Podcast appearances and mentions of jos cozijnsen

Grote bedrijven als Apple, Microsoft en Heineken laten hun duurzaamheidsplannen doorrekenen door SBTi – volgens kenners het meest toonaangevende klimaatkeurmerk ter wereld. Maar er is flinke discussie over het keurmerk. Als het aan het SBTi ligt, kunnen bedrijven binnenkort de klimaatambities ook halen door CO2-uitstoot te compenseren, door bijvoorbeeld het planten van bomen. Greenwashing, of kunnen ze niet anders?  - Tim Bleeker, klimaatjurist VU Amsterdam  - Jos Cozijnsen, Climate Neutral Group

Hoe komen we tot een economie die netto meer CO2 uit de atmosfeer haalt dan dat die erin pompt? Tijdo van der Zee interviewt hierover Reyer Gerlagh, econoom aan de Tilburg University en Jos Cozijnsen, emissiehandelexpert bij de Climate Neutral Group.  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

De vrijwillige markt voor carbon removals groeit als kool, maar zijn de eisen die gesteld worden aan projecten en technieken wel streng genoeg om ze mee te laten tellen voor de nationale CO2-doelen? Of moet de Europese Unie een deurbeleid voeren, waardoor sommige technieken buiten de boot vallen? Tijdo van der Zee interviewt hierover Wytze van der Gaast, onderzoeker bij Joint Implementation Network en Hans Bolscher, consultant bij Trinomics. Tijdo van der Zee verkent de wereld van de carbon removals. Hoe zet Europa in op deze negatieve CO2-emissies om haar klimaatdoelen te halen? Een serie verhelderende interviews met experts en terugkerende bijdragen van marktkenners Chris Guth en Jos Cozijnsen.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

De Raad van State heeft besloten het Porthos-project door mag gaan. Het project in de Rotterdamse haven moet ervoor gaan zorgen dat lege gasvelden in de Noordzee worden gevuld met CO2. Mobilisation for the Environment was bang dat de bouw van het project omliggende natura 2000-gebieden zou aantasten door stikstofuitstoot, en spande een rechtszaak aan. Volgens de Raad van State is de uitstoot niet significant. Toch blijft er kritiek bestaan. De CO2-afvang zorgt ervoor dat de fossiele industrie zo langer in stand wordt gehouden, en zelfs wordt gesubsidieerd door de overheid. Grote bedrijven zoals Shell en ExxonMobile hebben namelijk een voorname rol in de opslagprojecten. Ons Breekijzer: 'CO2-opslag is hard nodig in de strijd tegen klimaatverandering.' Verder hebben we het over de autonome samenleving. In Nederland hebben zich zo'n 10.000 mensen autonoom verklaard. Zij vinden bijvoorbeeld dat ze geen belasting hoeven te betalen. De overheid loopt steeds vaker tegen problemen met de groep aan. En over het defensiebudget. Nederland lijkt volgend jaar de NAVO-norm van 2 procent van het bbp aan defensie-uitgaven niet te gaan halen. In ons panel: Yasmin Ait Abderrahman, voorzitter van FNV Young & United Martine Doppen, klimaatactiviste en campaigner bij Reclame Fossielvrij Verder te gast: Jos Cozijnsen, Adviseur van de Climate Neutral Group en oprichter van emissierechten.nl Over BREEKT In BNR Breekt breken we de sleur van jouw ochtend met een goede discussie over het nieuws. Dat doen we met opkomende opiniemakers en deskundigen. BNR Breekt is het meest verfrissende opinieprogramma van de Nederlandse radio.  Maandag tot en met donderdag van 11:00 tot 12:00 Presentatie: Iwan Verrips Vrijdag is er Breekt Politiek van 11.00 tot 12.00 Presentatie: Nina van den DungenSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Direct air capture. De CO2-afvangtechnologie die misschien wel het meest tot de verbeelding spreekt, staat tegelijk nog in de kinderschoenen. Moeten we hier onze kaarten op inzetten in de strijd tegen klimaatverandering? Hans de Neve, oprichter van het bedrijf Carbyon en Mijndert van der Spek, universitair hoofddocent aan de Schotse Heriot Watt University, geven een inkijkje in deze wereld vol startups en tech-optimisme. Met verder beschouwingen van Jos Cozijnsen over de vrijwillige markten en Chris Guth over de compliance markt ETS. Wilt u meedoen aan het Energeia podcast onderzoek? Wij zijn benieuwd wat u van onze podcasts vindt. Doe mee en maak kans op een bol.com cadeaubon ter waarde van € 50,- Klik hier om deel te nemen.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Jos Cozijnsen has been working the climate puzzle for decades -- first by helping to negotiate the Kyoto Protocol and then by helping NGOs like the Environmental Defense Fund craft legal policies with teeth. Today, he offers his take on the year-end climate talks (COP27), which took place last month in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. We discuss the Bridgetown Initiative, the African Carbon Markets Initiative, and the new Loss and Damage Fund -- as well as the bad-faith arguments of those seeking to undermine carbon markets by pretending to make them perfect.

