Podcasts about we who believe

This is a special honoring the life of Dr. Alice P. Green. Dr. Green passed away suddenly on the afternoon of August 20, 2024. She was a civil rights leader, an advocate for the marginalized, and a woman with a radical and fierce belief in human freedom. Hudson Mohawk Magazine interviewed Alice many times since our founding six years ago. This special presents a few of those interviews, as well as two new ones. You can find dozen of her interviews by going to mediasanctury.org and typing in Alice Green in the search button on the top right. Paul Grondahl of the NYS Writers Institute at UAlbany, who wrote the forward to Dr. Green's book, "We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice" starts the show by talking to Mark Dunlea of HMM about his work with Dr. Green. The other segments are from the August 23 march in Dr. Green's memory organized by the Center for Law and Justice; a 2021 interview by Yolissa Richardson with Alice on the mental health issues in the prison system; an interview Mark did with Alice about the police tearing down the tent encampment at the police station in the South End in Fed. 2022; and we finish with a 2020 interview by Elizabeth Press with Dr Green and Paul Grondahl.

Dr. Alice Green, the longtime civil rights and criminal justice advocate in Albany, recently passed away. Paul Grondahl of the NYS Writers Institute at UAlbany, who wrote the forward to Dr. Green's book, "We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice" talks to Mark Dunlea of Hudson Mohawk Magazine about Alice's life.

Frédérique Irwin, President of the National Women's History Museum, discusses their current exhibit, We Who Believe in Freedom: Black Feminist DC. The exhibit traces Black feminism in Washington, DC from the turn of the 20th century through the civil rights and on through to Black Power movements of today. Curated by renowned historians Sherie M. Randolph and Kendra T. Field, the exhibition focuses on the stories and voices of Black feminist organizers and theorists— including Anna Julia Cooper, Eleanor Holmes Norton, Mary Treadwell, and Nkenge Touré—whose expansive work made a difference in the lives of Black women in their Washington, DC communities and for all people throughout the United States. From this Episode SEE THE EXHIBIT: We Who Believe in Freedom: Black Feminist DC Listen to All Electorette Episodes https://www.electorette.com/podcast Support the Electorette Rate & Review on iTunes: https://apple.co/2GsfQj4 Also, if you enjoy the Electorette, please subscribe and leave a 5-star review on iTunes. And please spread the word by telling your friends, family, and colleagues about The Electorette! WANT MORE ELECTORETTE? Follow the Electorette on social media. Electorette Facebook Electorette Instagram Electorette Twitter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This episode tries to address that challenge. We hope that the information, events, and other information supports a great time during this March. We cover some great locations to enjoy cherry blosssoms along with food as well as drinks. There are number of great events that give you a unique perspective of women and their contribution in DC that are happening this month. Enjoy and take in all the spring has to offer in DC! National Museum of the United States Army History Talks Dates March 8,15,22 https://www.thenmusa.org/public-programs/history-talks/ https://www.instagram.com/usarmymuseum/ "We Who Believe in Freedom" will be opening on March 30. It is partnership between the National Women's History Museum and DC Public Library. ⁠https://www.womenshistory.org/black-feminist-dc⁠ A Tour of Her Own "HERstory on the National Mall" is on March 25. https://www.eventbrite.com/e/live-tour-herstory-on-the-national-mall-registration-422250230807 https://www.instagram.com/atourofherown/ SheROCKS is celebrating 10 years. It is March 25 from 6-930 pm https://www.eventbrite.com/e/sherocks-tickets-514304236817?aff=ebdssbdestsearch https://www.facebook.com/SheROCKSEvent/ The National Cherry Blossom Festival is from March 18–April 16 and it is a citywide celebration. You can track all the Cherry Blossom awesomeness here. https://www.nps.gov/subjects/cherryblossom/bloom-watch.htm Petal Porches is from March 20 through April 16. https://nationalcherryblossomfestival.org/event/petal-porches/ Silver Lyan 900 F St NW https://www.instagram.com/riggshotel/ Salamander celebrates Cherry Blossoms from 3.10-4.16 1330 Maryland Ave SW https://www.salamanderdc.com/activities/happenings#cherry-blossom-afternoon-tea-march-10-april-16 https://www.instagram.com/salamanderhoteldc/ Compass Coffee https://www.instagram.com/compasscoffeedc/ https://www.compasscoffee.com/products/cherry-blossom-blend?variant=39609560203360&selling_plan=4063328 Wilson Hardware Kitchen & Bar https://www.instagram.com/wilsonhardwareva/ https://wilsonhardwareva.com/ Sip and Paint at Moonraker at Haines Point https://www.pendry.com/washington-dc/entertainment/moonraker/ https://www.instagram.com/pendrywharfdc/ --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/dmvbusinesspodcast/message

On this week's 51%, we sit down with Dr. Alice Green, founder and director of Albany's Center for Law and Justice, to discuss her new book We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice. Guest: Dr. Alice Green, founder and executive director of the Center for Law and Justice; author of We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice 51% is a national production of WAMC Northeast Public Radio. It is produced by Jesse King. Our executive producer is Dr. Alan Chartock, and our theme is "Lolita" by the Albany-based artist Girl Blue. Follow Along You're listening to 51%, a WAMC production dedicated to women's issues and stories. Thanks for joining us, I'm Jesse King. Our guest today is a longtime civil rights activist and icon in Albany, New York. Dr. Alice Green is the founder and executive director of the Center for Law and Justice, a non-profit organization that has called for criminal justice reform, including an end to mass incarceration and systemic oppression, since 1985. Green herself has received several awards recognizing her activism in Albany, from organizations like NAACP, National Organization for Women, New York State Bar Association, and more. She earned her doctorate in criminal justice from SUNY's University at Albany, as well as three master's degrees in education, social work, and criminology. And late last year, she sought out a local Black press to publish her latest project: a part-memoir, part history of the city titled We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice. In it, Green examines her childhood in New York's North Country, her activism in Albany, and the history of the city's Black communities - from the early days of enslavement, to the Civil Rights Movement, and to the Black Lives Matter protests that continue in the city today. Like cities across the U.S., Albany erupted in protest throughout the spring and summer of 2020, following the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. And like cities across the state that year, Albany looked inward following an executive order by then-Governor Andrew Cuomo requiring municipalities to study how they might “reimagine” policing. I recently got the chance to sit down with Green and ask about all of these things and more - at least as much as we could touch on in a half-hour show. We bring you that full interview today. "I'm from the Adirondacks. Actually, I was actually born in South Carolina, but my family moved when I was very young to the Adirondacks. It's an iron ore-mining town. So I grew up in upstate New York, in a very white, very Catholic community, which was not easy if you're African American and you're not Catholic," says Green. "I got the opportunity to enter SUNY, which was something of great pride to my family. My dad was illiterate coming from the south. My mom had some education, so she placed a lot of emphasis on education. So I was able to do that. I came to Albany to become an educator." Now, you've had a long role in activism in Albany. In the time that you've been here, what has that activism looked like? How have things changed today? Well, there have been some changes. Yes, I can't say that there haven't. There's a long way to go. Albany was a very controlled city by the Democratic machine. Politics actually was the name of the game. And over the years, it had been for a long time. The mayor, you know, Erastus Corning [II] was mayor for 42 years [1942-1983], and it was really very controlling. The party decided who could get good housing, decided who would be employed, decided how people wou

