Podcasts about Civil rights movement

What can public health learn from the Freedom Riders? In this deeply moving conversation, Dr. Cougar Hall is joined by Georgia Calhoun, Trudy Munford, and Dr. Anthony Bates to discuss the intersection of faith, forgiveness, and social justice. From the burning buses of 1961 to the heritage festivals of today, this episode shows how communities endure trauma, create spaces for healing, and build legacies of peace. Recorded, Edited & Produced by Christy Gonzalez, Harper Xinyu Zhang, Kailey Hopkins, and Tanya Gale

Richard Tate is the President and CEO of the California Wellness Foundation, where he leads with clarity, courage, and hope. A communications strategist turned first-time CEO, Richard embraces the power of philanthropy not just to fund change, but to stand up for values. Under his leadership, Cal Wellness has become a bold voice for health and racial justice at a time when those commitments are under attack. This Episode: What does it mean for foundations to step out from behind the desk and lead with courage? Grant and Richard explore why this moment calls for philanthropy to mobilize more than just dollars—to use its voice, influence, and resources in defense of equity and community well-being. Richard shares what it's like to lead through fear, why Cal Wellness is “spending up” in response to urgent need, and how hope remains a discipline for leaders navigating turbulent times. Along the way, he reflects on lessons from his parents, the Civil Rights Movement, and peers who inspire him to push beyond comfort zones. From navigating attacks on diversity and equity to reimagining healthcare in California, this conversation is a call to speak out, act boldly, and build a healthier, more just future together. Key Moments: [5:18] Why leadership in philanthropy requires courage in polarized times [10:01] Using influence and access: how CEOs can open doors for community voices [24:36] Lessons from past movements that fuel courage today [42:08] Why civic engagement and democracy are health issues  [47:38] What community organizations are teaching foundations about resilience and rebuilding Resources Mentioned: California Wellness Foundation – Advancing health and racial justice for Californians #UniteInAdvance – A collaborative of foundations defending philanthropic freedom and equity Dr. Richard Besser – President and CEO of Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Take Action: Spend Up and Speak Out – Push beyond the minimum in both giving and voice Stand With Partners – Protect and amplify grantees when they are targeted Invest in Democracy – Support civic engagement and organizing as core to health Choose Courage – Step out from behind the desk when communities cannot hide  Credits: This is a production of the Prebys Foundation Hosted by Grant Oliphant Co-Hosted by Crystal Page Co-produced by Crystal Page and Adam Greenfield Engineered by Adam Greenfield Production Coordination by Tess Karesky Video Production by Edgar Ontiveros Medina Special thanks to the Prebys Foundation Team The Stop & Talk Theme song was created by San Diego's own Mr. Lyrical Groove. Download episodes at your favorite podcatcher or visit us at StopAndTalkPodcast.org If you like this show, and we hope you do, the best way to support this show is to share, subscribe.

“Becoming Thurgood: America's Social Architect” premieres at Tuesday on CET.

This week, we're bringing you an excerpt of the KQED podcast Close All Tabs, which features stories about how digital culture shapes our lives. Their new occasional series, OGs of Tech, looks beyond the billionaires to spotlight the often-overlooked innovators who helped build the digital world we live in today. One of these OGs is Felidoro Cueva, who grew up in a rural village in the Andes mountains of Peru, and immigrated to the U.S. in 1964, during the height of the Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War. He went on to become one of the first Latino engineers in Silicon Valley. His daughter – and Close All Tabs producer Maya Cueva – takes us through Feli's journey: from counterculture experimentation to the discrimination he faced in a startup world where Latino representation was nearly nonexistent.  And we make another stop on our road trip series, Hidden Gems, which takes you to out-of-the-way spots across the state that aren't your typical tourist destinations. Today we dig into our archives and visit Volcano, in Amador County, and head 100 feet underground into the Black Chasm Cavern with KQED's Bianca Taylor. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson explains the human condition is rooted in anger.  Anxiety, insecurities, and fear are mere symptoms of being separated from God. His life's mission: Rebuilding the Family by Rebuilding the Man, helps men rediscover a sense of self-reliance that has been lost. As someone who grew up on a plantation in Alabama, Peterson believes the Civil Rights Movement was the worst thing to happen to the Black community — they started to believe someone was holding them down and needed leaders to save them. Peterson teaches people of all races and walks of life to wake up and start thinking for themselves.

We discuss the importance of shifting our mindset to one that is infused with hope. Positive change comes when we choose hope. Though nobody can fix it all, we can all do something and make an impact. Sharon reminds us that if something is worth doing for everyone, it's worth doing for one person.    Sharon's civic action toolkit recommendations are:  1) Choose hope. 2) Get involved in an issue that is important to you because your actions do matter.   Sharon McMahon is the creator of “Sharon Says So” and host of the “Here's Where it Gets Interesting” podcast. She's also the author of The Small and the Mighty: Twelve Unsung Americans Who Changed the Course of History, from the Founding to the Civil Rights Movement.     Let's connect! Follow Future Hindsight on Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/futurehindsightpod/   Discover new ways to #BetheSpark:  https://www.futurehindsight.com/spark    Follow Mila on X:  https://x.com/milaatmos    Follow Sharon on Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/sharonsaysso/    Read The Small and the Mighty:  https://bookshop.org/shop/futurehindsight    Sponsor:  Thank you to Shopify! Sign up for a $1/month trial at shopify.com/hopeful.   Early episodes for Patreon supporters: https://patreon.com/futurehindsight  Credits:  Host: Mila Atmos  Guests: Sharon McMahon Executive Producer: Mila Atmos Producer: Zack Travis

A magnificent cultural biography, Positive Obsession: The Life and Times of Octavia E. Butler (Amistad, 2025) charts the life of one of our greatest writers, situating her alongside the key historical and social moments that shaped her work. As the first Black woman to consistently write and publish in the field of science fiction, Octavia Butler was a trailblazer. With her deft pen, she created stories speculating the devolution of the American empire, using it as an apt metaphor for the best and worst of humanity—our innovation and ingenuity, our naked greed and ambition, our propensity for violence and hierarchy. Her fiction charts the rise and fall of the American project—the nation's transformation from a provincial backwater to a capitalist juggernaut—made possible by chattel slavery—to a bloated imperialist superpower on the verge of implosion. In this outstanding work, Susana M. Morris places Butler's story firmly within the cultural, social, and historical context that shaped her life: the Civil Rights Movement, Black Power, women's liberation, queer rights, Reaganomics. Morris reveals how these influences profoundly impacted Butler's personal and intellectual trajectory and shaped the ideas central to her writing. Her cautionary tales warn us about succumbing to fascism, gender-based violence, and climate chaos while offering alternate paradigms to religion, family, and understanding our relationships to ourselves. Butler envisioned futures with Black women at the center, raising our awareness of how those who are often dismissed have the knowledge to shift the landscape of our world. But her characters are no magical martyrs, they are tough, flawed, intelligent, and complicated, a reflection of Butler's stories. Morris explains what drove Butler: She wrote because she felt she must. “Who was I anyway? Why should anyone pay attention to what I had to say? Did I have anything to say? I was writing science fiction and fantasy, for God's sake. At that time nearly all professional science-fiction writers were white men. As much as I loved science fiction and fantasy, what was I doing? Well, whatever it was, I couldn't stop. Positive obsession is about not being able to stop just because you're afraid and full of doubts. Positive obsession is dangerous. It's about not being able to stop at all.” Susana M. Morris is the Associate Professor of Literature, Media & Communication at the Georgia Institute of Technology. You can find Susana at her website, at Instagram; on Threads; and on Substack. Find host Sullivan Summer at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack, where she and Susana went after the show to explore the question What Would Octavia Do? in our present moment. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

A magnificent cultural biography, Positive Obsession: The Life and Times of Octavia E. Butler (Amistad, 2025) charts the life of one of our greatest writers, situating her alongside the key historical and social moments that shaped her work. As the first Black woman to consistently write and publish in the field of science fiction, Octavia Butler was a trailblazer. With her deft pen, she created stories speculating the devolution of the American empire, using it as an apt metaphor for the best and worst of humanity—our innovation and ingenuity, our naked greed and ambition, our propensity for violence and hierarchy. Her fiction charts the rise and fall of the American project—the nation's transformation from a provincial backwater to a capitalist juggernaut—made possible by chattel slavery—to a bloated imperialist superpower on the verge of implosion. In this outstanding work, Susana M. Morris places Butler's story firmly within the cultural, social, and historical context that shaped her life: the Civil Rights Movement, Black Power, women's liberation, queer rights, Reaganomics. Morris reveals how these influences profoundly impacted Butler's personal and intellectual trajectory and shaped the ideas central to her writing. Her cautionary tales warn us about succumbing to fascism, gender-based violence, and climate chaos while offering alternate paradigms to religion, family, and understanding our relationships to ourselves. Butler envisioned futures with Black women at the center, raising our awareness of how those who are often dismissed have the knowledge to shift the landscape of our world. But her characters are no magical martyrs, they are tough, flawed, intelligent, and complicated, a reflection of Butler's stories. Morris explains what drove Butler: She wrote because she felt she must. “Who was I anyway? Why should anyone pay attention to what I had to say? Did I have anything to say? I was writing science fiction and fantasy, for God's sake. At that time nearly all professional science-fiction writers were white men. As much as I loved science fiction and fantasy, what was I doing? Well, whatever it was, I couldn't stop. Positive obsession is about not being able to stop just because you're afraid and full of doubts. Positive obsession is dangerous. It's about not being able to stop at all.” Susana M. Morris is the Associate Professor of Literature, Media & Communication at the Georgia Institute of Technology. You can find Susana at her website, at Instagram; on Threads; and on Substack. Find host Sullivan Summer at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack, where she and Susana went after the show to explore the question What Would Octavia Do? in our present moment. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

A magnificent cultural biography, Positive Obsession: The Life and Times of Octavia E. Butler (Amistad, 2025) charts the life of one of our greatest writers, situating her alongside the key historical and social moments that shaped her work. As the first Black woman to consistently write and publish in the field of science fiction, Octavia Butler was a trailblazer. With her deft pen, she created stories speculating the devolution of the American empire, using it as an apt metaphor for the best and worst of humanity—our innovation and ingenuity, our naked greed and ambition, our propensity for violence and hierarchy. Her fiction charts the rise and fall of the American project—the nation's transformation from a provincial backwater to a capitalist juggernaut—made possible by chattel slavery—to a bloated imperialist superpower on the verge of implosion. In this outstanding work, Susana M. Morris places Butler's story firmly within the cultural, social, and historical context that shaped her life: the Civil Rights Movement, Black Power, women's liberation, queer rights, Reaganomics. Morris reveals how these influences profoundly impacted Butler's personal and intellectual trajectory and shaped the ideas central to her writing. Her cautionary tales warn us about succumbing to fascism, gender-based violence, and climate chaos while offering alternate paradigms to religion, family, and understanding our relationships to ourselves. Butler envisioned futures with Black women at the center, raising our awareness of how those who are often dismissed have the knowledge to shift the landscape of our world. But her characters are no magical martyrs, they are tough, flawed, intelligent, and complicated, a reflection of Butler's stories. Morris explains what drove Butler: She wrote because she felt she must. “Who was I anyway? Why should anyone pay attention to what I had to say? Did I have anything to say? I was writing science fiction and fantasy, for God's sake. At that time nearly all professional science-fiction writers were white men. As much as I loved science fiction and fantasy, what was I doing? Well, whatever it was, I couldn't stop. Positive obsession is about not being able to stop just because you're afraid and full of doubts. Positive obsession is dangerous. It's about not being able to stop at all.” Susana M. Morris is the Associate Professor of Literature, Media & Communication at the Georgia Institute of Technology. You can find Susana at her website, at Instagram; on Threads; and on Substack. Find host Sullivan Summer at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack, where she and Susana went after the show to explore the question What Would Octavia Do? in our present moment. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/science-fiction

