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This is Episode 84 - Notorious Governors of Texas Edmund J. Davis and the first of our series of Notorious Governors of Texas. With all the politics in the news today, I've naturally been thinking about politics and politicians. One group that has always intrigued me are governors. Not presidents, or senators, or members of the house, but governors. They're the ones who really give a state its identity, well at least in a way, because they're most often the ‘face' of the state. Here in Texas, our current governor seems to love making pronouncements about how his administration is going to fight this or that evil that might be encroaching on Texan's freedoms. More often than not, it's usually just a bunch of fluff that his advisors know will make his hard-core supporters emotional and get him on the evening news. After all he's running for re-election and needs to make sure people don't forget about him. Naturally this got me to thinking about Texas governors in the past, so I started researching what I thought of the most notorious governors in the history of the state. These governors often gained notoriety due to the turbulent, defining political eras in which they served, such as the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the Progressive era scandals. So, today I'm going to start a series on these leaders from the past. First is Edmund J. Davis: Union Army Officer and Reconstruction Governor of Texas. Davis was governor in the reconstruction period 1870 and 1874. He was a Republican, (not the type of Republican we have today, these were the anti-slavery, pro-union republicans). Since he was a Republican during Reconstruction, needless to say he was very unpopular with a large percentage of white Texans. They thought of him as a tyrant, because he believed in using the state police and he was adamant in enforcing what many considered to be radical Republican policies. Who was he, and how did he become governor? As were many Texans at the time, he wasn't originally from Texas. He was born at St. Augustine, Florida, on October 2, 1827, to William Godwin and Mary Ann (Channer) Davis. His lineage traced back to a Grandfather Godwin Davis, who had immigrated from England to Virginia and had fought and perished during the Revolutionary War. His father, who lived in South Carolina, was a land developer and attorney in St. Augustine. As a young man Davis was educated in Florida, and at age 19 moved, with the family to Galveston, Texas, in January 1848. In Galveston he started a career working in the post office while he undertook the study of law. In 1849 he relocated to Corpus Christi, where he worked in a store and continued to read and study law and in the fall of 1849, he was admitted to the bar. Between 1849 and 1853 he was an inspector and deputy collector of customs at Laredo. In 1853 he became district attorney of the Twelfth Judicial District at Brownsville. About 1856 Governor Elisha M. Pease named him judge of the same district, and Davis continued to serve as a state judge until 1861. As judge he accompanied the ranger unit of Capt. William G. Tobin, who was involved in the Cortina affair at Brownsville in 1859 On April 6, 1858, Davis married Elizabeth Anne Britton, daughter of Forbes Britton, a state senator and friend of Sam Houston. Now we have his personal story, but this is Texas and in Texas nothing is simple, particularly politics. Davis was a Whig until the mid-1850s. OK, who were the Whigs? They were a major political party that was very active from 1834 to 1854. They were originally formed in order to oppose President Andrew Jackson's policies and his desire to expand executive power. (see power hungry president's isn't exactly anything new in American history). They supported Henry Clay's "American System," and they believed in modernization, industrialization, protective tariffs, and a national bank. The fell apart by infighting over the expansion of slavery into new territories. This caused Northern "Conscience" Whigs to join the Republican Party and Southern "Cotton" Whigs to join other factions, such as the fledgling democratic party and some joined the “Know-Nothing” party. In 1855 after the Whigs fell apart, Davis joined the Democratic party. In 1861 even though the Texas democratic party was a strong advocate for secession and were pro-slavery, Davis supported Sam Houston and opposed secession. He ran unsuccessfully to become a delegate to the Secession Convention. Once Texas voted to leave and announced it was seceding from the union, Davis refused to take the oath of loyalty to the Confederacy, and the state vacated his judgeship on April 24. Unable to support the Confederacy in May of 1862 Davis fled Texas and travelled to New Orleans. From New Orleans along with John L. Haynes and William Alexander, he went to Washington. The men met with President Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln recommended that the three would be given help so they could provide weapons to troops that they wanted to raise. On October 26, 1862, Davis received a colonel's commission and authorization to recruit the cavalry regiment that became the First Texas Cavalry (U.S.). The First Texas saw extensive service during the war. In January of 1863 they barely escaped capture when Galveston fell to Confederates. While in Matamoros in March of 1863 Davis was captured by Confederates. He had been there attempting to take his family out of Texas and also recruit men for his unit. Needless to say, his capture caused diplomatic trouble between the Confederacy and Mexico. Finally Confederate Gen. Hamilton P. Bee in order to appease the Mexican governor Albino López released Davis. Davis crossed back into Texas and from November to December 1863 he took part in Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks's unsuccessful Rio Grande campaign. in an effort to disrupt the border trade Davis's unit marched to Rio Grande City and seized cotton and slaves. On November 4, 1864, Davis was promoted to brigadier general and for the remainder of the war commanded Gen. Joseph J. Reynolds's cavalry in the Division of Western Mississippi. On June 2, 1865, he was among those who represented Gen. Edward R. S. Canby at Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith's surrender of Confederate forces in Texas. After the war Davis participated in state politics as a Unionist and Republican. He served in the Constitutional Convention of 1866 and ran in the 1866 general election he ran unsuccessfully for the state Senate from his old district. He represented the border district and served as president of the Constitutional Convention of 1868–69. During this time, he made enemies among the white population by consistently supporting political programs that would have restricted the political rights of secessionists, expanded rights for Blacks, and divided the state. He also favored the ab initio theory, which held that all laws passed since secession were null and void. He ran for governor in the election of 1869 against Andrew J. Hamilton, another Republican, and won in a closely disputed race. His administration was a controversial one. Its program called for law and order backed by a State Police and restored militia, public schools, internal improvements, bureaus of immigration and geology, and protection of the frontier. (Sounds vaguely familiar doesn't it) All of these were the subject of strong attacks from both Democratic and Republican opponents. They added to the controversy surrounding Reconstruction in Texas. Davis ran for reelection in December 1873 and was defeated by Richard Coke by a vote of two to one. Davis did not gracefully accept defeat, and he believed that the Republican national administration was partly responsible for his loss. He refused to vacate office after losing a what he considered a fraudulent-ridden 1873 election to Democrat Richard Coke. Here's what happened. Democrat Richard Coke defeated Republican incumbent Edmund J. Davis with 100,415 votes to 52,141, a margin of over two to one. Davis, a Republican, refused to leave, citing a Texas Supreme Court ruling (the "Semicolon Court" in Ex parte Rodriguez) that declared the election unconstitutional. Davis occupied the lower floor of the Capitol with state troops, while Democratic supporters of Coke took the second floor. He asked President Ulysses S. Grant to send in federal troops to help him stay in office. Grant refused and finally on January 19, 1874, Davis resigned, allowing Coke to take office and restoring Democratic control to Texas. This signaled the official end of Radical Reconstruction in Texas and initiated a long period of Democratic dominance. From 1875 until his death Davis, contemporarily described as a "tall, gaunt, cold-eyed, rather commanding figure," headed the Republican party in Texas as chairman of the state executive committee. In 1880 he ran again for governor but was badly defeated by Oran M. Roberts. In 1882 he ran for Congress in the Tenth District against John Hancock, again unsuccessfully. He was nominated as collector of customs at Galveston in 1880 but refused the job because of his opposition to the administration of President Rutherford B. Hayes. Supporters recommended him for a cabinet position under President Chester A. Arthur, but he received no appointment. Davis died in Austin on February 7, 1883, and is buried there in the State Cemetery. This has been the Hidden History of Texas and the first in our stories of “notorious” Texas governors, Edmund J. Davis – see you next time, thanks for listening
** Tuesday evening we'll be listening to and discussing this episode of the podcast in our virtual community gathering. All are invited to Macro ‘n Chill, February at 8pm ET/5pm PT. Find the registration link at the top of our website: realprogressives.orgCan Marxists and MMTers find common ground, or are they doomed to be strategic enemies?Steve's guest is Australian labor historian and organizer Owen Bennett, who founded the Australian Unemployed Workers' Union in 2015, and more recently, Unionists for a Job Guarantee in 2024. He and Steve explore how to tackle the deep divide between Modern Monetary Theory and the Marxist left. Owen argues that the left's current dismissal of full-employment policy is a historic break from a time when communists and unionists successfully fought for – and won – some major concessions under capitalism. We should look to establish that kind of unity.If the state is a tool of the oligarchs, is fighting for a policy like the Job Guarantee a distraction from revolution, or is it a necessary front in the class war? Steve and Owen discuss austerity, strategy, and whether "socialism or bust" has left the working class with nothing at all.Owen Bennett is a unionist, university tutor, PhD graduate in labour history, activist, author, and researcher. He has published widely on the history of working class struggles against unemployment in Australia. His book on the struggle for full employment in post-war Australia is forthcoming.Owen founded the Australian Unemployed Workers Union in 2015 and, more recently, Unionists for a Job Guarantee in 2024.