On this week's 51%, we sit down with Dr. Alice Green, founder and director of Albany's Center for Law and Justice, to discuss her new book We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice. Guest: Dr. Alice Green, founder and executive director of the Center for Law and Justice; author of We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice 51% is a national production of WAMC Northeast Public Radio. It is produced by Jesse King. Our executive producer is Dr. Alan Chartock, and our theme is "Lolita" by the Albany-based artist Girl Blue. Follow Along You're listening to 51%, a WAMC production dedicated to women's issues and stories. Thanks for joining us, I'm Jesse King. Our guest today is a longtime civil rights activist and icon in Albany, New York. Dr. Alice Green is the founder and executive director of the Center for Law and Justice, a non-profit organization that has called for criminal justice reform, including an end to mass incarceration and systemic oppression, since 1985. Green herself has received several awards recognizing her activism in Albany, from organizations like NAACP, National Organization for Women, New York State Bar Association, and more. She earned her doctorate in criminal justice from SUNY's University at Albany, as well as three master's degrees in education, social work, and criminology. And late last year, she sought out a local Black press to publish her latest project: a part-memoir, part history of the city titled We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice. In it, Green examines her childhood in New York's North Country, her activism in Albany, and the history of the city's Black communities - from the early days of enslavement, to the Civil Rights Movement, and to the Black Lives Matter protests that continue in the city today. Like cities across the U.S., Albany erupted in protest throughout the spring and summer of 2020, following the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. And like cities across the state that year, Albany looked inward following an executive order by then-Governor Andrew Cuomo requiring municipalities to study how they might “reimagine” policing. I recently got the chance to sit down with Green and ask about all of these things and more - at least as much as we could touch on in a half-hour show. We bring you that full interview today. "I'm from the Adirondacks. Actually, I was actually born in South Carolina, but my family moved when I was very young to the Adirondacks. It's an iron ore-mining town. So I grew up in upstate New York, in a very white, very Catholic community, which was not easy if you're African American and you're not Catholic," says Green. "I got the opportunity to enter SUNY, which was something of great pride to my family. My dad was illiterate coming from the south. My mom had some education, so she placed a lot of emphasis on education. So I was able to do that. I came to Albany to become an educator." Now, you've had a long role in activism in Albany. In the time that you've been here, what has that activism looked like? How have things changed today? Well, there have been some changes. Yes, I can't say that there haven't. There's a long way to go. Albany was a very controlled city by the Democratic machine. Politics actually was the name of the game. And over the years, it had been for a long time. The mayor, you know, Erastus Corning [II] was mayor for 42 years [1942-1983], and it was really very controlling. The party decided who could get good housing, decided who would be employed, decided how people would vote. And so the Black population – which came from the south, [in a continuation of] the Great Migration, Black migration north – they settled in Albany, and particularly in the South End. And they the ones that had to live in the worst housing, that did not have the services that were needed – like, there was no garbage pickup. A lot of people don't believe that, that we were in that situation. There were not, you know, recreational-type resources. [It was] very segregated. Albany is a very segregated city. It still is, to some extent – to a great extent now, I have to admit that, [when] we look at our education system, who's in public schools, where housing is, affordable housing, all of that, it's still very much segregated. But I think one of the biggest thing that's happened is that the population, the African American population – due to the war on poverty, and the community organizing that took place then – have become much more involved in trying to have some control over their lives. So we now see Black legislators. There was a recognition that the police department was totally given the responsibility of controlling the population, and so we saw a lot of police brutality. At one point when we moved into the ‘70s, [there was] an increase in incarceration, due to the war on drugs. So we've been organized to a great extent to try to deal with those problems. Because during that period, in late ‘60s, neighborhood organizations grew up. And they had more to say about what their community is going to look like. And some of the population was able to move into different areas, moving on up to Arbor Hill, and even a number of people moving out into the suburbs. So there have been changes in terms of, to some extent, where people live, but we still have the problems of poor housing for most people. Poverty is still a big force in our community. The criminal justice system is still, unfortunately, affecting [the population] in a very negative kind of way. Much more police surveillance and community arrests are much higher among people of color. Those problems still exist. But the community, I think, has risen to a point of trying to be involved in making the kinds of changes [that are needed]. And I believe in people power. We've always worked in organized communities to try to deal with a lot of these issues. I've been doing a lot of interviews for the show, and a lot of things that people have been mentioning in the past year or so is that we're in the midst of a new “racial reckoning,” a new social justice movement. How new really is it, one? But also, as people were coming together in 2020, do you see the momentum continuing? Are we making improvements? Yeah, we were very excited [in 2020], after experiencing the death of George Floyd, that things were going to change. During that year, we certainly saw more people getting involved in demonstrating and protesting, regarding that issue of social justice. And we're talking about Blacks and whites and other ethnic groups getting involved in it. So, it was quite exciting and very hopeful. Unfortunately, that didn't last – there's still very many people involved, and I think many people were affected by being involved in that kind of a movement, so we have more people than we had prior to it – but overall, it has quieted down. And we thought this was, indeed, a new reckoning for racism and dealing with structural racism in particular. We wanted to change things with the police department. The governor had issued Executive Order 203, saying that all the police departments needed to reexamine how they do policing, and address those issues of racism. And the community rose up and was very much involved. However, it didn't quite pan out the way we had hoped. I don't think the state was really that serious about making sure we had transformative change. There was a threat to the jurisdictions across the state that you would lose funding if you didn't do certain things related to change. And the community, I think, was sold a really bad bill of goods here, because I don't think any intended to look at the kinds of changes that are being proposed – there was no threat of losing money, I don't think anybody lost any money. And so we didn't really get the change that we had hoped for. You know, this is one of the things that as I was thinking about writing this book. I wanted to go back and look at the history, to give young people something to go back to and look at. To see what we already tried, what the history of dealing with a lot of these institutions was like, trying to give them some sense of what they needed to know as they [plan] out how they [are] going to make the kinds of changes that we've been working for since 1619. And the Black Lives Matter movement was a major part of that. You mentioned the governor's mandate for “reimagining policing” across different communities. This is something that I've seen a lot online, these sentiments of “we always think the first step is ‘let's study this,' and then it doesn't go beyond studying what's happening in a community.” And then every time we revisit it, it's like, “Well, let's study it.” And there's constant studies and a little less action. Would you agree with that? Is that something that you've noticed? When politicians are short of on answers, the best thing to do is that is to say, “We will study it, or form a committee.” Our position has always been, “Hey, we know what the problems are.” I mean, I know why we have poverty, I know why we have disproportionate incarceration of Black people. It's been a part of this country since the very beginning. I don't need to study that anymore. And it's important to have a history of what was done, but I think people now are speaking more about the impact of poverty on their lives, and speaking more about the impact of incarceration on their lives. We've given politicians and other people in power enough information to know that structural racism is a major problem in this country, and that it affects the way not only people behave, but how they treat other people. People who are most directly impacted by all of those horrible conditions can tell you very well what the problem is. But the problem, from what I see, is we have not listened to that. It's not become a priority to make the kinds of changes that need to be made. It's going to affect other people in power. I mean, I don't think everybody wants to get rid of poverty. You know, we might say it's the thing that we need to do. But there are a lot of people who are very satisfied with the status quo. They're part of the system, they're making money. They got the good houses, the good education systems, and all of that. Why [would] they want to change that? But that's where the problems are. So we can't keep going around saying, “Oh, we got to find out what the problem is,” and then have these Band-Aid solutions, which really infuriates me. [When you've got] issues like poverty, not only poverty, but violence, and, “Well, all we got to do is put more police on the street, and it'll solve that particular problem.” Or, “We got to have a gun buyback program, and that will deal with the problem of violence and guns on the street.” More white people have guns than Black people. You have to understand why all these problems linger in poor communities. It's not an issue of people being Black, it's more of an issue of people being in poverty. Racism creates poverty. But Blacks are not any more criminal or violent than any other people. But I think poor people have lived in different conditions that sort of define what they can and cannot do. What do you see as the biggest tool towards real change? What should we be doing? Well, that, of course, is the difficult part. The things that we would propose, you're not going to get very much