Podcasts about Ella Baker

In this powerful Foremother Friday episode, Vanessa sets the tone with a reflective porch meditation inspired by the wisdom and resilience of Ella Baker. Morgan then takes listeners on a journey of empowerment, teaching how to call on the names of our foremothers in times of struggle and offering a practical 101 guide on running for office. Our homegirl, Trelani returns to share ancestral wisdom. As we close the week on a high note, trekkers earn their Ella Baker badge, marking their steps forward in honoring history and shaping the future. This episode is a celebration of legacy, leadership, and the transformative power of knowing our history. 

Langston Hughes, the great African American poet, said decades ago, “Fascism is a new name for that kind of terror the Negro has always faced in America.” Fascism can and has led to genocide. Progressive African American intellectuals, writers, poets, and musicians have had a long tradition and history of solidarity and resisting fascism and genocide, from Frederick Douglass to Gil Scott-Heron, from Sojourner Truth to Angela Davis, from W.E.B. Du Bois to John Lewis, from Paul Robeson to Amiri Baraka, from Ida B. Wells to Malcolm X, from Ella Baker to Dr. King, from Harry Belafonte to Sonny Rollins, from James Baldwin to Cornel West and up to the present moment where Robin D. G. Kelley warns “We're witnessing the consolidation of a fascist police state.” Recorded at the University of Massachusetts.

Was hätte Ella Baker wohl zu einem Amerika unter Donald Trump gesagt? In ihrem Feature erinnert Autorin Martina Groß an die 1986 verstorbene Bürgerrechtlerin. Damals ging es vor allem um das Wahlrecht für Schwarze. Ella Baker, die elegante Hüte trug und sich kleidete, als ginge sie in die Kirche, war überzeugt davon, dass nur das Kollektiv wirklich mächtig sei. In ihrem Kampf um Freiheit war sie ständig unterwegs, um die Menschen zu mobilisieren und miteinander zu vernetzten. Was von diesem Engagement hat bis heute überdauert? Frühere und heutige Bürgerrechtsaktivistinnen und -aktivisten kommen zu Wort. Von Martina Groß SWR 2023

Allen Ruff speaks with David McNally about Trump's real estate plans for Gaza, the attacks on universities, Tesla Takedown, and the model organizing of Ella Baker. The post David McNally Unpacks Two Months of the Trump Presidency appeared first on WORT-FM 89.9.

If you enjoy these history lessons please follow, like, share, and subscribe for future videos. My YouTube channel is Sunny Sharma‪@IndiaInsightMovement‬ and my podcast is “India Insight with Sunny Sharma”This short era of immense change began with the critical case of Brown vs Board of Education in 1954 that established separate but not equal is unconstitutional. This marked a significant constitutional victory in favor of an integrationist approach which led to the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement which was launched through the Montgomery Bus Boycott in Alabama in 1955-1956. The revolutionary approach, depending upon who you ask, of active nonviolent Civil Disobedience led by such figures as Rosa Parks, Ella Baker, Fannie Lou Hamer, Dr. King, Ralph Abernathy, Reverend James Lawson, and Bayard Rustin was the leading philosophical and practical approach to integrate public institutions in America including restaurants, schools, and public transportation. This period was characterized by immense grassroots movements led by coalitions of very diverse groups of people welcomed by a more inclusive approach. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) founded by Dr. King in 1957 revolved around nonviolent civil disobedience as a protest strategy and the goal of achieving full democratic participation through legal protections for the vote. The young John Lewis and Ella Baker, major leaders in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), demanded not just more radical change and group centered leadership while also endorsing Dr. King's methods, but they also represented a cognitive and philosophical shift that many leaders such as Dr. King would take after 1966. These shifts occurred due to frustrations from the inability to change the fundamental political and economic conditions of African Americans despite legislative victories such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. This tension resulted in the rise of black nationalism, cultural nationalism, and black power movements which influenced many young people to leave the integrationist fold. However, the two most influential black power groups the Black Panthers and partly Black Electoral Politics were not as comprehensive systems compared to the moral tactics and philosophy of Dr. King. Nonetheless, these black power movements, along with Malcolm X who will be discussed in part 2 of We Shall Overcome, have certainly captured the imagination of many young people while inspiring a black artistic and cultural movement to contribute to black expression and excellence even if their approach was somewhat limited when compared to integration. Still, integration was meant for the meaningful realization of full equality and equity with whites and it was clear that Western civilization not only has structural political and economic barriers to the advancement of colored people, it was also in a crisis. This is why, after 1966, Dr. King viewed that black people were in danger of “integrating into a burning house.” However, his Letter from a Birmingham Jail of 1963 stood the test of time as still relevant today to freedom fighters around the globe of the need to break unjust laws, force the moderates into action against perceived injustice, the reclamation of the social justice function of institutions or to see their degeneration, and so much more. In the next section, I will discuss some of the major movements to shift black consciousness later in the period from 1954-1975 such as Malcolm X, the black panthers, and the movement to elect black political figures many of whom were freedom fighters in the 1970s. The question is why did Malcolm X shift to a black nationalist international perspective and were these movement's goal to protect, enrich the black community, and form an independent black politics successful in hindsight?

As we launch Women's History Month, Rev. Dr. Andriette invites us to draw inspiration from two bold voices of activism—Ella Baker and Jane Fonda. These women stood for justice, human dignity, and understood the dynamism of collective action. Moreover, they spoke Truth to power. What can we do today to embody their courage and commitment? Through a spiritual lens, we'll explore how their wisdom calls us to deepen our faith, lift our voices, and move boldly in alignment with Truth. Join us as we honor their legacy and ignite our own capacity to create a world rooted in love, equity, and transformation.

Every February, the United States celebrates Black History Month. But this year, the celebration might feel a bit different. On January 31st, the Department of Defense announced it would no longer use official resources to celebrate cultural awareness months, including Black History Month, which began the following day. That announcement came after the Trump administration's rollback of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion initiatives within the federal government. This hour, we’re joined by a panel of experts to talk about Black History Month and what it means today. GUESTS: Kevin Gaines: Julian Bond Professor of Civil Rights and Social Justice and Interim Director of the Carter G. Woodson Institute at the University of Virginia. Christina Greer: Associate Professor of Political Science at Fordham University Michael Harriot: founder of ContrabandCamp and bestselling author of Black AF History: The Un-Whitewashed Story of America In this episode, the guests mention several Black Americans who have made an impact on U.S. history. Here are some of the names if you want to learn more: Ella Baker, Mary McLeod Bethune, George Washington Carver, James Chaney, Septima Clark, John Henrik Clarke, David Dennis Sr, Fannie Lou Hamer, Steven Henson, bell hooks, Barbara Jordan, Garrett Morgan, Constance Baker Motley, Gloria Naylor, Bernice Johnson Reagon, Gloria Richardson, Amelia Boynton Robinson, Jo Ann Robinson, Cleveland Sellers, Robert Smalls, The students in the court case Edwards v. South Carolina, Ida B. Wells-BarnettSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Rita Omokha is a journalist and the author of the new book “Resist: How a Century of Young Black Activists Shaped America.” She takes us on a journey through history, sharing stories of powerful young Black activists — past and present — whose courage and determination have reshaped America’s fight for justice, and connects them to the legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Plus, she explores her own experience of racial politics in the U.S. as a Nigerian-American — particularly after the murder of George Floyd. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Joy for AllLuke 2:10But the angel said to them, “Do not be afraid; for see—I am bringing you good news of great joy for all the people.” (Luke 2:10 NRSV)I don't know about you but every time I see the words “fear not” in scripture, I immediately start to fear! Some suggest that it was the sudden appearance of an angel while going about their daily business that alarmed them; others believe that it was the glory of the Lord that frightened them, and still others maintain that it was likely the pronouncement itself that terrified them. But the truth is it's all speculation because any or all of these things could be the reason that the shepherds were afraid. What I do know is that there is so much to fear in this world. Fear of violence and war. Fear of the loss of basic civil liberties and protections. Fear of poverty. Fear of deportation. Fear of climate change. Unfortunately, even fear of our differences. Sometimes it feels like there is no safe place to run to for shelter in this world without the threat of fear. Yet the angel says, “Do not fear, I bring good news of great joy for all people.” The angel didn't come to bring fear or further insecurity. It said, “I've come with good news, and it's for all people.” Not for some of us. But for all of us.Regardless of our nationality, gender, orientation, economic status, age, or religious affiliation, it's for all. That's the beauty of the good news—it's not limited and includes all of God's creation. So as we wait with eager expectation this Advent season, let's work toward a world where all of God's people will be free from fear and benefit from these good tidings of joy. For as the great Ella Baker proclaimed, “We who believe in freedom cannot rest until it happens.” Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ella Baker gilt als treibende Kraft der afroamerikanischen Bürgerrechtsbewegung in den USA. Sie war die meiste Zeit ihres Lebens jedoch nicht im Scheinwerferlicht sondern wirkte hinter den Kulissen.

The Common Good podcast is a conversation about the significance of place, eliminating economic isolation and structures of belonging.This 8 weeks series consists of mini episodes which are being produced in partnership with The Hive, A Center for Contemplation, Art, and Action, as a part of an ongoing class they're offering locally called Election Brave Space: Compassionate Resilience For Our Shared Future. The intention of these episode is to introduce a variety of simple tools and practices to help you navigate this politically tumultuous moment, leading to and through the election.D. Lamar Hughes is a gifted speaker, poet, leadership coach, and community organizer. Holding a BA from Bluffton University and an MA from Bowling Green State University, he co-creates and uses his education in communication and organizing for the Future Change Makers Movement. Born and raised in Northwest Ohio, D. is a passionate advocate dedicated to fostering inclusivity and driving positive change through faith, mindfulness, anti-racism, group facilitation, and community organizing. Hughes believes that unleashing the power of unity by bridging gaps and breaking barriers across diverse communities will build a world where acceptance thrives and positive transformation blooms.Chris La Rue has been the Executive Director of The Hive since 2023. As the “chief storyteller,” Chris seeks to amplify the story of transformation The Hive has to tell: one in which people integrate the wisdom of our contemplative traditions in ways that make meaningful collective change possible. He believes that The Hive is uniquely positioned to create a better world by helping individuals find their people, and find their practice.Resources Mentioned:#5. Ella Baker, Septima Clark, and The Highlander Folk (ft. Stephen Lazar and Daniel Marshall) on Lost Prophets: A Podcast About the Voices We Need to Hear Again with Pete David & Elias CrimWhere Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.The Hive is a grassroots mindfulness community curating multi-week classes, workshops and a Membership community. It has been formed by facilitators asking the question, "What are the resources that lie within our vast lineages, traditions, and modalities of healing, and how can we place them in service of the common good?" In this series we're hearing from The Hive's 6 core faculty members and The Hive's Executive Director.This episode was produced by Joey Taylor and the music is from Jeff Gorman. You can find more information about the Common Good Collective here. Common Good Podcast is a production of Bespoken Live & Common Change - Eliminating Personal Economic Isolation.

Die afroamerikanische Bürgerrechtsaktivistin Ella Baker (1903–1986) war eine radikale Aktivistin. Sie versuchte durch ihr Beispiel aufzuzeigen, wie man sich vernetzt, führt, effektiv organisiert und dabei seine Rolle selbst bestimmt. Baker glaubte an die Stärke und Entschlossenheit ganz normaler Menschen und an die Kraft der Organisationen, die sie gemeinsam aufbauen. Das Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee SNCC war eine der bedeutendsten Organisationen der schwarzen Bürgerrechtsbewegung. Der SNCC nahm Ella Baker zum Vorbild und hat wie kaum eine andere Organisation Bakers politische und soziale Ideen in den ländlichen Gebieten der Südstaaten der USA praktiziert. Radikal, erfolgreich und gemeinsam mit den Menschen vor Ort.