In this episode of VFM Pensions, Nico and Darren are joined by "Red" Rory Murphy, trustee chair, board adviser, pensions commentator and lifelong trade unionist. Rory brings a refreshingly different perspective to the pensions debate, shaped by decades in the trade union movement and hands-on experience of running smaller schemes. In a typically wide-ranging conversation we touch on the role of trustees and why they are too cautious when it comes to delivering better outcomes for members. We look at the role of trusteeship in a world dominated by master trusts and professional trustees, the importance of the member voice, and whether fiduciary duty has been interpreted far too narrowly, acting as a barrier to innovation. At its heart, this episode asks a simple (but maybe) uncomfortable question: who is the pensions system really for and what would it take for trustees to be braver in acting for members?
Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. Carwardine discusses President James Buchanan's January 4, 1861, national fast day, intended to unite a fracturing nation through prayer and repentance. While old-school Presbyterians like Charles Hodge supported this call for divine intervention, the effort largely failed to forestall war. The event highlighted three distinct groups of religious nationalists: conservative Unionists, anti-slavery Republicans viewing slavery as a national sin, and pro-slavery theologians defending the institution on scriptural grounds.1855-65 HENRY WARD BEECHER
SHOW SCHEDULE1-19-20261914 FLAG DAY WITH WILSON, BRYAN, ROOSEVELT Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. Carwardine discusses President James Buchanan's January 4, 1861, national fast day, intended to unite a fracturing nation through prayer and repentance. While old-school Presbyterians like Charles Hodge supported this call for divine intervention, the effort largely failed to forestall war. The event highlighted three distinct groups of religious nationalists: conservative Unionists, anti-slavery Republicans viewing slavery as a national sin, and pro-slavery theologians defending the institution on scriptural grounds. Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. Carwardine explains that President-elect Lincoln did not view Republicans as overly aggressive, positioning himself as a constitution-respecting centrist rather than a radical. Lincoln opposed slavery's expansion but acknowledged its constitutional protection where it already existed, believing the South was misled by elites and would eventually return to the Union. Ironically, Lincoln and Buchanan, though political opposites, worshiped at the same Washington church, sharing an old-school Presbyterian background. Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. In September 1861, Lincoln proclaimed a fast day, carefully avoiding specific references to slavery to maintain political unity. Carwardine details the conflict surrounding General Frémont's unauthorized emancipation order, which Lincoln revoked to prevent losing loyal border states like Kentucky. Consequently, anti-slavery nationalists used the pulpits to criticize Lincoln's caution, demanding the war become an explicit crusade against the "gigantic crime" of slavery rather than just a restoration of the Union. Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. The discussion turns to Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens' "Cornerstone Speech," which explicitly defined racial inequality as the Confederacy's foundation, a stance widely condemned in the North. Carwardine notes that despite earlier tensions, Lincoln viewed his fast days as successful, utilizing them and meetings with religious delegations to gauge public sentiment and prepare the ground for eventual emancipation. Lincoln valued these interactions to influence and learn from denominational leaders. Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. Carwardine details the intense political opposition Lincoln faced in 1863 following the Emancipation Proclamation. He highlights Clement Vallandigham, a "Peace Democrat" leader who viewed the war as unwinnable and Lincoln as a "Puritan despot." Carwardine explains that the Democraticcoalition was fractured by religion, specifically between Catholics and Protestants, yet united in opposing the administration. Lincoln ultimately banished Vallandigham to the Confederacy to neutralize his influence. Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. Carwardine discusses James McMaster, the Catholic editor of the Freeman's Journal, characterizing him as an extraordinary polemicist who was imprisoned for his "vituperations" against the war. McMaster argued the war denied the rights of free men and refused to retract his views upon release. The segment also features Samuel "Sunset" Cox, a Democrat who famously attacked New England Puritanism as the source of the nation's meddling and moral extremity. Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. The discussion turns to the Union's "low point" in August 1864, where Lincoln expected to lose the election to Democrat George McClellan. Carwardine describes the Democraticcampaign as "brokenbacked" for pairing a general with a peace platform. However, the fall of Atlanta revived Union hopes. Carwardine emphasizes how pastors articulated a "higher cause"—the preservation of a unique republican government—to justify the war's terrible "bloodletting" and sacrifice. Guest: Professor Richard Carwardine. Carwardine analyzes the war's conclusion and Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address, which framed the conflict as divine judgment for the shared offense of slavery. He notes that Lincoln intended a Reconstruction based on charity and "absence of malice," rather than punishment. By 1865, Lincoln's views had evolved to support citizenship for African American veterans, though his assassination left the specific blueprint for the nation's reintegration unfinished and uncertain. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. In 1925, the Tennessee legislature passed the Butler Act, banning the teaching of evolution in public schools. At Robinson's drugstore in Dayton, local booster George Rapier and others recruited 24-year-old science teacher John Scopes to violate the law as a test case to generate publicity for the town. Although Scopes was knowingly guilty, the ACLU backed the defense to challenge the law's constitutionality regarding the separation of church and state. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. The ACLU, seeking to defend religious liberty and raise its profile, seized upon the Scopes case. While the board considered prestigious constitutional lawyers, the notorious Clarence Darrowvolunteered his services pro bono because he viewed the Butler Act as bigoted. Despite the ACLU's hesitation regarding Darrow's controversial reputation from the Leopold and Loeb trial, Scopes insisted on having the "street fighter" Darrow defend him against William Jennings Bryan. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. Clarence Darrow was a celebrated attorney known for his "downhome" jury appeals and defense of the marginalized. Mentored by progressive John Altgeld, Darrow built a reputation defending labor unions, socialists like Eugene Debs, and the poor against powerful corporations. However, his career suffered a "bad patch" following the McNamara brothers' bombing case in Los Angeles, where Darrow himself faced trials for allegedly bribing a juror, leaving him with a checkered reputation. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. Three-time presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan joined the prosecution to revive his political career and defend fundamentalism. Famous for his populist "Cross of Gold" speech, Bryan had become rigid in his views, advocating for prohibition and a literal reading of the Bible. He viewed the trial as a platform to combat the theory of evolution, which he believed deprived children of a moral center and denied the miracles of creation. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. Fundamentalist Judge John T. Raulston presided over the trial, enjoying the publicity brought by loudspeakers and radio coverage. The defense included civil liberties lawyer Arthur Garfield Hayes, a secular Jew, serving as a constitutional anchor. Meanwhile, William Jennings Bryan arrived as a celebrity in a pith helmet, though Scopes noted Bryan ignored his own diabetes by overeating at dinner, revealing a disconnect between his fundamentalist beliefs and medical science. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. The defense suffered a major setback when the judge ruled that their scientific experts could not testify before the jury, forcing them to read affidavits into the record instead. H.L. Mencken, the acerbic journalist who dubbed the event the "Monkey Trial," covered the proceedings. Sympathetic to Darrow and critical of Bryan's "fanatic" views, Mencken influenced public perception, though the jury remained shielded from the scientific evidence the defense hoped to present. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. During a stifling heatwave, the trial moved outdoors where Darrow executed a shocking maneuver by calling prosecutor William Jennings Bryan to the witness stand. Darrow interrogated Bryan on his literal interpretation of the Bible, questioning stories like Jonah and the whale. Bryan faltered, admitting creation "days" might be metaphorical periods, which undermined his fundamentalist position and allowed Darrow to humiliate him regarding his knowledge of history, geology, and world religions. Guest: Brenda Wineapple. The trial ended abruptly with a guilty verdict, denying Bryan his closing speech; he died days later, likely due to heat, stress, and diabetes. John Scopes eventually became a geologist and lived a reclusive life, refusing to exploit his fame. Darrow's later career fluctuated, including a controversial defense in the racially charged Massie trial in Hawaii, before his death in 1938, leaving behind a complex legacy beyond the "Inherit the Wind" narrative.