A magnificent cultural biography, Positive Obsession: The Life and Times of Octavia E. Butler (Amistad, 2025) charts the life of one of our greatest writers, situating her alongside the key historical and social moments that shaped her work. As the first Black woman to consistently write and publish in the field of science fiction, Octavia Butler was a trailblazer. With her deft pen, she created stories speculating the devolution of the American empire, using it as an apt metaphor for the best and worst of humanity—our innovation and ingenuity, our naked greed and ambition, our propensity for violence and hierarchy. Her fiction charts the rise and fall of the American project—the nation's transformation from a provincial backwater to a capitalist juggernaut—made possible by chattel slavery—to a bloated imperialist superpower on the verge of implosion. In this outstanding work, Susana M. Morris places Butler's story firmly within the cultural, social, and historical context that shaped her life: the Civil Rights Movement, Black Power, women's liberation, queer rights, Reaganomics. Morris reveals how these influences profoundly impacted Butler's personal and intellectual trajectory and shaped the ideas central to her writing. Her cautionary tales warn us about succumbing to fascism, gender-based violence, and climate chaos while offering alternate paradigms to religion, family, and understanding our relationships to ourselves. Butler envisioned futures with Black women at the center, raising our awareness of how those who are often dismissed have the knowledge to shift the landscape of our world. But her characters are no magical martyrs, they are tough, flawed, intelligent, and complicated, a reflection of Butler's stories. Morris explains what drove Butler: She wrote because she felt she must. “Who was I anyway? Why should anyone pay attention to what I had to say? Did I have anything to say? I was writing science fiction and fantasy, for God's sake. At that time nearly all professional science-fiction writers were white men. As much as I loved science fiction and fantasy, what was I doing? Well, whatever it was, I couldn't stop. Positive obsession is about not being able to stop just because you're afraid and full of doubts. Positive obsession is dangerous. It's about not being able to stop at all.” Susana M. Morris is the Associate Professor of Literature, Media & Communication at the Georgia Institute of Technology. You can find Susana at her website, at Instagram; on Threads; and on Substack. Find host Sullivan Summer at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack, where she and Susana went after the show to explore the question What Would Octavia Do? in our present moment. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literary-studies

A magnificent cultural biography, Positive Obsession: The Life and Times of Octavia E. Butler (Amistad, 2025) charts the life of one of our greatest writers, situating her alongside the key historical and social moments that shaped her work. As the first Black woman to consistently write and publish in the field of science fiction, Octavia Butler was a trailblazer. With her deft pen, she created stories speculating the devolution of the American empire, using it as an apt metaphor for the best and worst of humanity—our innovation and ingenuity, our naked greed and ambition, our propensity for violence and hierarchy. Her fiction charts the rise and fall of the American project—the nation's transformation from a provincial backwater to a capitalist juggernaut—made possible by chattel slavery—to a bloated imperialist superpower on the verge of implosion. In this outstanding work, Susana M. Morris places Butler's story firmly within the cultural, social, and historical context that shaped her life: the Civil Rights Movement, Black Power, women's liberation, queer rights, Reaganomics. Morris reveals how these influences profoundly impacted Butler's personal and intellectual trajectory and shaped the ideas central to her writing. Her cautionary tales warn us about succumbing to fascism, gender-based violence, and climate chaos while offering alternate paradigms to religion, family, and understanding our relationships to ourselves. Butler envisioned futures with Black women at the center, raising our awareness of how those who are often dismissed have the knowledge to shift the landscape of our world. But her characters are no magical martyrs, they are tough, flawed, intelligent, and complicated, a reflection of Butler's stories. Morris explains what drove Butler: She wrote because she felt she must. “Who was I anyway? Why should anyone pay attention to what I had to say? Did I have anything to say? I was writing science fiction and fantasy, for God's sake. At that time nearly all professional science-fiction writers were white men. As much as I loved science fiction and fantasy, what was I doing? Well, whatever it was, I couldn't stop. Positive obsession is about not being able to stop just because you're afraid and full of doubts. Positive obsession is dangerous. It's about not being able to stop at all.” Susana M. Morris is the Associate Professor of Literature, Media & Communication at the Georgia Institute of Technology. You can find Susana at her website, at Instagram; on Threads; and on Substack. Find host Sullivan Summer at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack, where she and Susana went after the show to explore the question What Would Octavia Do? in our present moment. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

Headline: How Smith v. Allwright Broke the Back of the White Primary If you think your vote doesn't matter, history has a powerful story to change your mind. In the latest episode of Trey's Table, we dive deep into Smith v. Allwright (1944), a landmark Supreme Court case that fundamentally reshaped the political landscape of the American South and supercharged the modern Civil Rights Movement. For decades after Reconstruction, Southern states used a web of discriminatory tactics to disenfranchise Black voters. One of the most effective was the “white primary.” Because the Democratic Party dominated the South, winning its primary was tantamount to winning the election. By banning Black voters from participating in these primaries, white officials effectively silenced them without breaking a single federal law. That is, until Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund took on the case of Lonnie E. Smith, a Black dentist in Houston who was denied a ballot. Their victory was monumental. The Supreme Court ruled that barring Black voters from primaries was unconstitutional, violating the 14th and 15th Amendments. The impact was immediate and dramatic: · Black voter registration in the South skyrocketed from around 200,000 in 1940 to over 800,000 by 1948. · The legal victory provided a crucial playbook for challenging other Jim Crow laws, paving the way for Brown v. Board of Education a decade later. · It proved that the courts could be a powerful tool for achieving racial justice. However, the fight was far from over. Southern states swiftly invented new barriers—literacy tests, poll taxes, and economic intimidation—to continue suppressing the Black vote. This ongoing struggle highlights why the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was so necessary and why protecting voting rights remains critical today. This story is more than a history lesson; it's a testament to the power of strategic litigation and unwavering courage. To hear the full story of the legal strategy, the risks involved, and the lasting legacy of this case, listen to the latest episode of Trey's Table. #TreysTable #Podcast #SmithVAllwright #ThurgoodMarshall #VotingRights #CivilRightsHistory #NAACP #BlackHistory #LearnHistory

No, it's a worldwide uprising. But I'm speaking to my home country just now - addressing the persistent mental disease of Consumerism. This passivity! It's over. We have a history of rising up. It's time to be radical freedom-fighters again. We've done it before. Our gas and oil gov't kills how many thousands of us each month with heat, storm, wildfire and drought? WE ALL KNOW IT. Earthalution. What are the weapons of an Earthalution? Would we resemble the French resistance in WW2, or the Civil Rights Movement of the 50's and 60's, or ACT UP in the 80's and 90's... we know that Consumerism seats us in the chair watching the screen as the wind blows off the roof. Leave the screen first. We have to do this together.