Episode 14 of Fragile Juggernaut is the first of our trio of regional episodes. It dials into New York City, the seat of the country's largest manufacturing base, but one composed of a vast constellation of small and diverse shops; and also host to the nation's largest port, transport system, white collar and cultural complex, and more. With the eminent historian Joshua Freeman, Gabe and Ben talk about worker organizing outside the CIO cast–public transit workers, teachers, laundry workers and domestics–as well as what made New York City, a non-fordist city in the age of Ford, so exemplary compared to other parts of the country. The episode features James Baldwin and Truman Capote; Irish dance halls and cruising on the piers; burial societies, Tammany Hall, and clandestine organizations; the origins of bodegas and how the mob got rackets into organized labor; the trade union origins of “Strange Fruit”; Ella Baker and Esther Cooper Jackson; the IRA and Broadway musicals; how transit workers built their union campaigning against big squeegees; the hybrid combinations of craft and industrial unionism; and the limits to workplace organization in a city defined by tremendous ethnic, religious, and neighborhood segmentation. Featured music: “I Ain't Got Nobody” by Count Basie; “It's Better With A Union Man” by Pins and Needles Orchestra; “Strange Fruit” by Billie Holiday; “The Boys of the Lough” by Michael Coleman; “Talking Sailor” by Woody Guthrie; “One Big Union for Two” by the Pins and Needles Orchestra; “New York Town” by Woody Guthrie.Archival audio credits: Esther Cooper Jackson discusses domestic work research; Mike Quill debates Rep. Fred Hartley on ABC news; longshoreman and sailor Stan Weir describes conservatizing effects of the racket on the docks. Fragile Juggernaut is a Haymarket Originals podcast exploring the history, politics, and strategic lessons of the Congress of Industrial Organizations and the rank and file insurgency that produced it. Support Fragile Juggernaut on Patreon and receive our exclusive bimonthly newsletter, full of additional insights, reading recommendations, and archival materials we've amassed along the way. Buy Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 20% Off: https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/991-organized-labor-and-the-black-worker-1619-1981

Joey Taylor & Sam Pressler speak with Pete Davis about Join or Die, which he directed with Rebecca Davis.The Lost Prophets PodcastPete's Interview with SamDedicated by Pete DavisBowling Alone by PutnamThe Upswing by PutnamSum of Us by McGheeAgainst Everyone with Conner Habib PodcastWeird Studies PodcastLindy Effect - Nicholas Nassim TalebThe MaintainersQuest for Community by NisbetFebruary 2nd, 1968 by Wendell Berry Small is Beautiful by SchumacherThe Creation of the American Republic by WoodOur Divided Political Heart by DionneTriplets of Evil Speech by KingBoy in the Bubble by Paul SimonJane Macelevy, Eddie Glaude, Frederick Law Olmsted, Abraham Joshua Heschel, Jane Jacobs, Buckminster Fuller, Ralph Nader, Paul Goodman, Ella Baker, Ivan Illich, Dorothy Day, Peter Maurin, Marshal McLuhan, Tony Judt, Thomas Merton, Michael Lind, Frank Capra, Elias Krim, Roberto Unger, Alexis De Tocqueville, Priya Parker

País Estados Unidos Dirección George C. Wolfe Guion Dustin Lance Black, Julian Breece. Historia: Julian Breece Reparto Colman Domingo Aml Ameen Glynn Turman Chris Rock Gus Halper Música Branford Marsalis Fotografía Tobias A. Schliessler Sinopsis Bayard Rustin, artífice de la trascendental marcha de Washington de 1963, es uno de los activistas y estrategas más notables de la historia. Siempre desafiante, Rustin nunca pidió perdón por ser como era, por sus creencias ni por su orientación sexual. Jamás dio un paso atrás. Hizo historia... y su recompensa fue caer en el olvido. Junto a otros gigantes de la talla de Martin Luther King Jr., Adam Clayton Powell Jr. y Ella Baker, Bayard Rustin se atrevió a imaginar un mundo distinto e inspiró todo un movimiento en una marcha hacia la libertad.

From the very beginning of The Practice, we have always appreciated the important lessons we can learn from various Christian traditions throughout the history of the Church. This summer, we will spend time learning about our sisters and brothers, some you may know and others you may not. We hope to not only learn about them, but also to listen to what they might have to teach us in this day and age.   This week, Juliet Liu invited us consider the example of Ella Baker. In her life and work, Ella might show us how our contemplation to move us to action. She would teach us to take seriously the dignity of all people, even the most ordinary. And she would encourage us not to dispair but to find hope in the people who point us toward joy. You can find the images we used for visio divina here (The Saints of Selma and a photo of Ella Baker.) For additional resources, please visit our website. If The Practice Church is your home community, please join the Core Team. If The Practice Church has been meaningful to your journey, would you consider a tax-deductible gift? You can give at https://thepracticechurch.com/give/ 

The dynamic and engaging Socialism 2024 conference will meet in Chicago from August 30 through September 2, shortly after the sure-to-be chaotic Democratic National Convention, bringing together thousands of socialists, activists, abolitionists, and organizers from across the country and around the world to name this political moment, build community, and gather strength for the struggles ahead. We hope you will join us. In anticipation of the coming gathering we're looking back to the spirited Socialism 2023 conference, and highlighting an inspiring and relevant intergenerational conversation between legendary scholar-activist Barbara Ransby and the peace and justice organizer/activist Asha Ransby Sporn.

In celebration of Juneteenth, political commentator Eddie Glaude Jr. discusses his newest book, We Are the Leaders We Have Been Looking For that explores how ordinary people, through the examples of leading Black Americans Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, and Ella Baker, have the capacity to achieve a more just and perfect democracy. Thomas Donnelly, chief content officer at the National Constitution Center, hosts the discussion. Resources: Eddie S. Glaude Jr., We Are the Leaders We Have Been Looking For, (2024) Juneteenth Stay Connected and Learn More: Questions or comments about the show? Email us at programs@constitutioncenter.org Continue the conversation by following us on social media @ConstitutionCtr. Sign up to receive Constitution Weekly, our email roundup of constitutional news and debate. Subscribe, rate, and review wherever you listen. Join us for an upcoming live program or watch recordings on YouTube. Support our important work. Donate

Welcome to ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Madang Podcast⁠⁠⁠.⁠⁠⁠ Madang is the outdoor living room of the world. Here, we invite you to sit and tune into unreserved, remarkable conversations with renown authors, leaders, public figures and scholars on religion, culture and everything in-between. This has been a dream of mine for many years and now it is a reality. Please join me at Madang Podcast hosted by the ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Christian Century⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. This is the 40th Episode where I converse with Dr. Eddie Glaude Jr., on his book, We Are the Leaders We Have Been Looking For . Dr. Eddie Glaude Jr. is the James S. McDonnell Distinguished University Professor at Princeton University. He is a New York Times bestselling author, winner of the Harriet Beecher Stowe Book Prize and frequently appears in the media as an MSNBC contributor on programs like Morning Joe and Deadline: White House. On this episode, Glaude talks about We Are the Leaders We Have Been Looking, Malcolm X, Dr. King, Ella Baker, Black leadership, family relationships and so much more. I am grateful to ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Homebrewed Christianity⁠⁠ and 1001 New Worshipping Communities for sponsorsing this episode. Please check out their website for their work, events and to donate. Register for ⁠⁠Homebrewed Christianity Theology Beer Camp.⁠⁠ Meet 1001 New Worshipping Communities⁠ at the Wild Goose Festival where they will be sponsoring a tent called, "Tent of Make Believe." Please reach out to me if you would like to sponsor the next episode of Madang podcast. Or simply ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠support me here. --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/grace-ji-sun-kim/support

We are incredibly honored to host Marlene Sanchez, the Executive Director of the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights. As the Executive Director of theElla Baker Center for Human Rights, Marlene is a proud San Francisco native, and Chicana, where she has spent more than 20 years building power with youth and formerly incarcerated people. Through her work, Marlene has created pathways to invest in the leadership of people directly impacted by the criminal legal system and helped center the voices of young people to bring youth justice. For the past decade, she has helped pass policies focused on youth justice, reproductive justice, LGBTQ discrimination, police accountability, and sentencing reform. Marlene came to community work at age 15 looking for employment and a way out of the juvenile justice system. She is the result of change through a resourced community.  In this episode, we discuss how incarceration breaks families and communities apart and it's not the answer to keeping communities safe.  The United States prison system has the highest incarcerated population of brown and black men, and the legacy of prison systems stems from slavery and economic exploitation that this country was built upon. (Author, Nicole Hannah Jones mentions within the first chapters of her book, The 1619 project,) By holding accountability of elected officials, for housing, jobs and healthcare, instead of increasing funding to police and prison job creations, the Ella Baker Center has created impactful policy reform, recognizing their instrumental role in the passage of the Racial Justice Act. As we transition to the crucial topic of voting rights, we spotlight the advocacy groups like All of Us or None and Initiate Justice, tirelessly championing the electoral voice of the incarcerated. Ella Baker herself was the champion of civil rights and justice by fighting racisim and organizing the first non-violent youth movements, for the civil rights movement and championing our power to vote.  Marlene shares with us an open invitation to join the Ella Baker Center's newly launched membership program, starting May 22nd, here in Oakland California and online, to provide opportunities for you to participate or support their upcoming political organizing initiative and “Get The Vote Out” training programs for the summer of 2024. Marlene is a testament to the power of community activism in shaping a democracy that truly represents us all. Gracias Marlene. 

We Are the Leaders We Have Been Looking For (The W. E. B. Du Bois Lectures) by Eddie Glaude Jr. https://amzn.to/3JQZWyM We are more than the circumstances of our lives, and what we do matters. In We Are the Leaders We Have Been Looking For, one of the nation's preeminent scholars and a New York Times bestselling author, Eddie S. Glaude Jr., makes the case that the hard work of becoming a better person should be a critical feature of Black politics. Through virtuoso interpretations of Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and Ella Baker, Glaude shows how we have the power to be the heroes that our democracy so desperately requires. Based on the Du Bois Lectures delivered at Harvard University, the book begins with Glaude's unease with the Obama years. He felt then, and does even more urgently now, that the excitement around the Obama presidency constrained our politics as we turned to yet another prophet-like figure. He examines his personal history and the traditions that both shape and overwhelm his own voice. Glaude weaves anecdotes about his evolving views on Black politics together with the writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson, John Dewey, Toni Morrison, James Baldwin, and Ralph Ellison, encouraging us to reflect on the lessons of these great thinkers and address imaginatively the challenges of our day in voices uniquely our own. Narrated with passion and philosophical intensity, this book is a powerful reminder that if American democracy is to survive, we must step out from under the shadows of past giants to build a better society―one that derives its strength from the pew, not the pulpit.

