Yokohama area alone. Amidst the rise of American privilege, entire buildings were refurbished as officers' clubs, replete with slot machines and gambling parlours installed at occupation expense. The Stars and Stripes were hoisted over Tokyo, while the display of the Rising Sun was banned; and the downtown area, known as “Little America,” was transformed into a US enclave. The enclave mentality of this cocooned existence was reinforced by the arrival within the first six months of roughly 700 American families. At the peak of the occupation, about 14,800 families employed some 25,000 Japanese servants to ease the “rigours” of overseas duty. Even enlisted men in the sparse quonset-hut towns around the city lived like kings compared with ordinary Japanese. Japanese workers cleaned barracks, did kitchen chores, and handled other base duties. The lowest private earned a 25% hardship bonus until these special allotments were discontinued in 1949. Most military families quickly adjusted to a pampered lifestyle that went beyond maids and “boys,” including cooks, laundresses, babysitters, gardeners, and masseuses. Perks included spacious quarters with swimming pools, central heating, hot running water, and modern plumbing. Two observers compared GHQ to the British Raj at its height. George F. Kennan, head of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, warned during his 1948 mission to Japan that Americans had monopolized “everything that smacks of comfort or elegance or luxury,” criticizing what he called the “American brand of philistinism” and the “monumental imperviousness” of MacArthur's staff to the Japanese suffering. This conqueror's mentality also showed in the bullying attitudes many top occupation officials displayed toward the Japanese with whom they dealt. Major Faubion Bowers, MacArthur's military secretary, later said, “I and nearly all the occupation people I knew were extremely conceited and extremely arrogant and used our power every inch of the way.” Initially, there were spasms of defiance against the occupation forces, such as anonymous stone-throwing, while armed robbery and minor assaults against occupation personnel were rife in the weeks and months after capitulation. Yet active resistance was neither widespread nor organized. The Americans successfully completed their initial deployment without violence, an astonishing feat given a heavily armed and vastly superior enemy operating on home terrain. The average citizen regarded the occupation as akin to force majeure, the unfortunate but inevitable aftermath of a natural calamity. Japan lay prostrate. Industrial output had fallen to about 10% of pre-war levels, and as late as 1946, more than 13 million remained unemployed. Nearly 40% of Japan's urban areas had been turned to rubble, and some 9 million people were homeless. The war-displaced, many of them orphans, slept in doorways and hallways, in bombed-out ruins, dugouts and packing crates, under bridges or on pavements, and crowded the hallways of train and subway stations. As winter 1945 descended, with food, fuel, and clothing scarce, people froze to death. Bonfires lit the streets to ward off the chill. "The only warm hands I have shaken thus far in Japan belonged to Americans," Mark Gayn noted in December 1945. "The Japanese do not have much of a chance to thaw out, and their hands are cold and red." Unable to afford shoes, many wore straw sandals; those with geta felt themselves privileged. The sight of a man wearing a woman's high-buttoned shoes in winter epitomized the daily struggle to stay dry and warm. Shantytowns built of scrap wood, rusted metal, and scavenged odds and ends sprang up everywhere, resembling vast junk yards. The poorest searched smouldering refuse heaps for castoffs that might be bartered for a scrap to eat or wear. Black markets (yami'ichi) run by Japanese, Koreans, and For-mosans mushroomed to replace collapsed distribution channels and cash in on inflated prices. Tokyo became "a world of scarcity in which every nail, every rag, and even a tangerine peel [had a] market value." Psychologically numbed, disoriented, and disillusioned with their leaders, demobilized veterans and civilians alike struggled to get their bearings, shed militaristic ideologies, and begin to embrace new values. In the vacuum of defeat, the Japanese people appeared ready to reject the past and grasp at the straw held out by the former enemy. Relations between occupier and occupied were not smooth, however. American troops comported themselves like conquerors, especially in the early weeks and months of occupation. Much of the violence was directed against women, with the first attacks beginning within hours after the landing of advance units. When US paratroopers landed in Sapporo, an orgy of looting, sexual violence, and drunken brawling ensued. Newspaper accounts reported 931 serious offences by GIs in the Yokohama area during the first week of occupation, including 487 armed robberies, 411 thefts of currency or goods, 9 rapes, 5 break-ins, 3 cases of assault and battery, and 16 other acts of lawlessness. In the first 10 days of occupation, there were 1,336 reported rapes by US soldiers in Kanagawa Prefecture alone. Americans were not the only perpetrators. A former prostitute recalled that when Australian troops arrived in Kure in early 1946, they “dragged young women into their jeeps, took them to the mountain, and then raped them. I heard them screaming for help nearly every night.” Such behaviour was commonplace, but news of criminal activity by occupation forces was quickly suppressed. On September 10, 