Jon Burrows is taking the leadership of the UUP unopposed after current deputy leader Robbie Butler confirmed that he would not be standing. Current party leader Mike Nesbitt has also said that any decision to replace him as health minister would “perhaps raise questions”. The DUP's Gavin Robinson has wasted no time - invited his rival for talks, telling him to “set aside issues of the past” - but could ‘unionist unity' ever really happen? Ciarán Dunbar is joined by Unionist commentators Tim Cairns and Alex Kane and Belfast Telegraph's Northern Ireland Editor Sam McBride. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
This holy defender of the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church labored in the final days of the Byzantine Empire, when, pressed on all sides by the Turks, the Emperor in desperation sought union with (or rather submission to) the Papacy in hopes of obtaining aid from the West. It was St Mark who stood almost alone to prevent such a disaster to the Faith. He was born in Constantinople in 1392 to devout parents. He received a thorough education and seemed destined for a secular career, but at the age of twenty- six he abandoned all worldly claims and became a monk in a small monastery in Nicomedia. Soon the Turkish threat forced him to return to Constantinople, where, continuing in the monastic life, he wrote a number of treatises on prayer and the dogmas of the Church. In time he was ordained priest, then, at the insistence of the Emperor John VIII Paleologos was made Metropolitan of Ephesus. The Emperor also prevailed on him to join the delegation which traveled to the Council of Florence to consider the reunion of the Orthodox Church and the churches under the Papacy. (Saint Mark went as exarch of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alexandria, who were unable to attend.) The Greek delegation included the Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople. All, including Metropolitan Mark, began with great hopes that a true union in faith might result from the Council, but as the sessions proceeded, it soon became clear that Pope Eugenius and his theologians were interested only in securing submission of the Eastern Church to the Papacy and its theology. The Metropolitan spoke forcefully against various Latin dogmas such as the filioque and Purgatory, but the Greek delegation, desperate for western aid, bowed to expediency and agreed to sign a document of Union which would have denied the Orthodox Faith itself. Saint Mark was the only member of the delegation who refused to sign. When the Pope heard of this, he said "The bishop of Ephesus has not signed, so we have achieved nothing!" When the delegation returned to Constantinople, the signers of the false Union were received with universal condemnation by the people, while Metropolitan Mark was hailed as a hero. The churches headed by Unionists were soon almost empty, while the people flocked to the churches headed by those loyal to Orthodoxy. Saint Mark left the City to avoid concelebrating with the Unionist Patriarch. He was exiled by the Emperor to Lemnos, but was freed in 1442. He continued to oppose the Union until his repose in 1444. In 1452 the Union was officially proclaimed in Constantinople, but the hoped-for Western aid was not forthcoming, and the City fell to the Turks in 1453.
William is joined by our political correspondent, Gareth Gordon and guests for analysis.
The newly appointed Irish Language Commissioner says the Irish language is not controversial and that opposition to it is “amplified” by the media. Dr Pól Deeds also said he couldn't think of an example of language “weaponisation”. Unionist opposition to the language has long been justified as legitimate due to “weaponisation” of Irish by republicans. Dr Deeds spoke to the BelTel's Ciarán Dunbar in a wide-ranging interview. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights is celebrated every year on December 10. The Declaration was written in 1948 by the Canadian legal scholar John Humphrey who was the Director of the UN's Human Rights Division. Also, the LabourStart Report about union events. And singing: "Every Stitch." RadioLabour is the international labour movement's radio service. It reports on labour union events around the world with a focus on unions in the developing world. It partners with rabble to provide coverage of news of interest to Canadian workers.
An Open Letter to My Unionist NeighboursA Chairde,I want to respectfully reach out to my unionist neighbours at this time of ongoing change on our island and continuous turbulence and conflict in parts of our world. We should count our blessings. Imperfect though it might be we have peace and the ability to work out our difficulties peacefully.This ability to find solutions is frustrated by the British government refusing at this time to permit us to exercise our right to self-determination. So, London continues to interfere in our affairs. In my view, and history supports this view, London will never govern us in Irelands interest. It never has. And it never will. How could it? It serves different national interests.Sometimes these coincide with the attitudes of political unionism. But when they don't political unionism and its attitudes are set to one side by London. This has happened again and again. Betrayal has been followed by betrayal after betrayal. London is only loyal to the unionists when it suits its interests. Those are not my words. These are the words of unionist leaders. I do not think these leaders serve the interests of my unionist neighbours. Certainly not on social or economic issues or the daunting challenges of growing our peace process into a prosperity process. Or a new rights based citizen centred society. Of course, my unionist neighbours are entitled to vote for these parties or anyone else if that is their wish, and political unionism clearly has a deep rooted commitment to the Union with Britain. It used to have things its own way. Maybe some of its leaders still believe that is the case but it isn't. They have lost their electoral majority. The Union is now very conditional and in the upcoming period there will be a referendum to decide the future.The extent of constitutional and institutional change is for the people of the island of Ireland to decide – democratically and without outside interference. The Good Friday Agreement makes clear that constitutional change requires consent, freely given and expressed in referendums North and South. So, political unionism will have its say. But so will the rest of us. On the basis of equality. All the unionist parties have agreed to abide by the outcome of this referendum. This ongoing continuum of change is about shaping a new Ireland, an agreed Ireland, and a new relationship with Britain that enhances our personal and community relationships, strengthens society, makes conflict a memory, ends sectarianism and creates real opportunities to improve the daily lives of citizens. It is about reconciliation and accommodation. It is about the North as a part of the island of Ireland again taking its place as a full member in the European Union.The Good Friday Agreement will provide the best framework of protections for everyone including and especially my unionist neighbours. The Agreement which was democratically supported in referendums North and South and is an all-island international agreement, already provides future protection for citizens.The Agreement guarantees that future governance arrangements will be “exercised with rigorous impartiality on behalf of all the people in the diversity of their identities and traditions and shall be founded on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens, and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities; recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.”
Northern Ireland is six counties. But the province of Ulster was – and is – made up of nine counties – all including Ulster Protestants. As partition loomed, Unionists chose six counties and demographic dominance over nine counties with a much smaller protestant majority. But what if Donegal, Monaghan and Cavan remained in the UK? Ciarán Dunbar is joined by Samuel Beckton, author of ‘The Unbroken Covenant: Could Ulster Unionists have controlled a nine-county Northern Ireland, 1920-1945'. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Can you be a unionist and be in favour of a United Ireland?Well Seán's guest certainly was a unionist, and has written a book called ‘The Irish Unity Dividend'.Ben Collins joins to discuss.