support on. We believe that public safety is not promoted by putting people in prisons. It's already been shown that prisons are ineffective in dealing with criminal behavior. You know, I'm not any safer by have people in prison. It's a tall order, as I said, we've been working to change the system since 1619. But we have to guarantee people a minimum income – people need resources to survive, and to thrive in this country. So there has to be a commitment to making sure that everyone is able to benefit from this society. There's an economic problem here, you know. Structural racism is here, it's been here. And even though some people are starting to understand it, and recognize it, we have not made it a top priority to deal with that within our institutions. We're still willing to work and operate on stereotypes of people, and to treat them according to those stereotypes. And to define the problem in, I think, ways that don't make a whole lot of sense. As I said, you know, when violence comes up, the first thing that people ask me is, “How can we deal with this violence in the Black community?” And I'm like, you know, “Wait a minute, that's not a Black issue. It might be a poverty issue, it might be a racism issue. But it has nothing to do with the color of my skin. I'm not inherently criminal, none of the people that I know of are inherently criminal.” So we've got to really, as a society, make a commitment that this is going to be our top priority. If you're really concerned about public safety, if we're really concerned about poverty, and all of those issues, they should be uppermost on our list of things to address. What do you see as the role of allies in the fight for social justice? Oh, very, very important. Like I said, I believe in people power. That was one of the things that helped make the kind of the changes that I mentioned earlier in this particular community way before the George Floyd thing. We noticed that a number of people who were not familiar with the South End and Arbor Hill – where most of the population of color live – they didn't know anything about the South End, then, you know, they started becoming much more involved in it. And I think we were able to make the few changes that we made because of the influence from different organizations that were uptown and white. And they came down and they helped establish some housing, affordable housing for people in the community. We had journalists who pointed out the problems of horrible housing that people were forced to live in. A lot of the interfaith community got involved, and that's when you start to see some changes. Same thing with 2020, after George Floyd, you find allies who were willing to get involved in the struggle. And as I mentioned, a number of them still are, and that's good. With people power, you need people. And you need good allies to work with you to do that. That's one of the things that I mentioned in writing the book, how important it is to have those allies – because we can't do it by ourselves. Even though, I think [for] the changes that need to be made regarding African Americans, and the impact of the system on them, there has to be leadership from the most affected and impacted communities. In that regard, like what does a good ally look like? A good ally is not afraid to speak truth to power. You can't be silent and be a good ally. If you see injustice, you have to say that you see injustice, and you really want to do something about it. We have a lot of people who say, “I appreciate what you do. That's wonderful. Keep on doing it.” But they're not willing to make any sacrifices. They're not willing to speak up to those in power. But those who are, who are willing to do that, are the good allies. They are saying that, “Hey, this is my community, this is my country. I know that certain things are not right.” You know, we see now displays of vigilantism, with open expressions of white supremacy. You know, we're seeing all those things – voter suppression. And if you believe in a democracy, and you believe in equality, how you can be silent about something like that is beyond me. And it's not just about the freedom of Black people or brown people. I think white people need to be freed, too. Because it takes a lot of stress and fear to deny people housing, or whatever it happens to be. I mean, you got to spend a lot of time trying to figure out how to keep people at a distance. To me, that would be horrible. You mentioned earlier that you grew up in the North Country, and then you came down to Albany. What was that transition like, going from a small town to a larger city? Yeah, it was a very important one for me, because as I mentioned, I didn't know any people of color. Growing up in a small, rural, conservative community, I didn't know who I was, because there was no way for me to. My parents didn't talk about the south, because they had terrible experiences in the south. And so I am growing up without any benefit of African American history in education. I knew absolutely nothing. Moving from that kind of a setting, and coming to Albany, where there were more people of color, and particularly African Americans, and opportunities to learn more about my history as an African American, was exciting. You know, I started learning how to read things that I've never run across – James Baldwin, and a whole bunch of other writers. It was so refreshing, and helped me grow and understand not only who I was, but what my mission in life needed to be. So it was great coming into a community where there were other people of color. Through your career of activism, how has it been advancing to where you are now as a woman, having to go through these things? Yeah, that's interesting, because, I can identify with other women, but I think it's important to know that African American women have a totally different experience. We don't look at this big picture of women. We know that white women are able to advance in ways that we can't. I also am very sensitive to being a woman and wanting to do things that we are prevented from doing in this society, simply because I am a woman – but I'm prevented even further, because I'm a Black woman. I try to identify with women, and a lot of my allies are white women, but when I look back and see how this society treats white women differently, you know, they've been put on a pedestal, and Black women weren't. Some of the things that white women won't do, Black women were very happy to do. Like when the feminists, when the movement was started, white women were insulted to be offered a secretarial position, for instance. Black women always want to be, you know, in those positions that white women did not want to. And so during the feminist movement, we had some discussions about these issues, and I think, you know, we worked it out. So I identify with being a woman, and I know all the ways that women are oppressed in this country. It's a two-fold thing: you're oppressed because you're a woman and you're oppressed because you are Black. We have to deal with all of those issues, which maybe white women don't have to. Just lastly, your book focuses on your experiences and the situation in Albany. Are there certain aspects to Albany that distinguish it from other areas, or do you think Albany is pretty good example for what's happening across the U.S.? Well, I think both. As I mentioned earlier, Albany has always been politically controlled by one party. That means that a lot of things don't happen. You don't get fresh ideas, you don't get politicians who can really compete with each other. And I think we're missing getting all of the good people involved in that whole political process that we would, if we were a more open community. I would love to see, you know, a campaign where you had three good candidates, and they were interested in everybody's issues, rather than having it being a foregone conclusion that certain people in certain parties were going to win. You know, we don't benefit from that. That's the difference. But I think Albany is experiencing some of the same problems that we experienced across the country: lack of good healthcare for people, particularly people of color, and even women. I mean, they've had to struggle for best health care, because everything has been geared towards white men in this country. They're experiencing violence. I think everybody's sort of experiencing that. Of course, the pandemic doesn't discriminate, so that's there. But I think, across the country, we want to see people who have been oppressed much more involved in the activities of their communities, and having much more of a voice, and being heard by those with power. Incarceration is a major issue across the country. And I think we've got to change our whole approach to dealing with those kinds of problems. Those are national problems and those are ones that we're dealing with on a local level. But most change comes on a local level. Well, thank you so much for taking the time to speak with me. That was all the questions that I had for you off the top my head, but is there anything that I'm missing that you'd like our listeners to know? What do you hope that people most take away from your book? I hope that people will understand how important it is to understand the history. We sort of separate Black history from American history, and one of the reasons why I wrote the book, I wanted people to see the history that we've experienced and how it's connected to the general history of this country. And that we need to work together to make the kinds of changes that are necessary. So I'm hoping that young people will be involved in all of this. You know, we've done the work over the years, and now we see a new population emerging that has to take on this horrible task – but I want them to be as equipped to do that as possible. So my focus in the book is on young people. How do we educate young people? How do we get them to understand the real nature of the problem, so that they can carry it forward? 1619, that's a long time, and I think we've got to bring about that change that we want to get rid of the fear that so many people have. And I'm hoping that when they read the book, it will also spark some examination. I only just touch the surface, but I'm hoping that other people will take it up and say, “Ah, yes, we have to understand how to deal with this problem that we had, that we didn't do back then.” So I'm excited and hopeful that young people will get that message: that they have to carry forward with the struggle for social justice, and they can do it. Dr. Alice Green is the author of We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice, out now on King Jesus Press, LLC. She's also the founder and director of the Center for Law and Justice in Albany, New York. You can learn more about the Center and its work at its website, cflj.org. Thanks for tuning in to this week's 51%. 51% is a national production of WAMC Northeast Public Radio. It's produced by me, Jesse King. Our executive producer is Dr. Alan Chartock, and our theme is “Lolita” by the Albany-based artist Girl Blue. A big thanks, again, to Dr. Alice Green for taking the time to speak with me. Next week, we celebrate the 200th birthday of Harriet Tubman, brush up on our history, and recognize the power of Black joy. Hope to see you there. Until then, I'm Jesse King for 51%.