Gathering an array of recognized names as well as new discoveries, our guest today Janet Dewart Bell, in her new book curates two centuries of stirring public addresses by Black women, from Harriet Tubman and Ella Baker to Barbara Lee and Barbara Jordan. These speakers explore ethics, morality, courage, authenticity, and leadership, highlighting Black women speaking truth to power in service of freedom and justice. The book is called Blackbirds Singing: Inspiring Black Women's Speeches from the Civil War to the Twenty-first Century. — Subscribe to this podcast: https://plinkhq.com/i/1637968343?to=page Get in touch: lawanddisorder@kpfa.org Follow us on socials @LawAndDis: https://twitter.com/LawAndDis; https://www.instagram.com/lawanddis/ The post Inspiring Black Women's Speeches from the Civil War to the Twenty-first Century w/ Janet Dewart Bell appeared first on KPFA.

We start with our featured idealist Ella Baker, who was a “doer” in the civil rights movement of the 1930's to 1960's, and who worked behind the scenes to strengthen the NAACP and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (which orchestrated lunch counter protests). Ella is one of the unsung heroes who made things happen! The…

Fast food is part of American life. As much a part of our background as the sky and the clouds. But it wasn't always that way, and over the decades, the fast food landscape has changed in quite profound ways. Race is a key part of that picture. A landmark exploration of this has been published by today's guest, Dr. Naa Oyo Kwate. She is an Associate Professor in the Department of Africana Studies and the Department of Human Ecology at Rutgers University. Her book, recently published, is entitled White Burgers, Black Cash: Fast Food From Black Exclusion to Exploitation. The book has been received very positively by the field. And was recently named the best book in the field of urban affairs by the Urban Affairs Association.   Interview Summary I was so happy to see your book because people have talked about the issue of race off and on in the field, but to see this kind of scholarly treatment of it like you provided has been really a welcome addition. Let me start with a general question. Let's begin with the fast food situation today and then rewind to where it began. Are there patterns to where fast food restaurants are located and who fast food is marketed to? Absolutely. There's quite a bit of research, and you just alluded to the work that's been done in the field. There's a lot of research that shows fast food is most dense in African American communities. Not every study has the same finding, but overall that's what the accumulated evidence shows. On the one hand you have the fact that Black communities are disproportionately saturated with these outlets. Then there's also the case that apart from the physical locations of the restaurants, fast food is strongly racialized as Black in terms of how it's portrayed to the public. It [Fast Food] relies on images of Blackness and Black cultural productions such as Black music for its marketing. These sometimes these veer into racial caricature as well. One of the things I talked about in the book briefly is the TV commercial character Annie who Popeye's introduced in 2009. They basically created this Black woman that Adweek at the time was calling "feisty," but it's really just this stereotypical idea of the sassy Black woman and she's in the kitchen frying up the chicken for Popeye's. And actually, some of the language that was used in those commercials really evokes the copy on late 19th century and Aunt Jemima pancake mix packaging. It's a really strong departure from fast food's early days, the way that fast food is now relying on Blackness as part of its core marketing constructs. I'm assuming that it follows from what you've been saying that the African American community has disproportionately been targeted with the marketing of these foods. Is that true of children within that community? Research shows that in terms of fast food marketing at the point of purchase. There's more - display advertising for example at restaurants that are in Black communities. And then there's also been research to show, not in terms of the outlets themselves, but in terms of TV programming that there tends to be more commercials for fast food and other unhealthy foods during shows that are targeting Black youth. How much of the patterning of the fast food restaurants is due to income or due to the amount of fast food consumption in these areas with many restaurants? Almost none of it really. It's not income and it's not the amount of fast food that people are consuming. In fact, one of the main studies that led me to start researching this book, because I was coming to it from public health where there was a lot of research around the disproportionality of fast food restaurants. We actually did a study in New York City, some colleagues and we published it in 2009, where we looked at how fast food was distributed across New York City's five boroughs. And restaurant density, we found, was due almost entirely to racial demographics. There's very little contribution from income. So, the percentage of Black residents was what was driving it. That was the biggest predictor of where fast food was located. It wasn't income, income made very little contribution and if you compared Black neighborhoods that were higher in income to those that were lower in income, they basically had about as much fast food exposure. Then if you compare them to white neighborhoods matched in income, Black neighborhoods still had more. So, it wasn't income, it was race. There are other areas that were high in fast food density like Midtown and downtown Manhattan where you have commercial and business districts, transportation hubs, tourist destinations. So, you expect fast food to be in these really dense and kind of busy commercial areas, but the only residential space that had comparable density were Black and brown neighborhoods. The assumption that many people have is that, okay, well if it's not income, then it's probably demand. So probably fast food is just dense in those neighborhoods because Black people eat so much fast food. But again, the data do not bear that out, not just in our study, but in others. And in fact, apart from the study we did specifically on fast food, we did another study where we looked at retail redlining for a number of different kinds of retail sectors. And again, demand is not what situates, you know, where stores are or are not. And then when I got to this project, just digging through the archives, you find that until the industry really went in on targeted advertising to increase the numbers of visits that Black people were making to fast food restaurants and the average check size that they were spending, Black consumers were mostly using fast food as a quick snack, it wasn't a primary place for meals. So it's really the case that the restaurants proceeded the demand and not the inverse. It is an absolutely fascinating picture. My guess is that what you've just said will probably come as a surprise to some people who are listening to this, not that fast food isn't dense in particular neighborhoods, but that it's particularly dense in neighborhoods by race just because people generally think that fast food is popular everywhere. So, let's talk about why this occurred and dive a little more deeply into what your book does and that's to provide a historical view on how and why this evolved. So, what did the early history look like and then what happened? So, the book traces what's basically a national story, but I focus particularly on certain cities like Chicago, New York and DC. But it's tracing how fast food changed racially and spatially from the early 1900's to the present. I break out that early history into what I call first and second-generation chains. So, they opened in urban and suburban areas respectively. The birth of the first generation fast food restaurants took place in what is termed the Nader of race relations in the US from the end of the Civil War to the 1930s. So, this is a time during which you see Plessy versus Ferguson, for example, ushering in legal segregation. Lynchings are at their worst. You have the destruction of Greenwood in Tulsa, Oklahoma. That's taking place and other notable incidents and forces that were undermining Black life at the time. It's during that context that the first generation restaurants are born. And so, these are burger chains like White Castle, that was the first actually big burger chain. People often assume it's McDonald's, but it's actually White Castle in 1921. And then there are knockoffs of White Castle, like White Tower and Little Tavern, which was an East coast brand. And then there were also other restaurants that were not burger chains, but more like hot shops was more of a sit-down restaurant. And then you had Horn and Hardart, the outlets where they had auto mats. So, you know, this was kind of high tech at the time, but you would go in and the food was behind little glass compartments and you would put in your requisite number of nickels and then take out your little plate of food. These were all the restaurants that I'm calling first generation restaurants. So, you had quite a bit of diversity in terms of what they were serving, but they were all in urban centers. They were not franchised. They were corporate owned outlets and most importantly everything about them was white, whether figuratively in terms of who dined and worked there or literally in the architecture and the design and the name like White Castle. That veneer of whiteness was doing two things. On the one hand, trying to offer the promise of pristine sanitary conditions because this is a time when food production was rife with concerns. And then also it's trying to promise a kind of unsullied social whiteness in the dining experience. So, first generation then leads to second generation fast food, which begins in the suburbs instead of the urban centers. Second generation fast food starts to grow in the early 1950s. These are the brand names that are most synonymous with fast food today: KFC, Burger King, McDonald's. So, for example, Ray Crock launches McDonald's as a franchise in the all white suburb of Des Plaines outside Chicago near O'Hare airport. And he set to fly over prospective sites looking for church steeples and schools, which to him were an indication of a middle class and stable community, but of course, racializing that as white. Because you could have Black neighborhoods with church steeples, but that was not where the restaurants were going. So, what ends up happening with second generation fast food is that it takes this theme of purity and shifts so that it's not just the purity of simple kind of fuel for the working man, but instead the purity of white domestic space. And where first-generation restaurants targeted working adults, the second went after families and children. Fast food then becomes more than just food - it's about fun. Those are the two key ways to think about the early history. One could obviously find many, many, many examples of different racial groups being excluded from the economic mainstream of the country. For example, areas of employment, and my guess is that being excluded from the marketing applied to consumer goods and lots of other things. But do you think there's something special about food in this context? Oh, that's a good question. It's interesting because fast food. It's food, but it's more than that the way that fast food initially excluded Black people. One of the things I talk about in the early part of the book is James Baldwin going to a restaurant and trying to order a burger and being rejected and facing discrimination. And the idea that it's not just that you can't get a burger, it's not the same thing as if you try to buy, I don't know, a ham sandwich or something. But like what burger means something more than that, right? It's bigger than a burger is Ella Baker said. Fast food is kind of like the closest thing we have to a national meal. It sort of occupies a special place in the heart of America and is symbolic of this quintessential all-American meal. And the notions of a good and simple life that we purportedly have in this country. So, it means more I think the way that fast food was positioned as something that was totally wrapped up in this exclusionary whiteness. Your book traces the long pathway that fast food traveled going from exclusion in the beginning and then later exploitation. Can you describe a couple of the key turning points? Well I would say that it wasn't like a light sort of got switched on that caused fast food to shift abruptly from utterly excluding Black people to then pursuing them full throttle the next day. It was quite a long and bumpy pathway and really American retailers in general have continually had to discover Black consumers and the fact that they exist over and over. And then sort of trying to think like, oh, how do we reach them? We don't understand them, like they're this enigma kind of thing. Fast food was doing the same kind of thing. There was both what the industry was doing and then there were also pull factors that were causing fast food to be drawn into Black communities as well. There are a lot of turning points, but I would say if you start fairly early in the history, a key one was after second generation fast food got going. Where suburban fast food right, is trying to position itself as this white utopia. But almost immediately that notion was fraught and unstable because concerns quickly arose around teenagers. They were money makers but they were also rowdy. Their behavior, hot rodding and goofing off in the parking lot and so on, was off-putting to the adult diners. So, it became this difficult kind of needle to thread of like how are we going to track this consumer segment that's foundational to the enterprise but do so under conditions that would keep them in line and not mess up the other potential revenue that we have going. As the kind of nuisance of fast foods became more pitched, municipalities began introducing ordinances to control fast food or even ban it. And that made the suburbs harder to get into or to maintain a foothold in. Corporations then start looking more at the cities that they were avoiding in the first place and the Black communities there that they had excluded. So that happens fairly early and then some other key turning points occur throughout the 1960s. Here we have urban renewal, you have urban rebellions taking place and during the late 1960s when these rebellions and uprisings were taking place, this is the time period when you get the first Black franchisees. Into the 1970s you have oil crises, then you have the burger and chicken wars as the industry called them in the 1980s. And this was referring to corporations battling each other for market share. So, all throughout the history there were different turning points that either accelerated the proliferation of fast food or sort of change the way the industry was looking at Black consumers and so on. Now in some discussions I've heard of this issue off and on over the years from people who have looked at the issue of targeted marketing who have talked about how there was a period of time and you made this clear, when Blacks were excluded from the marketing and they just weren't part of the overall picture of these restaurants. Then there was a movement for Blacks to be included more in the mainstream of American culture so that it was almost seen as an advance when they became included in the marketing. Black individuals were shown in the marketing and part of the iconic part of these restaurants. So that was seen as somewhat of a victory. What do you think of that? It's true and not true. I mean when fast food decided to finally start actually representing Black people in its marketing, I think that is important. I do think that the fact that they were finally making ads and conceiving of campaigns that saw Black people as part of the actual consumer base at which they were, yes, that that is important. But it's also the case that corporations are never doing anything for altruism. It's because they wanted to shore up their bottom line. So, for example, Burrell Advertising is the biggest African American ad shop based in Chicago. They get the McDonald's account and so they're the first ones to have a fast food restaurant account. They begin their campaign in 1971 and at that time, their advertising actually positioned Black families as regular people doing everything everybody else does and going to the restaurant and enjoying time together as a family and so on. And I think those kinds of images were important that they were creating them, but again, at the same time it was only the context in which Burrell got that account. The reasons why McDonald's was reaching out to Black consumers was because, again, in the early 1970s white suburbs were becoming more saturated, and McDonald's needing to expand. Then you have the oil crisis in which people are not driving as much, and Black people because of racism are centered in urban centers and not in the suburbs. So that makes a logical place for them to go and so on. So, it's not without its vexed context that those new advertising images and opportunities were taking place. Okay, thanks. I know that's a complicated topic, so I appreciate you addressing that. You know, something you mentioned just a few moments ago was that when Blacks started to become owners of franchises, can you expand on that a little bit and say what was the significance? Yes. First of all, cities were changing at that time. White residents were moving to the suburbs, multiple public and private policies were keeping the suburbs white and white residents were moving to white suburbs. So, Central City was changing, right? The neighborhoods that had been white before were now changing to become predominantly Black. And so, the fast food outlets that were located in those neighborhoods found their client base changing around them. And many of those operators, and indeed their corporate superiors, were uninterested in and uninformed about a Black consumer base at best and outwardly hostile at worst. You end up with as neighborhood racial transitions are taking place, white operators are now in communities they never meant to serve. Som as urban uprisings rack one city after another, Black franchisees are brought on kind of as a public face in these changing urban areas. The primary goal was to really have Black franchisees manage the racial risks that corporate was finding untenable. They realized that it wouldn't do to have white managers or franchise owners in these neighborhoods. So, they bring in Black franchisees to start making that transition. And then after fast food becomes more interested in trying to deliberately capture more Black spending, Black franchisees become even more important in that regard. For their part, the Black franchisees were seeking out fast food outlets as a financial instrument, right? This was a way to contest and break down unfair and pervasive exclusion from the country's resources. So, it was never about how much fast food we can possibly eat, right? Again, with the demand issue. So, Black franchisees are basically trying to get their part of the pie and then the federal government is heavily involved at this point because they start creating these different minority enterprise initiatives to grow Black small business. And so, it wasn't only the Black franchisees, but also Black franchisors who were starting their own chains. So, for example, former NFL Player Brady Keys started All Pro Chicken, as just one example. So, this idea of expanding fast food franchising to Black entrepreneurs who had been shut out on its face, seems like a laudable initiative. But again, it's like this is not just altruism and also the way that franchises were positioned in this kind of like you can get into business and do so in a way that's low risk because you know you don't have to start from scratch. You're buying into a thriving concern with name recognition and corporate support and all that. And all of that sounds good except you realize that in fact the franchisees are the ones who have to bear all the risk, not corporate. That's what the government was doing in terms of trying to put in all this money into franchising is really. It's like that's the response to the real life and death failures, for example, around policing, which was always at the heart of these uprisings. You have these real life and death concerns and then the government's responding with giving people access to fried chicken and burger outlets, which nobody was asking for really. Not only was the method problematic, but the execution as well. Just because Black people had more access to the franchises doesn't mean that the rest of the racism that was present, suddenly disappeared, right? The theoretical safety of a franchise didn't bear out in practice. Because of course they still couldn't get access to credit from lending institutions to launch their restaurants because they still didn't get support they needed from corporate, which in fact there are still lawsuits to this day by Black franchisees because the communities in which they're operating were still contending with deep inequality. All of that meant that that whole project was not likely to work very well. And you know, it's no surprise that it didn't. You mentioned chicken several times. In fact, there's a chapter in your book entitled Criminal Chickens. Can you tell us more? Yes, Criminal chicken is towards the end of the book. So, the book is organized in three parts. Part one is white utopias, part two is racial turnover, and part three is Black catastrophe. In each of those you see how Blackness is problematic, but in different ways. So Criminal Chicken is really dealing with the fact that by the 1990s, fast food had become pervasive in Black space and was thoroughly racialized as Black. And so, since fast food has saturated these neighborhoods, of course Black residents began to consume it more. With that, a program reigns down from the dominant society over Black people's alleged failure to control themselves and an assumed deviant predilection for unhealthy dietary behaviors, whether fast food, but also the same kind of discourse circulated around soul food. And the tenor of the discourse really raises W.E.B. DuBois's age-old question, which is how does it feel to be a problem? That was really the tenor of the conversation around fast food at that time. The chapters about the ways in which Black people's consumption was frequently characterized as deviant and interrogating the paradoxes around the symbolic meanings of fast food. Because like what we talked about earlier, Black people are basically being criticized for eating something that's supposedly at the heart of Americana. It's a kind of a no-win situation. On the one hand, certainly overseas, fast food continues to enjoy this kind of iconic status of America and American Burger and so on. Even within the country's borders it still retains some of that allure as something emblematic of American culture. But it's also now more fraught because, you know, we're in a moment where local and organic foods and so on are held in high esteem and fast food is the antithesis of that and it's industrial and mass produced and homogenized and has all these nutritional liabilities. So, basically, it's looking at the changing ideas around fast food and race and how that intersected with Black consumption. That's so interesting. I'd like to wrap up with a question, but I'd like to lead into that by reading two quotes from your book that I think are especially interesting. Here's the first. It is painfully logical that Black communities would first be excluded from a neighborhood resource when it was desirable and then become a repository once it was shunned. And then the second quote is this. The story of fast foods relationship to Black folks is a story about America itself. So, here's the question, are there ways that you can think of that fast food and food systems could be reconceptualized to help address issues of justice and equity? I would say that addressing justice inequity in food systems of which fast food is a part, is really about dealing with the other systems that govern our daily lives. Meaning, it's not an issue of trying to fix fast food, right? So, that is a discreet industry it behaves more equitably with communities because what it has done over the history that I trace in the book is it's not so unique in its practices and it also can't have taken the trajectory it did without intersecting with other institutional concerns. So, for example, housing is instructive because you know, of course you can't exploitatively target Black consumers unless residential segregation exists to concentrate them in space. And to do that, obviously you need a lot of different institutional policies and practices at play to produce that. And in a similar way, housing went from exclusion in the form of rank discrimination, resource hoarding, redlining, the denial of mortgages, all of that, to exploitation in the form of subprime lending. And Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor talks about predatory inclusion and I type that in the book because I think it's also a useful way to think about fast food as well. So, if you're thinking about equity in food systems, then you have to think about why is it that resources including food, but also beyond food, in this country are distributed the way that they are. And I think you can't get at the issues of justice that play out for fast food or injustice without addressing the key issues that reverberate through it. And so that's false scarcities that are created by capitalism, the racism that undergirds urban policies around land use, around segregation, deeply ingrained ideas in the American psyche about race and but also about other things. So, for me really, reconceptualizing fast food is really reconceptualizing how we live in America.   Bio   Naa Oyo A. Kwate is Associate Professor, jointly appointed in the Department of Africana Studies and the Department of Human Ecology at Rutgers. A psychologist by training, she has wide ranging interests in racial inequality and African American health. Her research has centered primarily on the ways in which urban built environments reflect racial inequalities in the United States, and how racism directly and indirectly affects African American health. Kwate's research has been funded by grants from the National Institutes of Health and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and by fellowships from the Smithsonian Institution, among others. Prior to her first major book, White Burgers, Black Cash: Fast Food from Black Exclusion to Exploitation, she published the short work Burgers in Blackface: Anti-Black Restaurants Then and Now, which examines restaurants that deploy unapologetically racist logos, themes, and architecture; and edited The Street: A Photographic Field Guide to American Inequality, a visual taxonomy of inequality using Camden, NJ as a case study. Kwate has been a National Endowment for the Humanities Fellow at the Newberry Library, and has received fellowships from the Smithsonian Institution, the European Institutes for Advanced Studies, and elsewhere. She is currently writing a book investigating the impact of corner liquor stores in Black communities from 1950 to date.  