Can you be a unionist and be in favour of a United Ireland?Well Seán's guest certainly was a unionist, and has written a book called ‘The Irish Unity Dividend'.Ben Collins joins to discuss.
Despite the protests and the anger of unionists, the Anglo-Irish Agreement endured under superseeded by the GFA. Some see it as a key factor in attracting Sinn Féin into the political process and by many as a vital factor in convincing unionism that it would have to concede to power-sharing with nationalists. Ciarán Dunbar spoke to Professor Fergal Cochran, to Unionist commentator Alex Kane, to Professor Graham Walker, and to Dr. Peter McLaughlin to discuss the long-term legacy and consequences of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
In this episode, historian James Prichard joins us to uncover the story of Cook's Rangers, a Confederate guerrilla group active in northeastern Kentucky during the Civil War. Operating in the rugged terrain of the region, these irregular fighters launched a series of raids that struck fear into Unionist communities and disrupted military operations across the area. https://linktr.ee/Kyhistorypod
Unionists felt that Margaret Thatcher was someone they could trust so when she signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement giving Dublin the right to be consulted over NI, unionists felt utterly betrayed and they were outraged. The UUP leader Jim Molyneax even called it an “an evil document.” Tens of thousands of unionists took to the streets of Belfast, a day forever remembered due to the DUP leader Ian Paisley's “never, never, never” speech. Professor Fergal Cochrane, Alex Kane, Professor Graham Walker, and Dr. Peter McLaughlin explain what happens when the Anglo-Irish Agreement is revealed and why. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The Hunger Strikes had led to a surge in support for Republicanism and in October 1984, Margaret Thatcher herself, narrowly escaped death in the Brighton bombing. Her intelligence chiefs were clear; they weren't going to defeat the IRA by purely military and security means – she decided something had to be done. Meanwhile in Dublin, fears over the rise of Sinn Féin and frustration with a lack of progress in advancing nationalists' interests led to an openness to fresh ideas. The stage was set for secret talks which led to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, signed on the 15 November 1985. Ulster's Unionists were outraged by what they saw as a betrayal. What was the background to the agreement, why was it so controversial, and what did it really involve? Ciarán Dunbar is joined by Professor Fergal Cochrane, commentator, Alex Kane, Professor Graham Walker, and Dr. Peter McLaughlin. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Recorded November 3rd, 2025. As we approach the 40th anniversary of the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement on 15 November 1985, Behind the Headlines returns to debate whether this was a crucial stepping stone on the path to peace, or a controversial stumbling block. Bringing together experts from across the island, the panel re-examines the Agreement before the Good Friday Agreement, discusses what was so controversial at the time, and debates its impact and legacy. In particular, it explores the response of Unionist and Loyalist communities in Northern Ireland, the political fallout, and the mass protest campaign that followed. The event was chaired by Professor Lindsey Earner-Byrne, Chair of Contemporary Irish History at Trinity College Dublin. Panel Dáithí Ó Ceallaigh, former Irish ambassador, who played a crucial role in the negotiation of the Agreement. Dr Shelley Deane, expert in Security and International Relations at the School of Law and Government in DCU and member of the ARINS project team. Sam McBride, Northern Ireland Editor, Belfast Telegraph Prof Michael Kerr, Professor of Conflict Studies, Kings College London Learn more at www.tcd.ie/trinitylongroomhub
Mike Nesbitt has set out his vision for unionism at the UUP conference – but is he ready to pass the baton? Meanwhile at Stormont, arguments over cultural issues take centre stage once again, with the DUP and TUV seemingly at loggerheads. And as Unionist anger grows over Belfast City Council's new Irish language policies, with an east Belfast sign vandalised, we take a look at the stats and surveys behind dual language signage. Ciarán Dunbar is joined by The Belfast Telegraph's political editor Suzanne Breen and journalist Liam Tunney. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
jQuery(document).ready(function(){ cab.clickify(); }); Original Podcast with clickable words https://tinyurl.com/24vspuan Contact: irishlingos@gmail.com Concerns about Loyalist violence over bilingual signage. Imní faoi fhoréigean Dilseoirí faoi chomharthaíocht dátheangach. Conradh na Gaeilge says the threats made by Loyalist paramilitaries at the weekend that Belfast City Council property will be destroyed if it has bilingual signage are a cause for great concern. Deir Conradh na Gaeilge gur cúis mhór imní iad na bagairtí a rinne paraimíleataigh Dílseora ag an deireadh seachtaine go scriosfar maoin de chuid Chomhairle Chathair Bhéal Feirste má bhíonn comharthaíocht dátheangach orthu. In an open letter from Conradh na Gaeilge and the Leaders of the Parties and the City Council, the League says that it is a cause for concern for everyone who supports the Irish language and equality in general. I litir oscailte ó Chonradh na Gaeilge agus ó Cheannairí na bPáirtithe agus ó Chomhairle na Cathrach deir an Conradh gur cúis imní é do gach duine a thacaíonn leis an Ghaeilge agus leis an chomhionannas trí chéile. The threat has been condemned by Ulster Unionist leader Mike Nesbitt. Tá an bhagairt cáinte ag ceannaire Aondachtóirí Uladh, Mike Nesbitt. A draft Irish language policy agreed by the Council would mean that Irish and English would be more prominent and side by side on all Council publications and property. Chiallaódh dréachtpholasaí Gaeilge atá aontaithe ag an Chomhairle go mbeadh an Ghaeilge agus an Béarla níos feiceálaí agus iad le taobh a chéile ar gach foilseachán agus maoin de chuid na Comhairle. But since the policy was adopted last Wednesday the UDA and UVF have threatened to destroy any property bearing the signage. Ach ó glacadh leis an pholasaí Dé Céadaoin seo caite tá an UDA agus UVF tar éis bagairt go scriosfaidh siad maoin ar bith a mbeidh an chomharthaíocht orthu. These paramilitary organisations told the Sunday Life newspaper that they would burn down Council vehicles and buildings if Irish was visible on them. Dúirt na heagrais paramíleatacha sin le nuachtán an Sunday Life go lasfadh siad feithiclí agus foirgnimh de chuid na Comhairle dá mbeadh an Ghaeilge le feiceáil orthu. Conradh na Gaeilge called on party leaders in Stormont to condemn the threat. D'iarr Conradh na Gaeilge ar cheannairí na bpáirtithe i Stormont an bhagairt a cháineadh. Irish Language Commissioner The new Irish Language Commissioner will be responsible for implementing the Identity and Language Act. Coimisinéir na Gaeilge Beidh dualgas ar an Choimisinéir úr Gaeilge an tAcht Féiniúlachta agus Teanga a chur i bhfeidhm. Yesterday on the X platform, the person nominated but not appointed to that position, Pól Deeds, said that the threat from the UDA and UVF is a result of the promotion of bigotry in the media - in particular, he said, the BBC. Inné ar an ardán X dúirt an té atá ainmnithe ach nach bhfuil ceaptha don phost sin, Pól Deeds, gur toradh í an bhagairt ón UDA agus UVF ar chur chun cinn na biogóideachta sna meáin - go háirithe a dúirt sé an BBC. Paul Deeds said the Executive Office in Stormont had failed to protect its own policy - and UK law - and was failing in its duty of care to the new Commissioner. Dúirt Pól Deeds gur theip ar Oifig an Fheidhmeannais i Stormont a bpolasaí féin - agus dlí na Ríochta Aontaithe - a chosaint agus go bhfuil siad ag teip ina ndualgas cúraim don Choimisinéir úr. The threats from Loyalists have only been condemned by one Unionist party, the Ulster Unionists (UUP). Níl na bagairtí ó Dhílseoirí cáinte ach ag pairtí Aondachtach amháin, Aondachtóirí Uladh an UUP. Their leader Mike Nesbitt said that the Irish language signage needs to be discussed further, and he said that any threat to Council workers should be withdrawn. Dúirt a gceannaire Mike Nesbitt go gcaithfear an chomharthaíocht i nGaeilge a phlé tuilleadh, agus dúirt sé gur cheart bagairt ar bith ar oibrithe na Comhairl...