On this week's 51%, we sit down with Dr. Alice Green, founder and director of Albany's Center for Law and Justice, to discuss her new book We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice. Guest: Dr. Alice Green, founder and executive director of the Center for Law and Justice; author of We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice 51% is a national production of WAMC Northeast Public Radio. It is produced by Jesse King. Our executive producer is Dr. Alan Chartock, and our theme is "Lolita" by the Albany-based artist Girl Blue. Follow Along You're listening to 51%, a WAMC production dedicated to women's issues and stories. Thanks for joining us, I'm Jesse King. Our guest today is a longtime civil rights activist and icon in Albany, New York. Dr. Alice Green is the founder and executive director of the Center for Law and Justice, a non-profit organization that has called for criminal justice reform, including an end to mass incarceration and systemic oppression, since 1985. Green herself has received several awards recognizing her activism in Albany, from organizations like NAACP, National Organization for Women, New York State Bar Association, and more. She earned her doctorate in criminal justice from SUNY's University at Albany, as well as three master's degrees in education, social work, and criminology. And late last year, she sought out a local Black press to publish her latest project: a part-memoir, part history of the city titled We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice. In it, Green examines her childhood in New York's North Country, her activism in Albany, and the history of the city's Black communities - from the early days of enslavement, to the Civil Rights Movement, and to the Black Lives Matter protests that continue in the city today. Like cities across the U.S., Albany erupted in protest throughout the spring and summer of 2020, following the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. And like cities across the state that year, Albany looked inward following an executive order by then-Governor Andrew Cuomo requiring municipalities to study how they might “reimagine” policing. I recently got the chance to sit down with Green and ask about all of these things and more - at least as much as we could touch on in a half-hour show. We bring you that full interview today. "I'm from the Adirondacks. Actually, I was actually born in South Carolina, but my family moved when I was very young to the Adirondacks. It's an iron ore-mining town. So I grew up in upstate New York, in a very white, very Catholic community, which was not easy if you're African American and you're not Catholic," says Green. "I got the opportunity to enter SUNY, which was something of great pride to my family. My dad was illiterate coming from the south. My mom had some education, so she placed a lot of emphasis on education. So I was able to do that. I came to Albany to become an educator." Now, you've had a long role in activism in Albany. In the time that you've been here, what has that activism looked like? How have things changed today? Well, there have been some changes. Yes, I can't say that there haven't. There's a long way to go. Albany was a very controlled city by the Democratic machine. Politics actually was the name of the game. And over the years, it had been for a long time. The mayor, you know, Erastus Corning [II] was mayor for 42 years [1942-1983], and it was really very controlling. The party decided who could get good housing, decided who would be employed, decided how people would vote. And so the Black population – which came from the south, [in a continuation of] the Great Migration, Black migration north – they settled in Albany, and particularly in the South End. And they the ones that had to live in the worst housing, that did not have the services that were needed – like, there was no garbage pickup. A lot of people don't believe that, that we were in that situation. There were not, you know, recreational-type resources. [It was] very segregated. Albany is a very segregated city. It still is, to some extent – to a great extent now, I have to admit that, [when] we look at our education system, who's in public schools, where housing is, affordable housing, all of that, it's still very much segregated. But I think one of the biggest thing that's happened is that the population, the African American population – due to the war on poverty, and the community organizing that took place then – have become much more involved in trying to have some control over their lives. So we now see Black legislators. There was a recognition that the police department was totally given the responsibility of controlling the population, and so we saw a lot of police brutality. At one point when we moved into the ‘70s, [there was] an increase in incarceration, due to the war on drugs. So we've been organized to a great extent to try to deal with those problems. Because during that period, in late ‘60s, neighborhood organizations grew up. And they had more to say about what their community is going to look like. And some of the population was able to move into different areas, moving on up to Arbor Hill, and even a number of people moving out into the suburbs. So there have been changes in terms of, to some extent, where people live, but we still have the problems of poor housing for most people. Poverty is still a big force in our community. The criminal justice system is still, unfortunately, affecting [the population] in a very negative kind of way. Much more police surveillance and community arrests are much higher among people of color. Those problems still exist. But the community, I think, has risen to a point of trying to be involved in making the kinds of changes [that are needed]. And I believe in people power. We've always worked in organized communities to try to deal with a lot of these issues. I've been doing a lot of interviews for the show, and a lot of things that people have been mentioning in the past year or so is that we're in the midst of a new “racial reckoning,” a new social justice movement. How new really is it, one? But also, as people were coming together in 2020, do you see the momentum continuing? Are we making improvements? Yeah, we were very excited [in 2020], after experiencing the death of George Floyd, that things were going to change. During that year, we certainly saw more people getting involved in demonstrating and protesting, regarding that issue of social justice. And we're talking about Blacks and whites and other ethnic groups getting involved in it. So, it was quite exciting and very hopeful. Unfortunately, that didn't last – there's still very many people involved, and I think many people were affected by being involved in that kind of a movement, so we have more people than we had prior to it – but overall, it has quieted down. And we thought this was, indeed, a new reckoning for racism and dealing with structural racism in particular. We wanted to change things with the police department. The governor had issued Executive Order 203, saying that all the police departments needed to reexamine how they do policing, and address those issues of racism. And the community rose up and was very much involved. However, it didn't quite pan out the way we had hoped. I don't think the state was really that serious about making sure we had transformative change. There was a threat to the jurisdictions across the state that you would lose funding if you didn't do certain things related to change. And the community, I think, was sold a really bad bill of goods here, because I don't think any intended to look at the kinds of changes that are being proposed – there was no threat of losing money, I don't think anybody lost any money. And so we didn't really get the change that we had hoped for. You know, this is one of the things that as I was thinking about writing this book. I wanted to go back and look at the history, to give young people something to go back to and look at. To see what we already tried, what the history of dealing with a lot of these institutions was like, trying to give them some sense of what they needed to know as they [plan] out how they [are] going to make the kinds of changes that we've been working for since 1619. And the Black Lives Matter movement was a major part of that. You mentioned the governor's mandate for “reimagining policing” across different communities. This is something that I've seen a lot online, these sentiments of “we always think the first step is ‘let's study this,' and then it doesn't go beyond studying what's happening in a community.” And then every time we revisit it, it's like, “Well, let's study it.” And there's constant studies and a little less action. Would you agree with that? Is that something that you've noticed? When politicians are short of on answers, the best thing to do is that is to say, “We will study it, or form a committee.” Our position has always been, “Hey, we know what the problems are.” I mean, I know why we have poverty, I know why we have disproportionate incarceration of Black people. It's been a part of this country since the very beginning. I don't need to study that anymore. And it's important to have a history of what was done, but I think people now are speaking more about the impact of poverty on their lives, and speaking more about the impact of incarceration on their lives. We've given politicians and other people in power enough information to know that structural racism is a major problem in this country, and that it affects the way not only people behave, but how they treat other people. People who are most directly impacted by all of those horrible conditions can tell you very well what the problem is. But the problem, from what I see, is we have not listened to that. It's not become a priority to make the kinds of changes that need to be made. It's going to affect other people in power. I mean, I don't think everybody wants to get rid of poverty. You know, we might say it's the thing that we need to do. But there are a lot of people who are very satisfied with the status quo. They're part of the system, they're making money. They got the good houses, the good education systems, and all of that. Why [would] they want to change that? But that's where the problems are. So we can't keep going around saying, “Oh, we got to find out what the problem is,” and then have these Band-Aid solutions, which really infuriates me. [When you've got] issues like poverty, not only poverty, but violence, and, “Well, all we got to do is put more police on the street, and it'll solve that particular problem.” Or, “We got to have a gun buyback program, and that will deal with the problem of violence and guns on the street.” More white people have guns than Black people. You have to understand why all these problems linger in poor communities. It's not an issue of people being Black, it's more of an issue of people being in poverty. Racism creates poverty. But Blacks are not any more criminal or violent than any other people. But I think poor people have lived in different conditions that sort of define what they can and cannot do. What do you see as the biggest tool towards real change? What should we be doing? Well, that, of course, is the difficult part. The things that we would propose, you're not going to get very much