Handelshuizen verdienen goud geld met emissierechten. ETS-bedrijven zien dit met lede ogen aan en betichten handelaren ervan de markt te verpesten. Maar is dat terecht? Hoogleraar financieel toezichtrecht aan de Vrije Universiteit Bart Joosen en emissiehandelsexpert Jos Cozijnsen van de Climate Neutral Group over de effecten van speculatie op de emissiehandelsbeurzen.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nederland hangt vol met camera's van twee omstreden Chinese merken, ontdekte de NOS. De merken Hikvision en Dahua mogen in de VS niet bij overheidsgebouwen gebruikt worden. Hier hangen ze wel. Onder andere bij ministeries. Worden we bespied, of valt het mee? We vragen het aan Rogier Creemers, universitair docent Modern Chinese Studies aan de Universiteit Leiden. Is dat veel? De prijs voor CO2-rechten gaat de laatste dagen door het dak. Bedrijven hebben die rechten nodig om CO2 uit te mogen stoten. Na jaren dat die rechten 20 of 30 euro per ton kostten, is het nu ineens bijna 100 euro. Dat is slecht nieuws, zegt Jos Cozijnsen van Climate Neutral Group. Kort - Het kabinet stelt een regeringscommissaris om seksueel grensoverschrijdend gedrag aan - PvdA-Kamerlid Gijs van Dijk stapt op na meldingen ongewenst gedrag - OMT-lid Marc Bonten verwacht snel einde van het huidige OMT See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode, we are talking to Jos Cozijnsen, carbon specialist at the Carbon Neutral Group. Jos explains how knowledge from Game Theory and Mechanism Design can help reduce carbon emissions. He explains in detail the cap & trade system in Europe which makes carbon credits tradeable. This market has introduced CO2 reduction certificates which are issued for a project where additional CO2 reductions have been accomplished. Such carbon credit or CO2 reduction certificate can be used to compensate own emissions. At the time of the recording the Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow is happening which Jos also attends.   Jos Cozijnsen is carbon specialist at the Carbon Neutral Group, he holds a Master in Law. Jos is supporting companies to lower their carbon footprint and their impact on the climate. He is well experienced in the carbon market and carbon pricing. He has recently published an article on this episode's topic here.

Laat Je Horen! is een podcast van Kargadoor Podium, uit hartje Utrecht. We gaan in gesprek met de bijzondere stemmen uit Utrecht. Toffe verhalen, inspirerende bijdragen aan ons stadsie en de toekomst; what's next? Utrecht en duurzaamheid, hoe doen we het eigenlijk? We praten met Jos Cozijnsen over ons stadsie, het klimaat en perspectief: gaat het echt naar de klote of zijn we nog op tijd? Kargadoor Podium komt tweewekelijks op woensdag met een nieuwe aflevering van Laat Je Horen!. Wil jij bijdragen of heb je een tip voor een gast uit Utrecht die we moeten spreken? Mail ons naar pr@kargadoor.nl. www.climateneutralgroup.com @timbales www.kargadoor.nl @dekargadoor

Sinds de Corona-uitbraak ook Europa hard raakt, is de CO2-prijs fors gedaald. Wat betekent dit voor de energietransitie en het klimaatbeleid, vraag ik Jos Cozijnsen, CO2- en ETS-specialist bij de Climate Neutral Group.