1945, SCAP issued press and pre-censorship codes outlawing the publication of reports and statistics "inimical to the objectives of the occupation." In the sole instance of self-help General Eichelberger records in his memoirs, when locals formed a vigilante group and retaliated against off-duty GIs, 8th Army ordered armored vehicles into the streets and arrested the ringleaders, who received lengthy prison terms. Misbehavior ranged from black-market activity, petty theft, reckless driving, and disorderly conduct to vandalism, arson, murder, and rape. Soldiers and sailors often broke the law with impunity, and incidents of robbery, rape, and even murder were widely reported. Gang rapes and other sex atrocities were not infrequent; victims, shunned as outcasts, sometimes turned to prostitution in desperation, while others took their own lives to avoid bringing shame to their families. Military courts arrested relatively few soldiers for these offenses and convicted even fewer; Japanese attempts at self-defense were punished severely, and restitution for victims was rare. Fearing the worst, Japanese authorities had already prepared countermeasures against the supposed rapacity of foreign soldiers. Imperial troops in East Asia and the Pacific had behaved brutally toward women, so the government established “sexual comfort-stations” manned by geisha, bar hostesses, and prostitutes to “satisfy the lust of the Occupation forces,” as the Higashikuni Cabinet put it. A budget of 100 million yen was set aside for these Recreation and Amusement Associations, financed initially with public funds but run as private enterprises under police supervision. Through these, the government hoped to protect the daughters of the well-born and middle class by turning to lower-class women to satisfy the soldiers' sexual appetites. By the end of 1945, brothel operators had rounded up an estimated 20,000 young women and herded them into RAA establishments nationwide. Eventually, as many as 70,000 are said to have ended up in the state-run sex industry. Thankfully, as military discipline took hold and fresh troops replaced the Allied veterans responsible for the early crime wave, violence subsided and the occupier's patronising behavior and the ugly misdeeds of a lawless few were gradually overlooked. However, fraternisation was frowned upon by both sides, and segregation was practiced in principle, with the Japanese excluded from areas reserved for Allied personnel until September 1949, when MacArthur lifted virtually all restrictions on friendly association, stating that he was “establishing the same relations between occupation personnel and the Japanese population as exists between troops stationed in the United States and the American people.” In principle, the Occupation's administrative structure was highly complex. The Far Eastern Commission, based in Washington, included representatives from all 13 countries that had fought against Japan and was established in 1946 to formulate basic principles. The Allied Council for Japan was created in the same year to assist in developing and implementing surrender terms and in administering the country. It consisted of representatives from the USA, the USSR, Nationalist China, and the British Commonwealth. Although both bodies were active at first, they were largely ineffectual due to unwieldy decision-making, disagreements between the national delegations (especially the USA and USSR), and the obstructionism of General Douglas MacArthur. In practice, SCAP, the executive authority of the occupation, effectively ruled Japan from 1945 to 1952. And since it took orders only from the US government, the Occupation became primarily an American affair. The US occupation program, effectively carried out by SCAP, was revolutionary and rested on a two-pronged approach. To ensure Japan would never again become a menace to the United States or to world peace, SCAP pursued disarmament and demilitarization, with continuing control over Japan's capacity to make war. This involved destroying military supplies and installations, demobilizing more than five million Japanese soldiers, and thoroughly discrediting the military establishment. Accordingly, SCAP ordered the purge of tens of thousands of designated persons from public service positions, including accused war criminals, military officers, leaders of ultranationalist societies, leaders in the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, business leaders tied to overseas expansion, governors of former Japanese colonies, and national leaders who had steered Japan into war. In addition, MacArthur's International Military Tribunal for the Far East established a military court in Tokyo. It had jurisdiction over those charged with Class A crimes, top leaders who had planned and directed the war. Also considered were Class B charges, covering conventional war crimes, and Class C charges, covering crimes against humanity. Yet the military court in Tokyo wouldn't be the only one. More than 5,700 lower-ranking personnel were charged with conventional war crimes in separate trials convened by Australia, China, France, the Dutch East Indies, the Philippines, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Of the 5,700 Japanese individuals indicted for Class B war crimes, 984 were sentenced to death; 475 received life sentences; 2,944 were given more limited prison terms; 1,018 were acquitted; and 279 were never brought to trial or not sentenced. Among these, many, like General Ando Rikichi and Lieutenant-General Nomi Toshio, chose to commit suicide before facing prosecution. Notable