support on. We believe that public safety is not promoted by putting people in prisons. It's already been shown that prisons are ineffective in dealing with criminal behavior. You know, I'm not any safer by have people in prison. It's a tall order, as I said, we've been working to change the system since 1619. But we have to guarantee people a minimum income – people need resources to survive, and to thrive in this country. So there has to be a commitment to making sure that everyone is able to benefit from this society. There's an economic problem here, you know. Structural racism is here, it's been here. And even though some people are starting to understand it, and recognize it, we have not made it a top priority to deal with that within our institutions. We're still willing to work and operate on stereotypes of people, and to treat them according to those stereotypes. And to define the problem in, I think, ways that don't make a whole lot of sense. As I said, you know, when violence comes up, the first thing that people ask me is, “How can we deal with this violence in the Black community?” And I'm like, you know, “Wait a minute, that's not a Black issue. It might be a poverty issue, it might be a racism issue. But it has nothing to do with the color of my skin. I'm not inherently criminal, none of the people that I know of are inherently criminal.” So we've got to really, as a society, make a commitment that this is going to be our top priority. If you're really concerned about public safety, if we're really concerned about poverty, and all of those issues, they should be uppermost on our list of things to address. What do you see as the role of allies in the fight for social justice? Oh, very, very important. Like I said, I believe in people power. That was one of the things that helped make the kind of the changes that I mentioned earlier in this particular community way before the George Floyd thing. We noticed that a number of people who were not familiar with the South End and Arbor Hill – where most of the population of color live – they didn't know anything about the South End, then, you know, they started becoming much more involved in it. And I think we were able to make the few changes that we made because of the influence from different organizations that were uptown and white. And they came down and they helped establish some housing, affordable housing for people in the community. We had journalists who pointed out the problems of horrible housing that people were forced to live in. A lot of the interfaith community got involved, and that's when you start to see some changes. Same thing with 2020, after George Floyd, you find allies who were willing to get involved in the struggle. And as I mentioned, a number of them still are, and that's good. With people power, you need people. And you need good allies to work with you to do that. That's one of the things that I mentioned in writing the book, how important it is to have those allies – because we can't do it by ourselves. Even though, I think [for] the changes that need to be made regarding African Americans, and the impact of the system on them, there has to be leadership from the most affected and impacted communities. In that regard, like what does a good ally look like? A good ally is not afraid to speak truth to power. You can't be silent and be a good ally. If you see injustice, you have to say that you see injustice, and you really want to do something about it. We have a lot of people who say, “I appreciate what you do. That's wonderful. Keep on doing it.” But they're not willing to make any sacrifices. They're not willing to speak up to those in power. But those who are, who are willing to do that, are the good allies. They are saying that, “Hey, this is my community, this is my country. I know that certain things are not right.” You know, we see now displays of vigilantism, with open expressions of white supremacy. You know, we're seeing all those things – voter suppression. And if you believe in a democracy, and you believe in equality, how you can be silent about something like that is beyond me. And it's not just about the freedom of Black people or brown people. I think white people need to be freed, too. Because it takes a lot of stress and fear to deny people housing, or whatever it happens to be. I mean, you got to spend a lot of time trying to figure out how to keep people at a distance. To me, that would be horrible. You mentioned earlier that you grew up in the North Country, and then you came down to Albany. What was that transition like, going from a small town to a larger city? Yeah, it was a very important one for me, because as I mentioned, I didn't know any people of color. Growing up in a small, rural, conservative community, I didn't know who I was, because there was no way for me to. My parents didn't talk about the south, because they had terrible experiences in the south. And so I am growing up without any benefit of African American history in education. I knew absolutely nothing. Moving from that kind of a setting, and coming to Albany, where there were more people of color, and particularly African Americans, and opportunities to learn more about my history as an African American, was exciting. You know, I started learning how to read things that I've never run across – James Baldwin, and a whole bunch of other writers. It was so refreshing, and helped me grow and understand not only who I was, but what my mission in life needed to be. So it was great coming into a community where there were other people of color. Through your career of activism, how has it been advancing to where you are now as a woman, having to go through these things? Yeah, that's interesting, because, I can identify with other women, but I think it's important to know that African American women have a totally different experience. We don't look at this big picture of women. We know that white women are able to advance in ways that we can't. I also am very sensitive to being a woman and wanting to do things that we are prevented from doing in this society, simply because I am a woman – but I'm prevented even further, because I'm a Black woman. I try to identify with women, and a lot of my allies are white women, but when I look back and see how this society treats white women differently, you know, they've been put on a pedestal, and Black women weren't. Some of the things that white women won't do, Black women were very happy to do. Like when the feminists, when the movement was started, white women were insulted to be offered a secretarial position, for instance. Black women always want to be, you know, in those positions that white women did not want to. And so during the feminist movement, we had some discussions about these issues, and I think, you know, we worked it out. So I identify with being a woman, and I know all the ways that women are oppressed in this country. It's a two-fold thing: you're oppressed because you're a woman and you're oppressed because you are Black. We have to deal with all of those issues, which maybe white women don't have to. Just lastly, your book focuses on your experiences and the situation in Albany. Are there certain aspects to Albany that distinguish it from other areas, or do you think Albany is pretty good example for what's happening across the U.S.? Well, I think both. As I mentioned earlier, Albany has always been politically controlled by one party. That means that a lot of things don't happen. You don't get fresh ideas, you don't get politicians who can really compete with each other. And I think we're missing getting all of the good people involved in that whole political process that we would, if we were a more open community. I would love to see, you know, a campaign where you had three good candidates, and they were interested in everybody's issues, rather than having it being a foregone conclusion that certain people in certain parties were going to win. You know, we don't benefit from that. That's the difference. But I think Albany is experiencing some of the same problems that we experienced across the country: lack of good healthcare for people, particularly people of color, and even women. I mean, they've had to struggle for best health care, because everything has been geared towards white men in this country. They're experiencing violence. I think everybody's sort of experiencing that. Of course, the pandemic doesn't discriminate, so that's there. But I think, across the country, we want to see people who have been oppressed much more involved in the activities of their communities, and having much more of a voice, and being heard by those with power. Incarceration is a major issue across the country. And I think we've got to change our whole approach to dealing with those kinds of problems. Those are national problems and those are ones that we're dealing with on a local level. But most change comes on a local level. Well, thank you so much for taking the time to speak with me. That was all the questions that I had for you off the top my head, but is there anything that I'm missing that you'd like our listeners to know? What do you hope that people most take away from your book? I hope that people will understand how important it is to understand the history. We sort of separate Black history from American history, and one of the reasons why I wrote the book, I wanted people to see the history that we've experienced and how it's connected to the general history of this country. And that we need to work together to make the kinds of changes that are necessary. So I'm hoping that young people will be involved in all of this. You know, we've done the work over the years, and now we see a new population emerging that has to take on this horrible task – but I want them to be as equipped to do that as possible. So my focus in the book is on young people. How do we educate young people? How do we get them to understand the real nature of the problem, so that they can carry it forward? 1619, that's a long time, and I think we've got to bring about that change that we want to get rid of the fear that so many people have. And I'm hoping that when they read the book, it will also spark some examination. I only just touch the surface, but I'm hoping that other people will take it up and say, “Ah, yes, we have to understand how to deal with this problem that we had, that we didn't do back then.” So I'm excited and hopeful that young people will get that message: that they have to carry forward with the struggle for social justice, and they can do it. Dr. Alice Green is the author of We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice, out now on King Jesus Press, LLC. She's also the founder and director of the Center for Law and Justice in Albany, New York. You can learn more about the Center and its work at its website, cflj.org. Thanks for tuning in to this week's 51%. 51% is a national production of WAMC Northeast Public Radio. It's produced by me, Jesse King. Our executive producer is Dr. Alan Chartock, and our theme is “Lolita” by the Albany-based artist Girl Blue. A big thanks, again, to Dr. Alice Green for taking the time to speak with me. Next week, we celebrate the 200th birthday of Harriet Tubman, brush up on our history, and recognize the power of Black joy. Hope to see you there. Until then, I'm Jesse King for 51%.

