Podcasts about general zia

Akram Kaim Khani is a Pakistani-born political activist and cultural promoter based in London, United Kingdom. He was a left-wing student leader in Karachi and a pro-democracy activist following General Zia-ul-Haq's coup d'état. Born in Tharparkar, he moved to Karachi at a young age, studying at Jamia Millia College, Malir, and the University of Karachi. Despite being affected by polio, which limited his mobility, he remained actively involved in political movements and faced imprisonment and torture during his activism. After seeking political asylum in the UK, Kaim Khani continued his advocacy for democracy and social causes. He played a significant role in establishing the Faiz Foundation Trust in the UK, organizing cultural and literary events to promote dialogue and understanding. In 2024, he co-founded the Voices of South Asian Art and Literature (VSAAL) in London, which organized the First South Asian Festival at the Bloomsbury Theatre, celebrating the region's composite cultural heritage. Kaim Khani's efforts have been instrumental in fostering cultural exchange and promoting the rich traditions of South Asia within the diaspora community.The Pakistan Experience is an independently produced podcast looking to tell stories about Pakistan through conversations. Please consider supporting us on Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/thepakistanexperienceTo support the channel:Jazzcash/Easypaisa - 0325 -2982912Patreon.com/thepakistanexperienceAnd Please stay in touch:https://twitter.com/ThePakistanExp1https://www.facebook.com/thepakistanexperiencehttps://instagram.com/thepakistanexpeperienceThe podcast is hosted by comedian and writer, Shehzad Ghias Shaikh. Shehzad is a Fulbright scholar with a Masters in Theatre from Brooklyn College. He is also one of the foremost Stand-up comedians in Pakistan and frequently writes for numerous publications. Instagram.com/shehzadghiasshaikhFacebook.com/Shehzadghias/Twitter.com/shehzad89Join this channel to get access to perks:https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC44l9XMwecN5nSgIF2Dvivg/joinChapters:0:00 Introduction1:30 Migration, Sindhi and MQM11:00 Karachi of the 60s16:51 Karachi University and Political discourse23:00 Political Journey28:30 Joining PPP31:00 Zulffiqar Ali Bhutto's blunders37:00 Shutting down Karachi University and Tipu42:50 Being Tortured in Jail48:00 1981 Plane Hijacking and Al Zulfiqar1:01:00 Joining Al Zulfiqar and Training1:11:50 Meeting Benazir Bhutto and coming back to Pakistan1:22:00 Who killed Benazir Bhutto?1:28:38 Who killed Murtaza Bhutto?1:35:40 Who killed Shahnawaz Bhutto?1:37:19 Who killed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto?1:38:00 Audience Questions

Salima Hashmi is a pioneer of political satire on Pakistani TV. But after the dictator General Zia took power in the 1977 military coup, she faced new and dangerous challenges when her show was banned. It was a troubling time for Salima's family but from exile, her father Faiz Ahmed Faiz wrote his most famous poem, Hum Dekhenge, a battle cry for liberation. Presenter: Mobeen Azhar Producer: Maryam Maruf Archive from the Faiz Foundation Get in touch: liveslessordinary@bbc.co.uk or WhatsApp: 0044 330 678 2784