The episode "A Slow, Mississippi Burning" provides a comprehensive historical perspective on the state of Mississippi, delving into the deep-seated social, political, and racial challenges it has faced. The discussion sheds light on the enduring impact of events such as "The Blood Bowl" in Natchez, Mississippi, "Bloody Lowndes," and the rise of the Ku Klux Klan, highlighting the negative connotations associated with the state's history. The episode also focuses on the racialized encounters and pushback against black activists and freedom fighters, featuring insights into the work of Malcolm X, Ella Baker, and the NAACP in the Mississippi Delta, as well as the role of the Freedom Fighters in Jackson, MS. Additionally, the episode explores the rich history of electing black individuals, including women, to public office in Mississippi, with a specific focus on Alderwoman Nicole Robinson and her contributions. The discussion aims to provide valuable insights into the state's history and the ongoing efforts to address its negative connotations, offering a powerful exploration of Mississippi's complex and tumultuous past. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/theafrocentricpodcast/message

Listen to the Tues. March 19, 2024 special edition of the Pan-African Journal: Worldwide Radio Broadcast hosted by Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of the Pan-African News Wire. This episode features our PANW report with dispatches on the Yemeni Armed Forces (YAF) conducting drills in anticipation of a ground invasion by the United States and Britain; resistance forces are continuing their attacks on the IDF inside the Gaza Strip; the South African government in its legal actions against the IOF at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is demanding action against the genocide in Gaza; and the Republic of South Sudan has closed schools due to extreme heat in the country. In the second and third hours we continue our focus on International Women's History Month looking back at the life, times and contributions of human and civil rights activist Ella Baker. 

Listen to the Sun. March 17, 2024 special edition of the Pan-African Journal: Worldwide Radio Broadcast hosted by Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of the Pan-African News Wire. The program features our ongoing focus on International Women's History Month with segments on veteran civil rights organizers Ella Baker and Fannie Lou Hamer.

Links: Go to episode page Subscribe to Premium Join the Sigma mailing list Sigma's Recommended Resources About This Episode: There is a lot of interesting research going on related to plant-derived fatty acids, owing to their potential to help improve health and provide sustainable alternatives to other sources of healthy-promoting fatty acids. In addition to work looking at the long-investigated alpha-linolenic acid (ALA), some research is now starting to look at more novel fatty acids like stearidonic acid (SDA), and pinolenic acid (PLA), each presenting unique structures and potential benefits within various plant sources. One intriguing focal point is Ahiflower oil, a distinctive source that harbors both ALA and SDA. In this episode, Dr. Ella Baker of the University of Southampton discusses some of the science behind plant-derived fatty acids, offering a deeper understanding of their distinctive qualities, conversion pathways, and the captivating interplay between omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids. Dr. Baker's research to date focuses on the metabolism, functionality, and underlying mechanisms of action of plant-derived fatty acids. Her interests include novel plant-derived fatty acids and exploring the effects on membrane structure and function.

