Social movement against [[institutionalized]] racism in the United States during the 20th century
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9 episodes with second reconstruction
2 episodes with second reconstruction
2 episodes with second reconstruction
2 episodes with second reconstruction
2 episodes with second reconstruction
2 episodes with second reconstruction
This period is characterized by an intense push for equal occupational opportunities that would yield economic prosperity for all people. This would be realized after World War II where due to the efforts of a variety of labor organizers, many influenced by Marxist theories, America would enter an era of the pinnacle of its union cooperation which would correspond to a great degree of prosperity. However, there was not just a push for jobs through legal and political protections there were efforts to create a variety of new civil rights and educational legislation. Women educator and scholars also became more involved in labor organizing as time went on contributing to the massive membership of the Southern Tenant Farmers Union to 300,000. The involvement of students in this era would foreshadow future involvement of student participation in the Civil Rights movement that would be crucial to ending segregation in the south. Asa Randolph and others relate a growing global sentiment as countries around the world urged for freedom against the chains of fascism, authoritarianism, and communism that a society is only democratic when the weakest members can exercise not just political rights but has the economic means to fend for themselves. President FDR relates to this global sentiment through his aspirations for greater equity and equality through his 1945 Economic Bill of Rights near the end of his life demanding health care, housing, a decent paying job, and more. As will see at the end of these podcasts, the political agenda of President Barack Obama, especially his passing of Universal Healthcare to provide insurance to millions of poor people and his advocacy against inequality, and efforts to end the 2008 national recession, was in many ways a fruition of this 1945 Economic Bill of Rights.This period from 1915-1954 saw a significant growth in political consciousness not just of the masses, but also the place of black women whose recognition of the identity of black, woman, and worker is critical in recognizing a heightened political consciousness and achieving rights for all people. Moreover, the rise of Thurgood Marshal saw the translation of the social and moral principles of passed luminaries especially the abolitionists in legislation. The Harlem Renaissance was an immense cultural phenomenon which was an incubator not just for artistic expression, but also for the race question. This would influence future cultural icons like Amiri Baraka and other intellectual who would be entering a more open academic space as the McCarthyism movement subsided, allowing them to influence a whole new generation of young people. The question is what methods, which overlap, would win out not just during the Second Reconstruction of 1954-1975, but also today: nonviolent civil disobedience and the realization of the Beloved Community, conservative black nationalism, cultural nationalism, revolutionary black nationalism, or black electoral politics?Tune in for the next video podcast to delve more deeply into these ideas.Next Podcast Monday February 24- Section 4- We Shall Overcome: The Second Reconstruction, 1954-1975 Part 1 of 2Next Podcast Monday February 25- Section 4- We Shall Overcome: The Second Reconstruction, 1954-1975 Part 2 of 2Next podcast February 28 Thursday:Section 5- The Future in the Present: Contemporary African-American Thought, 1975 to the Present Part 1 of 2Next podcast Finale March 1 Friday:Section 5- The Future in the Present: Contemporary African-American Thought, 1975 to the Present Part 2 of 2
If you enjoy these history lessons please follow, like, share, and subscribe for future videos. My YouTube channel is Sunny Sharma@IndiaInsightMovement and my podcast is “India Insight with Sunny Sharma”This short era of immense change began with the critical case of Brown vs Board of Education in 1954 that established separate but not equal is unconstitutional. This marked a significant constitutional victory in favor of an integrationist approach which led to the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement which was launched through the Montgomery Bus Boycott in Alabama in 1955-1956. The revolutionary approach, depending upon who you ask, of active nonviolent Civil Disobedience led by such figures as Rosa Parks, Ella Baker, Fannie Lou Hamer, Dr. King, Ralph Abernathy, Reverend James Lawson, and Bayard Rustin was the leading philosophical and practical approach to integrate public institutions in America including restaurants, schools, and public transportation. This period was characterized by immense grassroots movements led by coalitions of very diverse groups of people welcomed by a more inclusive approach. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) founded by Dr. King in 1957 revolved around nonviolent civil disobedience as a protest strategy and the goal of achieving full democratic participation through legal protections for the vote. The young John Lewis and Ella Baker, major leaders in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), demanded not just more radical change and group centered leadership while also endorsing Dr. King's methods, but they also represented a cognitive and philosophical shift that many leaders such as Dr. King would take after 1966. These shifts occurred due to frustrations from the inability to change the fundamental political and economic conditions of African Americans despite legislative victories such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. This tension resulted in the rise of black nationalism, cultural nationalism, and black power movements which influenced many young people to leave the integrationist fold. However, the two most influential black power groups the Black Panthers and partly Black Electoral Politics were not as comprehensive systems compared to the moral tactics and philosophy of Dr. King. Nonetheless, these black power movements, along with Malcolm X who will be discussed in part 2 of We Shall Overcome, have certainly captured the imagination of many young people while inspiring a black artistic and cultural movement to contribute to black expression and excellence even if their approach was somewhat limited when compared to integration. Still, integration was meant for the meaningful realization of full equality and equity with whites and it was clear that Western civilization not only has structural political and economic barriers to the advancement of colored people, it was also in a crisis. This is why, after 1966, Dr. King viewed that black people were in danger of “integrating into a burning house.” However, his Letter from a Birmingham Jail of 1963 stood the test of time as still relevant today to freedom fighters around the globe of the need to break unjust laws, force the moderates into action against perceived injustice, the reclamation of the social justice function of institutions or to see their degeneration, and so much more. In the next section, I will discuss some of the major movements to shift black consciousness later in the period from 1954-1975 such as Malcolm X, the black panthers, and the movement to elect black political figures many of whom were freedom fighters in the 1970s. The question is why did Malcolm X shift to a black nationalist international perspective and were these movement's goal to protect, enrich the black community, and form an independent black politics successful in hindsight?
The rise of such proponents of black nationalism and black power as Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael was seated in deep frustration with the inability to change the fundamental economic conditions of blacks even with the passing of political protections to the vote and legal protections against discrimination. Moreover, there was deep seated opposition to police brutality which resulted in the creation of the Black Panther Party. Along with the rise of Black electoral politics which expressed many of the demands of previous black organization agendas like that of the Marcus's Garvey's UNIA, W.E.B. Du Bois's Niagara Movement, and the Black Panthers 10 point program, the rise of these black nationalist ideologues, cultural nationalism, and black power did not just contribute to creative movements of the future they also sought to regain political ownership of their community. However, even if many agreed on the need for a grassroots approach as a means of forcing political, legal, and economic change, black moderates such as Bayard Rustin felt black nationalism detracted from a unified and strategic effort to overcome inequities and inequality in America. The main nonviolent Civil Disobedience strategists insist that their approach in hindsight led to meaningful change especially as evidenced by the movements to desegregate Alabama in Selma, Montgomery, and Birmingham. Dr. King became much more radical after 1966 sympathizing with Democratic Socialism and a radical proposition called the revolution of values to overcome the evils of racism, militarisms, and racism. This shift in outlook was in many ways inspired by Malcolm X approbation towards capitalist exploitation of black communities. There was also a rise in black electoral politics seeking independent black politics that was person centered and sought to develop political consciousness to overcome the failure of an entrenched system of institutional racism and barriers to political and economic equality. The Marxist theorist Henry Winston was one of the first people to combine a critique of capitalist inequality undermining race relations with imperialist oppression in such places as South Africa. Like the many organizations and conferences of this periods there were not just strong criticisms of systemic racism, capitalism, and a call for essential rights like health, education, housing, and a decent paying job, there were movements towards a more revolutionary politics seated in the development of class consciousness. What would be witnessed in future periods 1975 to present is a rise in rainbow coalition movements under leaders like Jesse Jackson and Harold Washington paralleling the rise of a black bourgeoisie which would speak to many of the fundamental concerns of the African American community. However, impeccable orators like Louis Farrakhan, though not involved politically, would resonate with the masses due to his fundamental examination of race relations; rhetoric that would mirror that of many past leaders like Malcolm X. There would be an effort to create a social contract that would eventually manifest with the rise of President Barack Obama to the presidency in 2008; a man who would speak to the need for liberal progress, aspirational hope in a changing America, and a rhetoric which would transcend partisan bickering and racial animosity. He would not only lead America out of the worst recession since the Great Depression while speaking to the dangers of inequities in power politically and economically, but he would also provide an ambitious agenda that managed to lead America through an era of great technological advancement while also providing reassurance to the American people that their basic needs would be endorsed and enhanced by governmental support.Next: Contemporary era- 1975 to the Present Part 1 and Part 2