Based in Mumbai, Aayush Puthran is an experienced cricket reporter and analyst, with a strong focus on women's cricket. He has written an inspirational book, Unveiling Jazbaa, which weaves together the astonishing personal stories of the creators and players of women's cricket in Pakistan.Aayush begins by explaining the Urdu word Jazbaa. It has no precise English equivalent, but conveys a cocktail of emotions and passions which generate stunning unexpected achievement. It has been regularly applied to the Pakistan men's team: he thought that the women's team also deserved it, to convey their determination to step out.He outlines the early history of Pakistan women's cricket in the 1970s, largely confined to well-connected women in élite institutions. As in India in the same era, it was much easier for women to take part in individual sports such as running or badminton or in hockey.Aayush tells the dramatic story of the Khan sisters of Karachi, Shaiza and Sharmeen (who sadly passed away in 2021). They pioneered Pakistan's international women's team against entrenched opposition and often great personal risk. Daughters of a wealthy father and a cricket-crazed mother (who had postponed her wedding to watch Pakistan play the West Indies), they had discovered themselves as cricketers during their English education during the 1980s. They identified with Pakistan's increasingly successful men's team of that period, but had no women's team which they and others could aspire to. They therefore decided to create one from nothing.He explains the political background which made their ambitions and activities so dangerous. Pakistan's then military dictator, General Zia ul-Haq had formed an alliance with deeply conservative fringe religious movements. They had promulgated the so-called Hudood Ordinances, imposing severe controls on the lives of women and girls, especially all activities outdoors, with severe punishments for alleged female transgressors of any kind.  They could play cricket and other sports only in enclosed private spaces, such as the compound at their father's carpet factory. When Zia was killed in an air crash in 1988 and replaced by Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan's first female Prime Minister, the sisters thought it would be safe to organize a proper cricket match involving former men's stars including the great Zaheer Abbas. They were mistaken. The religious ultras were still strong and the sisters faced death threats. They were forced instead to play an all-women's match in the compound with a massive police presence, and their father demanded that they fly back to England immediately it finished.Continue reading here: https://chiswickcalendar.co.uk/episode-113-a-story-made-for-the-movies-pakistan-womens-cricket/Get in touch with us by emailing obornehellercricket@outlook.com, we would love to hear from you!

In his first recorded interview with the Western press since the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and subsequent collapse of the Afghan Government, 4-Star General Yasin Zia, former Chief of General Staff Afghan Security Forces, discusses what went wrong, and plans afoot to mount a counterattack. General Zia is a recipient of the Ghazi Mohammad Akbar Khan Medal - Afghanistan's highest governmental award - for his bravery on the front lines of the battlefield over more than 20 years. He is a former governor of Takhar Province, and Deputy Defense Minister.

Qamar Ahmed is a legend in global cricket. He reported 450 Test matches – about one in six of all those ever played since 1877 – and 738 one-day internationals, including nine of the twelve World Cups. He is respected throughout the cricket world for his authority and integrity. He recently published his memoir Far More Than A Game.  He is the guest of Peter Oborne and Richard Heller on their cricket-themed podcast.As a boy, Qamar Ahmed experienced the sudden and traumatic end of an idyllic childhood in Bihar, in pre-Partition India through communal violence. Movingly he describes the heroic Hindu family who sheltered him and his family from mobs looking for Muslims to kill – and even more movingly, re-visiting them in Bihar some thirty years later.Relocated in Pakistan, Qamar Ahmed became a cricketer. He shares vivid memories of the vanished world of first-class cricket there in the 1950s, playing for ten rupees a day (about 50p or ten shillings). He played against the great Mohammed brothers (including a thirteen-year-old Mushtaq), faced the party-loving spin bowling genius Prince Aslam, and had to endure on début a complete duffer in his first-class team – because he had selected himself as Secretary of the local association. He describes his relationship with the great early Pakistan coach, Master Aziz – and years later, his son Salim Durrani, who became a star in Indian cricket and (briefly) movies.As a journalist, Qamar Ahmed had meetings with many famous people in and out of cricket. He gives a close-up account of four of them: Kerry Packer, Sir Don Bradman (introduced to him in a generous gesture by Bill “Tiger” O'Reilly) and Nelson Mandela. But there was one person he refused to meet: General Zia ul-Haq, then ruler of Pakistan. Qamar Ahmed explains why.He reflects on the current state of Pakistan cricket, laments the general decline in the quality of Test cricket (after 450 samples) and expresses his fears for its future, especially if a “two-tier” system of Test-playing countries takes hold. 