Vanuit heel de wereld stroomden gisteren teleurgestelde reacties binnen op het resultaat van de klimaattop. De onderhandelingen in Madrid werden afgesloten met een minimaal akkoord. Toch zijn er ook dingen die wél goed zijn gegaan, zegt specialist emissierechten Jos Cozijnsen. In De Dag legt hij uit waar landen succesvolle afspraken over hebben gemaakt.  Cozijnsen is juist positief over de uitkomsten van Madrid. "Echt het geklets en geklaag van 'we redden het niet'. Op deze top ging het helemaal niet over strengere doelen. De straat roept om echte actie en dat komt op de top van volgend jaar aan de orde."

The future is a carbon-free economy, but how do we pay for it? Guests this week: Eefje de Kroon of Greenpeace, Sven Jense of Climate Cleanup and Jos Cozijnsen of Climate Neutral Group.

Nu de discussie over een extra CO2-heffing voor de industrie de verhoudingen in de politiek steeds meer op scherp zet, is het hoog tijd om feiten van fictie te scheiden: is zo’n heffing wel of geen goed idee en zo ja, hoe zou die er dan uit moeten zien? Oftewel hoe kan Nederland op een slimme, maar vooral betaalbare manier de reductiedoelen halen? Ik bespreek het met CO2- en ETS-specialist Jos Cozijnsen van de Climate Neutral Group.

Jos Cozijnsen shakes his tangled black mane and adjusts his leathery blue suit – fashioned, it turns out, from overalls discarded by German railroad workers and available through his sustainable clothing company, Goodfibrations. “[If you have] an office park, the Building Act says how much energy efficiency you need,” he explains. “But if you go to zero energy use, you do much more.” When it comes to fixing the climate mess, he wants everyone to do much more than the law requires, especially his fellow Dutchmen. Indeed, it seems to bother him immensely that here in the Netherlands – the birthplace of wind energy and the headquarters of Greenpeace – the average Dutchman contributes far more to climate change than does the average Swede, Swiss, or Frenchman. But the Dutch are also notorious penny-pinchers with fervent pride in their local communities and a deep love of games and puzzles – three traits that he thinks will help them drive emissions down dramatically under a nationwide voluntary carbon program called the Green Deal, which he’s spearheading along with the Ministry of Environment and several environmental NGOs. The program has been in the works since mid-2016, and it’s slated to go live later this year as a compliment to the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS). EU ETS is a “compliance” program that legally caps greenhouse-gas emissions on some of Europe’s biggest industries – including electricity, paper, and steelmaking. It requires companies in those sectors to either reduce their emissions or buy offsets from projects that do, but it also leaves more than half of all emissions outside the regulatory apparatus. The Green Deal is a “voluntary” program, he says, and its goal is to dramatically drive down emissions in un-capped sectors like agriculture and automotive, and to do so by encouraging people to develop carbon projects under existing standards like the Verified Carbon Standard, CarbonFix, and the Gold Standard. The project will encourage un-capped companies and individuals to first reduce emissions by reducing energy use and becoming more efficient, but it will couple that by promoting home-grown projects that generate offsets by planting trees or helping farmers reduce their emissions from methane and other greenhouse gasses. It will include a hub so people can see which type of projects are located where, and it will encourage groups to aim for zero net emissions. “That’s the fun,” he says. “I can go to zero!” Like coupon-collectors? I ask. “Exactly!” he says. Transitioning to a Post-Paris World While Cozijnsen publicly emphasizes the “fun” aspect of getting to zero (and becoming, he says, a “carbon hero”), the Green Deal could drive millions into sustainable development projects, and it comes two years after a Dutch court ruled that the government is legally obligated to slash emissions 25 percent before the Paris Climate Agreement comes into effect in 2020. Cozijnsen, who long represented the Netherlands in global climate talks, sees the Green Deal as a way for the government to meet its pre-2020 obligation, and for companies to prepare for a post-2020 regime, when all sectors will presumably be capped. Domestic Buying Power Dutch companies and NGOs are already active in both the voluntary and compliance markets. They transact millions of carbon offsets per year, but that money usually goes abroad – to save and restore forests around the world, according to an analysis of European voluntary carbon markets that Ecosystem Marketplace and EcoStar Natual Talents published last year. Specifically, the report found, companies and NGOs based in the Netherlands transacted 4.4 million carbon offsets in 2015 alone, helping to build wind farms and save or restore forests across nine countries – from Indonesia and Brazil to Turkey and Uganda. One country missing from the list: the Netherlands itself, and it’s not alone. The report also found no active land-based projects in France, Spain, or Switzerland, and only a few in Germany, the UK, and Italy. The German Ministry of Environment has been supporting efforts to develop voluntary carbon programs domestically, and Cozijnsen says similar efforts are underway across the European Union.