Who's afraid of DEI? And why?Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (DEIA) initiatives have become institutional mainstays in corporate and academic settings—but they are currently under attack. In this episode of Hotel Bar Sessions, Leigh and Devonya sit down with Freedom Rider and retired Associate Professor of History at Boston College, Paul Breines, to reflect on the evolution of social justice movements from the civil rights struggles of the 1960s to today's embattled DEIA programs. How did a radical movement for racial justice morph into bureaucratic diversity training? And how should we understand the backlash against DEIA as part of a longer history of reactionary politics?Is what we're seeing in today's political climate a Second Reconstruction or a Second Redemption? The hosts discuss the ideological shifts that have transformed how both the left and right frame issues of race, gender, sexuality, ability, and inclusion—asking whether the language of justice has been co-opted by those seeking to dismantle it. From the Freedom Rides to contemporary campus activism, we dig into what has changed, what remains the same, and whether today's movements need a more radical edge. What kind of activism does this moment demand?Full episode notes available at this link:https://hotelbarpodcast.com/podcast/episode-175-dei-then-and-now-with-paul-breines-------------------If you enjoy Hotel Bar Sessions podcast, please be sure to subscribe and submit a rating/review! Better yet, you can support this podcast by signing up to be one of our Patrons at patreon.com/hotelbarsessions!Follow us on Twitter/X @hotelbarpodcast, on Blue Sky @hotelbarpodcast.bsky.social, on Facebook, on TikTok, and subscribe to our YouTube channel!
Libby Handros's new documentary Four Died Trying; check poster here Trailer: Four Died Trying Rent/buy the first part of Four Died Trying on Vimeo, Google Play, iTunes Website of the film: www.fourdiedtrying.com Libby also produced the documentary series Perspectives on the Pandemic on covid (26 episodes) It's never the good guys that censor; it's always the bad ones John and Libby interviewed veteran JFK researcher Vincent Salandria Preaching peace is not good for one's longevity The series Four Died Trying to feature 20 episodes Chapter 1 is about the Red Scare Mark Crispin Miller is one of the talking heads in the series "Better dead than red" Video: Robert Groden and the first public broadcast of the Zapruder Film on Geraldo Rivera's show Good Night America Chapter 1 to be released in Jan/Feb 2024 Part B: Jim DiEugenio; beginning at 56:03 Who Killed JFK? podcast by filmmaker Rob Reiner Book: JFK Revisited: Through the Looking Glass by Jim DiEugenio: Hardcover, Kindle JFK Revisited: The Complete Collection Blu-Ray + DVD Rent/buy JFK Revisited: Through the Looking Glass: Showtime, Prime, iTunes, Vudu, Microsoft Rent/buy the documentary series JFK: Destiny Betrayed: Amazon Prime, iTunes, Vudu At Kennedys and King Article: The Execution of JFK: Extremism in Defense of Liberty by Jerry Fresia Article: Reflections on the 60th Anniversary of the Murder of President John F. Kennedy by Joseph E. Green Article: Lemann and The Atlantic Monthly vs JFK on Civil Rights by James DiEugenio The Kennedys and Civil Rights: How the MSM Continues to Distort History by Jim - Part 1, Part 2, Part 3, Part 4 FREE Borrowable Ebook: John F. Kennedy and the Second Reconstruction by Carl M. Brauer Listener questions answered Video: Vladimir Putin on JFK Assassination Video: Vladimir Putin on US Election Interference Book: CMC - The Italian Undercover CIA and Mossad Station and the Assassination of JFK by Michelle Metta
Third Act: Homepage - Third Act Poor Peoples's Campaign: Poor People's Campaign – A National Call for Moral Revival (poorpeoplescampaign.org) Join us as We Build the Third Reconstruction Drawing on the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights struggles of the 20th century, the Third Reconstruction is a revival of our constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the 140 million poor and low-income people in the country are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. The Poor People's Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival, Repairers of the Breach and the Kairos Center have been a part of building a movement towards a Third Reconstruction for years. On May 20, the co-chairs of the Poor People's Campaign, Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II and Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, joined Representatives Pramila Jayapal and Barbara Lee as they announced a non-partisan congressional