Listen to Zooming In at The UnPopulist in your favorite podcast app: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | Google Podcasts | RSS | YouTubeLandry Ayres: Welcome back to Zooming In at The UnPopulist. I'm Landry Ayres.We find ourselves in a deeply troubling moment for American democracy, grappling with the stark realities of a political landscape increasingly defined by fear, performative cruelty, and a conscious assault on established norms and institutions.This special live recording from ISMA's “Liberalism for the 21st Century” conference features host Aaron Ross Powell, as well as longtime observer of the militarization of police and author of the Substack, The Watch, Radley Balko, and co-founder and former contributor of The Bulwark, Charlie Sykes, author now of the Substack To the Contrary. They explore the mechanisms of this assault, how a manufactured crisis of fear is being weaponized by law enforcement, and the profound implications for civil liberties and the rule of law in America.The discussion is insightful, if unsettling.A transcript of today's podcast appears below. It has been edited for flow and clarity.Aaron Ross Powell: Welcome to a special live recording of The UnPopulist's Zooming In podcast here at the “Liberalism for the 21st Century” conference in Washington, D.C. I am Aaron Powell and I'm delighted to be joined by Radley Balko and Charlie Sykes to talk about the situation we find ourselves in.To me, the most striking image of Trump's campaign, months before he was reelected, was from the RNC. Before that, there was the weird one of him in the construction vest. But the most terrifying image was the one depicting the “Mass Deportation Now!” signs and the sneering and cruel faces celebrating the culture that they were wallowing in. Those faces made me think, as I was looking at them, of the faces in photographs during the Civil Rights Movement of police officers about to inflict violence, turn on firehoses, let dogs loose, and so on. And it felt like what we are seeing now.The “Mass Deportation Now!” images characterize not just the policies of Trump 2.0, but the attitude that they're trying to inflict upon the country. It feels like a rolling back of what we achieved in the 1960s from the Civil Rights Movement—it feels like we're in a retreat from that. This is a conscious attempt to roll that back. So I wanted to talk about that.Radley, I'll start with you. We're sitting in D.C. right now as National Guard troops and members of all sorts of agencies are patrolling the streets. Is this surprising to you—the pace at which these nominally public servants, who are supposed to serve and protect, have embraced this role of violence and fear and chaos?Radley Balko: I'm surprised at how quickly it's happened. I've been talking to people about this day for the last 20 years. I've been warning about the gradual militarization of our police, which is something that has happened in conjunction with the drug war and then the war on terror over 40 or 50 years.That debate was always about, “How militarized should our police be? How do we balance safety, and giving police officers what they need to protect public safety, with civil liberties and constitutional rights?” The fear was always that another Sept. 11 type event would cause what we're seeing now—that there would be a threat, a threat that everybody acknowledges as a threat, that would cause an administration, states, mayors, to crack down on civil liberties. But it would at least be a threat that everyone recognizes as a threat. We would be debating about how to react to it.When it comes to what's playing out today, there's no threat. This is all manufactured. This is all made up.Your juxtaposition of those two images—the clownish image of Trump in the construction vest and the other one depicting this genuinely terrifying anger and glee a lot of his followers get from watching grandmothers be raided and handcuffed and dragged out of their homes—show the clownishness and incompetence of this administration juxtaposed with the actual threat and danger, the hate and vitriol, that we see from his followers.We always hear that story about Ben Franklin after the Constitutional Convention: a woman comes up to him and says, “So, what is it, Mr. Franklin, do we have a republic or a monarchy?” And he says, “A republic, if you can keep it.” That phrase, of course, has been echoed throughout the ages. If Franklin were alive today, he would say, “You know, when I said that, I was worried about a Caracalla or a Sulla or a Caesar.” Instead it's like, this guy, the guy that has to win every handshake, that's who you're going to roll over for?I saw a lot of libertarian-ish people making this point before the election—that Trump's not a threat, he's a clown, he's incompetent, he's not dangerous. And you know what? He may be incompetent, but he's put people around him this time who do know what they're doing and who are genuinely evil.So, on some level, this was the worst case scenario that I never really articulated over the years when I've talked about police militarization. This is actual military acting as police, not police acting as the military. But here we are and they're threatening to spread it around the country to every blue city they can find.Powell: He's a clown, he's rightfully an object of ridicule, he doesn't know anything, he's riddled with pathologies that are obvious to everyone except him. And yet it's not just that he won, but that he effectively turned, not all of the American right, but certainly a large chunk of it into a personality cult. Charlie, given that he seems to be a singularly uninspiring personality, what happened?Charlie Sykes: Well, he's inspiring to his followers.Let me break down the question into two parts.I was in Milwaukee during the Republican Convention, when they were holding up the “Mass Deportation” signs—which was rather extraordinary, if you think about it, that they would actually put that in writing and cheer it. It's something that they'd been talking about for 10 years, but you could see that they were ramping it up.But you put your finger on this culture of performative cruelty and brutality that they have embraced. Trump has made no secret of that. It's one of the aspects of his appeal. For many, many years he's been saying that his idea of law and order is to have cops who will break heads and inflict harm. He's talked about putting razor blades on the top of the wall that Mexico was going to pay for. He's told stories about atrocities. One of his standard stories—that I think the media just stopped even quoting—was about Gen. “Black Jack” Pershing in World War I taking Muslim terrorists and shooting them with bullets that had been dipped in pig's blood. Totally b******t—he made the whole thing up. But it was an indication of a kind of bloodlust. He's talked about extrajudicial killings. He has expressed his admiration for strongmen like Duterte in the Philippines who have done this. He's talked about having drug courts that would have trials and executions the same day. So this is not a secret.What is really remarkable is the extent to which he's communicated that to his base. I mean, there are Americans who legitimately have concerns about immigration and about the border. But what he's also tapped into is this really visceral hatred of the other and the desire to inflict pain and suffering on them. I think that that is one of the ugliest aspects of his presence in our politics, and we saw that with the “Mass Deportation Now!” signs.Now, the second part is how he is implementing all of this with his raw police state, his masked brute squads sent into the city streets. And, again, he's made no secret of wanting to put active military troops into the streets of American cities. He was blocked from doing that in Trump 1.0, but obviously this is something that he's thought about and wants to do. And one of the most disturbing parts about this is the embrace of these kinds of tactics and this culture by law enforcement itself. Radley's written a lot about this. Donald Trump has gone out of his way, not only to defend war criminals, but also to defend police officers who've been accused of brutality. So he's basically put up a bat signal to law enforcement that: The gloves are off. We're coming in. There's a new sheriff in town.What's happening in Washington, D.C. is just a trial run. He's going to do this in New York. He's going to do this in Chicago. He's going to do this in one blue city after another. And the question is, “Will Americans just accept armed troops in their streets as normal?”Now, let me give a cautionary note here: Let's not gaslight Americans that there's not actually a crime problem. I think Democrats are falling into a kind of trap because there are legitimate concerns about public safety. So the argument shouldn't be: There's no crime problem. The argument should be: This is exactly the wrong way to go about dealing with it. Having mass, brute squads on the street is one step toward really running roughshod over a lot of different rights—due process rights and other constitutional rights—that most Americans are going to be reluctant to give up. But we're going to find out, because all of this is being tested right now.Balko: I'd like to jump in on the crime point. I mean, crime is down in D.C. D.C. does have a comparatively high crime rate for a city of its size. There's no question. It's always been that way here. But the idea that there's something happening right now that merits this response is what I meant when I called it a manufactured crisis.I think it's important to point out that, like you said, he's always wanted to do this. This is just the reason that he's managed to put his finger on and thinks is going to resonate.“I've been talking to people about this day for the last 20 years. I've been warning about the gradual militarization of our police, which is something that has happened in conjunction with the drug war and then the war on terror over 40 or 50 years. That debate was always about, ‘How militarized should our police be? How do we balance safety, and giving police officers what they need to protect public safety, with civil liberties and constitutional rights?' The fear was always that another Sept. 11 type event would cause what we're seeing now—that there would be a threat, that everybody acknowledges as a threat, that would cause an administration, states, mayors, to crack down on civil liberties. But there would at least be a threat that everyone recognizes as a threat. We'd be debating about how to react to it. When it comes to what's playing out today, there's no threat. This is all manufactured. This is all made up.” — Radley BalkoI do think we need to talk about crime and about what works and what doesn't. But I think it's important to acknowledge that “crime” is just the reason that he's found right now. This is something that he's been planning to do forever. Like Kristi Noem said, it is basically about deposing the leadership in these cities. In Los Angeles, she said that their goal was to “liberate” it from the socialist elected leaders.Sykes: I agree with you completely about that. I'm just saying that there is a danger of putting too much emphasis on the idea that there is not a crime problem—because in Chicago, there's a crime problem, in New York, there's a crime problem. People feel it. And, I mean, didn't Democrats learn a lesson in 2024 when there was inflation and they said, “Oh no, no, no, there's not really inflation here. Let me show you a chart. You can't think that the cost of living is a problem because here are some statistics that I have for you. There's not really a problem at the border—if you think there's a problem of immigration, a problem at the border, here, I have a chart showing you that there isn't a problem.” Well, you can't.If the public honestly thinks that there is a problem at the border, that there's a problem with inflation, and that there's a problem with crime, it's politically problematic to deny it because as David Frum wrote presciently in The Atlantic several years ago: If liberals will not enforce the border—you could add in, “or keep the city streets safe”—the public will turn to the fascists. If they think you will solve this problem and you're pretending it does not exist or you're trying to minimize it, they'll turn to the fascists.Balko: I don't want to belabor this, but I just think it's dangerous to concede the point when the premise itself is wrong.So, Trump made crime an issue in 2016, right? Recall the American Carnage inauguration speech. When Trump took office in Jan. 2017, he inherited the lowest murder rate of any president in the last 50 years. And yet he ran on crime. I think that it's important to push back and say, “Wait a minute, no, Obama did not cause a massive spike in crime. There was a tiny uptick in 2015, but that was only because 2014 was basically the safest year in recent memory.”Trump is also the first president in 30 years to leave office with a higher murder rate than when he entered it. You know, I don't think that presidents have a huge effect on crime, but Trump certainly does.So, I agree with you that we can't say crime isn't a problem, but we can also point out that crime went up under Trump and that what he's doing will make things worse.Sykes: I think these are all legitimate points to make. It's just that, Trump has this reptilian instinct to go for vulnerabilities. And one of the vulnerabilities of the progressive left is the problem of governance. If there is a perception that these urban centers are badly governed, that they are overrun with homeless encampments and crime and carjacking, then the public will see what he's doing as a solution.By the way, I'm making this argument because I think that we can't overstate how dangerous and demagogic what he's doing is. But I'm saying that this is going to be a huge fight. He's going to go into Chicago where crime is just demonstrably a problem, and where I think the mayor has an approval rating of about 12 to 16%, and he's going to say, “I am here with the cavalry.”There's got to be a better answer for this. There's got to be a way to focus on the real threat to the constitutional order that he is posing, as opposed to arguing on his ground and saying, “No, no, don't pay attention to crime, inflation, the border.”And, again, I'm making this argument because this is one that I think the country really has to win. Otherwise we are going to see militarization and an actual police state.Powell: Let me see if I can pull together some of the threads from the conversation so far, because I think there's a nexus, or something that needs to be diagnosed, to see the way through.When you [Charlie] were mentioning the bullets covered in pig's blood, what occurred to me was ... I was a kid at the height of '80s action movies. And that's the kind of thing that the bad guys did in '80s action movies. That's the kind of thing that justified the muscular American blowing them up or otherwise dispatching them.There's been a turn, now, in that we're seeing behavior from Americans that they would have at one point said, “This isn't who we are.” The Christianity that many Americans hold to, this is not the way that Jesus tells them to act. There's been a shift in our willingness to embrace this sort of thing, and it's behavior that I would have expected to horrify basically everyone watching it happening.And it is—his approval readings are declining rapidly. It is horrifying a lot of people—but fewer than I would have hoped. One of you mentioned that, on the one hand, there's the cruelty, but there's also the fear—and those are feeding into each other. And what I wonder is, yes, there's crime, but at the same time, if your media consumption habits are those of a committed Trump supporter, you are being told constantly to be afraid that everybody outside your door, except for the people who you recognize, or maybe the people who share your skin color or speak with the same accent you do, is a threat to you and your family.I see this with members of my own family who are Trump supporters. They are just terrified. “I can't ride the subway. It's too scary to ride the subway.” Or, “I go out in D.C. and I see youths doing the kinds of things youths do, and now I don't feel safe having my family there.” We don't have a war. We don't have a crisis. But we've told a huge portion of the country, “You should be afraid of every last thing except your immediate family and that guy who now rules the country.” And the crime rates are part of it. It's like, “You should be scared of every single one of these cities.”Sykes: It's a story. One of the speakers today was talking about the power of stories, that demagogues will tell a story. And a story of fear and anger is a very, very powerful story that you can't counteract with statistics. You need to counteract it with other stories.“This culture of performative cruelty and brutality is one of the aspects of his appeal. For many years he's been saying that his idea of law and order is to have cops who will break heads and inflict harm. He's talked about putting razor blades on the top of the wall that Mexico was going to pay for. He's told stories about atrocities. He would tell the story about Gen. ‘Black Jack' Pershing in World War I taking Muslim terrorists and shooting them with bullets that had been dipped in pig's blood. He's talked about extrajudicial killings. He has expressed his admiration for strongmen like Duterte in the Philippines who have done this. He's talked about having drug courts that would have trials and executions the same day. What is really remarkable is the extent to which he's communicated that to his base. He's tapped into this really visceral hatred of the other and the desire to inflict pain and suffering on them. I think that that is one of the ugliest aspects, and we saw that with the ‘Mass Deportation Now!' signs.” — Charlie SykesPart of the problem is that Trump has made that narrative. So, for example, you have members of your family who are Trump supporters. My guess is that they could name the young women who had been raped and murdered by illegal immigrants. Because, I mean, on Fox News, this is happening all the time, right? On Fox News, illegal immigrants are criminals. “Look at the crimes they are committing.” They tell that story in the most graphic way possible, and then turn around and say, “If you oppose what Donald Trump is doing, you are defending these ‘animals'”—as Trump described them.It is deeply dishonest. It is deeply dangerous. But it is potent. And we ought to look at it in the face and recognize how he is going to weaponize those stories and that fear, which is really the story of our era now. We're living in this era of peace, prosperity, general safety—and yet he's created this “American carnage” hellscape story.Balko: Yeah, I also think there's this weird paradox of masculinity in the MAGA movement. It's not about masculinity—it's about projecting masculinity. It's about co-opting aspects of masculinity. And it's like, “We're the manly men. We need men to be men again. And that's why we support men who sexually assault and sexually harass women. And, at the same time, we're all going to genuflect and debase ourselves in front of this 79-year-old man, because he's our leader and we need to let him insult our wives. And we're also scared to take the subway.” I think there were 10 murders last year in the New York city subway. The subway is one of the safest public spaces you'll find anywhere. But you'll regularly see MAGA people go on Fox News and talk about how scared they are of it.I mean, I don't know how persuadable any of MAGA is, but I do think pointing out the sheer cowardliness might resonate. When Markwayne Mullin goes on the Sunday shows and says he doesn't wear a seatbelt anymore because he's afraid he'll get carjacked and he needs to be able to jump out of his car quickly ...Sykes: ... He actually did say that.Balko: Yeah. And, I don't know what the stats are, but it's something like you're 40 or 50 times more likely to die in a car accident than you are in a carjacking. So, you know, he's sealing his own fate, I guess.But I do think that maybe there's something to appealing to their lack of masculinity when they try to push some of these narratives.Sykes: Well, yeah, I do think there are narratives out there.We have National Guard troops here in Washington, D.C.