To get this full episode, become a member at patreon.com/tmbs   @TheseLongWars returns to guide us through the myraid personalities that have dominated the recent history of Pakistani politics. Benazir Bhutto's rise and assassination. Nawaz Sharif and military party politics. Elections and their lack in Pakistan. The social forces that led to Imran Kahn. General Zia's 1988 plane crash. 1999 Pakistani coup d'état and the General Musharraf era. Imran Kahn as the Trump-like froth of Pakistani neoliberal politics.

This is a teaser for the premium #TMBSSunday episode available at patreon.com/tmbs  @TheseLongWars The true story behind "Charlie Wilson's War." Who was General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq? Pakistan's place in the US/USSR Cold War. General Zia and the collapse of communism.

Having a podcast with Moni Mohsin, face to face , was the much needed dose of laughter, humor, intellect, wisdom and experience. Honored and humbled to have her on 'dhaani' - A platform that wants to promote well-being, on the emotional, psychological, physiological, spiritual level - and laughter , humor and wit is an intrinsic feature of the human life. We spoke about privacy, laying safe boundaries, the need for solitude, social media and intrusiveness, and last but not the least Moni was generous to share her "Social Butterfly" snippets with us. Moni Mohsin was born in 1963 in Lahore, Pakistan. Since her father was from the landed gentry of Punjab and her mother from a business family in Lahore, she grew up between Lahore (where she attended a strict convent school run by Irish nuns) and Okara, where she ran wild with peasant children. Like her siblings before her, she left Pakistan at the age of sixteen to attend boarding school in England. Having completed her A'levels, she proceeded to Cambridge to read for a tripos in Archaeology and Anthroplogy. In 1986 she returned to a Pakistan gripped tight in the iron fist of General Zia-ul-Haq. She spent the next two years working for an environmental agency, where she produced Pakistan's first environmental news magazine, Natura. And then in 1988, when General Zia was assassinated and space for political discourse opened up once again, she moved to a new publishing venture, The Friday Times, Pakistan's first independent weekly. She spent seven years there, rising eventually to the position of Features Editor. She married in 1995 and moved back to England with her husband. Since then she has freelanced for a number of Pakistani magazines including The Friday Times, Libas and Zameen. She has also contributed short fiction to the creative writing issue of Wasafiri 2000 edited by Aamer Huussein and Bernadine Evaristo and an anthology on Lahore edited by Bapsi Sidhwa and published by Penguin India. She has also authored a travel book on Lahore published by the Guide Book Company and is currently in talks for the publication of her journalistic writings with Vanguard Books Pakistan and Penguin India. The Ceremony of Innocence is her first novel. She has two children and divides her time between Lahore and London. Moni Mohsin is a Pakistani born novelist and freelance journalist based in London. She has authored two novels, the award winning The End of Innocence (Penguin UK) and Duty Free (Vintage) which was adapted for Radio Four's Book at Bedtime. Her long running satirical column in the weekly newspaper, The Friday Times in Lahore, has been published by Vintage as The Diary of a Social Butterfly and its best selling follow up, The Return of the Butterfly, by Random House India. Her journalistic work has appeared in The Guardian, 1843, Prospect, The Literary Review, Vogue, The Times of India and Nikkei Asian Review. Last year her article ‘Austenistan' (published in 1843) was shortlisted for a Foreign Press Association award. She does book reviews, cultural features, political pieces, satirical columns and celebrity interviews and writes on topics ranging from domestic workers in the Middle East to Bollywood. Moni Mohsin Social Media Handles Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/MoniMohsinpage/ Instagram : @monimohsinofficial Do listen to this and please leave us with a comment, rating or review You can subscribe to our podcast on: Apple Podcast Stitcher Anchor Fm Google Spotify