The peace process saw the release of paramilitary prisoners from HMP Maze, aka the Maze, the H-Blocks, Long Kesh, an Cheis Fhada. The maximum-security prison held thousands during the Troubles. It closed 25 years ago. Whilst some of the site has been redeveloped, political deadlock means much of the old prison lies derelict. Unionists fear that a museum on the site would become a “shrine to terrorism”. Allison Morris has been talking to former staff and inmates – some of whom continued to try and escape even during peace negotiations. She joins Ciarán Dunbar. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
We talk to Meagan Day about the aftermath of Charlie Kirk's assassination and how to respond like a unionist. We also take a look at attacks on social security, and talk to a whistleblower in the Department of Housing and Urban Development.✦ ABOUT ✦The Valley Labor Report is the only union talk radio show in Alabama, elevating struggles for justice and fairness on the job, educating folks about how they can do the same, and bringing relevant news to workers in Alabama and beyond.Our single largest source of revenue *is our listeners* so your support really matters and helps us stay on the air!Make a one time donation or become a monthly donor on our website or patreon:TVLR.FMPatreon.com/thevalleylaborreportVisit our official website for more info on the show, membership, our sponsors, merch, and more: https://www.tvlr.fmFollow TVLR on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TheValleyLab...Follow TVLR on Twitter: @LaborReportersFollow Jacob on Twitter: @JacobM_ALFollow TVLR Co-Creator David Story on Twitter: @RadiclUnionist✦ CONTACT US ✦Our phone number is 844-899-TVLR (8857), call or text us live on air, or leave us a voicemail and we might play it during the show!✦ OUR ADVERTISERS KEEP US ON THE AIR! ✦Support them if you can.The attorneys at MAPLES, TUCKER, AND JACOB fight for working people. Let them represent you in your workplace injury claim. Mtandj.com; (855) 617-9333The MACHINISTS UNION represents workers in several industries including healthcare, the defense industry, woodworking, and more. iamaw44.org (256) 286-3704 / organize@iamaw44.orgDo you need good union laborers on your construction site, or do you want a union construction job? Reach out to the IRONWORKERS LOCAL 477. Ironworkers477.org 256-383-3334 (Jeb Miles) / local477@bellsouth.netThe NORTH ALABAMA DSA is looking for folks to work for a better North Alabama, fighting for liberty and justice for all. Contact / Join: DSANorthAlabama@gmail.comIBEW LOCAL 136 is a group of over 900 electricians and electrical workers providing our area with the finest workforce in the construction industry. You belong here. ibew136.org Contact: (205) 833-0909IFPTE - We are engineers, scientists, nonprofit employees, technicians, lawyers, and many other professions who have joined together to have a greater voice in our careers. With over 80,000 members spread across the U.S. and Canada, we invite you and your colleagues to consider the benefits of engaging in collective bargaining. IFPTE.org Contact: (202) 239-4880THE HUNTSVILLE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD is a union open to any and all working people. Call or email them today to begin organizing your workplace - wherever it is. On the Web: https://hsviww.org/ Contact: (256) 651-6707 / organize@hsviww.orgENERGY ALABAMA is accelerating Alabama's transition to sustainable energy. We are a nonprofit membership-based organization that has advocated for clean energy in Alabama since 2014. Our work is based on three pillars: education, advocacy, and technical assistance. Energy Alabama on the Web: https://alcse.org/ Contact: (256) 812-1431 / dtait@energyalabama.orgThe Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union represents in a wide range of industries, including but not limited to retail, grocery stores, poultry processing, dairy processing, cereal processing, soda bottlers, bakeries, health care, hotels, manufacturing, public sector workers like crossing guards, sanitation, and highway workers, warehouses, building services, and distribution. Learn more at RWDSU.infoThe American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) is the largest federal employee union proudly representing 700,000 federal and D.C. government workers nationwide and overseas. Learn more at AFGE.orgAre you looking for a better future, a career that can have you set for life, and to be a part of something that's bigger than yourself? Consider a skilled trades apprenticeship with the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades. Learn more at IUPAT.orgUnionly is a union-focused company created specifically to support organized labor. We believe that providing online payments should be simple, safe, and secure. Visit https://unionly.io/ to learn more.Hometown Action envisions inclusive, revitalized, and sustainable communities built through multiracial working class organizing and leadership development at the local and state level to create opportunities for all people to thrive. Learn more at hometownaction.orgMembers of IBEW have some of the best wages and benefits in North Alabama. Find out more and join their team at ibew558.org ★ Support this podcast on Patreon ★
Also, the Labour government has ordered every GP practice in England to offer online appointment bookings throughout the day.
Nolan talks to DUP MLA Phillip Brett and TUV MP Jim Allister.
A repost from my new podcast: Women Resisting Empire.Constance Markievicz is one of those legends from the fight for Irish Independence that seems bigger than life. She was born into an Anglo-Irish landowning family and, by all accounts, she should have ended up a Unionist married to some English soldier or lord. Instead, she turned into a bohemian artist, socialist, suffragist, officer in the Irish Citizen Army, the first woman to win a seat in British Parliament, the only woman in De Valera's cabinet, and Irish Republican married to a Polish Count. Learn how she fought for Irish Independence and resisted the Anglo-Irish Treaty.Theme song: Arabesque Op.61 by Cécile-ChaminadeSupport this podcast by joining my PatreonJoin my newsletter and stay up to date on all my projectsFollow me on InstagramFollow me on BlueskyVisit my website
rWotD Episode 3051: Charlie Oliver (trade unionist) Welcome to random Wiki of the Day, your journey through Wikipedia's vast and varied content, one random article at a time.The random article for Wednesday, 10 September 2025, is Charlie Oliver (trade unionist).Cecil Thompson "Charlie" Oliver AM (23 December 1901 – 24 February 1990) was an Australian trade unionist and politician. He was a Labor Party member of the Legislative Assembly of Western Australia from 1948 to 1951, representing the seat of Boulder, and was later prominent in the labour movement in New South Wales as the state secretary (1951–1978) and state president (1980–1985) of the Australian Workers' Union.Oliver was born in Bangor, Carnarvonshire, Wales, to Elizabeth (née Thompson) and John Murray Oliver. His family moved to England when he was a child, living first in Chester and later in Liverpool. He left school at the age of 13 to work as an agricultural labourer, and emigrated to Western Australia after World War I with an older brother. Oliver initially settled in Meekatharra, where he worked as a miner, and later also lived in Koolanooka, Perenjori, and Big Bell. He joined the Australian Workers' Union (AWU) in 1923, and in 1942 accepted a position as a district-level organiser.In 1943, Oliver was appointed state secretary of the AWU's mining division, which was based in Boulder. He entered parliament at the 1948 Boulder by-election, which had been caused by the death of Philip Collier (a former premier). His chief opponent was the Liberal Party candidate, Billy Snedden, who was a future federal Leader of the Opposition. Oliver was re-elected unopposed at the 1950 state election, but felt under-utilised in parliament, and in mid-1951 resigned to accept a position as the AWU's New South Wales state secretary.Oliver remained AWU state secretary until 1978, helping to improve the union's finances and membership numbers. He then served as AWU state president from 1980 to 1985. Oliver also served as ALP state vice-president during the 1955 party split, and was credited with helping to reduce its impact. He was elected state president of the party in 1960, and remained in the position until his voluntary resignation in 1970, although the party won only a single state election during that time (in 1962). In retirement, Oliver lived in Sydney, dying there in February 1990 (aged 88). He had been made a Member of the Order of Australia (AM) in 1984, "for services to trade unionism".This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:16 UTC on Wednesday, 10 September 2025.For the full current version of the article, see Charlie Oliver (trade unionist) on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm standard Brian.