The launch of Dr. Alice Green's new book “We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice” will take place in a virtual event on February 28, to close out Black History Month. Dr Green's book covers weighty topics such as police abuse and accountability, criminal justice, prison reform, and political abuse of power in Albany NY through the lens of her life-long advocacy. For more information, and to register for this event, go to jcrc1.org. Bob Blackmon president of “The Justice Center of Rensselaer County,” the hosts of this event, talks with HMM's Andrea Cunliffe about the work of Dr. Green and the Albany Center for Law and Justice. For further information and to register for this free event on February 28th go to: The Justice Center of Rensselaer County at JCR1.org (number 1) All proceeds from the sale of the book “We Who Believe in Freedom” go to the Albany Center for Law and Justice.com

"We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice" exposes readers to police abuse and accountability, criminal justice and prison reform, and political abuse of power in Albany, New York.

Today, on the Hudson Mohawk Magazine, We begin with the first part of my interview with Dr. Alice Green about her new book, “We Who Believe in Freedom?” Then, for our peace bucket, we get an update from Joe Lombardo with the United Anti-War Coalition; After that, Willie Terry covers the recent protests by graduate student workers at SUNY Albany; Later on, we hear from Hand in Hand about a project to help employers show appreciation to their domestic caregivers; Finally, Brea Barthel talks about books that talk about street addresses.