In this International Women’s Day episode of —between the lines— IDS researcher, Mariz Tadros, speaks to Ayesha Khan about her book The Women’s Movement in Pakistan: Activism, Islam and Democracy.The military rule of General Zia ul-Haq, former President of Pakistan, had significant political repercussions for the country. Islamization policies were far more pronounced and control over women became the key marker of the state’s adherence to religious norms. Women’s rights activists mobilized as a result, campaigning to reverse oppressive policies and redefine the relationship between state, society and Islam. Their calls for a liberal democracy led them to be targeted and suppressed. This book is a history of the modern women’s movement in Pakistan.Ayesha Khan argues that the demand for a secular state and resistance to Islamization should not be misunderstood as Pakistani women sympathizing with a western agenda. Rather, their work is a crucial contribution to the evolution of the Pakistani state.Ayesha Khan is with the Collective for Social Science Research in Karachi. She works on gender and development, social policy, refugee and conflict issues.Resources:Book: https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/the-womens-movement-in-pakistan-9781788311984/Mariz Tadros: https://www.ids.ac.uk/people/mariz-tadros/This podcast is produced and edited by IDS Communications Coordinator, Sarah King: https://www.ids.ac.uk/people/sarah-king/Music credit: Crypt of Insomnia/One Day in Africa (instrumental version)/Getty Images See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar’s The Politics of Common Sense: State, Society and Culture in Pakistan (Cambridge University Press, 2018) is an incisive study of continuity as well as change in Pakistan that has moved the country towards religious conservatism and increased authoritarianism. Akhtar, a political scientist and self-confessed left-wing activist, documents the development of political power in Pakistan that with the military dictatorship in the 1980s of General Zia ul-Haq ended an era of more liberal and left-wing politics and put the country on a path of right-wing religious ultra-conservatism from which it has yet to deviate

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar's The Politics of Common Sense: State, Society and Culture in Pakistan(Cambridge University Press, 2018) is an incisive study of continuity as well as change in Pakistan that has moved the country towards religious conservatism and increased authoritarianism. Akhtar, a political scientist and self-confessed left-wing activist, documents the development of political power in Pakistan that with the military dictatorship in the 1980s of General Zia ul-Haq ended an era of more liberal and left-wing politics and put the country on a path of right-wing religious ultra-conservatism from which it has yet to deviate. In tracking that development, Akhtar's book makes a significant contribution by focussing not only on its ideological but also its economic aspects as well as the religious right's appeal to urban shopkeepers and traders. He projects the religious right as a vehicle for subordinate classes to access the state and claim a stake in status quo politics. Akhtar's contribution with this book is also his analysis of the waning of counter-hegemonic and transformative politics in Pakistan. Akhtar notes that the perceived benefits of carving out a stake in a patronage-based system far outstrip the cost and risk of efforts to transform the system. It is that cost-benefit analysis that has given Pakistan politics resilience and undergird a system in which religion is the ultimate source of legitimacy at the expense of any opposition to class and state power. In looking at how subordinate classes cope through the politics of common sense, Akhtar's book represents a significant and innovative addition to the study not only of Pakistan but of an era in which religious, nationalist and populist forces are on the rise.