We're just about ready to move on from John Major but, before we do, we need to spend a few moments on two major events of his second premiership. One was a significant breakthrough, in Ireland, even if it didn't go to completion under his administration; the second, his back-to-basics campaign, was an unqualified disaster.The first of the two problems with ‘back-to-basics' is that going backwards isn't a slogan that appeals much to voters. The second is that it feels like an appeal to morality, and there couldn't have been a worse time for that kind of appeal in the Conservative Party: it was engulfed over the coming years by a whole string of scandals, many sexual but some more simply corrupt, involving such actions as MPs taking money to ask helpful parliamentary questions.On Ireland, Major got the peace process really motoring, with support not just from the Republic of Ireland but even more significantly, from the US. If things ground somewhat to a halt in the last year or so of his premiership, that was mostly down to the Provisional IRA ending its ceasefire, in response to Major's apparent over-readiness to accommodate the Northern Ireland Unionists. That, in turn, was mostly down to his having lost his parliamentary majority and therefore having to depend on the Unionists to cling on to office.That he did, calling the 1997 general election at very close to the last possible moment. But the atmosphere of sleaze created by the scandals, the unpopularity of moves such as railway privatisation, and the perception that the Tories were increasingly split (over Europe) sank his party in voters' views. The election, on 1 May 1997, gave a landslide Commons majority, even larger than Thatcher's, to Tony Blair and Labour – or, to use his language, New Labour. He reckoned Labour had won thanks to ‘a vote for the future'. It looks like going forward to the future resonated better with voters than heading back to basics.Illustration: John Major at the 1993 Conservative party conference, detail from a photograph by Malcolm Gilson/Rex Features, from 'The Guardian'Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License
And, are we getting a raw deal from our politicians in Stormont?
"Im convinced Michelle O'Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly aren't working off their on agenda and their own mind" - that's the verdict of a leading female loyalist. The ‘PUL' Community – Protestants, Unionists, Loyalists. There is sometimes debate over what those terms actually mean. That debate is suggested as being a factor in a reluctance of loyalist figures to speak to the media – especially loyalist women. What is a loyalist, are members of the PUL community media shy and is it worse for loyalist women? Ciarán Dunbar is joined by Leanne Abernethy is the creator of Herstory: Women in Loyalism and Academic consultant Joanna McMinn who is part of the National Womens Council. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The TUV has dramatically emerged as the third most popular party in Northern Ireland in the latest BelTel / LucidTalk polling. Most unionists want electoral pacts, a significant minority even want the existing parties to merge. Most of those polled want a commission to regulate bonfires and flags and less than a third of our readers agree with Belfast City Council's dual Irish-English language signage policy. Ciarán Dunbar joined by the head of LucidTalk. Bill White, commentator Alex Kane, commentator Ursula Savage, and by Belfast Telegraph reporter Andrew Madden. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
A thrilling, cinematic saga of a Southern belle whose espionage for Abraham Lincoln and the Union helped win the Civil War.Wealthy Southern belle Elizabeth Van Lew had it all. Money, charm, wit—the biggest mansion in Richmond. So why risk everything to become the Civil War's most productive Union spy?The answer was simple: freedom. In this gripping history of a secret espionage genius, Gerri Willis reveals how Elizabeth built a flourishing spy network in the heart of the Confederate Capitol. Flouting society's expectations for women, Elizabeth infiltrated prisons, defied public opinion, and recruited an underground movement of freed slaves, secret Unionists, and brave captives.Putting her straitlaced Victorian past behind her, Elizabeth encountered vivid characters—assassins, socialites, escape artists, and cross-dressing spies. From grave robbery to a bold voyage across enemy lines, her escapades grew more and more daring. It paid off. Her agents were so well-placed that she had spies gathering information in both the Confederate War Department and the Richmond White House, and couriers providing General Ulysses S. Grant with crucial, daily intelligence for the war's final assault.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/arroe-collins-unplugged-totally-uncut--994165/support.
Highlights from Talkback. William Crawley and guests discuss the news headlines.
Palestine solidarity activists from across the country converged on Canberra over July 20–22 to demand the Anthony Albanese government sanction Israel over its ongoing genocide in Gaza. During the convergence, Green Left's Riley Breen spoke to Hala Shanableh and Amin Abbas from Boycott Caltex Australia about the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) campaign and why it is a critical part of the campaign to end Israel's genocide and occupation of Palestinian land. They also discuss the recent report by Labor-appointed antisemitism envoy Jillian Segal, which includes draconian attacks on the right to protest and the Palestine solidarity movement. Hala Shanableh is a Palestinian activist based in Boorloo/Perth, the deputy chair of Friends of Palestine Western Australia, a member of Unionists for Palestine WA and key organiser of Boycott Caltex Boorloo. Amin Abbas is an organiser with Free Palestine Melbourne, a board member of the Australian Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN) and a performer and teacher of Dabke dancing. We acknowledge that this video was produced on stolen Aboriginal land. We express solidarity with ongoing struggles for justice for First Nations people and pay our respects to Elders past and present. If you like our work, become a supporter: https://www.greenleft.org.au/support Support Green Left on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/greenleft Green Left online: https://www.greenleft.org.au/ X: https://x.com/GreenLeftOnline YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/greenleftonline TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@greenleftonline Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/greenleftonline/ Threads: https://www.threads.net/@greenleftonline Bluesky: https://web-cdn.bsky.app/profile/did:plc:46krhuuuo6xjpofg6727x6fi Podbean: https://greenleftonline.podbean.com/ Telegram: https://t.me/greenleftonline Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/greenleftaction
The Fairground Park pool in St Louis Missouri was the largest pool in America when it was built in 1919. It had enough room for 10,000 swimmers. All of them white.But when integration came to Missouri, rather than allow all races to swim, the Fairground Park pool closed. This phenomenon was explored by writer Heather McGhee and on Free State today, Joe and Dion examine the drained pool politics of unionism and the Orange order in Northern Ireland. When the North Down Cricket Club cross-community sports camp sports was blocked following an online backlash it was a perfect example of how narrow mindedness hurts everyone. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The Twelfth of July is a day of joy, pride, and nostalgia for Unionists and Loyalists in Northern Ireland. The night before, bonfires will be lit across the country - a tradition that began when fires on hillsides were used to signal William of Orange's march from Carrickfergus to the Battle of the Boyne. But a night of tradition and celebration for some is viewed by others as physically dangerous, and in some cases, undeniably sectarian. Are bonfires a sectarian safety risk, or just a harmless tradition? Olivia Peden is joined by Sam McBride, Loyalist activist Moore Holmes, and the chairman of the Schomberg Ulster Scots society in Kilkeel, Gareth Crozier. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
We profile Nathan Bedford Forrest, a polarizing figure who rose from a Tennessee slave trader to a Confederate cavalry general and the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. Before the Civil War, Forrest amassed wealth through slave trading, real estate, and cotton plantations. Enlisting as a private in 1861, he became a general, earning the nickname "Wizard of the Saddle" for innovative cavalry tactics. His role in the 1864 Fort Pillow Massacre, where surrendered black and Unionist troops were killed, remains highly controversial. As Klan leader (1867–1869), he led violent efforts to suppress black voting rights but later disbanded the group and supported racial harmony. Forrest died in 1877, leaving a legacy tied to slavery and violence, prompting the removal of his monuments today.Subscribe to our YouTube! https://www.youtube.com/@bangdangnetwork
Michael D. Higgins has been President of Ireland since November 2011, his presidency must end in November this year – that means an election. But unlike many other countries, not every Irish citizen has a vote. Only those living in the ‘State' - the Republic of Ireland, can vote. Now a bill is before the Dáil, which if passed would allow northerners to vote in the presidential election, subject to a referendum, How likely is this change? How would it affect the vote? And what would Unionists make of it? Ciarán Dunbar is joined by David McCann and Sam McBride. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Also, Executive says it will have an "equity stake" in a redeveloped Casement Park
A thrilling, cinematic saga of a Southern belle whose espionage for Abraham Lincoln and the Union helped win the Civil War.Wealthy Southern belle Elizabeth Van Lew had it all. Money, charm, wit—the biggest mansion in Richmond. So why risk everything to become the Civil War's most productive Union spy?The answer was simple: freedom. In this gripping history of a secret espionage genius, Gerri Willis reveals how Elizabeth built a flourishing spy network in the heart of the Confederate Capitol. Flouting society's expectations for women, Elizabeth infiltrated prisons, defied public opinion, and recruited an underground movement of freed slaves, secret Unionists, and brave captives.Putting her straitlaced Victorian past behind her, Elizabeth encountered vivid characters—assassins, socialites, escape artists, and cross-dressing spies. From grave robbery to a bold voyage across enemy lines, her escapades grew more and more daring. It paid off. Her agents were so well-placed that she had spies gathering information in both the Confederate War Department and the Richmond White House, and couriers providing General Ulysses S. Grant with crucial, daily intelligence for the war's final assault.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/arroe-collins-like-it-s-live--4113802/support.