—where were they on Jan. 6th? Why did the president not bring them in then? We had one of the greatest assaults on law enforcement. So we can call b******t on Donald Trump being the “law and order,” “back the blue” president.One of the first things he did when he took office was issue the blanket pardons to all the rioters and seditionists who not only assaulted the Capitol, but specifically the ones who attacked police officers. We can stand up and say, “I don't want to be lectured by the man who gave the Get Out of Jail Free card to the people who tased and bear sprayed police officers in this city. Not to mention,”—before he brings up the whole “defund the police” thing—“the man who right now is dismantling the nation's premier law enforcement agency, the FBI.” Because all of these FBI agents who are being gutted or tasked with hassling homeless people in Washington, D.C., you know what they're not doing? They are not investigating child sex trafficking. They are not engaging in any anti-terrorism activities.So, what you do is call them out, saying, “You are not making this country safer. You are not the ‘law and order' president. You are a convicted felon. You in fact have freed and celebrated people who actually beat cops.” If Barack Obama would have pardoned someone who had attacked police officers, the right would have been utterly incandescent. And yet Donald Trump does it and he's not called out on it.I understand that there are some who are reluctant to say, “Well, no, we're actually the party of law and order. We're actually the party of public safety.” But you hit him right in what I think is a real vulnerability.Balko: One of the guys who literally told Jan. 6 rioters to kill the police is now a respected senior member of the Justice Department, whereas the guy who threw a sandwich at a cop is facing a felony charge. That is Trump's approach to law enforcement.Sykes: I always hate it when people go on TV and say, “This should be a talking point.” But that ought to be a talking point. Don't you think everybody ought to know his name? We have the video of Jared Wise saying, “Kill ‘em! Kill ‘em!” and calling the police Nazis. And he is now a top official in Donald Trump's Justice Department.Powell: This is my concern, though—and this allows me to belabor my Civil Rights Movement point some more. One of the reasons that the anti-civil rights movement, the counter-movement, was as vicious and as ugly as it was is because it was a group of people who felt like they had a status level by virtue of being white, of being men. As they saw things, “If we help minorities and others rise up, that lowers the baseline status that I have.” So they wanted to fight back. It was, “I'm going to keep these people down because it keeps me up.” And when Radley said that they're “projecting masculinity,” I think that's a big part.A big part of the appeal is, “Now I'm seeing guys like me dominating. Now I'm seeing guys who are from my area or share my cultural values or dress like me or are into the same slogans or have the same fantasies of power as I do, or just aren't the coastal elites with their fancy educations and so on, dominating.” And my worry is if that's what's driving a lot of it—that urge to domination coupled with the fear, which I think then allows them to overcome any barriers they have to cruelty—if you marry, “I can have power” and “I'm scared of these people,” that to them justifies their actions in the same way that it does the action movie heroes killing the guys who put the pig's blood on bullets. It becomes justified to inflict cruelty upon those they hate.My worry is if you go after them in that way, it feels like, “Okay, now what you're saying is these guys who look like me, who were dominating, don't actually deserve it.” I don't think that means that we stay away from it, but I think it risks triggering even more of this, “What I want is for it to be my boot on people's necks and I want them to stop putting me down. And I want them to stop telling me that I'm not good, that I'm incompetent, that it's not okay for me to beat my wife” (or whatever it happens to be). Trump is like an avatar for very mediocre men.Sykes: Well, I wouldn't use that as a talking point.Balko: A few years ago, I wrote a piece about a Black police chief who was hired in Little Rock by a mayor who ran on a reform platform and this police chief had a good record. He was in Norman, Okla. before that—he was the first Black chief in Oklahoma. And he was not a progressive by any means, but he was a reformer in that he wanted things to be merit-based and Little Rock has a really strong white police union. I say that because they also have a Black police union, because the Black officers didn't feel like they were represented by the white union.One of the first things that Chief Humphrey did was make the promotional interviews, that you get to move up through the ranks, blind. So you didn't know who you're talking to. If you were white, you didn't know if it was a fellow white person you were interviewing. Most of the people in charge were. The result of removing race from that process was that more Black officers were getting promoted than before. And I wrote about him because he ended up getting chased out of town. They hit him with fake sexual harassment charges; the union claimed he was harassing white women. Basically, they exerted their power and managed to chase him out.But one of the things he told me when I interviewed him was—and other people have said different versions of this—that when your entire life you've been the beneficiary of racial preferences as a white person, as happened in this country for most of its existence, meritocracy looks a lot like racial discrimination. Because things that you got just simply because you were entitled to now you have to earn. And that looks like, “Hey, this Black guy is getting this job over me. And that's not right. Because my dad got that job over the Black guy and his dad got the job over the Black guy.”And I think this backlash that we're seeing against DEI—I'm sure there are parts of this country where DEI was promoting unqualified people just to have diversity, and I do think there's there's value in diversity for diversity's sake—is white people, who have been benefiting from our racial hierarchy system that's been in place since the Founding, were starting to see themselves passed over because we were now moving to a merit-based system and they saw that as discrimination. That's a big part of the backlash.I don't know what the solution is. I don't know that we just re-impose all of the former policies once Trump's out of power, if he's ever out of power. But I do think that there is value in diversity for diversity's sake. Obviously I don't support strict quota systems, but I do think it's important to make that point that addressing historical injustices is critical.We went to the art museum in Nashville the other day and they had a whole exhibit about Interstate I-40 going through Nashville. It was supposed to go through this industrial area where there were no neighborhoods or private homes. And the Tennessee legislature deliberately made it run through the wealthiest Black neighborhood in Nashville and destroyed about 80% of Black wealth in the city. That was 1968—that was not 1868. That's relatively recently that you're destroying a ton of wealth. And you can find that history in every single city.I think a big part of this backlash is not knowing that history—and only knowing what's happening now and experiencing it out of context. For those people, it feels like reverse discrimination.Sykes: So, yes, a lot of this is true. But it's not the whole story. In the state of Wisconsin, overwhelmingly white voters voted for Barack Obama, a Black man, twice in a row before voting for Donald Trump. So we do have that long, deep history of racism, but then also an America that I think was making some progress. I'm just going to put this out as a counterpoint: I think that if people were appealing to the “better angels of their nature,” a lot of these people would not be buying into the cruelty, the brutality, the racism. Instead, we're appealing to their sense of victimization.But let's be honest about it. We moved from a Civil Rights Movement that was morally based on fairness and the immorality of discrimination to one that increasingly was identity politics that morphed into DEI, which was profoundly illiberal. What happened was a lot of the guys we're talking about were thinking not just that they want their boots on people's head, but they're constantly being told that they were bad, that their contributions were not significant. There were invisible tripwires of grievance—what you could say, what you could do, the way you had to behave. In the before times, a lot of the attacks on free speech and the demands for ideological conformity on university campuses were not coming from the illiberal right—they were coming from the illiberal left.And as I'm listening to the speakers at this conference talk about the assault on liberalism, I think one of the questions we have to ask—and maybe this is a little meta—is why it was so brittle. Well, it was brittle because it was caught in a pincer movement by the illiberal left and the illiberal right. My point is that a lot of this reaction is in fact based on racial animus, but there's also a sense that I hear from a lot of folks, a sense of liberation that they feel, that the boot was on their necks and is now being taken off, that they're not having to go to these highly ideological DEI training sessions where they were told how terrible and awful they were all the time. And how, if you believed in a race-blind society, that was a sign you were racist. If white women actually were moved by stories of racism and wept, that was white women's tears. This was heavy handed.“I do think the people who signed off on extraordinary rendition and snatching people off the street and sending them to a literal torture prison in El Salvador, those people need to be criminally charged. But I also think there need to be civil society repercussions. There are so many people in media—pundits, politicians who know better—who have a long record of pointing out how dangerous Trump was and then turned on a dime and started supporting him. I don't wish any physical harm on those people. I don't think any of those people should be put in prison. But I think those people should never be trusted as public intellectuals.” — Radley BalkoSo there was a backlash that was going to be inevitable. What's tragic is the way that it has been co-opted by the people who have really malign motives, who are not acting out of good will—the Stephen Millers who have figured out a way to weaponize this. But that line that goes from the racism of 1957 to the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, to a broad-based civil rights consensus—and, again, there's caveats in all of this—to identity-based politics. Let's be honest about it. That was not without sin. That was not without problems.Balko: So, I agree that there was I guess what you could call an illiberal approach to a mutual exchange of ideas on college campuses. There was a lot of shouting down of conservative speakers. In some cases, there were invitations revoked to valedictory speeches. There was some cutting off of funding for conservative speakers. But I want to make sure we're not delving into false equivalences here. I mean, the boot that you're talking about, Charlie, was a metaphorical boot, and we're talking about a very literal boot now.Sykes: Absolutely. That distinction is a significant one.Balko: So, my preferred way of expressing my disagreement with someone isn't to shout them down. I will say, though, that protest is a form of speech. I think, even to some extent, interrupting speeches that are particularly problematic or extremist is a form of speech. It's not one that I personally would engage in. But the type of censorship we're seeing now is direct. It is government censorship. It is not a violation of the spirit of free expression that we were seeing on college campuses before.Sykes: Oh, it was more than just that kind of violation. You had universities that required people to sign a DEI statement where they had to make ideological commitments in order to get a job. I mean, this was very heavy handed. There were no literal boots, but ... I like Jonathan Rauch's analogy that the illiberalism of the left is still a real problem, but it's like a slow-growing cancer. Right now, what we're facing with the illiberalism of the right is a heart attack. We have to deal with the heart attack right now, but let's not pretend that everyone who objects to some of the things that were happening are doing so because they are just vile, white racists.This is part of the problem. People spent decades accusing others of being racist on flimsy grounds. If you support Mitt Romney, you're a racist. If you support tax cuts, you're a racist. You know what happened? I come from this world and there was a time when to be called a racist was the worst thing you could possibly say about somebody. And it got to the point where, literally, if you were in favor of school choice, you were racist; in favor of tax cuts, you were racist. If you voted for a Republican … John McCain was a racist, George Bush was a racist. So when the real thing came along, guess what people said? They just rolled their eyes, shrugged, and said, “We've heard this before.” I mean, it was crying wolf for decades.And I've had these conversations when I would say, “How can you support someone who is just espousing this raw, vicious racism about Haitians eating dogs?” You know what I would get? “Oh, we've been hearing this for 20 years. Literally everyone I know has been accused of being a racist.”So we need to come back to a consensus. If we're going to restore that liberal consensus, we're going to have to say, “This is acceptable behavior. And this is not acceptable behavior.” But we are not going to use these labels to vilify. The politics of contempt is just not helpful. It is not helpful to tell people, “By the way, I think you're an idiot. I think you're stupid. I think you're racist. Would you like to hear my ideas about taxes now?” It doesn't work. And I think that one of the things that, tragically, Trump has tapped into is the sense that these elites look down on you.So, Aaron, when you say that this is the revolution of mediocre men, not helpful. Now, some of them are mediocre. I certainly agree. I write about mediocre people all the time—but, again, the politics of contempt is not the way to get ourselves out of this.Powell: I think there's a distinction between messaging and diagnosis. And if we're to understand how we got here, or the kinds of beliefs or values that can lead someone ... and I don't mean, you've been a partisan Republican voter for your entire life, and you come from a family of this, and you pulled the lever for Trump, but you're mostly an uninformed voter, which is a lot of people—I mean, the people who are cheering on Stephen Miller, they're in a different category. So it might be that, if you have one of those people in front of you, the message is not to say, “There's a broken set of morals at play here,” or “there's a cramped view of humanity at play here,” because they're not going to hear that in the moment.But if we're to understand how we got here and what we're up against, I think we have to be fairly clear-eyed about the fact that the [Trumpian] values that we've discovered over the last 10, 15 years have much more appeal and purchase among a lot of Americans than I think any of us had really expected or certainly hoped, and then figure out how to address that. And, again, it's not everybody—but it's more than I would like. If those values are central to someone's being, and the way that they view others around them and the way they relate to their fellow man, then I think a lot of the less condemning arguments also won't find purchase because, ultimately, it's not a policy difference. It's a, “I want a crueler world.”Sykes: This is where I think the argument that says, “Let's look at this cruelty. Let's look at this brutality. Let's look at the Stephen Millers” ... believe it or not, I actually think it's potent to say to somebody, “Do you want to be like that? Is that really what you want America to be? You're better than that.” And then, “Let me tell you the story of decency.”The story that we heard earlier today about how neighbors who are Trump voters will be there if your house is burning down or your father dies ... you appeal to that innate decency and say, “Do you really want this cruelty?” This is what's lacking, I think, on the right and in the Republican Party right now: people who say, “Okay, you may want less taxes, smaller government, a crackdown on street crime, less illegal immigration ... but is this who you want to be?” Show them the masked officer who is dragging the grandmother away. I do think that there is the better angel that says, “No, that is really not the American story.” You have to appeal to them as opposed to just condemn them. I'm not sure we're disagreeing, but I actually think that that's potent.Balko: I think there is not only room for ridicule when you're up against an aspiring authoritarian, but a lot of history shows it's often one of the few things that works because they really hate to be disrespected.I agree with Charlie that I don't think it's necessarily productive to make fun of people who have been tricked or who have been lied to, but I also think it's worth pointing out that Trump has contempt for his own supporters. I mean, one of the great ironies of our time is that when Trump would need a boost of self-esteem, he would go hold a rally in a state that, before he ran for president, he would never have been caught dead in. He grifts from his own supporters. His lies about Covid got his own supporters killed at higher rates than people in states that didn't vote for him. But I agree that it doesn't serve much benefit to denigrate people.Sykes: But do ridicule the people who are doing it. I mean, don't get me wrong. South Park is doing God's work right now.Balko: Absolutely.Powell: What, then, is the way forward?“This is part of the problem. People spent decades accusing others of being racist on flimsy grounds. If you support Mitt Romney, you're a racist. If you support tax cuts, you're a racist. You know what happened? I come from this world and there was a time when to be called a racist was the worst thing you could possibly say about somebody. And it got to the point where, literally, if you were in favor of school choice, you were racist; in favor of tax cuts, you were racist. If you you voted for Republican. John McCain was a racist. George Bush was a racist. So when the real thing came along, guess what people said? They just rolled their eyes, shrugged, and said, ‘We've heard this before.' I mean, it was crying wolf for decades.” — Charlie SykesLet's assume that democracy survives this current moment and that we somehow put Trump behind us. We can't go back to the status quo before this. We can't just say, “We're going to go back to the kind of politics we had during the Biden administration.” That seems to be off the table. We need something new. We need a new direction. What does that look like?Sykes: I honestly do not know at this point. And I don't think anybody knows. But I do think that we ought to remember, because we throw around the term “liberal democracy” a lot, that democracies are not necessarily liberal. Democracies are not necessarily kind. And I think we need to go back to things like the rule of law.I think it's going to involve some kind of restoration of balance in society. The damage that's being done now is so deep and some of it is so irreparable that I'm hoping that there will be a backlash against it, that there will be a pendulum swing back towards fundamental decency. And even though we keep talking about democracy a lot, I think we need to start talking about freedom and decency a little bit more.You know, I was listening to the Russian dissident who spoke tonight and he asked us to imagine what it's like trying to create a democratic society in Russia with all of their history and all their institutions. As bad as things are for us, we have a big head start. We still have an infrastructure, compared to what he is up against. We still can restore, I think, that fundamental decency and sense of freedom and equality before the law.Balko: I also don't know exactly what it's going to look like. I will say this: I think one of the big reasons why we are where we are today is that there wasn't a proper reckoning, and no real accountability, after the Civil War and Reconstruction. It's been the same with Jan. 6. There was no real accountability. The Democrats waited too long for impeachment. The DOJ was slow.I do think there have to be repercussions. I'm not saying that we throw everybody in the Trump administration in prison, but I do think the people who signed off on extraordinary rendition and snatching people off the street and sending them to a literal torture prison in El Salvador, those people need to be criminally charged.But I also think there need to be civil society repercussions. There are so many people in media—pundits, politicians who know better—who have a long record of pointing out how dangerous Trump was and then turned on a dime and started supporting him. I don't wish any physical harm on those people. I don't think any of those people should be put in prison. But I think those people should never be trusted as public intellectuals. We shouldn't employ them in that realm. I think they should be able to earn a living. I don't think they should earn our trust.I have zero confidence that that's going to happen. But I can personally say that I have no interest in participating in events like this with those people. I have no interest in giving those people any kind of legitimacy because they tried to take our birthright away from us, which is a free and democratic society—the country that, for all its flaws, has been an exemplary country in the history of humankind. They literally are trying to end that. And I don't think you just get to walk away from that and pretend like it never happened.Sykes: I totally agree.Powell: With that, thank you, Radley. Thank you, Charlie.© The UnPopulist, 2025Follow us on Bluesky, Threads, YouTube, TikTok, Facebook, Instagram, and X.We welcome your reactions and replies. Please adhere to our comments policy. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theunpopulist.net