Op Energeia Energy Day ging het over politiek, visie en de toekomst. Over industrie, consumenten en flexibiliteit. Gedurende de dag interviewde dagvoorzitter Roelof Hemmen enkele sprekers en deelnemers over deze onderwerpen en over wat hen verder bezighoudt. Dat heeft geleid tot deze podcastserie. Vandaag een gesprek met Jos Cozijnsen, zelfstandig consultant emissiehandel.

Climate negotiators are meeting in Bonn, Germany, the next two weeks to move the Paris Climate Agreement forward – even as Republicans in the United States seem intent on moving it backward. Most countries say they want the US to stay in the agreement, but there’s reason to believe it will be better off without us. 8 May 2017 | The dark-haired man looked haggard and world-weary as he leaned towards the microphone. “We ask for your leadership,” he told US Undersecretary of State Paula Dobriansky, with cameras running and the world watching. “We seek your leadership,” he continued. “But if for some reason you’re not willing to lead, leave it to the rest of us. Please, get out of the way!” The year was 2007, and the young man was Kevin Conrad, who represents Papua New Guinea in UN climate talks. The place was Bali, Indonesia, where George W Bush’s US negotiating team had been gunking up talks with silly games and doublespeak. The words perfectly captured the exasperation in the room, and delegates roared in rare applause. Bush’s team backed down. But ten years on, it’s déjà vu all over again, except this time the world isn’t haggling over how to fix the climate mess. Instead, negotiators are meeting in Bonn, Germany this week and next to begin implementing the bottom-up fix that the world has already agreed on – a fix the United States was instrumental in creating: namely, the Paris Climate Agreement, which is a flexible framework that gives every country the leeway to meet the climate challenge as it sees fit. It does require the creation of science-based rules for measuring and monitoring emissions, and the world’s media should be focused on the substantive efforts to develop a detailed rulebook for handling international cooperation on emission-reductions. Instead, however, the Trump Show has stolen the spotlight, and media is preoccupied with the question of whether Trump will or will not pull out of the landmark accord. Most reports focus on the tragedy of him leaving, but some insiders fear the opposite: namely, that he’ll stay in and sabotage progress. Gus Silva-Chavez is one of those. A longtime NGO observer, Silva-Chavez now runs the Forest Trends REDDX initiative, which tracks carbon finance – finance that depends on accurate measurements of greenhouse-gas emissions and reductions, as well as rigorous tracking of international carbon transfers. It’s complicated stuff, but 99 percent of the work has already been done. Silva-Chavez, however, fears the Trump team will either complicate it even more or try to “streamline” it, which would undermine the environmental integrity of the system. “They could go in and say, ‘The UN is not going to tell the US what to do,’” he says in an interview to appear on today’s episode of the Bionic Planet podcast. “They could say, ‘We don’t need an extensive, detailed rulebook. All we need are the basics, and we’re not going to agree to anything more.’” That, he says, could slow the talks without formally appearing to do so, just as Republican strategists undermined civil rights while formally protecting “freedom”. Also, he adds, while the US stands alone now, any opposition could provide cover for other countries to also bail or stall. “Right now, on the record, every country is saying the right thing: that they’ll toe the line,” he says. “But that could change if the US breaks its word.” If that sounds far-fetched, we need just look back to the bad old days of the second Bush administration, which handed negotiations over to a previously unknown and famously unqualified congressional staffer named Harlan Watson. The Triumvirate of Obstruction Watson was a human wrench tossed into the gears of global diplomacy by ExxonMobil for the sole purpose of grinding those gears to a halt. For that task, we was actually well-suited, and his name elicits such visceral feelings of disgust