cases include Lieutenant-General Tani Hisao, who was sentenced to death by the Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal for his role in the Nanjing Massacre; Lieutenant-General Sakai Takashi, who was executed in Nanjing for the murder of British and Chinese civilians during the occupation of Hong Kong. General Okamura Yasuji was convicted of war crimes by the Tribunal, yet he was immediately protected by the personal order of Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek, who kept him as a military adviser for the Kuomintang. In the Manila trials, General Yamashita Tomoyuki was sentenced to death as he was in overall command during the Sook Ching massacre, the Rape of Manila, and other atrocities. Lieutenant-General Homma Masaharu was likewise executed in Manila for atrocities committed by troops under his command during the Bataan Death March. General Imamura Hitoshi was sentenced to ten years in prison, but he considered the punishment too light and even had a replica of the prison built in his garden, remaining there until his death in 1968. Lieutenant-General Kanda Masatane received a 14-year sentence for war crimes on Bougainville, though he served only four years. Lieutenant-General Adachi Hatazo was sentenced to life imprisonment for war crimes in New Guinea and subsequently committed suicide on September 10, 1947. Lieutenant-General Teshima Fusataro received three years of forced labour for using a hospital ship to transport troops. Lieutenant-General Baba Masao was sentenced to death for ordering the Sandakan Death Marches, during which over 2,200 Australian and British prisoners of war perished. Lieutenant-General Tanabe Moritake was sentenced to death by a Dutch military tribunal for unspecified war crimes. Rear-Admiral Sakaibara Shigematsu was executed in Guam for ordering the Wake Island massacre, in which 98 American civilians were murdered. Lieutenant-General Inoue Sadae was condemned to death in Guam for permitting subordinates to execute three downed American airmen captured in Palau, though his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in 1951 and he was released in 1953. Lieutenant-General Tachibana Yoshio was sentenced to death in Guam for his role in the Chichijima Incident, in which eight American airmen were cannibalized. By mid-1945, due to the Allied naval blockade, the 25,000 Japanese troops on Chichijima had run low on supplies. However, although the daily rice ration had been reduced from 400 grams per person per day to 240 grams, the troops were not at risk of starvation. In February and March 1945, in what would later be called the Chichijima incident, Tachibana Yoshio's senior staff turned to cannibalism. Nine American airmen had escaped from their planes after being shot down during bombing raids on Chichijima, eight of whom were captured. The ninth, the only one to evade capture, was future US President George H. W. Bush, then a 20-year-old pilot. Over several months, the prisoners were executed, and reportedly by the order of Major Matoba Sueyo, their bodies were butchered by the division's medical orderlies, with the livers and other organs consumed by the senior staff, including Matoba's superior Tachibana. In the Yokohama War Crimes Trials, Lieutenant-Generals Inada Masazumi and Yokoyama Isamu were convicted for their complicity in vivisection and other human medical experiments performed at Kyushu Imperial University on downed Allied airmen. The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, which began in May 1946 and lasted two and a half years, resulted in the execution by hanging of Generals Doihara Kenji and Itagaki Seishiro, and former Prime Ministers Hirota Koki and Tojo Hideki, for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against peace, specifically for the escalation of the Pacific War and for permitting the inhumane treatment of prisoners of war. Also sentenced to death were Lieutenant-General Muto Akira for his role in the Nanjing and Manila massacres; General Kimura Heitaro for planning the war strategy in China and Southeast Asia and for laxity in preventing atrocities against prisoners of war in Burma; and General Matsui Iwane for his involvement in the Rape of Nanjing. The seven defendants who were sentenced to death were executed at Sugamo Prison in Ikebukuro on December 23, 1948. Sixteen others were sentenced to life imprisonment, including the last Field Marshal Hata Shunroku, Generals Araki Sadao, Minami Hiro, and Umezu Shojiro, Admiral Shimada Shigetaro, former Prime Ministers Hiranuma Kiichiro and Koiso Kuniaki, Marquis Kido Koichi, and Colonel Hashimoto Kingoro, a major instigator of the second Sino-Japanese War. Additionally, former Foreign Ministers Togo Shigenori and Shigemitsu Mamoru received seven- and twenty-year sentences, respectively. The Soviet Union and Chinese Communist forces also held trials of Japanese war criminals, including the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials, which tried and found guilty some members of Japan's bacteriological and chemical warfare unit known as Unit 731. However, those who surrendered to the Americans were never brought to trial, as MacArthur granted immunity to Lieutenant-General Ishii Shiro and all members of the bacteriological research units in exchange for germ-w warfare data derived from human experimentation. If you would like to learn more about what I like to call Japan's Operation Paper clip, whereupon the US grabbed many scientists from Unit 731, check out my exclusive podcast. The SCAP-turn to democratization began with the drafting of a new constitution in 