Dr. Alice P. Green, founder and director of the Center for Law and Justice, has published, “We Who Believe in Freedom: Activism and the Struggle for Social Justice.” The book addresses police abuse and accountability, criminal justice and prison reform, and historic political abuse of power in Albany. Alice discusses the history of Black residents in Albany and the ongoing discrimination, the Jesse Davis case, the rise of the Black Lives Matter Movement, and activism as a career choice. With Mark Dunlea for Hudson Mohawk Radio Network.

(Spirit Rock Meditation Center) The morning after Election Day in the U.S., with the result in the Presidential election still uncertain, we explore a number of ways of practicing--in both a more inner and a more outer way. Participants, who include several from outside the U.S., share some of what they are experiencing, and we explore several ways of working with challenging emotions, thoughts, and body-states. We emphasize the importance of compassion for self and others, empathy--including across lines of difference, working with one's own views, participation in a community, and connection with traditions and approaches--such as that of the bodhisattva--that give one resources for the "long haul." Eve Decker brings in a vital further resource--song--three times during the session, with "Sending You Light," "We Who Believe in Freedom," and the dedication of merit from the Chinese Pure Land tradition.

Nichole M. Flores shares her research and reflections on Ella Baker, a civil rights activist and organizer whose work in the civil rights movement focused on empowering the poor and the young. Nichole discusses how Baker’s work paved the way for Black Lives Matter … Read More The post We Who Believe in Freedom: Ella Baker’s Creed appeared first on The Project on Lived Theology.

Nichole M. Flores shares her research and reflections on Ella Baker, a civil rights activist and organizer whose work in the civil rights movement focused on empowering the poor and the young. Nichole discusses how Baker’s work paved the way … Read More The post We Who Believe in Freedom: Ella Baker’s Creed appeared first on The Project on Lived Theology.

Emily Elbert, American Singer-Songwriter and GuitaristHear more shows like this at https://entertalkradio.com/makingit http://www.emilyelbert.com/We Who Believe in Freedom, the fifth album from Emily Elbert, provides both a thoughtful meditation on the status quo and heartening call-to-action for our inner activist. In a merging of groove-laden soul and introspective folk styles, Elbert shares her reflections on today’s political climate, and also brings a new light to the work of revolutionary artists like Marvin Gaye and Pete Seeger. In intimate, stripped recordings, Elbert’s voice and guitar work serve as clear channels for messages of peace and justice, as relevant now as ever before.In 2018, L.A. Weekly named Emily among the “Best of L.A. Music”, noting that “Elbert would be considered remarkable just for her guitar playing, which segues from hard-edged funk and blues to subtle jazz intricacy. But she’s an equally adept vocalist, weaving her soulful phrasing nimbly within the rhythms of her guitar chords.” In addition to her solo work, Emily has contributed her voice and guitar to projects by Esperanza Spalding, Dweezil Zappa, and Phish’s Mike Gordon, and co-wrote Bruno Major's viral hit “Easily.” On tour, she has opened for artists like G. Love & Special Sauce, Emily King, Leon Russell, and Richie Havens, and played 1200+ independent shows in 30 countries around the world.In the opening song on her new album, Elbert beckons to listeners, “hold on for the healing, family / all voices needed / to speak up and to listen, to act on intention / we’ve got work to do.” This album is an expression of her own work, a true prayer for peace and justice - in turn, providing a soundtrack for progress to come. We Who Believe in Freedom was released on all platforms in October 2018.