We discuss the role of collective memory in the myth-making of American exceptionalism.    Hajar's civic action toolkit recommendations are:  1) Advocate 2) Relate 3) Create   Hajar Yazdiha is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts, and Sciences and the author of The Struggle for the People's King: How Politics Transforms the Memory of the Civil Rights Movement.     Let's connect! Follow Future Hindsight on Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/futurehindsightpod/   Discover new ways to #BetheSpark:  https://www.futurehindsight.com/spark    Follow Mila on X:  https://x.com/milaatmos    Follow Hajar on X:  https://x.com/HajYazdiha    Read The Struggle for the People's King:  https://bookshop.org/shop/futurehindsight    Sponsor:  Thank you to Shopify! Sign up for a $1/month trial at shopify.com/hopeful.   Early episodes for Patreon supporters: https://patreon.com/futurehindsight  Credits:  Host: Mila Atmos  Guests: Hajar Yazdiha Executive Producer: Mila Atmos Producer: Zack Travis

On Aug. 28, 1955, 14-year-old Emmett Till was kidnapped and murdered in Mississippi after being accused of whistling at a white woman. Till's brutal killing and the acquittal of his killers galvanized the civil rights movement. Carolyn Bryant Donham, who made the accusation, died in 2023 at the age of 88. Subscribe to our newsletter to stay informed with the latest news from a leading Black-owned & controlled media company: https://aurn.com/newsletter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Die Sommerpause ist vorbei. Für die Studienräte bedeutet dies nicht nur einen Konferenzmarathontag, sondern auch die Gelegenheit, vis-à-vis in der Schule eine neue Folge Lehrersprechtag aufzunehmen. Natürlich berichten die beiden erst einmal ausführlich von ihren Urlauben. Martin hat sogar noch den Schweiß der gestrigen Autofahrt zurück aus Damp 2000 im Nacken, weiß aber vom Ostseestrand viel Schönes zu berichten. Aus Alex' Tour wird direkt die mündliche Prüfung gesponnen, in der er nach Anforderungsbereich 3 seine folgentitelgebende Radreise bewertet. Apropos Bewertung: Die wichtigste Frage zum neuen Schuljahr wird natürlich auch beantwortet: Wie sehen die Stundenpläne der Studienräte aus? Ein bisschen Politik muss auch sein, denn bald sind mal wieder Wahlen und wenn die Rentner der Nation nicht aufpassen, müssen sie bald wieder ran anne Schüppe, aber nicht, wenn Martin Bürgermeister wird. Dann gibt's noch Musik von Rise Against und die Antwort darauf, wer die freie Marktwirtschaft erfunden hat. Schön, dass ihr wieder dabeiseid. Ab jetzt hauen wir euch wieder jede Woche eine neue Folge um die Ohren. Ach, und Martin war auch noch warhammern. Schaut's euch an beim Imothek auf YouTube.

Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.” Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman's Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.” Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman's Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.” Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman's Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.” Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman's Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.” Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman's Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/education

Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.” Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman's Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.” Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman's Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman's Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

Singing Our Faith: Tambourine TheologyScripture: Exodus 15:1–21 (CEB)This week at Central UMC, Rev. Sarah Harrison-McQueen invited us to stand on the shores of the Red Sea with the Israelites, who had just witnessed the impossible. Behind them, the waters closed over Pharaoh's army. Ahead of them stretched wilderness, uncertainty, and freedom. In that liminal moment, the first sound was not a command or a quiet prayer, but music — tambourines and dancing led by Miriam the prophet.Rev. Harrison-McQueen reminded us that throughout history, music has been the language of liberation. From the songs of enslaved Africans in America to the freedom anthems of the Civil Rights Movement, from the rubble of the Berlin Wall to the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, rhythm and song have always carried the power to resist oppression and proclaim hope.Miriam's tambourine teaches us that celebration is not frivolous — it is prophetic. Her embodied praise declared that oppression did not have the final word and that God's deliverance was real. Even in the wilderness, the people carried tambourines because they expected to celebrate. This is tambourine theology: a faith that insists on joy, even before the full story of freedom has been written.We are invited to live this same way today. Our worship can be resistance, our joy can be a witness, and our embodied praise can become a proclamation that God is still making a way where there seems to be none.

Filmmaker Chad Jackson joins us today as we unpack his upcoming docuseries, "The MLK Project," which challenges the narrative that MLK was the unifying Christian hero we've been taught. From his ties to Marxist ideologies and rejection of core Christian doctrines to the manufactured moments that shaped the civil rights era, Chad reveals a side of MLK that will leave you questioning everything. We also explore how these ideologies continue to influence the church today, often to its peril. Share the Arrows 2025 is on October 11 in Dallas, Texas! Go to ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠sharethearrows.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ for tickets now! Sponsored by: ⁠Carly Jean Los Angeles⁠: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.carlyjeanlosangeles.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Good Ranchers⁠: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.goodranchers.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠EveryLife⁠: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.everylife.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Buy Allie's new book, "Toxic Empathy: How Progressives Exploit Christian Compassion": ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://a.co/d/4COtBxy⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ --- Timecodes: (01:30) Introduction (13:06) Outlining Marxist & Communist Ideology (23:54) What is the Social Justice Gospel? (35:38) The History of the Civil Rights Movement (52:33) Seeing Change through Reformation (01:09:30) The True Content of MLK's Character --- Today's Sponsors: Good Ranchers — Go to ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠GoodRanchers.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ and subscribe to any of their boxes (but preferably the Allie Beth Stuckey Box) to get free Waygu burgers, hot dogs, bacon, or chicken wings in every box for life. Plus, you'll get $40 off when you use code ALLIE at checkout. EveryLife — The only premium baby brand that is unapologetically pro-life. EveryLife offers high-performing, supremely soft diapers and wipes that protect and celebrate every precious life. Head to EveryLife.com and use promo code ALLIE10 to get 10% of your first order today! Hillsdale College — Hillsdale College is offering more than 40 free online courses they offer on History, Economics, Politics, Philosophy, and more, including their new course, "Understanding Capitalism," all available for FREE. Go to ⁠⁠https://hillsdale.edu/relatable⁠⁠ to enroll. Pre-Born — Will you help rescue babies' lives? Donate by calling #250 & say keyword 'BABY' or go to Preborn.com/ALLIE. Field of Greens — Use code ALLIE at ⁠FieldofGreens.com⁠ for 20% off your first order of superfood supplement for better health and energy! --- Episodes you might like: Ep 581 | What DO White Americans Owe Black People? | Guest: Professor Jason D. Hill https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/ep-581-what-do-white-americans-owe-black-people-guest/id1359249098?i=1000554002441 Ep 985 | Why DEI Always Leads to LGBTQ | Guest: Delano Squires https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/ep-985-was-mlk-jr-really-a-christian-guest-delano-squires/id1359249098?i=1000652534041 Ep 1228 | She Helped AOC Win. Now She's Exposing Zohran Mamdani & Climate Activism | Lucy Biggers https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/ep-1228-she-helped-aoc-win-now-shes-exposing-zohran/id1359249098?i=1000721225319 --- Buy Allie's book, You're Not Enough (& That's Okay): Escaping the Toxic Culture of Self-Love: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://alliebethstuckey.com/book⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Relatable merchandise – use promo code 'ALLIE10' for a discount: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://shop.blazemedia.com/collections/allie-stuckey Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