1947, addressing Japan's enduring feudal social structure. In the charter, sovereignty was vested in the people, and the emperor was designated a “symbol of the state and the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people in whom resides sovereign power.” Because the emperor now possessed fewer powers than European constitutional monarchs, some have gone so far as to say that Japan became “a republic in fact if not in name.” Yet the retention of the emperor was, in fact, a compromise that suited both those who wanted to preserve the essence of the nation for stability and those who demanded that the emperor system, though not necessarily the emperor, should be expunged. In line with the democratic spirit of the new constitution, the peerage was abolished and the two-chamber Diet, to which the cabinet was now responsible, became the highest organ of state. The judiciary was made independent and local autonomy was granted in vital areas of jurisdiction such as education and the police. Moreover, the constitution stipulated that “the people shall not be prevented from enjoying any of the fundamental human rights,” that they “shall be respected as individuals,” and that “their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness shall … be the supreme consideration in legislation.” Its 29 articles guaranteed basic human rights: equality, freedom from discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, social status or family origin, freedom of thought and freedom of religion. Finally, in its most controversial section, Article 9, the “peace clause,” Japan “renounce[d] war as a sovereign right of the nation” and vowed not to maintain any military forces and “other war potential.” To instill a thoroughly democratic ethos, reforms touched every facet of society. The dissolution of the zaibatsu decentralised economic power; the 1945 Labour Union Law and the 1946 Labour Relations Act guaranteed workers the right to collective action; the 1947 Labour Standards Law established basic working standards for men and women; and the revised Civil Code of 1948 abolished the patriarchal household and enshrined sexual equality. Reflecting core American principles, SCAP introduced a 6-3-3 schooling system, six years of compulsory elementary education, three years of junior high, and an optional three years of senior high, along with the aim of secular, locally controlled education. More crucially, ideological reform followed: censorship of feudal material in media, revision of textbooks, and prohibition of ideas glorifying war, dying for the emperor, or venerating war heroes. With women enfranchised and young people shaped to counter militarism and ultranationalism, rural Japan was transformed to undermine lingering class divisions. The land reform program provided for the purchase of all land held by absentee landlords, allowed resident landlords and owner-farmers to retain a set amount of land, and required that the remaining land be sold to the government so it could be offered to existing tenants. In 1948, amid the intensifying tensions of the Cold War that would soon culminate in the Korean War, the occupation's focus shifted from demilitarization and democratization toward economic rehabilitation and, ultimately, the remilitarization of Japan, an shift now known as the “Reverse Course.” The country was thus rebuilt as the Pacific region's primary bulwark against the spread of Communism. An Economic Stabilisation Programme was introduced, including a five-year plan to coordinate production and target capital through the Reconstruction Finance Bank. In 1949, the anti-inflationary Dodge Plan was adopted, advocating balanced budgets, fixing the exchange rate at 360 yen to the dollar, and ending broad government intervention. Additionally, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry was formed and supported the formation of conglomerates centered around banks, which encouraged the reemergence of a somewhat weakened set of zaibatsu, including Mitsui and Mitsubishi. By the end of the Occupation era, Japan was on the verge of surpassing its 1934–1936 levels of economic growth. Equally important was Japan's rearmament in alignment with American foreign policy: a National Police Reserve of about 75,000 was created with the outbreak of the Korean War; by 1952 it had expanded to 110,000 and was renamed the Self-Defense Force after the inclusion of an air force. However, the Reverse Course also facilitated the reestablishment of conservative politics and the rollback of gains made by women and the reforms of local autonomy and education. As the Occupation progressed, the Americans permitted greater Japanese initiative, and power gradually shifted from the reformers to the moderates. By 1949, the purge of the right came under review, and many who had been condemned began returning to influence, if not to the Diet, then to behind-the-scenes power. At the same time, Japanese authorities, with MacArthur's support, began purging left-wing activists. In June 1950, for example, the central office of the Japan Communist Party and the editorial board of The Red Flag were purged. The gains made by women also seemed to be reversed. Women were elected to 8% of available seats in the first lower-house election in 1946, but to only 2% in 1952, a trend not reversed until the so-called Madonna Boom of the 1980s. Although the number of women voting continued to rise, female politicisation remained more superficial than might be imagined. Women's employment also appeared little affected by labour legislation: though women formed nearly 40% of the labor