He's taken on governments, grilled broadcasters, and championed workers with that unmistakable calm fire. From the picket lines of London to his family roots in Cork and Armagh, Trade Unionist Mick Lynch has never been far from the fight.He is in Dublin for the Tressel Festival, which kicks off this weekend and he is taking part in a discussion tomorrow at 3pm in the Liberty Hall Theatre on his political hero, Irish Revolutionary James Connelly.Mick Lynch joins Kieran to discuss!
We're in Colombia where workers have been been shot at, threatened with violence and seen their work colleagues killed – all because of union membership or association. Why is this happening, what's being done about it, and what drives people to still sign up for trade union membership? If you would like to get in touch with the show, please email: businessdaily@bbc.co.ukPresented and produced by Gideon Long (Image: Striking truck drivers in September 2024. Credit: Getty Images)
SEGMENTS | Justice James E.C. Perry "Benchmarked" | Unionists in Confederate Florida | Anti-Apartheid Movement in Gainesville
In DOUBLE OVERTIME have a federal worker on to dive deeper into Trump's latest executive order. 844-899-TVLR✦ ABOUT ✦The Valley Labor Report is the only union talk radio show in Alabama, elevating struggles for justice and fairness on the job, educating folks about how they can do the same, and bringing relevant news to workers in Alabama and beyond.Our single largest source of revenue is our listeners so your support really matters and helps us stay on the air!Make a one time donation or become a monthly donor on our website or patreon:TVLR.FMPatreon.com/thevalleylaborreportVisit our official website for more info on the show, membership, our sponsors, merch, and more: https://www.tvlr.fmFollow TVLR on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TheValleyLab...Follow TVLR on Twitter: @LaborReportersFollow Jacob on Twitter: @JacobM_ALFollow TVLR Co-Creator David Story on Twitter: @RadiclUnionist✦ CONTACT US ✦Our phone number is 844-899-TVLR (8857), call or text us live on air, or leave us a voicemail and we might play it during the show!✦ OUR ADVERTISERS KEEP US ON THE AIR! ✦Support them if you can.The attorneys at MAPLES, TUCKER, AND JACOB fight for working people. Let them represent you in your workplace injury claim. Mtandj.com; (855) 617-9333The MACHINISTS UNION represents workers in several industries including healthcare, the defense industry, woodworking, and more. iamaw44.org (256) 286-3704 / organize@iamaw44.orgDo you need good union laborers on your construction site, or do you want a union construction job? Reach out to the IRONWORKERS LOCAL 477. Ironworkers477.org 256-383-3334 (Jeb Miles) / local477@bellsouth.netThe NORTH ALABAMA DSA is looking for folks to work for a better North Alabama, fighting for liberty and justice for all. Contact / Join: DSANorthAlabama@gmail.comIBEW LOCAL 136 is a group of over 900 electricians and electrical workers providing our area with the finest workforce in the construction industry. You belong here. ibew136.org Contact: (205) 833-0909IFPTE - We are engineers, scientists, nonprofit employees, technicians, lawyers, and many other professions who have joined together to have a greater voice in our careers. With over 80,000 members spread across the U.S. and Canada, we invite you and your colleagues to consider the benefits of engaging in collective bargaining. IFPTE.org Contact: (202) 239-4880THE HUNTSVILLE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD is a union open to any and all working people. Call or email them today to begin organizing your workplace - wherever it is. On the Web: https://hsviww.org/ Contact: (256) 651-6707 / organize@hsviww.orgENERGY ALABAMA is accelerating Alabama's transition to sustainable energy. We are a nonprofit membership-based organization that has advocated for clean energy in Alabama since 2014. Our work is based on three pillars: education, advocacy, and technical assistance. Energy Alabama on the Web: https://alcse.org/ Contact: (256) 812-1431 / dtait@energyalabama.orgThe Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union represents in a wide range of industries, including but not limited to retail, grocery stores, poultry processing, dairy processing, cereal processing, soda bottlers, bakeries, health care, hotels, manufacturing, public sector workers like crossing guards, sanitation, and highway workers, warehouses, building services, and distribution. Learn more at RWDSU.infoThe American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) is the largest federal employee union proudly representing 700,000 federal and D.C. government workers nationwide and overseas. Learn more at AFGE.orgAre you looking for a better future, a career that can have you set for life, and to be a part of something that's bigger than yourself? Consider a skilled trades apprenticeship with the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades. Learn more at IUPAT.orgUnionly is a union-focused company created specifically to support organized labor. We believe that providing online payments should be simple, safe, and secure. Visit https://unionly.io/ to learn more.Hometown Action envisions inclusive, revitalized, and sustainable communities built through multiracial working class organizing and leadership development at the local and state level to create opportunities for all people to thrive. Learn more at hometownaction.orgMembers of IBEW have some of the best wages and benefits in North Alabama. Find out more and join their team at ibew558.org ★ Support this podcast on Patreon ★
The Federal Unionists Network (FUN for short) is an informal association of federal unionists and allies organizing to support each other in strengthening unions, improving agencies, and building solidarity across the federal sector of the labor movement. Adam Pelletier is a local organizer with FUN and spoke with Mark Dunlea and Benno Greene for Hudson Mohawk Magazine about organizing a rally to protest President Trump's massive layoffs of federal workers at the Federal O'Brien Building in Albany on Friday, March 14, at 5:00 PM.