“Alabama” isn't just a place in Billy Joel's We Didn't Start the Fire — it's a story of courage, kids, and the fight for equality.In this episode of History Ignited, we dive into the Children's Crusade in Birmingham, the bravery of Ruby Bridges, and the protests that changed history — even right near our hometown.Perfect for families, teachers, and curious kids who want to learn history in a fun and meaningful way.Send us a text

Released in 2007 and inspired by true events, The Great Debaters tells the story of Wiley College's debate team in the 1930s, led by Professor Melvin B. Tolson. At a time when segregation and systemic injustice were defining forces, this small but determined team rose to national prominence, even going head-to-head with Harvard University. More than a story about competition, the film highlights the role education plays in empowerment, resilience, and giving students the courage to use their voice. We dive into the plot and memorable moments, then run through a series of award-style categories that let us talk about teachers, iconic scenes, and even one-liners. And of course, we wrap up with the big question: what real-world lessons can educators, leaders, and communities take from the movie?   Takeaways: Professor Tolson shows how a teacher or mentor can push students beyond their perceived limits, instill belief, and prepare them for opportunities they may never have imagined possible. Winning debates required the team to challenge, support, and trust each other. Education at its best fosters collaboration, preparing students for the challenges of the real world.     About Jeff Johnson: Jeff Johnson brings over 30 years of experience in Pre-K–12 and Higher Education design, serving as a trusted voice in shaping impactful learning environments. His expertise spans referendum planning, educational programming, design, project management, and construction administration. As Director of Educational Planning at PBK Architects, Jeff leads with a deep commitment to understanding each district's mission and vision. He collaborates closely with stakeholders to develop next-generation learning environments that are innovative, functional, and community-focused. From concept through construction, Jeff ensures that every project aligns with both educational goals and budget realities.   Learn More About PBK Architects: Website: https://pbk.com/ LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/pbk-1/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pbkarchitects/ Twitter: https://x.com/PBKArchitects Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/pbkarchitects/       Connect with host, Kevin Stoller: LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/kevinstoller/   Learn More About Kay-Twelve: Website: https://kay-twelve.com/ LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/kay-twelve-com/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/kay_twelve/     Episode 245 of the Better Learning Podcast Kevin Stoller is the host of the Better Learning Podcast and Co-Founder of Kay-Twelve, a national leader for educational furniture. Learn more about creating better learning environments at www.Kay-Twelve.com.     For more information on our partners: Association for Learning Environments (A4LE) - https://www.a4le.org/ Education Leaders' Organization - https://www.ed-leaders.org/ Second Class Foundation - https://secondclassfoundation.org/ EDmarket - https://www.edmarket.org/ Catapult @ Penn GSE - https://catapult.gse.upenn.edu/ Want to be a Guest Speaker? Request on our website

James dives into the economic, historical, and retail landscape of Montgomery, Alabama, with Jerime Reid and Frank Robinson. Jerime, the Chief of Staff to the Mayor, and Frank, the Director of Economic Development, discuss Montgomery's pivotal role in the Civil Rights Movement and its current status as a dynamic and diverse economy. The conversation covers the impact of Maxwell Air Force Base, the significance of tourism driven by historical sites, and the city's efforts to attract both local and national retail investments. They also highlight ongoing and upcoming development projects. The episode underscores Montgomery's strategic initiatives to create a business-friendly environment while preserving its rich history and culture. James Cook is the Director of Retail Research in the Americas for JLL.  Subscribe: Apple Podcasts | Spotify  Listen: WhereWeBuy.show  Email: jamesd.cook@jll.com  YouTube: http://everythingweknow.show/ Read more retail research here:  http://www.us.jll.com/retail Theme music is Run in the Night by The Good Lawdz, under Creative Commons license.  

SEND US A MESSAGE! We'd Love to Chat With you and Hear your thoughts! We'll read them on the next episode. Support Chad's Upcoming Docuseries HereChad O. Jackson, the Dallas-based filmmaker and small business owner, has made a habit of turning the camera on tough questions. He is also impervious to the effects of either praise or criticism, so his films are decidedly absent the audience preference gene.As an independent documentarian, Jackson is a subject matter expert when it comes to showing his audiences how America's social constructs sausage is made… and he's not afraid of slaughtering a few sacred cows in the process. His film work isn't just about looking back at history and stating the obvious. They're about exposing the little-known connective tissue between yesterday's ill-gotten lessons and today's sobering realities, chronicling how the past's echoes either sound the alarms to course correct or beckon a harkening back to this country's long-forgotten (or never discovered) buried treasure.Brandon and Daren join Chad for a great conversation on the feux history we're all familiar with and the truth that will be sure to trigger some cognitive dissonance. Support the showHosts: Brandon and Daren Smith Learn of Brandon's Church Planting CallPatreon: www.patreon.com/blackandblurredPaypal: https://paypal.me/blackandblurredYouTube: Black and Blurred PodcastIG: @BlackandBlurredPodcastX: @Blurred_Podcast

From "Bloody Sunday" to Modern Activism: Civil Rights Leaders Reflect on LegacyThis show is made possible thanks our members! To become a sustaining member go to https://LauraFlanders.org/donate   Thank you for your continued support!Description: 60 years ago in Selma, Alabama, state troopers beat peaceful protesters bloody on the Edmund Pettus Bridge as they marched for civil rights. The horror of “Bloody Sunday” and the resilience of the Civil Rights Movement ultimately led to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act and many of the landmark achievements that are now directly under attack. As civil rights activists look to history to understand — and prepare for — the present, Laura walks the Bridge and talks with, among others, Sheyann Webb Christburg, who marched at the age of eight, Black Voters Matter co-founders LaTosha Brown and Clifford Albright; law professor and author Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw and Maya Wiley, President and CEO of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights. What does people power look like today? Plus, a commentary from Laura on name calling then and now.“We're not going to phone bank our way out of this. We're not going to text our way out of this. And in truth, we're not even going to vote our way out of this . . . It's going to take revisiting some of the same strategies that we saw here in Selma, in terms of nonviolent civil disobedience and direct action.” - Clifford Albright“When we see and hear and think about fascism, we think about anti-democratic movements in Europe. We think about the Holocaust . . . But for Black people, as Langston Hughes said, you don't have to explain to us what fascism is. We experienced it. That is what we were fighting, for the 60, 70 years after Reconstruction was overthrown.” - Kimberlé CrenshawGuests:• Clifford Albright: Co-Founder & Executive Director, Black Voters Matter• Willard and Kiba Armstead: Veteran & Spouse• Trayvon Bossa: Sigma Chapter Member, Miles College Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity• LaTosha Brown: Co-Founder, Black Voters Matter• Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw: Co-Founder & Executive Director, African American Policy Forum; Host of the Intersectionality Matters! Podcast• Noelle Damico: Director of Social Justice, The Workers Circle• Melinda Hicks: Military Family• Jaribu Hill: Executive Director & Founder, Mississippi Workers' Center for Human Rights• Myla Person: Jack and Jill Club, Columbus, Georgia• Ann Toback: CEO, The Workers Circle• Sheyann Webb-Christburg: Youngest Participant,1965 Bloody Sunday March• Maya Wiley: President & CEO, Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights Watch the broadcast episode cut for time at our YouTube channel and airing on PBS stations across the country Subscribe to episode notes via Patreon Music Credit:  "Tremole" "Jagged" "Thrum of Soil" & "Dawn Summit" by Blue Dot Sessions from the album Empty Outpost.  "Steppin" by Podington Bear. And original sound production and design by Jeannie Hopper.Podcast Endorsement:  Intersectionality Matters! Podcast Related Laura Flanders Show Episodes:•  Rep. John Lewis on Making Justice from Selma to the Present, Watch•  Kimberlé Crenshaw & Soledad O'Brien Call Out the Media on Critical Race Theory, Watch / Listen / Download Podcast•  Reporting on Policing at the Polls & BIPOC Voter Suppression in 2024, Watch / Listen/Download Podcast:  Full Uncut Conversation and Episode• Deciding the Fate of Democracy in North Carolina, Watch / Download Podcast •  The Georgia Way:  Strategies that Work for Winning Elections, Watch / Listen/Download Podcast:  Full Uncut Conversation and Episode Related Articles and Resources:•  Anniversary of ‘Bloody Sunday' Marks Continued Fight for Voting Rights, by Temi Adeoye, March 24, 2025, ACLU•  U.S. Civil Rights Trail, Learn More• United State of Amnesia, The Real History of Critical Race Theory, Hosted by Kimberlé Crenshaw Podcast Mini Series•  Documentary Trailer:  “Love, Joy, and Power: Tools for Liberation” follows Cliff Albright and LaTosha Brown as they reshape American democracy. As founders of Black Voters Matter Fund, they didn't just flip Georgia in 2020 - they sparked a movement that's still growing. April 8, 2025, Watch Laura Flanders and Friends Crew: Laura Flanders, along with Sabrina Artel, Jeremiah Cothren, Veronica Delgado, Janet Hernandez, Jeannie Hopper, Gina Kim, Sarah Miller, Nat Needham, David Neuman, and Rory O'Conner. FOLLOW Laura Flanders and FriendsInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/lauraflandersandfriends/Blueky: https://bsky.app/profile/lfandfriends.bsky.socialFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/LauraFlandersAndFriends/Tiktok: https://www.tiktok.com/@lauraflandersandfriendsYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCFLRxVeYcB1H7DbuYZQG-lgLinkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/company/lauraflandersandfriendsPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/lauraflandersandfriendsACCESSIBILITY - The broadcast edition of this episode is available with closed captioned by clicking here for our YouTube Channel

“When we see and hear and think about fascism, we think about anti-democratic movements in Europe. We think about the Holocaust . . . But for Black people, as Langston Hughes said, you don't have to explain to us what fascism is. We experienced it. That is what we were fighting, for the 60, 70 years after Reconstruction was overthrown.” - Kimberlé CrenshawThis show is made possible by you! To become a sustaining member go to https://LauraFlanders.org/donate Thank you for your continued support!Description [Rewind]:  The following podcast features full uncut conversations with Law Professor Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, an American civil rights advocate and leading scholar of critical race theory.  She's the Co-Founder of African American Policy Forum and the host of the podcast Intersectionality Matters! that includes the series “United States of Amnesia, the real history of critical race theory.  Also, you'll hear the uncut conversation with Clifford Albright, the co-founder of Black Voters Matter, one of the most significant organizations working for voters rights in the U.S.. Clips from both interviews are featured in our special report from Selma, Alabama where Americans marked the 60th anniversary of the Selma to Montgomery marches amidst a hail of executive orders by Trump reversing many of the gains of the Civil Rights movement and banning anti-discrimination measures and even the teaching of Civil Rights history. These audio exclusives are made possible thanks to our member supporters. (originally released spring 2025)Guests:• Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw: Co-Founder & Executive Director, African American Policy Forum; Host of the "Intersectionality Matters!" Podcast.• Clifford Albright: Co-Founder & Executive Director, Black Voters Matter Full Conversation Release: While our weekly shows are edited to time for broadcast on Public TV and community radio, we offer to our members and podcast subscribers the full uncut conversation. These audio exclusives are made possible thanks to our member supporters. RESOURCES:Watch the broadcast episode cut for time at our YouTube channel and airing on PBS stations across the country Full Episode Notes are located HERE. Related Laura Flanders Show Episodes:•  Rep. John Lewis on Making Justice from Selma to the Present, Watch•  Kimberlé Crenshaw & Soledad O'Brien Call Out the Media on Critical Race Theory, Watch / Listen / Download Podcast•  Reporting on Policing at the Polls & BIPOC Voter Suppression in 2024, Watch / Listen/Download Podcast:  Full Uncut Conversation and Episode• Deciding the Fate of Democracy in North Carolina, Watch / Download Podcast •  The Georgia Way:  Strategies that Work for Winning Elections, Watch / Listen/Download Podcast:  Full Uncut Conversation and EpisodeRelated Articles and Resources:•  Anniversary of ‘Bloody Sunday' Marks Continued Fight for Voting Rights, by Temi Adeoye, March 24, 2025, ACLU•  U.S. Civil Rights Trail, Learn More Laura Flanders and Friends Crew: Laura Flanders, along with Sabrina Artel, Jeremiah Cothren, Veronica Delgado, Janet Hernandez, Jeannie Hopper, Gina Kim, Sarah Miller, Nat Needham, David Neuman, and Rory O'Conner. FOLLOW Laura Flanders and FriendsInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/lauraflandersandfriends/Blueky: https://bsky.app/profile/lfandfriends.bsky.socialFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/LauraFlandersAndFriends/Tiktok: https://www.tiktok.com/@lauraflandersandfriendsYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCFLRxVeYcB1H7DbuYZQG-lgLinkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/company/lauraflandersandfriendsPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/lauraflandersandfriendsACCESSIBILITY - The broadcast edition of this episode is available with closed captioned by clicking here for our YouTube Channel