force in 1952, they earned only 45% as much as men. Indeed, women's attitudes toward labor were influenced less by the new ethos of fulfilling individual potential than by traditional views of family and workplace responsibilities. In the areas of local autonomy and education, substantial modifications were made to the reforms. Because local authorities lacked sufficient power to tax, they were unable to realise their extensive powers, and, as a result, key responsibilities were transferred back to national jurisdiction. In 1951, for example, 90% of villages and towns placed their police forces under the control of the newly formed National Police Agency. Central control over education was also gradually reasserted; in 1951, the Yoshida government attempted to reintroduce ethics classes, proposed tighter central oversight of textbooks, and recommended abolishing local school board elections. By the end of the decade, all these changes had been implemented. The Soviet occupation of the Kurile Islands and the Habomai Islets was completed with Russian troops fully deployed by September 5. Immediately after the onset of the occupation, amid a climate of insecurity and fear marked by reports of sporadic rape and physical assault and widespread looting by occupying troops, an estimated 4,000 islanders fled to Hokkaido rather than face an uncertain repatriation. As Soviet forces moved in, they seized or destroyed telephone and telegraph installations and halted ship movements into and out of the islands, leaving residents without adequate food and other winter provisions. Yet, unlike Manchuria, where Japanese civilians faced widespread sexual violence and pillage, systematic violence against the civilian population on the Kuriles appears to have been exceptional. A series of military government proclamations assured islanders of safety so long as they did not resist Soviet rule and carried on normally; however, these orders also prohibited activities not explicitly authorized by the Red Army, which imposed many hardships on civilians. Residents endured harsh conditions under Soviet rule until late 1948, when Japanese repatriation out of the Kurils was completed. The Kuriles posed a special diplomatic problem, as the occupation of the southernmost islands—the Northern Territories—ignited a long-standing dispute between Tokyo and Moscow that continues to impede the normalisation of relations today. Although the Kuriles were promised to the Soviet Union in the Yalta agreement, Japan and the United States argued that this did not apply to the Northern Territories, since they were not part of the Kurile Islands. A substantial dispute regarding the status of the Kurile Islands arose between the United States and the Soviet Union during the preparation of the Treaty of San Francisco, which was intended as a permanent peace treaty between Japan and the Allied Powers of World War II. The treaty was ultimately signed by 49 nations in San Francisco on September 8, 1951, and came into force on April 28, 1952. It ended Japan's role as an imperial power, allocated compensation to Allied nations and former prisoners of war who had suffered Japanese war crimes, ended the Allied post-war occupation of Japan, and returned full sovereignty to Japan. Effectively, the document officially renounced Japan's treaty rights derived from the Boxer Protocol of 1901 and its rights to Korea, Formosa and the Pescadores, the Kurile Islands, the Spratly Islands, Antarctica, and South Sakhalin. Japan's South Seas Mandate, namely the Mariana Islands, Marshall Islands, and Caroline Islands, had already been formally revoked by the United Nations on July 18, 1947, making the United States responsible for administration of those islands under a UN trusteeship agreement that established the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. In turn, the Bonin, Volcano, and Ryukyu Islands were progressively restored to Japan between 1953 and 1972, along with the Senkaku Islands, which were disputed by both Communist and Nationalist China. In addition, alongside the Treaty of San Francisco, Japan and the United States signed a Security Treaty that established a long-lasting military alliance between them. Although Japan renounced its rights to the Kuriles, the U.S. State Department later clarified that “the Habomai Islands and Shikotan ... are properly part of Hokkaido and that Japan is entitled to sovereignty over them,” hence why the Soviets refused to sign the treaty. Britain and the United States agreed that territorial rights would not be granted to nations that did not sign the Treaty of San Francisco, and as a result the Kurile Islands were not formally recognized as Soviet territory. A separate peace treaty, the Treaty of Taipei (formally the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty), was signed in Taipei on April 28, 1952 between Japan and the Kuomintang, and on June 9 of that year the Treaty of Peace Between Japan and India followed. Finally, Japan and the Soviet Union ended their formal state of war with the Soviet–Japanese Joint Declaration of 1956, though this did not settle the Kurile Islands dispute. Even after these formal steps, Japan as a nation was not in a formal state of war, and many Japanese continued to believe the war was ongoing; those who held out after the surrender came to be known as Japanese holdouts. Captain Oba Sakae and his medical company participated in the Saipan campaign beginning on July 7, 1944, and took part in what would become the largest banzai charge of the Pacific War. After 15 hours of intense hand-to-hand combat, almost 