Seachtain na GaeilgeSeachtain na Gaeilge used to run for one week but because it was so popular it was extended. It now runs annually from 1 March to 17 March – St. Patrick's Day. Is í Seachtain na Gaeilge an ceiliúradh is mó den Ghaeilge agus Cultúr na hÉireann ar domhan. Bhí an oiread sin ráchairt uirthi gur síneodh amach chuig coicís í. Bíonn sí ar siúl ó 1 Márta go dtí 17 Márta - Lá Fhéile Pádraig, achan bhliain.Seachtain na Gaeilge was founded in 1902 by Conradh na Gaeilge as part the Gaelic revival of that time. Initially Seachtain na Gaeilge was limited to the island of Ireland but today it is now a global phenomenon and the largest celebration of our language and culture here and overseas.Seachtain is an opportunity to celebrate our native language and culture and to enjoy it all. I was lucky to attend the Belfast launch in An Cultúrlann on the Falls Road last week. I certainly enjoyed it. It was a great event. Bia blasta agus ceol milis. You could tell a new generation is here to take the language movement forward with confidence. To read what's on in the festival, go to Seachtain na Gaelige le energia or cnag.ie Death of Dafyyd Elis-ThomasNext week the funeral will take place in Cardiff of Dafyyd Elis-Thomas the former leader of Plaid Cymru, the Welsh independence party, who died in February. Forty-four years ago Dafyyd was an MP in the British Parliament where he played a pivotal role in the 1981 hunger strike.Bobby Sands commenced his hunger strike on 1 March 1981. He was to be followed in the weeks and months that followed by other blanket men. Five days after Bobby first refused food Frank Maguire, the Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh South Tyrone suddenly died of a heart attack. Following days of intense discussion, it was decided by Sinn Féin to stand Bobby Sands in the by-election. Harry West was the Unionist candidate.When the result was announced on the 9 April in Enniskillen's Technical College - “Sands, Bobby – Anti H-Block/Armagh Political Prisoner – 30,492; West, Harry – Unionist – 29,046” – history was made and the political landscape on the island of Ireland changed forever. Bobby was elected with a majority of 1447 on an 87% turnout.
Starmer Waiving The Rules. According to the British Prime Minister Keir Starmer his government is looking at "every conceivable way" to prevent me and at least 300 other people from receiving compensation for wrongful arrest and imprisonment in the 1970s. This issue of compensation arises from the decision by the British Supreme Court in May 2020 that the Interim Custody Order (ICO) or internment order issued against me was unlawful. Internment was demanded by the Unionist government in 1971 and imposed by the British on 9 August that year. It had been used in every decade since partition in 1920. Internment saw thousands of armed troops smash their way into nationalist homes to arrest 342 men and boys. They were dragged from their beds and many were beaten. Fourteen – the Hooded Men - were subjected to days of sustained torture. 25 people were killed in the following four days. In Ballymurphy in west Belfast eleven local citizens, including a priest and mother of eight, were killed by the Paras in the Ballymurphy Massacre. Five months later the Paras attacked an anti-internment march in Derry and killed 14 people. Bloody Sunday was another of many dark days in the conflict. In July 1972 another five citizens, this time in Springhill, were killed by the British Army. They included another priest and a thirteen-year-old girl.Leonard Peltier - Going HomeLeonard Peltier is a native American activist. He has spent almost 50 years in prison in the USA for a crime he has always denied and which many, including some involved in jailing him, have long believed he was innocent of. A short time before he left office US President Joe Biden commuted Leonard's life sentence to one of home confinement in his tribal homeland in North Dakota. Leonard is due to be released on 18 February.
The film, television, and theater industries were represented by some of the largest unions in the United States, and in the late 1940s, with the full cooperation of Screen Actors Guild President Ronald Reagan, organizations like the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Values sought to root out what they deemed the communist threat in entertainment. Unions from other industries were also targeted, and a narrative that communist infiltration was the true root cause of contemporary labor conflicts was embraced by a number of American politicians. Narrated by Rebecca Naomi Jones and featuring Thomas Doherty, author of Show Trial: Hollywood, HUAC, and the Birth of the Blacklist. Image: Strikers on the picket line at Warner Bros., in the early morning hours before violence broke out, October 5, 1945. Photo by Keystone-France/Gamma-Keystone via Getty Images The Wreckage is part of the American Jewish Education Program, generously supported by Sid and Ruth Lapidus.
This holy defender of the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church labored in the final days of the Byzantine Empire, when, pressed on all sides by the Turks, the Emperor in desperation sought union with (or rather submission to) the Papacy in hopes of obtaining aid from the West. It was St Mark who stood almost alone to prevent such a disaster to the Faith. He was born in Constantinople in 1392 to devout parents. He received a thorough education and seemed destined for a secular career, but at the age of twenty- six he abandoned all worldly claims and became a monk in a small monastery in Nicomedia. Soon the Turkish threat forced him to return to Constantinople, where, continuing in the monastic life, he wrote a number of treatises on prayer and the dogmas of the Church. In time he was ordained priest, then, at the insistence of the Emperor John VIII Paleologos was made Metropolitan of Ephesus. The Emperor also prevailed on him to join the delegation which traveled to the Council of Florence to consider the reunion of the Orthodox Church and the churches under the Papacy. (Saint Mark went as exarch of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alexandria, who were unable to attend.) The Greek delegation included the Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople. All, including Metropolitan Mark, began with great hopes that a true union in faith might result from the Council, but as the sessions proceeded, it soon became clear that Pope Eugenius and his theologians were interested only in securing submission of the Eastern Church to the Papacy and its theology. The Metropolitan spoke forcefully against various Latin dogmas such as the filioque and Purgatory, but the Greek delegation, desperate for western aid, bowed to expediency and agreed to sign a document of Union which would have denied the Orthodox Faith itself. Saint Mark was the only member of the delegation who refused to sign. When the Pope heard of this, he said "The bishop of Ephesus has not signed, so we have achieved nothing!" When the delegation returned to Constantinople, the signers of the false Union were received with universal condemnation by the people, while Metropolitan Mark was hailed as a hero. The churches headed by Unionists were soon almost empty, while the people flocked to the churches headed by those loyal to Orthodoxy. Saint Mark left the City to avoid concelebrating with the Unionist Patriarch. He was exiled by the Emperor to Lemnos, but was freed in 1442. He continued to oppose the Union until his repose in 1444. In 1452 the Union was officially proclaimed in Constantinople, but the hoped-for Western aid was not forthcoming, and the City fell to the Turks in 1453.
This holy defender of the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church labored in the final days of the Byzantine Empire, when, pressed on all sides by the Turks, the Emperor in desperation sought union with (or rather submission to) the Papacy in hopes of obtaining aid from the West. It was St Mark who stood almost alone to prevent such a disaster to the Faith. He was born in Constantinople in 1392 to devout parents. He received a thorough education and seemed destined for a secular career, but at the age of twenty- six he abandoned all worldly claims and became a monk in a small monastery in Nicomedia. Soon the Turkish threat forced him to return to Constantinople, where, continuing in the monastic life, he wrote a number of treatises on prayer and the dogmas of the Church. In time he was ordained priest, then, at the insistence of the Emperor John VIII Paleologos was made Metropolitan of Ephesus. The Emperor also prevailed on him to join the delegation which traveled to the Council of Florence to consider the reunion of the Orthodox Church and the churches under the Papacy. (Saint Mark went as exarch of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alexandria, who were unable to attend.) The Greek delegation included the Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople. All, including Metropolitan Mark, began with great hopes that a true union in faith might result from the Council, but as the sessions proceeded, it soon became clear that Pope Eugenius and his theologians were interested only in securing submission of the Eastern Church to the Papacy and its theology. The Metropolitan spoke forcefully against various Latin dogmas such as the filioque and Purgatory, but the Greek delegation, desperate for western aid, bowed to expediency and agreed to sign a document of Union which would have denied the Orthodox Faith itself. Saint Mark was the only member of the delegation who refused to sign. When the Pope heard of this, he said "The bishop of Ephesus has not signed, so we have achieved nothing!" When the delegation returned to Constantinople, the signers of the false Union were received with universal condemnation by the people, while Metropolitan Mark was hailed as a hero. The churches headed by Unionists were soon almost empty, while the people flocked to the churches headed by those loyal to Orthodoxy. Saint Mark left the City to avoid concelebrating with the Unionist Patriarch. He was exiled by the Emperor to Lemnos, but was freed in 1442. He continued to oppose the Union until his repose in 1444. In 1452 the Union was officially proclaimed in Constantinople, but the hoped-for Western aid was not forthcoming, and the City fell to the Turks in 1453.