The Voting Rights Act turns 60 today. It was signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson during the peak of the Civil Rights Movement, with the goal of ensuring that Black Americans could actually exercise their constitutional right to vote. But the landmark legislation — or at least what's left of it — is facing new challenges. Roughly a decade ago, the Supreme Court gutted one of its key provisions. And late last week, the justices signaled they could be ready to strike a second major blow to the law. It all comes amid an increasingly ugly redistricting fight that's pitting red states against blue states ahead of next year's midterms. Rick Hasen, an election law expert at the University of California, Los Angeles, joins us to talk about the latest threats to the Voting Rights Act, and why decades later we're still talking about decades after its passage.And in headlines: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is reportedly weighing a full occupation of Gaza, President Donald Trump signed an executive order establishing a task force on the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, and Rwanda became the third African nation to agree to take in U.S. deportees.Show Notes:Check out Rick's blog – https://electionlawblog.org/Call Congress – 202-224-3121Subscribe to the What A Day Newsletter – https://tinyurl.com/3kk4nyz8What A Day – YouTube – https://www.youtube.com/@whatadaypodcastFollow us on Instagram – https://www.instagram.com/crookedmedia/For a transcript of this episode, please visit crooked.com/whataday

50 Anniversary Voters Right Act, Chicago Tribune, Slate, NY TimesAugust 6th, 1965 the Voting Rights Act was Signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson., C.T. Vivian, a prominent figure in the Civil Rights Movement, was violently attacked by Sheriff Jim Clark while attempting to escort a group of African Americans to register to vote. Steve Fiffer is a New York Times Bestselling Author. His Book is "It's in The Action": Memories of a Nonviolent Warrior, Rev C.T. Vivian's Memoir.Reverend Vivian was a Major Force in the Fight for Civil Rights & Voters Rights in the Twentieth Century till he Passed July 17th, 2020.Regardless of Social Status, Party Affiliation or Belief, Race: Libertarian, Democrat, Progressive or Republican or Other, All Americans Should Have the Right to Vote!Senator Barack Obama, speaking at Selma's Brown Chapel on the March 2007, anniversary of the 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches, recognized Vivian in his opening remarks in the words of Martin L. King Jr. as "the greatest preacher to ever live."Studying for the ministry at American Baptist Theological Seminary (now called American Baptist College) in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1959, Vivian met James Lawson, who was teaching Mohandas Gandhi's nonviolent direct action strategy to the Nashville Student Movement. Soon Lawson's students, including Diane Nash, Bernard Lafayette, James Bevel, John Lewis and others from American Baptist, Fisk University and Tennessee State University, organized a systematic nonviolent sit-in campaign at local lunch counters.Vivian helped found the Nashville Christian Leadership Conference, and helped organize the first sit-ins in Nashville in 1960 and the first civil rights march in 1961. In 1961, Vivian participated in Freedom Rides. He worked alongside Martin Luther King Jr. as the national director of affiliates for the SCLC. During the summer following the Selma Voting Rights Movement, Vivian is perhaps best known for, Vivian challenged Sheriff Jim Clark on the steps of the courthouse in Selma, Alabama, in 1965 during a drive to promote Black people to register to vote."You can turn your back on me, but you cannot turn your back upon the idea of justice," Vivian said to Clark as reporters recorded the interaction. "You can turn your back now and you can keep the club in your hand, but you cannot beat down justice. And we will register to vote, because as citizens of these United States we have the right to do it."Vivian conceived and directed an educational program, Vision, and put 702 Alabama students in college with scholarships (this program later became Upward Bound). His 1970 Black Power and the American Myth was the first book on the Civil Rights Movement by a member of Martin Luther King's staff.On August 8, 2013, President Barack Obama named Vivian as a recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom.Steve's own Memoir is "Three Quarters, Two Dimes, and a Nickel". His work has appeared in Chicago Tribune. & Slate. He's also a Guggenheim Fellow© 2025 All Rights Reserved© 2025 Building Abundant Success!!Join Me on ~ iHeart Media @ https://tinyurl.com/iHeartBASSpot Me on Spotify: https://tinyurl.com/yxuy23baAmazon Music ~ https://tinyurl.com/AmzBASAudacy:  https://tinyurl.com/BASAud

Using TV addiction to educate children. Sesame Street broke boundries and changed rules to bring education to every child. Dave Young: Welcome to the Empire Builders Podcast, teaching business owners the not-so-secret techniques that took famous businesses from mom and pop to major brands. Stephen Semple is a marketing consultant, story collector, and storyteller. I'm Stephen's sidekick and business partner, Dave Young. Before we get into today's episode, a word from our sponsor, which is... Well, it's us, but we're highlighting ads we've written and produced for our clients. So here's one of those. [Seaside Plumbing Ad] Dave Young: Welcome back to the Empire Builders Podcast, the podcast where Stephen Semple and Dave Young, that's me, Stephen Semple is him, we talk about businesses and how they grew and what made them empires. And normally during our little countdown to the recording, Stephen hands me the topic. He whispers in my ear what we're going to talk about today, and he didn't do that. So I still have no idea, but my enthusiasm is high because before we started recording, he said, "I've got some really good ones that we're going to record today." I'm thinking, "Finally. Finally, some good..." No, I just, they're all good. But you've got me on the edge of my seat, Stephen. You said I would be able to get this without the timer, without the countdown. Stephen Semple: That's it. So it starts off this way, "Can you tell me how to get, how to get to..." Dave Young: Sesame Street? I can sing it. Stephen Semple: Yes, that's it. Well, I could sing it as well, but no one wants to hear me sing. Dave Young: Sunny day, dah, dah, dah. Oh, yeah. Oh, Sesame Street. Stephen Semple: Yes. Dave Young: Cool. Stephen Semple: Yes. We're going to talk about Sesame Street. Now- Dave Young: Are we going to do voices? Stephen Semple: You might be able to. Dave Young: Here's the countdown, 5, 4... Four countdowns. Three. I don't think The Count did countdowns, did he? Stephen Semple: No, he never did, I don't think. But it's a nonprofit. It's owned by a nonprofit. Dave Young: [inaudible 00:02:59]. Stephen Semple: But a 1996 survey found that 95% of all American preschoolers had watched it by the time they were three years old. Dave Young: Sure. I believe that. Stephen Semple: Ninety-five percent. Now, when you hit a number like that, holy crap. I started looking at some of these things and went, "This is a story that we've got to explore." So Sesame Street first aired on November 10th, 1969 on Public Television. And put in perspective, that's the year that a man landed on the moon. That's what we're going back to. Dave Young: So here's the funny thing, I wasn't even a preschooler. I was six. I'd watch it today if it was still on. Stephen Semple: It's amazing. Dave Young: All the Spanish I know came from Sesame Street. Stephen Semple: There you go. Dave Young: I can count to 10. Stephen Semple: There you go. Amazing, eh? Dave Young: Yeah. So 1969... Stephen Semple: It changed television. And it's estimated that it's contributed to the education of over 150 million kids. It's the home of Elmo, and Tickle Me Elmo is one of the best-selling toys of all time, and all this was created and owned by a nonprofit. And the creators were Joan Cooney, Lloyd Morrisett, and of course, Jim Henson was a big contributor in the early days. And Joan was a documentary TV producer for Public Television. And the story basically starts in 1966, and Joan Cooney had just completed a documentary on a school in Harlem that was trying to close the gap in results with white counterparts. And if you think about it, in the mid-1960s, a lot is happening. The Civil Rights Movement is in full swing, but there's still this big gap. And Black first-graders are scoring lower on tests than 85% of white kids.

This 2020 episode covers James Baldwin, who was a brilliant essayist, one of the chroniclers of the Civil Rights Movement, and a powerful voice against racism.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In physics, entropy measures disorder. Without energy, order breaks down. Culture behaves the same way. Without steady effort, values decay and systems drift back toward what is easy and familiar. This is cultural entropy: the slow pull that undoes progress.Modern anti-racist America often sees its enemy as open hate—racists and extremists. These groups exist but are small. The greater threat is apathy. It is the slow loss of attention and effort. Entropy does not shout. It dissolves gains when energy fades.Entropy means systems move toward disorder unless energy is added. Culture follows this law. Justice and equality require maintenance. When effort stops, laws lose force and old habits return. Progress is fragile because entropy is constant.Most Americans are not activists or extremists. They are busy, distracted, and avoid conflict. They may agree with ideals but do little to live them. They wait for storms to pass. This indifference is where entropy thrives. If most people drift this way, victories need constant energy to hold.The Civil Rights Movement reshaped laws, yet schools resegregated and housing equality stalled. Occupy Wall Street rose, then vanished. Black Lives Matter surged, then lost momentum. When energy faded, systems drifted back. Entropy filled the gap.Entropy explains backlash and apathy. People pushed too hard may resist, clinging to the normal. Others simply stop caring. They nod at slogans, then return to habits. Old patterns reappear. Entropy needs no hate—only neglect.Activism often targets symbols—statues, names, language. These fights gain attention but rarely block entropy. They can trigger defensiveness. Real change needs structures and habits that endure when attention fades.The rollback of affirmative action, weakening of voting protections, and creeping segregation were not driven by loud hate. They happened because energy waned. Protections eroded and old inequities returned. This is entropy at work.The new anti-racist America must see the true opponent: the quiet force of entropy. People conserve energy and return to the familiar. To overcome this, movements must sustain effort. They must make progress part of daily life, not only moments of crisis.Cultural entropy does not attack but wears down progress. The fight is not won with dramatic battles but with steady work. Real change requires systems strong enough to resist decay on their own. The future depends on resisting the quiet pull back into disorder.