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar’s The Politics of Common Sense: State, Society and Culture in Pakistan (Cambridge University Press, 2018) is an incisive study of continuity as well as change in Pakistan that has moved the country towards religious conservatism and increased authoritarianism. Akhtar, a political scientist and self-confessed left-wing activist, documents the development of political power in Pakistan that with the military dictatorship in the 1980s of General Zia ul-Haq ended an era of more liberal and left-wing politics and put the country on a path of right-wing religious ultra-conservatism from which it has yet to deviate. In tracking that development, Akhtar’s book makes a significant contribution by focussing not only on its ideological but also its economic aspects as well as the religious right’s appeal to urban shopkeepers and traders. He projects the religious right as a vehicle for subordinate classes to access the state and claim a stake in status quo politics. Akhtar’s contribution with this book is also his analysis of the waning of counter-hegemonic and transformative politics in Pakistan. Akhtar notes that the perceived benefits of carving out a stake in a patronage-based system far outstrip the cost and risk of efforts to transform the system. It is that cost-benefit analysis that has given Pakistan politics resilience and undergird a system in which religion is the ultimate source of legitimacy at the expense of any opposition to class and state power. In looking at how subordinate classes cope through the politics of common sense, Akhtar’s book represents a significant and innovative addition to the study not only of Pakistan but of an era in which religious, nationalist and populist forces are on the rise. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar’s The Politics of Common Sense: State, Society and Culture in Pakistan(Cambridge University Press, 2018) is an incisive study of continuity as well as change in Pakistan that has moved the country towards religious conservatism and increased authoritarianism. Akhtar, a political scientist and self-confessed left-wing activist, documents the development of political power in Pakistan that with the military dictatorship in the 1980s of General Zia ul-Haq ended an era of more liberal and left-wing politics and put the country on a path of right-wing religious ultra-conservatism from which it has yet to deviate. In tracking that development, Akhtar’s book makes a significant contribution by focussing not only on its ideological but also its economic aspects as well as the religious right’s appeal to urban shopkeepers and traders. He projects the religious right as a vehicle for subordinate classes to access the state and claim a stake in status quo politics. Akhtar’s contribution with this book is also his analysis of the waning of counter-hegemonic and transformative politics in Pakistan. Akhtar notes that the perceived benefits of carving out a stake in a patronage-based system far outstrip the cost and risk of efforts to transform the system. It is that cost-benefit analysis that has given Pakistan politics resilience and undergird a system in which religion is the ultimate source of legitimacy at the expense of any opposition to class and state power. In looking at how subordinate classes cope through the politics of common sense, Akhtar’s book represents a significant and innovative addition to the study not only of Pakistan but of an era in which religious, nationalist and populist forces are on the rise. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar’s The Politics of Common Sense: State, Society and Culture in Pakistan(Cambridge University Press, 2018) is an incisive study of continuity as well as change in Pakistan that has moved the country towards religious conservatism and increased authoritarianism. Akhtar, a political scientist and self-confessed left-wing activist, documents the development of political power in Pakistan that with the military dictatorship in the 1980s of General Zia ul-Haq ended an era of more liberal and left-wing politics and put the country on a path of right-wing religious ultra-conservatism from which it has yet to deviate. In tracking that development, Akhtar’s book makes a significant contribution by focussing not only on its ideological but also its economic aspects as well as the religious right’s appeal to urban shopkeepers and traders. He projects the religious right as a vehicle for subordinate classes to access the state and claim a stake in status quo politics. Akhtar’s contribution with this book is also his analysis of the waning of counter-hegemonic and transformative politics in Pakistan. Akhtar notes that the perceived benefits of carving out a stake in a patronage-based system far outstrip the cost and risk of efforts to transform the system. It is that cost-benefit analysis that has given Pakistan politics resilience and undergird a system in which religion is the ultimate source of legitimacy at the expense of any opposition to class and state power. In looking at how subordinate classes cope through the politics of common sense, Akhtar’s book represents a significant and innovative addition to the study not only of Pakistan but of an era in which religious, nationalist and populist forces are on the rise. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar’s The Politics of Common Sense: State, Society and Culture in Pakistan(Cambridge University Press, 2018) is an incisive study of continuity as well as change in Pakistan that has moved the country towards religious conservatism and increased authoritarianism. Akhtar, a political scientist and self-confessed left-wing activist, documents the development of political power in Pakistan that with the military dictatorship in the 1980s of General Zia ul-Haq ended an era of more liberal and left-wing politics and put the country on a path of right-wing religious ultra-conservatism from which it has yet to deviate. In tracking that development, Akhtar’s book makes a significant contribution by focussing not only on its ideological but also its economic aspects as well as the religious right’s appeal to urban shopkeepers and traders. He projects the religious right as a vehicle for subordinate classes to access the state and claim a stake in status quo politics. Akhtar’s contribution with this book is also his analysis of the waning of counter-hegemonic and transformative politics in Pakistan. Akhtar notes that the perceived benefits of carving out a stake in a patronage-based system far outstrip the cost and risk of efforts to transform the system. It is that cost-benefit analysis that has given Pakistan politics resilience and undergird a system in which religion is the ultimate source of legitimacy at the expense of any opposition to class and state power. In looking at how subordinate classes cope through the politics of common sense, Akhtar’s book represents a significant and innovative addition to the study not only of Pakistan but of an era in which religious, nationalist and populist forces are on the rise. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar’s The Politics of Common Sense: State, Society and Culture in Pakistan (Cambridge University Press, 2018) is an incisive study of continuity as well as change in Pakistan that has moved the country towards religious conservatism and increased authoritarianism. Akhtar, a political scientist and self-confessed left-wing activist, documents the development of political power in Pakistan that with the military dictatorship in the 1980s of General Zia ul-Haq ended an era of more liberal and left-wing politics and put the country on a path of right-wing religious ultra-conservatism from which it has yet to deviate. In tracking that development, Akhtar’s book makes a significant contribution by focussing not only on its ideological but also its economic aspects as well as the religious right’s appeal to urban shopkeepers and traders. He projects the religious right as a vehicle for subordinate classes to access the state and claim a stake in status quo politics. Akhtar’s contribution with this book is also his analysis of the waning of counter-hegemonic and transformative politics in Pakistan. Akhtar notes that the perceived benefits of carving out a stake in a patronage-based system far outstrip the cost and risk of efforts to transform the system. It is that cost-benefit analysis that has given Pakistan politics resilience and undergird a system in which religion is the ultimate source of legitimacy at the expense of any opposition to class and state power. In looking at how subordinate classes cope through the politics of common sense, Akhtar’s book represents a significant and innovative addition to the study not only of Pakistan but of an era in which religious, nationalist and populist forces are on the rise. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In 1998, the Indonesian dictator, President Suharto, resigned after 31 years in power. He stood down in the wake of nationwide demonstrations sparked by the killing of four student protestors. We hear from Bhatara Ibnu Reza, who was with one of the students when he died. Plus, how a Pakistani theatre company took on the dictatorship of General Zia ul-Huq; the landmark Holocaust documentary Shoah; and the day lesbian protestors targeted the BBC news studio. Photo: Students celebrate outside the Parliamentary buildings, Jakarta after Indonesian President Suharto announced his resignation. Credit: Adam Butler/PA