4,300 Japanese soldiers were dead, and Oba and his men were presumed among them. In reality, however, he survived the battle and gradually assumed command of over a hundred additional soldiers. Only five men from his original unit survived the battle, two of whom died in the following months. Oba then led over 200 Japanese civilians deeper into the jungles to evade capture, organizing them into mountain caves and hidden jungle villages. When the soldiers were not assisting the civilians with survival tasks, Oba and his men continued their battle against the garrison of US Marines. He used the 1,552‑ft Mount Tapochau as their primary base, which offered an unobstructed 360-degree view of the island. From their base camp on the western slope of the mountain, Oba and his men occasionally conducted guerrilla-style raids on American positions. Due to the speed and stealth of these operations, and the Marines' frustrated attempts to find him, the Saipan Marines eventually referred to Oba as “The Fox.” Oba and his men held out on the island for 512 days, or about 16 months. On November 27, 1945, former Major-General Amo Umahachi was able to draw out some of the Japanese in hiding by singing the anthem of the Japanese infantry branch. Amo was then able to present documents from the defunct IGHQ to Oba ordering him and his 46 remaining men to surrender themselves to the Americans. On December 1, the Japanese soldiers gathered on Tapochau and sang a song of departure to the spirits of the war dead; Oba led his people out of the jungle and they presented themselves to the Marines of the 18th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Company. With great formality and commensurate dignity, Oba surrendered his sword to Lieutenant Colonel Howard G. Kirgis, and his men surrendered their arms and colors. On January 2, 1946, 20 Japanese soldiers hiding in a tunnel at Corregidor Island surrendered after learning the war had ended from a newspaper found while collecting water. In that same month, 120 Japanese were routed after a battle in the mountains 150 miles south of Manila. In April, during a seven-week campaign to clear Lubang Island, 41 more Japanese emerged from the jungle, unaware that the war had ended; however, a group of four Japanese continued to resist. In early 1947, Lieutenant Yamaguchi Ei and his band of 33 soldiers renewed fighting with the small Marine garrison on Peleliu, prompting reinforcements under Rear-Admiral Charles Pownall to be brought to the island to hunt down the guerrilla group. Along with them came former Rear-Admiral Sumikawa Michio, who ultimately convinced Yamaguchi to surrender in April after almost three years of guerrilla warfare. Also in April, seven Japanese emerged from Palawan Island and fifteen armed stragglers emerged from Luzon. In January 1948, 200 troops surrendered on Mindanao; and on May 12, the Associated Press reported that two unnamed Japanese soldiers had surrendered to civilian policemen in Guam the day before. On January 6, 1949, two former IJN soldiers, machine gunners Matsudo Rikio and Yamakage Kufuku, were discovered on Iwo Jima and surrendered peacefully. In March 1950, Private Akatsu Yūichi surrendered in the village of Looc, leaving only three Japanese still resisting on Lubang. By 1951 a group of Japanese on Anatahan Island refused to believe that the war was over and resisted every attempt by the Navy to remove them. This group was first discovered in February 1945, when several Chamorros from Saipan were sent to the island to recover the bodies of a Saipan-based B-29. The Chamorros reported that there were about thirty Japanese survivors from three ships sunk in June 1944, one of which was an Okinawan woman. Personal aggravations developed from the close confines of a small group on a small island and from tuba drinking; among the holdouts, 6 of 11 deaths were the result of violence, and one man displayed 13 knife wounds. The presence of only one woman, Higa Kazuko, caused considerable difficulty as she would transfer her affections among at least four men after each of them mysteriously disappeared, purportedly “swallowed by the waves while fishing.” According to the more sensational versions of the Anatahan tale, 11 of the 30 navy sailors stranded on the island died due to violent struggles over her affections. In July 1950, Higa went to the beach when an American vessel appeared offshore and finally asked to be removed from the island. She was taken to Saipan aboard the Miss Susie and, upon arrival, told authorities that the men on the island did not believe the war was over. As the Japanese government showed interest in the situation on Anatahan, the families of the holdouts were contacted in Japan and urged by the Navy to write letters stating that the war was over and that the holdouts should surrender. The letters were dropped by air on June 26 and ultimately convinced the holdouts to give themselves up. Thus, six years after the end of World War II, “Operation Removal” commenced from Saipan under the command of Lt. Commander James B. Johnson, USNR, aboard the Navy Tug USS Cocopa. Johnson and an interpreter went ashore by rubber boat and formally accepted the surrender on the morning of June 30, 1951. The Anatahan femme fatale story later inspired the 1953 Japanese film Anatahan and the 1998 novel Cage on the Sea. In 1953, Murata Susumu, the last holdout on Tinian, was finally captured. The next year, on May 7, Corporal Sumada Shoichi was killed in a clash with Filipino soldiers, leaving only two Japanese still resisting on Lubang. In November 1955, Seaman Kinoshita Noboru was captured in the Luzon jungle but soon after committed suicide rather than “return to Japan in defeat.” That same year, four Japanese airmen surrendered at Hollandia in Dutch New Guinea; and in 1956, nine soldiers were located and sent home from Morotai, while four men surrendered on Mindoro. In May 1960, Sergeant Ito Masashi became one of the last Japanese to surrender at Guam after the capture of his comrade Private Minagawa Bunzo, but the final surrender at Guam would come later with Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi. Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi survived in the jungles of Guam by living for years in an elaborately dug hole, subsisting on snails and lizards, a fate that, while undignified, showcased his ingenuity and resilience and earned him a warm welcome on his return to Japan. His capture was not heroic in the traditional sense: he was found half-starving by a group of villagers while foraging for shrimp in a stream, and the broader context included his awareness as early as 1952 that the war had ended. He explained that the wartime bushido code, emphasizing self-sacrifice or suicide rather than self-preservation, had left him fearing that repatriation would label him a deserter and likely lead to execution. Emerging from the jungle, Yokoi also became a vocal critic of Japan's wartime leadership, including Emperor Hirohito, which fits a view of him as a product of, and a prisoner within, his own education, military training, and the censorship and propaganda of the era. When asked by a young nephew how he survived so long on an island just a short distance from a major American airbase, he replied simply, “I was really good at hide and seek.” That same year, Private Kozuka Kinshichi was killed in a shootout with Philippine police in October, leaving Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo still resisting on Lubang. Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo had been on Lubang since 1944, a few months before the Americans retook the Philippines. The last instructions he had received from his immediate superior ordered him to retreat to the interior of the island and harass the Allied occupying forces until the IJA eventually returned. Despite efforts by the Philippine Army, letters and newspapers left for him, radio broadcasts, and even a plea from Onoda's brother, he did not believe the war was over. On February 20, 1974, Onoda encountered a young Japanese university dropout named Suzuki Norio, who was traveling the world and had told friends that he planned to “look for Lieutenant Onoda, a panda, and the abominable snowman, in that order.” The two became friends, but Onoda stated that he was waiting for orders from one of his commanders. On March 9, 1974, Onoda went to an agreed-upon place and found a note left by Suzuki. Suzuki had brought along Onoda's former commander, Major Taniguchi, who delivered the oral orders for Onoda to surrender. Intelligence Officer 2nd Lt. Onoda Hiroo thus emerged from Lubang's jungle with his .25 caliber rifle, 500 rounds of ammunition, and several hand grenades. He surrendered 29 years after Japan's formal surrender, and 15 years after being declared legally dead in Japan. When he accepted that the war was over, he wept openly. He received a hero's welcome upon his return to Japan in 1974. The Japanese government offered him a large sum of money in back pay, which he refused. When money was pressed on him by well-wishers, he donated it to Yasukuni Shrine. Onoda was reportedly unhappy with the attention and what he saw as the withering of traditional Japanese values. He wrote No Surrender: My Thirty-Year War, a best-selling autobiography published in 1974. Yet the last Japanese to surrender would be Private Nakamura Teruo, an Amis aborigine from Formosa and a member of the Takasago Volunteers. Private Nakamura Teruo spent the tail end of World War II with a dwindling band on Morotai, repeatedly dispersing and reassembling in the jungle as they hunted for food. The group suffered continuous losses to starvation and disease, and survivors described Nakamura as highly self-sufficient. He left to live alone somewhere in the Morotai highlands between 1946 and 1947, rejoined the main group in 1950, and then disappeared again a few years later. Nakamura hinted in print that he fled into the jungle because he feared the other holdouts might murder him. He survives for decades beyond the war, eventually being found by 11 Indonesian soldiers. The emergence of an indigenous Taiwanese soldier among the search party embarrassed Japan as it sought to move past its imperial past. Many Japanese felt Nakamura deserved compensation for decades of loyalty, only to learn that his back pay for three decades of service amounted to 68,000 yen. Nakamura's experience of peace was complex. When a journalist asked how he felt about “wasting” three decades of his life on Morotai, he replied that the years had not been wasted; he had been serving his country. Yet the country he returned to was Taiwan, and upon disembarking in Taipei in early January 1975, he learned that his wife had a son he had never met and that she had remarried a decade after his official death. Nakamura eventually lived with a daughter, and his story concluded with a bittersweet note when his wife reconsidered and reconciled with him. Several Japanese soldiers joined local Communist and insurgent groups after the war to avoid surrender. Notably, in 1956 and 1958, two soldiers returned to Japan after service in China's People's Liberation Army. Two others who defected with a larger group to the Malayan Communist Party around 1945 laid down their arms in 1989 and repatriated the next year, becoming among the last to return home. That is all for today, but fear not I will provide a few more goodies over the next few weeks. I will be releasing some of my exclusive podcast episodes from my youtube membership and patreon that are about pacific war subjects. Like I promised the first one will be on why Emperor Hirohito surrendered. Until then if you need your fix you know where to find me: eastern front week by week, fall and rise of china, echoes of war or on my Youtube membership of patreon at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.