To succeed, any social movement needs people power. And, as the great Ella Baker preached, that takes a lot of slow, respectful work to forge relationships — what she called “spadework.” Base-building is the first of the “seven strategies to change the world” that we elaborate on in our book Practical Radicals. And base-building is so important that all of the other six strategies depend on it. So we've decided to devote two episodes to the topic: one on unions and one on community organizing.  Today's episode focuses on base-building in the labor movement, especially the thrilling upsurge in Minnesota, where workers next week (March 2-9, 2024) are preparing to launch a massive, unprecedented general strike. Our guest is Greg Nammacher, president of SEIU Local 26, which represents janitorial, security, airport, and retail workers, and is a key player in this upcoming week of action. When he came to the local sixteen years ago, it was led by Javier Morillo, who wanted to usher in a new era of union democracy and militancy. And it worked! Local 26's membership has doubled, and by embracing base-building and a “bargaining for the common good” framework, and not being afraid to strike, they've won astonishing victories that point the way for union success around the country. Nammacher's interview is full of gems organizers need to hear: how to foster unity when members speak many languages; how to build “alignments,” not just coalitions or alliances; how to make organizing fun; and how to use social media smartly to build worker networks.  Greg says American labor is in “an incredible moment, and we won't get a lot of these. And so how do we make the most of it so that our members can have better lives and we can have a long-term voice of power in this country?” Minnesota Week of Action Fund: https://workingpartnerships.betterworld.org/campaigns/weekofactionfund Schedule of Events for Week of Action in Minnesota (March 2-9) Episode 3 transcript Fundi: The Story of Ella Baker

On today's show, we're joined by the author of a new uplifting collection of speeches by African American women called Blackbirds Singing: Inspiring Black Women's Speeches from the Civil War to the Twenty-first Century. Our guest and the book's curator is civil and human rights activist, scholar, and author Janet Dewart Bell. Gathering an array of recognized names as well as new discoveries, our guest discusses the speeches and legacies of two centuries of stirring public addresses by Black women, from Harriet Tubman and Ella Baker to Barbara Lee and Barbara Jordan. These magnificent speakers explore ethics, morality, courage, authenticity, and leadership, highlighting Black women speaking truth to power in service of freedom and justice. Check out Janet Dewart Bell's website: https://janetdewartbell.com/ — Subscribe to this podcast: https://plinkhq.com/i/1637968343?to=page Get in touch: lawanddisorder@kpfa.org Follow us on socials @LawAndDis: https://twitter.com/LawAndDis; https://www.instagram.com/lawanddis/ The post Centuries of Inspiring Black Women's Speeches w/ Janet Dewart Bell appeared first on KPFA.

"Give light and people will find the way." Ella Baker. Be a LIGHT everywhere you go today. Be fully charged and ready to shine with love, laughter, peace, joy, and life in every moment and day. When you are a LIGHT you are being your best self. "Because Monday is Motivating."

In this week's Black World News, Kehinde Andrews discusses the theme of Black Employment Month AKA Black History Month "Saluting Our Sisters," the past and present overlooking of Black Women, and the importance of the Black feminist standpoint in understanding the world better. For example, why we mobilize more around the public spectacle of anti-Black violence against predominantly Black men that leads to liberal reforms and why we need to also look at the private violence that predominantly affects Black women, such as deaths in childbirth. Focussing on both will lead to more radical solutions. - In this week's guest interview, Kehinde Andrews talks with Patricia Hill Collins about her new book “Lethal Intersections: Race, Gender, and Violence,” the appropriation of intersectionality and what it is and isn't, navigating her career in academia, the “public intellectual” and what it will take for Black people to be free. Patricia Hill Collins is a distinguished US professor emerita of sociology at the University of Maryland, College Park, and the author of numerous award-winning books including her best-known and fundamental title "Black Feminist Thought" (originally published in 1990) and more (see below). She was the first ever elected Black female to be president of the American Sociological Association (ASA). This week Patricia was the winner of the very prestigious Berggruen Philosophy Prize, the first Black person to win this prize.  - Black women four times more likely to die in childbirthhttps://www.bbc.co.uk/news/health-59248345 More black people jailed in England and Wales proportionally than in US https://www.theguardian.com/society/2010/oct/11/black-prison-population-increase-england Feminist Icon Patricia Hill Collins Becomes First Black Winner Of $1 Million Berggruen Prize https://www.essence.com/news/patricia-hill-collins-berggruen-prize/ Black Feminist Thought Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowermenthttps://www.routledge.com/Black-Feminist-Thought-Knowledge-Consciousness-and-the-Politics-of-Empowerment/Collins/p/book/9780415964722 Intersectionality, 2nd Edition (General book) https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail?book_slug=intersectionality-2nd-edition--9781509539673 Intersectionality as Critical Social Theory https://www.dukeupress.edu/intersectionality-as-critical-social-theory Lethal Intersections: Race, Gender, and Violence (Intersectionalities original intent) https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail?book_slug=lethal-intersections-race-gender-and-violence--9781509553150 Marking Time: Art in the Age of Mass Incarceration https://markingtimeart.com/ Learning from the Outsider Within: The Sociological Significance of Black Feminist Thought https://academic.oup.com/socpro/article/33/6/s14/1610242 Set the World on Fire Black Nationalist Women and the Global Struggle for Freedomhttps://www.pennpress.org/9780812224597/set-the-world-on-fire/ Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement A Radical Democratic Vision https://uncpress.org/book/9780807856161/ella-baker-and-the-black-freedom-movement/ The Revolution Has Come Black Power, Gender, and the Black Panther Party in Oaklandhttps://www.dukeupress.edu/the-revolution-has-come - Guest: Patricia Hill Collins Host: @kehindeandrews (IG) @kehinde_andrews (T) Podcast team: @makeitplainorg @weylandmck @inhisownterms @farafinmuso - KEHINDE ANDREWS EVENTS Unmasking Brilliance: Black British Voices in Media w/ 28th October Black British Book Festival, Southbank Centre https://www.southbankcentre.co.uk/whats-on/festivals-series/black-british-book-festival THE PSYCHOSIS OF WHITENESS Buy the Book:https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/316675/the-psychosis-of-whiteness-by-andrews-kehinde/9780241437476

Joy & Justice are the twin children of Jubilee. They go together like (love and marriage?) a horse and carriage… “You can't have one without the other!” As we seek to be God's Jubilee people for one another and the world, may we continuously form one another in the ways of joy and of justice.Sermon begins at minute marker 4:12Psalm 146Resources“Ella's Song,” written by Bernice Johnson Reagon in honor of her mentor, Ella Baker; performed by Sweet Honey in the Rock. “​​We who believe in freedom cannot rest until it comes.”Woman's Lectionary for the Whole Church (Year W): A Multi-Gospel Single-Year Lectionary, Wilda C. Gafney, Church Publishing Incorporated (2021).Voices Together, 107.Jubilee texts throughout the Bible, a sampling: Exodus 23, Leviticus 25 and 27, Deuteronomy 15, 1 Samuel 2.1-10 (Hannah's song), Psalm 113, Psalm 146, Isaiah 61, Jeremiah 34, Luke 1.46-55 (Mary's song), Luke 4.14-30 (Jesus' first public teaching)Image: a still from the GORGEOUS video of “Ella's Song,” produced and performed by the Resistance Revival Chorus. “The Resistance Revival Chorus (RRC) is a collective of more than 60 women, and non-binary singers, who join together to breathe joy and song into the resistance, and to uplift and center women's voices.”Hymn: Arise Your Light is Come. Ruth Duck (USA), 1974, © 1992 GIA Publications, Inc. William Henry Walter (USA), 1894; desc. Diana McLeod (Canada), © 1995 Diana McLeod. Permission to podcast the music in this service obtained from One License with license #A-726929. All rights reserved.

In this episode we welcome Thandisizwe Chimurenga and Yusef “Bunchy” Shakur to have a conversation that revolves around Sanyika Shakur's final book, Stand-Up, Struggle Forward: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings on Nation, Class and Patriarchy. Thandisizwe Chimurenga is an award-winning Los Angeles-based journalist. Having worked in print and radio/broadcast journalism, she is the author of No Doubt: The Murder(s) of Oscar Grant; Reparations … Not Yet: A Case for Reparations and Why We Must Wait; the soon-to-be-published Some Of Us Are Brave: Interviews and Conversations with Sistas on Life, Art and Struggle, published by Daraja Press, and Nobody Knows My Name: Coming of Age in and Resilience After the Black Power Movement co-written with Deborah Jones, to be published by Diasporic Africa Press. Her commitment to infusing radical Black feminist/womanist politics within Revolutionary New Afrikan Nationalism, which she believes is key to destroying capitalism, patriarchy and white supremacist imperialism, has been informed by Aminata Umoja, Assata Shakur, Pearl Cleage, bell hooks, Angela Davis, Queen Mother Moore, Gloria Richardson, Fannie Lou Hamer, Ella Baker, Claudia Jones, Ida B Wells and the “Amazons” of Dahomey. Yusef “Bunchy” Shakur is a father, neighborhood organizer, author of multiple books, educator and a member of Community Movement Builders. He organizes in Detroit, Michigan. Yusef wrote the foreword to Sanyika's Stand Up, Struggle Forward which we're discussing today and Sanyika Shakur wrote the foreword to Yusef Shakur's book Redemptive Soul.  In this discussion Thandisizwe and Yusef talk about their own personal and political relationships with Sanyika Shakur and to his writings. We talk a little bit about New Afrikan political thought as it emanated from the New Afrikan Prisoners Organization particularly as was elaborated by Owusu Yaki Yakubu formerly known under the names James “Yaki” Sayles and Atiba Shanna. We discuss the importance of terminology within the New Afrikan Independence Movement and the contributions of Yaki and Sanyika to this body of political thought.  Thandisizwe Chimurenga and Yusef “Bunchy” Shakur share reflections on Sanyika's writings on patriarchy, homophobia and transphobia and on revolutionary transformation. They discuss the difficulties of re-entry for politicized and political prisoners in an environment without a strong political home to return to, as well as the use of solitary confinement and control units as weapons against politicized figures. Since the publication of our last episode Dr. Mutulu Shakur has transitioned beyond this realm and we want to send our condolences to all of his loved ones and co-strugglers, we also want to take this moment to recognize his indelible contributions to the New Afrikan Independence Movement and the cause of Black Liberation. In the show notes we will link to the book we discuss which can be found through Kersplebedeb or leftwingbooks.net along with the writings of Yaki. We highly, highly recommend both. We will also include a link to many more related writings available digitally through Freedom Archives.  And of course if you like what we do, bringing you these episodes on a weekly basis, become a patron of the show. You can do so for as little as $1 a month at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism Links: Thandisizwe's website (includes ways to support her work) Yusef "Bunchy" Shakur's website (includes a store with his books) Stand-Up, Struggle Forward: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings on Nation, Class and Patriarchy Meditations on Frantz Fanon's Wretched of the Earth: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings by James "Yaki" Sayles Freedom Archives: New Afrikan Prisoner Organization Archives "Pathology of Patriarchy: A Search for Clues at the Scene of the Crime" by Sanyika Shakur Beneath My Surface - Thandisizwe Chimurenga (includes reflection on Sanyika's passing as discussed in the episode) Day of the Gun (George Jackson Doc) The Political Theory of Dr. Mutulu Shakur with Thandisizwe Chimurenga, Kalonji Changa, & Akinyele Umoja  

Part #2:According to civil rights activist and Shaw University graduate Ella Baker, "One of the things that have to be faced is the process of waiting to change the system, how much we have got to do to find out who we are, where we have come from and where we are going." That quote encapsulates our podcast theme, where we decode the language, decisions, and hidden areas of local power that often seem illogical to residents. In part 2, we continue exploring Ella Baker's legacy. We dig more into correlations in today's racial/justice movements vs how Ella Baker handled them. We covered:Ella's belief is that "Strong people do not need strong leaders."Changing the mental model of challenging the system.The idea of servant leadership.About Our GuestsJames White is an adjunct professor and national DEI voice. Marie Stark is the Shaw University archivist, where she cares for, preserves, and provides research assistance on the historical materials of Shaw University for students and researchers.Illogical by TRUTH is hosted by Terrance Ruth and is produced by Earfluence