In 1984 a group of young people formed the Ajoka theatre group. Created at a time of heightened tensions and censorship due to the state of emergency imposed by the then military dictatorship of General Zia ul-Huq, it pioneered theatre for social change in Pakistan. Farhana Haider has been speaking to Fawzia Afzal-Khan who acted in the company's first original play.(Members of the Ajoka theatre group 1988; Credit Fawzia Afzal-Khan)

The photo was taken outside Polish Radio in Warsaw in 2005. The programme that accompanies it was made in August 1988, a difficult time for Poland. There were at least 15 illegal FM stations on the air, trying to combat the official government voice coming out of the Polish Radio building.  Do you remember international reply coupons? If you were trying to get a reply out of a radio station, sometimes enclosing an IRC would help out. In theory, such a coupon could be exchanged for postage stamps in another country. However, in my experience, they often turned out to be an expesive proposition. We discuss IRC's in this programme.  This was also the week that General Zia was toppled from power in Pakistan and IRRS was preparing broadcasts from Northern Italy. If you've arrived at this page from Thomas Witherspoon's SWL Blog, then you may like to know that Media Network's Pubspot talks to John Bryant of Fine Tuning about 9 minutes into the programme. Professor John Campbell looks at clandestine antennas and reviews a book about Harold Beverage called