“A great war can hardly be avoided any longer.” This is the story of Nazi Germany's aggressive territorial expansion and the start of WWII. The Treaty of Versailles has long been a thorn in Adolf Hitler's side. Its troublesome limits on troops and technology pose challenges for a man bent on taking lebensraum and building a Grossdeuschland by any means necessary. So he starts quietly building planes and submarines. Then he starts publicly adding a few hundred thousand more soldiers. By 1936, he's ready to move. He remilitarizes the Rhineland. When that goes well, he only grows bolder. He takes Austria. He takes Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland. Many European leaders—particularly those not named Winston Churchill—fail to grasp just how far the Fuhrer will go. They hope to “appease” him. But when Adolf strikes again, brazenly seizing the rest of Czechoslovakia, even British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain is ready to draw a line. That line is Poland.Connect with us on HTDSpodcast.com and go deep into episode bibliographies and book recommendations join discussions in our Facebook community get news and discounts from The HTDS Gazette come see a live show get HTDS merch or become an HTDS premium member for bonus episodes and other perks. To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Welcome back to Impact Theory with Tom Bilyeu! In today's special Q&A deep dive, Tom and co-host Drew respond directly to your hottest takes and burning questions inspired by their recent viral video, “The Things That Happened Right Before Collapse.” Together, they tackle wide-ranging topics—exploring America's mounting debt crisis, inflation, the struggle of average people to get ahead, and the growing wealth gap that's fueling frustration across the country. Tom delivers his famously unfiltered perspective on why the U.S. economy is in far deeper trouble than many people realize, challenging conventional wisdom about reserve currencies, military might, and the government's ability to ‘soft default' through inflation. He breaks down how these forces squeeze the middle class and details the predictable historical cycles—referencing everything from the fall of past empires to today's socioeconomic malaise. The conversation also dives into passionate debates from the comment section, from capitalism versus socialism to debt forgiveness, and practical advice for protecting yourself in uncertain times. Tom and Drew address critics head-on, unpack common misconceptions about asset ownership, and even discuss the emotional side of wealth and purpose. SHOWNOTES 00:00 Debt Growth and Wealth Disparity 08:45 "Discovering Inflation's True Origins" 14:45 "End of the American Dream" 20:18 Middle Class vs. Socialism Debate 34:38 Treaty of Versailles' Consequences 49:58 Lynn Alden's All-Weather Strategy 58:03 Quest University: Teaching Success Rules 01:00:51 "Leveraging Audience for Success" CHECK OUT OUR SPONSORS Allio Capital: Macro investing for people who want to understand the big picture. Download their app in the App Store or at Google Play, or text my name “TOM” to 511511. ButcherBox: Ready to level up your meals? Go to https://butcherbox.com/impact to get $20 off your first box and FREE bacon for life with the Bilyeu Box! Linkedin: Post your job free at https://linkedin.com/impacttheory Shopify: Sign up for your one-dollar-per-month trial period at https://shopify.com/impact Hims: Start your free online visit today at https://hims.com/IMPACT. SleepMe: Visit https://sleep.me/impact to get your Chilipad and save 20% with code IMPACT. Try it risk-free with their 30-night sleep trial and free shipping. Vital Proteins: Get 20% off by going to https://www.vitalproteins.com and entering promo code IMPACT at check out What's up, everybody? It's Tom Bilyeu here: If you want my help... STARTING a business: join me here at ZERO TO FOUNDER: https://tombilyeu.com/zero-to-founder?utm_campaign=Podcast%20Offer&utm_source=podca[%E2%80%A6]d%20end%20of%20show&utm_content=podcast%20ad%20end%20of%20show SCALING a business: see if you qualify here.: https://tombilyeu.com/call Get my battle-tested strategies and insights delivered weekly to your inbox: sign up here.: https://tombilyeu.com/ ********************************************************************** If you're serious about leveling up your life, I urge you to check out my new podcast, Tom Bilyeu's Mindset Playbook —a goldmine of my most impactful episodes on mindset, business, and health. Trust me, your future self will thank you. ********************************************************************** FOLLOW TOM: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tombilyeu/ Tik Tok: https://www.tiktok.com/@tombilyeu?lang=en Twitter: https://twitter.com/tombilyeu YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TomBilyeu Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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