Pleasure Muse: Rosa Parks    Tantalizing Trivia  Her future husband took her on a first date to a rally for the “Scottsboro Boys”, nine Black men who were wrongly accused of rape. From that rally she became compelled to activism.  She was educated on civil disobedience during her days at the famed Highlander School in Tennessee under the guidance of the legendary Septima Clark. Later she attended a leadership training run by the famed Ella Baker.  She was a staunch supporter of the labor movement and managed the office of E. D. Nixon the director of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and President of the NAACP. Rosa Parks became the secretary of the NAACP in Alabama in 1948.  She functioned as an investigator for the NAACP and helped for the Committee for Equal Justice. She was also the youth advisor.  She learned “daily stretching” from her mother as a child and would later in her 50's develop a daily  yoga practice that she shared with her nieces and nephews.   In the mid 90's she was attacked by an assailant in her home. When the media began reporting this as a failing of the Black community, she pushed back hard by offering that the attack was endemic of the systematic problems she spent her life working on and not that of Black people.  She lived to be 92 years old. Flags across the country flew at half-staff on the day of Park's funeral.    Mirror Work: Find a quiet place to sit. Get comfortable. Let the chair do the work of holding you. Plan to be here for 10 minutes. In that time observe your breath without judgment. Is it shallow? Is it deep? What areas of your body does it flow too? Where could you use more breath? Breathe deeply into those spaces. Luxuriate in the fact that you do not  have to stand, do not have to move. You have been given this moment to sit still and just be. Thank God for that.  Affirmation: I can sit and rest. No need to rush.  I am where God wants to be. I am open to where God wants to take me.  I give grace freely. I receive grace daily.  Give Grace:  A Playlist  In Her Own Words:  “You must never be fearful about what you are doing when it is right.”  “Each person must live their life as a model for others.”  “I would like to be remembered as a person who wanted to be free…so other people would also be free.”  “I knew someone had to take the first step and I made up my mind not to move.” Didn't catch the live recording of today's episode? We don't want you to miss out on getting the full experience. Check out the opening and closing songs below. Opening ⁠Song⁠ Closing ⁠Song

Analilia Mejia is currently the co-ED of The Center for Popular Democracy...and prior to that she was Bernie Sanders 2020 Presidential Campaign Political Director with stints in the Biden Administration, with the Working Families Party, & deep roots in union organizing. In this conversation, she talks being raised in working class Elizabeth, NJ as a daughter of immigrants, the life-changing role that a union job meant for her family, and the through line of empowering people that has run through her entire career in and around politics.IN THIS EPISODEAnalilia talks growing up in a working poor household in Elizabeth, NJ as the daughter of immigrants...Analilia's "political awakening" in 1988...Analilia cuts her teeth in politics as a union organizer in Chicago...Analilia explains the role of the Working Families Party, whom she led in New Jersey...Analilia on her path to becoming Bernie Sanders '20 Political Director & how she tackled the job...Analilia on why she continues to identify as a "Bernie Bro"...The role Analilia played in bringing Bernie voters into the Biden coalition...How Analilia joined the Biden Administration and why she left it to work again on the outside...Analilia on her role as Co-Executive Director of the Center for Popular Democracy & the role CPD is playing...Analilia weighs in on how progressive orgs should be cognizant of communicating smartly to voters...Analilia's career advice to young operatives...AND AOC, Saul Alinsky, analogies, Ana Maria Archila, Sarah Badawi, Ella Baker, Build Back Better, George HW Bush, Wendy Chun-Hoon, Detroit Action, Michael Dukakis, finding a full humanity, George Floyd, fireworks, food insecurity, Jeff Flake, the free clinic, gummy bears, Fannie Lou Hamer, The Highlander School, Pramila Jayapal, jiu-jitsu, Arianna Jones, John Kerry, LUCHA Arizona, The Montgomery Bus Boycotts, Vivek Murphy, the New Georgia Project, people chess, radical transparency, Chuck Rocha, Jane Sanders, Faiz Shakir, Singer sewing machines, strep throat, Donald Trump, Nina Turner, the US Constitution, Jeff Weaver...& more!

According to civil rights activist and Shaw University graduate Ella Baker, "One of the things that has to be faced is the process of waiting to change the system, how much we have got to do to find out who we are, where we have come from and where we are going." That quote encapsulates our podcast theme, where we decode the language, decisions, and hidden areas of local power that often seem illogical to residents. In part 1, we explore Ella Baker's legacy, where she and other members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) set the stage for local empowerment.  We dig into:The basement of Shaw was the start of a local movement…where are the basements now? Is there evidence of a location for the early meetings of SNCC?Who is Ella Baker and why is she unique and important to understanding local government?About Our GuestsJames White is an adjunct professor and national DEI voice. Marie Stark is the Shaw University archivist, where she cares for, preserves, and provides research assistance on the historical materials of Shaw University for students and researchers.Illogical by TRUTH is hosted by Terrance Ruth and is produced by Earfluence

Hello Great Minds!As we continue on with our soft start to Season 4, the ladies of DGMH join me for Women's History Month Special, where we each discuss a woman that we think deserves more attention. Next week, I will cover the Great Mind that was  Jeanette Rankin! Key Topics: Ella Baker, Ida B. Wells, Margaret MeadFor more DGMH just head on over to Patreon Land to get access to soooooooo much more Great content here: https://www.patreon.com/user?u=34398347&fan_landing=trueBe sure to follow me on Facebook at "Drinks with Great Minds in History" & Follow the show on Instagram and Twitter @dgmhhistoryCheers!Music:Hall of the Mountain King by Kevin MacLeodLink: https://incompetech.filmmusic.io/song/3845-hall-of-the-mountain-kingLicense: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/Artwork by @Tali Rose... Check it out!Support the show

Social media has warped what it means to be in relationship to other people, their experiences, and their opinions. Algorithms force-feed us predictable content based on what they predict we will consume.How do we break the cycle—and rethink what division means in 2023? Can disagreements, governed by shared values, actually save us—and democracy, itself?Alissa Wilkinson is a senior culture reporter and critic at Vox.com, where she writes about film, TV, and culture. She is also an associate professor of English and humanities at The King's College in New York City, where, since 2009, she has taught courses on criticism, cinema studies, literature, and cultural theory. She joins us to discuss her book, Salty: Lessons on Eating, Drinking, and Living from Revolutionary Women, which features the biographies of nine, 20th-century figures who challenged norms and defied conventional wisdom, including Ella Baker, Alice B. Toklas, Hannah Arendt, Octavia Butler, Agnes Varda, Elizabeth David, Edna Lewis, Maya Angelou, and Laurie Colwin.In this interview, Alissa shares how one figure in her book, Hannah Arendt, viewed friendship and disagreement as an anti-authoritarian tool that was necessary for a healthy and functioning democracy. She shares how culture has changed since 2009, and how we might challenge ourselves outside of Netflix-driven comfort zones by dining solo.Please rate and review our show on Apple Podcasts and Spotify to help other listeners find our work!Visit TheNewStory.is to listen to our full catalog of interviews.Support our partners and affiliates for exclusive discounts:Bookshop.org: Buy cheap books and support local, independent bookstores with every purchaseFathom Analytics: Get beautiful, secure website data without trading your customers' private browsing data to Google and FacebookFlywheel: Seamless WordPress website hosting on US-based serversHover: Register domains with ease. Save $2 on your first purchaseMailerLite: A lite, powerful, affordable email marketing platform with premium plans starting at just $9/mo.Sanebox: Take back your inbox with machine learning to automatically organize your emails. Save $5 when you join.Trint: Turn recordings of meetings, calls, and interviews into transcripts with 99% accuracy.Affiliate Disclosure: Our show is listener supported, including through affiliate and partner links. By clicking one of the above links and registering or making a purchase, we may earn a small commission, which helps pay for the costs of our show. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Although these two women came from different places, there is an event that connects them. It's safe to say that Ella Baker was probably one of the first people to empower Fannie Lou Hamer to join the fight for voting and civil rights. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/heyevette/message

Throughout the 20th century, Black people across the country took on the experiment of pooling their resources together to provide for each other. These experiments were called cooperatives. They remain, often, understudied and discussed because they were not one, long, sustained movement. Yet, when you focus on how much each one was able to accomplish in its time, they are incredible. Discussing two of those cooperatives with me is Professor Irvin Hunt, author of Dreaming the Present: Time, Aesthetics, and the Black Cooperative Movement.The first cooperative we discuss is Fannie Lou Hamer's Freedom Farm and its pluripresence (it's a new word for me too, don't worry, Dr. Hunt defines it).Then, we discuss Ella Baker, George Schulyer, the Young Negroes' Cooperative League, and the idea of it being a planned failure rather than a failure to plan.In a time where mutual aid is growing in popularity when the state cannot provide, 20th-century Black cooperatives have a lot to teach us.Music CreditPeaceLoveSoul by Jeris (c) copyright 2012 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution (3.0) license. http://dig.ccmixter.org/files/VJ_Memes/35859 Ft: KungFu (KungFuFrijters)

In the wake of Imperial Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor, American men famously flooded recruiting offices across the nation to join the war effort. These stories are well documented and attested by eye witnesses, but a part of this story left out or overlooked is that black Americans joined with an equal level of fervor. Over one million black men and women served in the war, playing crucial roles in every theatre of World War 2. They worked in segregated units and performed vital support jobs.This mobilization did take time. This was during the Jim Crow era, and some black Americans asked if they should risk their lives to live as what one called “Half-American.” But as the war effort grew, black Americans increasingly enlisted as part of what newspapers called the Double V Campaign, a slogan to promote the fight for democracy abroad but also in the home front in the United States and the idea that black Americans wholeheartedly contributing to the war effort would lead to legal and social equality.Today's guest is Matthew Delmont, author of “Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad – the first-ever comprehensive history of World War II to focus on black Americans.We look at stories figures such as Thurgood Marshall, the chief lawyer for the NAACP, who investigated violence against black troops and veterans; Benjamin O. Davis, Jr., leader of the Tuskegee Airmen, who was at the forefront of the years-long fight to open the Air Force to black pilots; Ella Baker, the civil rights leader who advocated on the home front for black soldiers, veterans, and their families; James Thompson, the 26-year-old whose letter to a newspaper set in motion the Double Victory campaign; and poet Langston Hughes, who worked as a war correspondent for the black press. Their bravery and patriotism in the face of unfathomable racism is both inspiring and galvanizing.Some of their greatest struggles came when they returned home. They were denied housing and education. On the streets of Southern cities, black soldiers were attacked just for wearing their uniforms in public, beaten for drinking from “Whites Only” water fountains, or chased away from the voting booth by mobs. Yet without black Americans' crucial contributions to the war effort, the United States could not have been victorious.