I almost took this week off. Many of us are out and about, enjoying the summer or taking an extended weekend to travel or vacation.My husband and I celebrated our 20th wedding anniversary yesterday and it feels good to pause and and create some space for Rest.I’m with you.And… as I opened my e-mail this morning for a quick scroll before signing off for the day, I came across a few things that spoke deeply to me.They inspired me into speaking and acting.Once I heard them, I knew I had to share them with you.Whether you listen to them in real time or catch them when you are back from your Wanderings, these feel important.Wild Soul Medicine for We Who Believe in Freedom."Liberty, freedom, and equality: these things don’t happen on their own or just because we declare that they will. They happen through a willingness to do the work. They happen through deep listening, amends making, and the intensive work of repair. Repairing the breach between who we say we are and who we actually are."- Vania KentThere is much to repair in the dissonance between who we say we are (or who we want to be) and who we actually are.The road back is dark and full of shadows.Truth is not always Self Evident.Sometimes we can only set an intention to head in the direction of The Light and course correct as we go.Following the breadcrumbs of Life As Medicine to gather our pieces and limp toward Home.Join me for this episode, as we ponder our In(ter)-Dependence and the zombie apocalypse.It’s a Wild Soul Medicine kind of day.

I almost took this week off. Many of us are out and about, enjoying the summer or taking an extended weekend to travel or vacation.My husband and I celebrated our 20th wedding anniversary yesterday and it feels good to pause and and create some space for Rest.I’m with you.And… as I opened my e-mail this morning for a quick scroll before signing off for the day, I came across a few things that spoke deeply to me.They inspired me into speaking and acting.Once I heard them, I knew I had to share them with you.Whether you listen to them in real time or catch them when you are back from your Wanderings, these feel important.Wild Soul Medicine for We Who Believe in Freedom."Liberty, freedom, and equality: these things don’t happen on their own or just because we declare that they will. They happen through a willingness to do the work. They happen through deep listening, amends making, and the intensive work of repair. Repairing the breach between who we say we are and who we actually are."- Vania KentThere is much to repair in the dissonance between who we say we are (or who we want to be) and who we actually are.The road back is dark and full of shadows.Truth is not always Self Evident.Sometimes we can only set an intention to head in the direction of The Light and course correct as we go.Following the breadcrumbs of Life As Medicine to gather our pieces and limp toward Home.Join me for this episode, as we ponder our In(ter)-Dependence and the zombie apocalypse.It’s a Wild Soul Medicine kind of day.

I almost took this week off. Many of us are out and about, enjoying the summer or taking an extended weekend to travel or vacation.My husband and I celebrated our 20th wedding anniversary yesterday and it feels good to pause and and create some space for Rest.I’m with you.And… as I opened my e-mail this morning for a quick scroll before signing off for the day, I came across a few things that spoke deeply to me.They inspired me into speaking and acting.Once I heard them, I knew I had to share them with you.Whether you listen to them in real time or catch them when you are back from your Wanderings, these feel important.Wild Soul Medicine for We Who Believe in Freedom."Liberty, freedom, and equality: these things don’t happen on their own or just because we declare that they will. They happen through a willingness to do the work. They happen through deep listening, amends making, and the intensive work of repair. Repairing the breach between who we say we are and who we actually are."- Vania KentThere is much to repair in the dissonance between who we say we are (or who we want to be) and who we actually are.The road back is dark and full of shadows.Truth is not always Self Evident.Sometimes we can only set an intention to head in the direction of The Light and course correct as we go.Following the breadcrumbs of Life As Medicine to gather our pieces and limp toward Home.Join me for this episode, as we ponder our In(ter)-Dependence and the zombie apocalypse.It’s a Wild Soul Medicine kind of day.

I almost took this week off. Many of us are out and about, enjoying the summer or taking an extended weekend to travel or vacation. My husband and I celebrated our 20th wedding anniversary yesterday and it feels good to pause and and create some space for Rest. I’m with you. And… as I opened my e-mail this morning for a quick scroll before signing off for the day, I came across a few things that spoke deeply to me. They inspired me into speaking and acting. Once I heard them, I knew I had to share them with you. Whether you listen to them in real time or catch them when you are back from your Wanderings, these feel important. Wild Soul Medicine for We Who Believe in Freedom. "Liberty, freedom, and equality: these things don’t happen on their own or just because we declare that they will. They happen through a willingness to do the work. They happen through deep listening, amends making, and the intensive work of repair. Repairing the breach between who we say we are and who we actually are." - Vania Kent There is much to repair in the dissonance between who we say we are (or who we want to be) and who we actually are. The road back is dark and full of shadows. Truth is not always Self Evident. Sometimes we can only set an intention to head in the direction of The Light and course correct as we go. Following the breadcrumbs of Life As Medicine to gather our pieces and limp toward Home. Join me for this episode, as we ponder our In(ter)-Dependence and the zombie apocalypse. It’s a Wild Soul Medicine kind of day.

Rev. Dr. Susan Shaw preached "We Who Believe in Freedom" on July 26, 2015 at Ainsworth United Church of Christ in Portland, OR. She is the author of "Reflective Faith: A Theological Toolbox for Women" (Smyth & Helwys, 2014) and currently serves as professor of Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and Director of the School of Language, Culture, and Society at Oregon State University in Corvallis, OR. She is a regular contributor to HuffPost Religion: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/susan-m-shaw/

We Who Believe in Jesus are Called to be Obedient, Humble, Free

We Who Believe in Freedom - Rev. Dr. Michael Tino