In physics, inertia is the tendency of objects to resist change. A body at rest stays at rest unless acted upon by force. Culture works the same way. Societies prefer to stay as they are. They resist change unless energy is applied over time. This resistance is not dramatic. It is quiet, persistent, and hard to overcome. It is cultural inertia.Modern anti-racist America often frames its struggle as a battle against visible hate. Extremists exist, but they are few. The larger obstacle is the mass of people who do not move. They are not driven by hate. They are driven by comfort with the familiar. They avoid conflict. They do not fight progress, but they do not push for it either. This stillness is the real challenge.Inertia in physics means an object does not change motion without a push. In culture, it means habits and systems stay the same without a steady force. Laws may change, but behavior lags. Old patterns return when effort fades. This is why cultural progress feels slow. Victories erode because the weight of culture resists movement.Most Americans live in this state. They are not activists or extremists. They work, care for families, and avoid friction. They accept small changes they cannot fight but resist when they feel forced. They dislike being shamed. They dislike disruption. They stay still unless change is presented as something they can live with. This is not malice. It is human nature.If most of society resists this way, movements face a problem. They can defeat loud opponents, but they still must move the quiet majority. This requires more than outrage. It requires energy that does not burn out. It requires stories and policies that make change feel less like a threat and more like a natural step.History shows how inertia stalls progress. The Civil Rights Movement won legal victories, but social attitudes shifted slowly. Schools resegregated, not because of hate, but because of neglect and resistance. Occupy Wall Street rose, then faded. Black Lives Matter surged during crisis, then lost momentum. Without constant force, society slips back to stillness.Inertia explains backlash. People do not like to be forced to move. They push back when they feel cornered. This is not always ideology. It is fear of disruption. Activists sometimes mistake this for hostility, but it is not. It is inertia. People cling to what feels normal.Apathy is another form. Many agree with ideals but do nothing to live them. They nod at slogans, then return to old habits. They wait for storms to pass. This non-action holds things in place.Modern activism often targets symbols—statues, names, language. These changes matter but do not always move culture. They can harden inertia by making people defensive. Real change needs more than symbols. It needs habits that remain when slogans fade. It needs steady energy, not just bursts of outrage.The rollback of affirmative action, the weakening of voting rights, and the slow return of segregation are not the work of loud hate. They happened because energy faded. Systems drifted. Old patterns returned because it was easier to let them than to fight them.The new anti-racist America must accept that its biggest opponent is not loud hate but stillness. This force is natural. It is human. To overcome it, movements must apply steady, patient energy. They must make change feel like evolution, not attack. They must turn ideals into habits that last when attention fades.Cultural inertia does not shout, but it holds everything in place. Progress depends on learning to move it. Real change requires more than defeating those who oppose it. It requires moving those who stand still. This is harder than fighting hate. It is the long, quiet work of applying enough energy, for long enough, to shift the weight of a culture that prefers to stay as it is.

Listen with FREE Interactive Transcript only on the RealLife App. In this new lesson, we dive into the inspiring words of Malcolm X — a global icon and one of the most important voices of the Civil Rights Movement in the United States. You'll not only hear his impactful speech but also learn a ton of advanced English expressions and phrases that will make your conversations more fluent and natural. Here's what you'll get in this episode: ✅ A real audio clip of Malcolm X so you can practice with authentic English ✅ Step-by-step explanations of advanced expressions to boost your vocabulary ✅ A guided story in two parts to help you truly understand the context and meaning    Read the show notes here. .......... Follow us on: RealLife English (YouTube) Learn English with TV Series (YouTube)

Born on July 25, 1941, Emmett Till was a fun-loving 14-year-old when he was abducted and murdered in Mississippi in 1955. His death, following false accusations, became a catalyst for the Civil Rights Movement. On what would have been his 84th birthday, we reflect on the life and legacy of Emmett Till. Subscribe to our newsletter to stay informed with the latest news from a leading Black-owned & controlled media company: https://aurn.com/newsletter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Brittany Friedman is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Southern California. She is also a 2023-2024 American Association of University Women faculty postdoctoral fellow and an Affiliated Scholar of the American Bar Foundation, whose writing and other work have been featured by The Washington Post, C-SPAN, NPR, The Associated Press, and Vox. Her new book is Carceral Apartheid: How Lies and White Supremacists Run Our Prisons. Dr. Friedman explains how America is a type of “carceral society” where the logic and organizing principles of prison and racialized power dominate the culture. Dr. Friedman shares the lessons she learned from the intimate conversations she had with elders who had been incarcerated (in some of the country's most infamous and dangerous prisons in California) during the Civil Rights Movement and long Black Freedom Struggle and that helped to organize prisoners' rights organizations. These are essential lessons that pro-democracy Americans will need for navigating life in a time of rising autocracy and authoritarianism. Chauncey DeVega shares a tale about his recent travels during a particularly hollow July 4th holiday, gains some life wisdom, and continues pondering what it means to be the working-class child of an aging parent. Chauncey also reflects on questions of moral culpability and how so many of us are already “Good Americans” who have been deeply and perhaps forever stained by their tacit and active complicity with evil.   And Chauncey DeVega goes to the movies and shares his review of James Gunn's (not so super) new Superman movie. WHERE CAN YOU FIND ME? On Twitter: https://twitter.com/chaunceydevega On Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/chauncey.devega My email: chaunceydevega@gmail.com HOW CAN YOU SUPPORT THE CHAUNCEY DEVEGA SHOW? Via Paypal at ChaunceyDeVega.com: Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/thechaunceydevegashow  https://www.patreon.com/TheTruthReportPodcast

Former state Rep. Helen Miller on her memoir I Don't Swim. Then, water safety tips from an Iowa swim instructor.

This episode continues the story of NORAID - the Irish American organisation who were the voice of the IRA in the US. Jamie Goldrick and I delve into the complicated history of wider Irish American involvement in the Troubles. It's a history full of contradictions on both sides of the Atlantic. In the Republic, many criticised NORAID's actions, yet did little themselves. Meanwhile, NORAID had little to say about the Vietnam War or the Civil Rights Movement in America.Together, Jamie and I pick apart this complex and often uncomfortable chapter in Irish and Irish American history.Jamie Goldrick is the producer of NORAID: Irish America & the IRA which screens on RTE on July 9th & 16th. Check it out on https://www.rte.ie/player/There are a limited number of tickets for my live podcast on Daniel O'Connell in Glasnevin Cemetery. It takes place on July 24th, entry is free but booking is essential. Contact irishhistorypodcast@acast.com for your ticket today.Sound by Kate Dunlea Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Train travel isn't as common as it used to be, but there's one Amtrak route that train enthusiasts love because it's so beautiful -- the California Zephyr. The route starts in Emeryville, runs through the California delta, stops in Sacramento and then heads and over the Sierra Nevada mountains, eventually terminating in Chicago. This ride is on a lot of people's bucket list for good reason. But the California railroads also played an important role in the food history of the state and in the Civil Rights Movement. Additional Reading: The California Railroad's Surprising Impacts on Food and Civil Rights Read the transcript for this episode How Oakland's 16th Street Train Station Helped Build West Oakland and the Modern Civil Rights Movement Sign up for our newsletter Enter our Sierra Nevada Brewing Company monthly trivia contest Got a question you want answered? Ask! Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts This story was reported by Lisa Morehouse. It was edited by Victoria Mauleon and produced by Suzie Racho, Brendan Willard and Sasha Khokha. Bay Curious is made by Katrina Schwartz, Gabriela Glueck and Christopher Beale. Additional support from Olivia Allen-Price, Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad and everyone on Team KQED.

This week, Zachary hosts a conversation with Jeremi and Dr. Peniel Joseph about his new book, Freedom Season, which describes the pivotal significance of 1963 in the Civil Rights Movement, highlighting key events such as the Birmingham protests, the March on Washington, the Birmingham church bombing, and the assassination of JFK. This week, instead of the usual poem, we set the scene with an audio excerpt of Martin Luther King Jr. reading from his "Letter from Birmingham Jail." Peniel Joseph holds a joint professorship appointment at the LBJ School of Public Affairs and the History Department in the College of Liberal Arts at The University of Texas at Austin. He is also the founding director of the LBJ School's Center for the Study of Race and Democracy. His career focus has been on “Black Power Studies,” which encompasses interdisciplinary fields such as Africana studies, law and society, women's and ethnic studies, and political science. Prior to joining the UT faculty, Joseph was a professor at Tufts University, where he founded the school's Center for the Study of Race and Democracy to promote engaged research and scholarship focused on the ways issues of race and democracy affect people's lives. In addition to being a frequent commentator on issues of race, democracy and civil rights, Joseph wrote the award-winning books “Waiting ‘Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America, “Dark Days, Bright Nights: From Black Power to Barack Obama," and “Stokely: A Life" as well as “The Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era” and “Neighborhood Rebels: Black Power at the Local Level.”" His most recent book is "Freedom Season: How 1963 Transformed America's Civil Rights Revolution."

In this gripping episode, we dive deep into Race Against Time—the astonishing true story of how award-winning investigative journalist Jerry Mitchell helped reopen some of the most notorious unsolved murder cases from the civil rights era. From the infamous Mississippi Burning murders to the firebombing of Vernon Dahmer's home and the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing, Mitchell's relentless pursuit of truth helped expose hidden crimes, unmask KKK killers, and bring long-delayed justice to the victims of racial violence.Through dogged reporting, secret FBI documents, and chilling confrontations with former Klansmen, Mitchell cracked cold cases that had gone untouched for decades. His work led to the convictions of men who believed they'd gotten away with racist murders committed in the shadows of Jim Crow America.This is not just a story of murder and conspiracy—it's a story of courage, accountability, and the power of journalism to right historical wrongs. If you're drawn to true crime, racial justice, civil rights history, and investigative reporting, this is an episode you won't want to miss.

The last generation that fought for world-changing liberation during the Human and Civil Rights movements of the 1940s-70s is determined to institutionalize the lessons they learned for future generations.JOIN KNARRATIVE: https://www.knarrative.com it's the only way to get into #Knubia, where these classes areheld live with a live chat.To shop Go to:TheGlobalMajorityMore from us:Knarrative Twitter: https://twitter.com/knarrative_Knarrative Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/knarrative/In Class with Carr Twitter: https://twitter.com/inclasswithcarrSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Peniel Joseph, professor of history and public affairs and director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy at the University of Texas at Austin and the author of Freedom Season: How 1963 Transformed America's Civil Rights Revolution (Basic Books, 2025), talks about his new book, an examination of the impact of events in 1963 on the struggle for civil rights -- from MLK's “Letter from Birmingham Jail” to the assassination of JFK.

Whilst Cynthia Nixon's versatility is beyond question, it's fair to say that she has become permanently associated with one character, Miranda Hobbs, in Sex and the City and its companion piece, And Just Like That. She won an Emmy for her performance and a generation of fans who identified with the ambitious type-A lawyer whose cynicism disguised as vulnerability has grown markedly through the decades. Nixon is also a political activist and vocal advocate for progressive causes. She even met her wife at an education rally in 2002. In 2018, she ran unsuccessfully for the governorship of New York. More recently, she has repeatedly spoken out in support of a permanent ceasefire in Gaza. Nixon's political conscience recalls perhaps the legacy of her journalist Father Walter, who won awards for his coverage of the Civil Rights Movement. An uplifting, smart and enlightening woman - what a joy it was to meet her. Elizabeth and Cynthia answer YOUR questions in our subscriber series, Failing with Friends. Join our community of subscribers here: https://howtofail.supportingcast.fm/#content Have something to share of your own? Click here to get in touch: howtofailpod.com All episodes in June are brought to you by @arlalactoFREE - all the taste, easier to digest. Listen to our bonus episode brought to by ArlaLactoFREE with Vicky Pattison here: https://link.chtbl.com/VickyPattison

Trump and Stephen Miller wanted a backlash against the immigration raids, because even they know that humans will respond when the federal government is snatching people off the street. But the tenor of modern protests is not going to be like the Civil Rights Movement, because activists back then were trained to suppress their natural inclination to defend themselves. Plus, the key role of culture in politics, Dems have to show that the state does good things, and it's the 10th anniversary of Ta-Nehisi's landmark book, “Between the World and Me.” And in a special bonus segment from our live show last Friday, Tim interviews Andry's lawyer and explains why he's been so moved by the case to free Andry from CECOT. Ta-Nehisi Coates and attorney Lindsay Toczylowski join Tim Miller show notes "Between the World and Me," out in paperback next week Ta-Nehisi's interview with Obama in Oct. 2016 Last Friday's full "Free Andry" live show * Life insurance is never cheaper than it is today. Get the right life insurance for YOU, for LESS, and save more than fifty percent at selectquote.com/bulwark