Over one million Black men and women served in World War II. Black troops were at Normandy, Iwo Jima, and the Battle of the Bulge, serving in segregated units and performing unheralded but vital support jobs, only to be denied housing and educational opportunities on their return home. Without their crucial contributions to the war effort, the United States could not have won the war. And yet the stories of these Black veterans have long been ignored, cast aside in favor of the myth of the “Good War” fought by the “Greatest Generation.” Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad (Viking, 2022) is American history as you've likely never read it before. In these pages are stories of Black heroes such as Thurgood Marshall, the chief lawyer for the NAACP, who investigated and publicized violence against Black troops and veterans; Benjamin O. Davis, Jr., leader of the Tuskegee Airmen, who was at the forefront of the years-long fight to open the Air Force to Black pilots; Ella Baker, the civil rights leader who advocated on the home front for Black soldiers, veterans, and their families; James Thompson, the 26-year-old whose letter to a newspaper laying bare the hypocrisy of fighting against fascism abroad when racism still reigned at home set in motion the Double Victory campaign; and poet Langston Hughes, who worked as a war correspondent for the Black press. Their bravery and patriotism in the face of unfathomable racism is both inspiring and galvanizing. In a time when the questions World War II raised regarding race and democracy in America remain troublingly relevant and still unanswered, this meticulously researched retelling makes for urgently necessary reading. Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Over one million Black men and women served in World War II. Black troops were at Normandy, Iwo Jima, and the Battle of the Bulge, serving in segregated units and performing unheralded but vital support jobs, only to be denied housing and educational opportunities on their return home. Without their crucial contributions to the war effort, the United States could not have won the war. And yet the stories of these Black veterans have long been ignored, cast aside in favor of the myth of the “Good War” fought by the “Greatest Generation.” Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad (Viking, 2022) is American history as you've likely never read it before. In these pages are stories of Black heroes such as Thurgood Marshall, the chief lawyer for the NAACP, who investigated and publicized violence against Black troops and veterans; Benjamin O. Davis, Jr., leader of the Tuskegee Airmen, who was at the forefront of the years-long fight to open the Air Force to Black pilots; Ella Baker, the civil rights leader who advocated on the home front for Black soldiers, veterans, and their families; James Thompson, the 26-year-old whose letter to a newspaper laying bare the hypocrisy of fighting against fascism abroad when racism still reigned at home set in motion the Double Victory campaign; and poet Langston Hughes, who worked as a war correspondent for the Black press. Their bravery and patriotism in the face of unfathomable racism is both inspiring and galvanizing. In a time when the questions World War II raised regarding race and democracy in America remain troublingly relevant and still unanswered, this meticulously researched retelling makes for urgently necessary reading. Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In this conversation Charisse Burden-Stelly returns to the podcast, and is joined by Jodi Dean to talk about their new book Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing.  Charisse Burden-Stelly is an Associate Professor of African American Studies at Wayne State University. Along with Gerald Horne she co-authored W.E.B. Du Bois: A Life In American History. She is a co-editor of the book Reproducing Domination On the Caribbean and the Postcolonial State. She is also the author of the forthcoming book Black Scare / Red Scare. She is a member of Black Alliance for Peace and was previously the co-host of The Last Dope Intellectual podcast. Jodi Dean teaches political, feminist, and media theory in Geneva, New York. She has written or edited thirteen books, including The Communist Horizon, Crowds and Party, and Comrade: An Essay on Political Belonging. She is also a member of the Party for Socialism and Liberation. The first collection of its kind, Organize, Fight, Win brings together three decades of Black Communist women's political writings. In doing so, it highlights the link between Communism and Black liberation. Likewise, it makes clear how Black women fundamentally shaped, and were shaped by, Communist praxis in the twentieth century. Organize, Fight, Win includes writings from card-carrying Communists like Dorothy Burnham, Williana Burroughs, Grace P. Campbell, Alice Childress, Marvel Cooke, Esther Cooper Jackson, Thelma Dale Perkins, Vicki Garvin, Yvonne Gregory, Claudia Jones, Maude White Katz, and Louise Thompson Patterson, and writings by those who organized alongside the Communist Party, like Ella Baker, Charlotta Bass, Thyra Edwards, Lorraine Hansberry, and Dorothy Hunton. Dr. CBS and Dr. Dean introduce the text further in the discussion, and read some excerpts from it along the way as well. In conversation we talk about a number of the interventions made by Black Communist Women that are collected in Organize, Fight, Win. We also talk about how many of these women have often been written about, frequently to further intellectual frameworks that are not the Black Communist analysis and modes of organizing that they themselves espoused. We discuss the interventions these women made in relation to unionization efforts, anti-imperialism, anti-fascism, and the struggle for peace. We also discuss the difference between common manifestations of identitarian politics  today and the materialist analysis these Black Communist Women deployed.  We also talk about the internal critiques that they leveed against certain positions of the CPUSA, not in attempts to destroy the party, but in dedication to its mission. Organize, Fight, Win is available for pre-order from Verso Books and it will come out on this coming Tuesday. Black Alliance for Peace has a webinar kicking off the International Month of Action Against AFRICOM on Saturday October 1st. We'll include links to those as well as to pre-orders for Socialist Reconstruction: A Better Future all of which are named in the episode. We'll also include links to some previous discussions that relate to topics covered here. And as always if you like what we do, please support our work on patreon. You can become a patron of the show for as little as $1 a month at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism.  Relevant links: Socialist Reconstruction: A Better Future   Black Alliance for Peace webinar on AFRICOM  Black Alliance for Peace's International Month of Action Against AFRICOM  Our previous conversation with Dr. CBS which provides a lot of useful context on anti-communism and anti-blackness and other terms and frameworks that are relevant to this discussion. Our previous discussion on Lorraine Hansberry's time at Freedom Our conversation with Mary Helen Washington (who was also referenced in the show)    