among those who were there that it probably warrants a trigger warning. The parallels to today are frightening: ExxonMobil inserted Watson into the Bush administration via a fax “which Exxon Mobil spokesman Russ Roberts said was sent by the company but not written by any of its employees,” as Washington Post reporter Juliet Eilperin put it – foreshadowing the daily doublespeak that Sean Spicer now spews at every White House presser. Watson, along with Dobriansky and energy industry lawyer James Connoughton, formed an unholy Triumvirate of Obstruction that neutered the US on the world stage, and as an example, you can look to Bali: after months of stalling and flip-flopping, Watson said the US would only sign an agreement without targets or numbers because “once numbers appear in the text, it prejudges the outcome and will tend to drive the negotiations in one direction.” After another collective groan from delegates, it was former US Vice-President Al Gore’s turn to speak. “My own country, the United States, is mainly responsible for obstructing progress at Bali,” he admitted, but “over the next two years the United States is going to be somewhere it is not now….One year and 40 days from today, there will be a new (presidential) inauguration in the United States.” He argued that even a watered-down agreement was better than nothing, so delegates passed an agreement that met all of Watson’s criteria, but Dobriansky still rejected it, prompting Conrad’s famous, exasperated retort and Dobriansky’s about-face. As we all know now, Barack Obama won the next election, and his team incrementally helped shepherd the talks that resulted in the Paris Agreement – an incredibly flexible approach to fixing the climate mess that encourages a race to the top instead of binding targets. Optimists like former Dutch negotiator Jos Cozijnsen point out that, from a rational perspective, the United States has no reason to either leave or torpedo the agreement. “It’s not rational… and this is not Kyoto,” says Cozijnsen, who now advises environmental NGOs, referencing the Kyoto Protocol. “You can’t block anything anymore, and there is no reason for the US to do so.” The Trump team, however, isn’t rational, either; and while they can’t formally block, they can gunk things up. Or they can get out of the way.

On Thursday, 65 countries representing 83% of international aviation agreed to cap their greenhouse-gas emissions from international flights at 2020 levels from 2021 onward – in part by forcing airlines to offset emissions above that threshold, and MAYBE by funding programs that save forests and support sustainable agriculture around the world. A final decision on offset types, however, isn’t expected until 2018 Backgrond: The Paris Climate Agreement created a framework for keeping the global rise in temperatures below 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 degrees Fahrenheit) over pre-Industrial levels, but it left emissions from international flights in limbo – partly because their "international" nature made it hard to reach agreement on which countries to charge the emissions to. That changed on Thursday, when the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), the UN agency charged with coordinating aviation regulation, including environmental impact, agreed to freeze net aviation emissions at 2020 levels beginning in 2021, and to force airlines to offset emissions above that threshold. The program, called “CORSIA” (Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation), will be phased in, with a voluntary pilot phase running from 2021 through 2023, then a second voluntary phase from 2024 through 2026, and a final phase, running from 2027 through 2035 that is mandatory for all countries except the very poor. ICAO President Olumuyiwa Benard Aliu said that 65 countries had already signed on for the voluntary phase, and these countries together represent nearly 83 percent of total aviation miles, measured in "revenue tonne kilometers" (RTKs), which translate into one metric ton of load (human passengers or cargo) per kilometer traveled. Includes Interviews with Dutch environmental attorney Jos Cozijnsen and Arjun Patney, policy director of the American Carbon Registry.