The following talk was delivered by Dr. Kim Wilson at the DecARcerate Arkansas 2022 conference in Little Rock. The conference was an opportunity for abolitionist and other organizers to come together to listen as speakers from around the state and the country talked about their work. Kim interviewed organizers about their experience with boundary setting in movement spaces, and what they said illuminates a deeper problem that we seldom hear addressed, but that is nonetheless, important for liberation movements. As the mother of two sons currently sentenced to LWOP; as an organizer that provides education, direct support, and mobilizes resources for people in and out of prison; and as a Black disabled woman that is struggling with multiple health issues, she is emotionally, physically, and financially exhausted. The talk was a collaborative effort that included the voices of women and femmes in the movement who felt that these things need to be said, and Kim had the opportunity to use her platform to say them. We invite you to listen and to act upon what she shares, and to use this talk as an entry point to engage people in your community and movement spaces about what all of the women and femmes said. You can support Kim directly via Venmo (@Kim-Wilson-16) and CashApp ($BeyondPrisons) Transcript To borrow a phrase from the inimitable Fannie Lou Hamer, “I've been tired so long, now I am sick and tired of being sick and tired, and I want a change.” Y'all I'm tired. I'm tired of arguing, of fighting, of feeling like we're constantly having to remind people of our humanity. I'm tired of the suffering, of the trauma, and of watching people die. I'm tired of oppressive systems, of prisons, of poverty, homelessness, and hyper-individualism. I'm tired of watching my friends suffer. I'm tired of people treating incarcerated people as if they don't matter. I'm tired of ableism. I'm tired of living in a white supremacist capitalist patriarchal society. I'm tired!!!! I'm tired of crisis management. I'm tired of sacrificing my physical and emotional well-being. I'm tired of people's discomfort being the standard by which we decide on really important things. I'm tired of cynicism. I'm tired of the thinking that says that women, and particularly Black Women, femmes and other folks should be willing to do this work without question or limits. I'm tired of fighting for people that expect me to have their backs, when I know that they don't have mine. Not really, really! I'm tired of toxic masculinity. I'm tired of men acting like they're doing women a favor when they are asked to do the absolute least necessary for us to survive. I'm tired of having to fear violence, anger, and passive aggression from men in general, but especially from men in movement spaces. I'm tired of the unspoken expectations that are placed on women in movement spaces that shift the burden onto women and femmes to do most of the work of organizing. While we're ALL suffering under these oppressive systems, women, femmes, trans, non-binary, gender non-confirming folks, and disabled people are disproportionately affected by these systems and we are still showing up and doing all of the things. This is not sustainable! To be clear, this is NOT a call out or a call in. This is our reality. I'm not the only one that's tired. Many of us are exhausted, physically, emotionally, mentally, and financially. I am bringing this forward so that we can set about the task of collectively changing things. There is no healing in isolation. Part of the liberatory project is to heal our collective trauma, and HOW we work together is part of that work. This work has to happen alongside the tearing down and building up. It's not work that can be deferred until some magical date in the future when we have the time, OR conditions are perfect. When folks make that argument recognize that they are gaslighting and attempting to derail the conversation to escape accountability. Audre Lorde wrote, “There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives.” The conditions in which we organize are not separate issue buckets, but the literal material conditions through which we have to survive and help others. Women, femmes, trans, non-binary, gender non conforming and disabled people are treated as disposable. We live in a society that doesn't care about us, but how are we demonstrating that we care for each other? We are still in the middle of a global pandemic that has killed 6.52 MILLION people worldwide, and 11,961 people in Arkansas alone, yet there are still people arguing that wearing a piece of cloth on their face infringes on their freedom. Imani Barbarin, a Black disabled woman, and one of the baddest communications strategists and disability rights advocates around, has rightly called Covid “a mass disabling event.” This refers to the fact that many able bodied folks will find themselves disabled as a result of catching Covid. These newly disabled folks are now finding that they have to fight for things that we shouldn't have to fight for. Now that They're affected they're outraged and want change. Here's my thing, You don't have to learn the things the hard way. You could just trust what people are saying about their experience. Full stop. We've been saying for a long time that ableism is NOT the flex that people think it is. Let's consider how these things intersect, Black disabled women experience higher rates of houselessness and incarceration. There hasn't been a federal minimum wage increase since 2009, and raising the federal minimum wage would have a positive impact on Women's lives. We live in a country with no real social safety net, where people that work full time in minimum wage jobs cannot afford a two bedroom apartment in any state in the country. An honest accounting of the houseless problem in this country has to include policies that criminalize houselessness. For example, we know that Black people are disproportionately impacted by homelessness and incarceration. A 2021 study by the Connecticut Coalition to End Homelessness found that “Most people with a history of incarceration and homelessness were homeless before going to prison. Suggesting that the criminalization of homelessness is a driver of incarceration.” (Prison Policy.Org) But the problem doesn't end there, we also know that domestic violence is the leading cause of houselessness for women. We also know that trans people and gender non-conforming people experience houselessness at higher rates than their cis gender peers, and seventy percent of trans people using shelters report discrimination or violence by shelter staff. Prison abolition isn't just about working on prison issues. We need to consider what other institutions and systems are implicated. The many tentacles of the PIC means that our daily lives are lived being aware of its looming presence and power to destroy us. The PIC derives its power in part, from being simultaneously hyper-visible AND obscure because it is embedded into so many things. Many of us recognize the hyper-visible expressions of the carceral state in their physical form such as prison buildings, police, etc., and in their more abstracted forms such as policies and practices. But there's a cognitive dissonance that makes it difficult for some people to see that transphobia, ableism, sexism, toxic masculinity, and patriarchy are part and parcel of the same dehumanizing structure that includes prisons and policing. All of these things are rooted in white supremacist capitalist heteropatriarchy, which is the logic that underpins the carceral state. To get rid of prisons, to get rid of ALL systems of oppression, the liberatory project has to address these problems. That is our work. But the work is NOT evenly distributed. The more women, femmes, trans, and other people that I talk with the more I hear that many of us are tired of doing this work. We do this work because if we don't we suffer. There are so many ways that we suffer that I won't even try to list them. Suffice it to say that we suffer when we take on too much, when we do or are expected to do more than any one person reasonably can or should. We suffer and shorten our lives because we're unable to rest without repercussions. Prentis Hemphill wrote, “Boundaries are the distance at which I can love you and me simultaneously.” “Boundaries give us the space to do the work of loving ourselves. They might be, actually, the first and fundamental expression of self-love.” I interviewed a handful of women organizers from around the country and here's what they said in response to being asked to reflect on setting boundaries as women in movement spaces. JULIE Boundaries are really important especially in organizing-and especially in a kind of organizing that problematically glorifies when women ‘give their all' to the movement, despite how they are affected or how it affects their relationships with their loved ones. We have a tendency in social justice movements to romanticize the ‘woman' organizer. This mythic creature is fearless, boundless in energy, absolute in her devotion to the movement. She educates, she nurtures, she resources, she leads from the shadows. She never suffers, not from indecision or fatigue or loneliness or oppression. Rosa Parks, Ella Baker, Safiya Bukhari, Kathy Boudin. Women we asked everything of, took all we could from, and what did we leave them with? What if instead of glorifying their sacrifices we shared the work? And not just the sexy parts of organizing, but the monotony too. MICHELLE I would just say two things: One is that I often find that women in organizing spaces are just quicker / more likely to take on the labor of figuring out logistics, even when doing so is burdensome or requires navigating complex systems, whereas men will give up or just not even try to figure something out if it isn't immediately clear. Often, I find that men need to be explicitly asked to do smaller logistical tasks, and are sometimes resistant to doing them, whereas women take on that work automatically. Often, when there are unsexy tasks like phone banking, it is women who show up much more so than men. ANGIE While men in the movement are often quick to make big statements and big decisions about how things SHOULD be done, it's women and trans people and nonbinary folks who are OVERWHELMINGLY doing the actual work of keeping people alive. And that's what the most fundamental work is in this movement: keeping people alive. It's the mutual aid work, the financial support (including commissary, phones, housing support for people getting out), the emotional support, the caregiving for kids who've been left behind... It's the person bringing over groceries when someone's confined to their home on electronic monitoring. It's the person coming to visit week after week so someone inside doesn't lose hope, doesn't lose their will to live. On a personal level — when my niece was incarcerated, I was so frustrated by the fact that her boyfriends, even her fiancé, would not do ANY of this work/support. Instead they complained that she wasn't out here to be there for THEM. What does this mean for boundary-setting? For me, it has often meant that setting boundaries is way harder than it should be because some people (i.e. most men) are not pulling any weight, when it comes to this low-profile, behind-the-scenes, hard every day work of supporting our loved ones' survival. So as we try (sometimes in vain) to help keep people alive, we end up letting our boundaries slip again and again... JOYA In every movement formation that I've been in, especially the abolitionist ones that have a spectrum of gender represented, it's 99 percent the femmes that start the google.doc, even that kind of infrastructural work is relegated to invisible care work. I don't want to call it soft violence, because I don't think it's soft. It's part of the quiet, but violent extraction that happens when people don't recognize people's labor and people's gendered labor. Regardless of what their gender is. In terms of boundaries, we tend to think about boundaries as I'm not going to work on a Saturday or I'm not going to meet after ten o'clock at night, but people don't think of a boundary as demanding that we all take turns doing the same amount of work. But I also feel like we are living in a time where there aren't a lot of other ways that people are allowed to take up space in movement work without violating those boundaries or without being affirmed for doing that work. By affirmed I don't mean respected–it's like thank you sis for doing this or like the snacks were provided by these people, how nice. That's not respected as much as the people who are chaining themselves to the prison. It's not lost on me either that the venn diagram of movement space is often run by a certain masculanized organizer model, and for as much as people pretend they're not for the Alinsky Model, they sure are. The venn diagram between certain organizing styles and the way that they devalue the google doc making, snacks bringing and setting up chairs work, and the type of abuser that emerges in movement spaces, and the kind of permission that's given to a lot of –especially masculine rock star organizers who are also systematically abusive. The venn diagram shows no respect for labor and boundaries and no respect for sharing work. Why is it that we think that so many of the letter writing spaces and the letter writing organizations and the relationship building organizations are run by femmes. Even when we're doing coalitional relational work in abolition, relationship building, the nurturing, the crisis intervention work, the people who are fielding calls from jail, the people who are making sure that the commissary goes through are often feminized people. And the people who get to hold the megaphone are not often those people. And the people who are there to be on the front line of receiving the frustration of incarcerated people are the same people who are there to write the letters, to receive the phone calls, and who are there to make sure the commissary goes through on time are often the same people who bear the brunt of somebody's frustration, who are there to pick up the pieces of the trauma that prison causes other people, the people who have to organize and mobilize and like themselves get traumatized by traumatized people because that emotional lash out is often reserved for the people on the front lines which are femmes and women, and those are the same people who show up with the snacks. ANNE Ok. So. Boundary setting. I think one of my biggest struggles in organizing spaces is the difference between people's expressed values of self-determination, consent, muddling through, and care for one another, ON THE ONE HAND, and the way that people's struggle practices do not align with these values, ON THE OTHER. The work of having to point this out and make space for the inevitable conflicts it brings is exhausting. And it is not seen as work—it is seen as complaining, being trouble, or not getting it. There is no boundary that can be set ahead of time that will prevent the need for people to work through conflict together. So we need many of us to skill up and grow our capacities for conflict. But the work is often put on those seen as the ones who are supposed to nurture and take care of the feelings. I'll leave you with a few suggestions for how to proceed. This is NOT an exhaustive list, but a place to start. AND please note that there is no one size fits all for how to address these problems, but we need to address them. One of the people that I interviewed suggested that, Men need to talk to their friends. That is, men have to get better at checking other men on their problematic behavior. Second, Political Education: engage in a political education process where you study and discuss materials that address these issues. Read the work of women, femmes, trans, disabled people, etc. Third, Do the work: actually begin doing the work. Abolition work is not constrained as a future project. It's how we move today. It's how we care for each other TODAY. It's how we act in the world, and the communities and power we build TODAY!!! It's a blueprint for today as much as it is a future society. Finally, focus on relationship building beyond performative and surface level solidarity. Ruth Wilson Gilmore said that abolition is presence. I agree!!! Engage in letter writing with incarcerated people. Visit people if you are able to gain access to prisons, go see folks inside on a regular basis. I'm in prison visiting rooms all the time and women are the majority of visitors. I don't have a pithy closing to offer you because I was too exhausted to write one. I'll just say this, We are all working with limited capacity and resources, and those of us that are showing up in all the ways and doing all the things even when our bodies are signaling that they need a break are giving more than there fair share. We don't want to be mythologized for our sacrifices; instead we not only want, but need change. How we work together matters just as much as the work itself. Thank you!

Dr. Kenneth O'Reilly returns to The Context of White Supremacy Radio Program. An emeritus professor of history at the University of Alaska Anchorage, Dr. O'Reilly specializes in U.S. politics, presidential history, and "race relations." We've spoken with Dr. O'Reilly twice before about his books: Nixon's Piano: Presidents and Racial Politics from Washington to Clinton; and Racial Matters: The FBI's Secret File on Black America, 1960 to 1972. In 2009, The C.O.W.S. had only returned to the air for 2 months when Dr. O'Reilly first spoke with us about COINTELPRO - the FBI's clandestine surveillance program to neutralize non-white people who attempted to counter-racism. The impetus to speak with Dr. O'Reilly at this moment was last week's conversation with Florida State University's Fannie Lou Hamer Professor of Rhetorical Studies, Dr. Davis W. Houck. This White Man wrote a history book on Mississippi's 1964 Freedom Summer campaign and completely omitted COINTELPRO. J. Edgar Hoover, Stokley Carmichael, Ella Baker, John Lewis, and Bob Moses are just a few of the main characters in the book. Except FBI director Hoover, all of these people were COINTELPRO victims. To the contrary, Dr. O'Reilly's book contains an entire chapter on Hoover and the Justice Department's nefarious behavior during Freedom Summer. We'll discuss the significance of this predictable negligence by White experts like Dr. Houck and why this should be understood as a deliberate act of White Supremacy. We'll also get Dr. O'Reilly's thoughts on the recent Netflix film, Judas and the Black Messiah - which dramatizes the COINTELPRO assassinations of Chicago Black Panthers Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, as well as the recent acknowledgement that two black males, Muhammad A. Aziz and Khalil Islam, were wrongly convicted and jailed for decades for the murder of Minister Malcolm X. #DomesticWhiteTerrorism #BlackIdentityExtremist #TheCOWS13 INVEST in The COWS – http://paypal.me/TheCOWS Cash App: https://cash.app/$TheCOWS CALL IN NUMBER: 720.716.7300 CODE: 564943#

Senator Turner highlights civil-rights trailblazer Ella Baker (1903-1986). SNT plants revolutionary seeds in us today as Ella Baker did to millions of others decades ago. One main thought? The time for radical change has always been now. #HelloSomebody LINKS: Ella Baker https://ellabakercenter.org/who-was-ella-baker/   Fundi: The Story of Ella Baker by Joanne Grant https://icarusfilms.com/if-ell1   Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision by Dr. Barbara Ransby https://barbararansby.com/ella-baker/   On MLK Day, Honor the Mother  of the Civil Rights Movement by Julie Sceflo https://time.com/4633460/mlk-day-ella-baker/ https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=10210195622059859&id=1769929223291470&locale2=ne_NP&_rdr   Still I Rise by Dr. Maya Angelou https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/46446/still-i-rise   Diane Nash https://www.biography.com/activist/diane-nash   Claudette Colvin https://www.npr.org/2009/03/15/101719889/before-rosa-parks-there-was-claudette-colvin   Films about Rosa Parks https://1883magazine.com/5-history-films-you-should-see-that-told-rosa-parks-story/     Tickets are now on sale for the FIRST ever Black Effect Podcast Festival happening on August 28th in Brooklyn, NY! Come check us out with The 85 South Show, All the Smoke, and more of your favorite Black Effect Podcast hosts. Get your tickets today at BlackEffect.comPodcastFestival    See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

"There is one thing you have got to learn about our movement. Three people are better than no people."- Fannie Lou Hamer By November of 1963, activists in Mississippi were exhausted and discouraged. Their efforts and strategies had inspired a movement, but not increased the number of Black voters. Refusing to back down from their fight for liberation, organizers went back to the drawing board in search of inspiration. And, in the Summer of 1964, they emerged with a new plan that not only galvanized the movement but changed the course of history. They called it the Mississippi Summer Project, also known as Freedom Summer. This student-led movement was a powerful demonstration of organizing, and it centered the leadership of two women; Ella Baker and Fannie Lou Hamer. Today we bring that summer back to life. Examining the strategies at the center of this pivotal moment in history. More than a telling of a story, this is a celebration of brave, bold Black women who aren't afraid to say what needs to be said and do what needs to be done. We walk in their footsteps.Disclaimer: We do not own the rights to the music or speech excepts reference or played during this broadcast. You can find original content that was referenced or played here:I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free | Nina Simone:https://open.spotify.com/track/5CKHhg31HcYYhwUeeGqvhq?si=a36d36b0659d4b8eThis Joy | Resistance Revival Chorus:https://open.spotify.com/track/4CJFOJoOVLWeWqwnoCd8wk?si=7a0e19cd5d0942de