resolution to support this movement, entitled: Third Reconstruction: Fully Addressing Poverty & Low Wages From the Bottom Up. This historic effort comes as a response to years of movement-building and emerges from the pain and organizing power of the 140 million. It reflects an omnibus vision to restructure our society from the bottom up, recognizing that in order to build a true Third Reconstruction we must simultaneously deal with the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation and the denial of health care, militarism and the distorted moral narrative of religious nationalism that blames the poor instead of the systems that cause poverty. It is one part of a broader movement to realize a Third Reconstruction, which we are building across the country in the Poor People's Campaign's 45 state coordinating committees and network of more than 250 labor and organizational partners and hundreds of faith partners, and dozens of national faith bodies. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/somethingcame-from-baltim/message Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/somethingcame-from-baltim/support
The Civil Rights movement of the mid-twentieth century begins despite the internal conflicts that shape it. We focus particularly on the complex response to the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama in 1963 as well as the ideological debates surrounding the Selma march in 1965. This episode disrupts the standard Civil Rights story of a steady path to racial progress in this country. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/public-policy
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/law
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman's case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement's policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building. The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation. Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth: Across the Western Hemisphere, Indigenous environmental activists are under attack. They face violence and repression as they continue to defend their water and lands from right-wing governments and extractivist multinational companies. In Chile, the Indigenous Mapuche people have been leading the charge when it comes to defending protected environmental areas from occupying forces. Back in June, Mapuche land rights defender Alberto Curamil was seriously injured in a shooting by police. Meanwhile, in Honduras, a U.S.-trained former Honduran army intelligence officer was recently found guilty over the assassination of Indigenous Lenca environmental activist Berta Caceres. Roberto David Castillo, the president of an internationally-financed hydroelectric company, was found guilty of being co-collaborator in ordering the murder. Our guest is Francisca Stuardo, a Santiago-based consultant for the international climate advocacy group Global Witness. She works on their land and environmental defenders campaign, which highlights threats against activists and pushes businesses, financiers and governments to protect them. On Monday, July 12, the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival announced that it will launch a month of Moral Mondays, featuring peaceful civil disobedience in Washington D.C. and other state capitals, through August 2. It is being billed as the Season of Non-Violent Moral Action. This comes after the For the People Act, a groundbreaking bill in defense of voter rights, failed to pass the Senate, as Republicans voted against starting debate on it. The Poor Peoples Campaign has also been calling for the realization of the Third Reconstruction in the United States. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. Our guest is the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, Co-Chair of the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival along with the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth, Part 2 of our Poor People's Campaign on the Third Reconstruction. On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. During today's program, you will hear more speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth, Part 2 of our Poor People's Campaign on the Third Reconstruction. On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. During today's program, you will hear more speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth, Part 2 of our Poor People's Campaign on the Third Reconstruction. On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. During today's program, you will hear more speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth, Part 2 of our Poor People's Campaign on the Third Reconstruction. On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. During today's program, you will hear more speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth, Part 2 of our Poor People's Campaign on the Third Reconstruction. On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. During today's program, you will hear more speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
Today on Sojourner Truth, Part 2 of our Poor People's Campaign on the Third Reconstruction. On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. During today's program, you will hear more speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. Members of Congress have introduced a non-partisan resolution entitled, A Third Reconstruction: It's Time to Fully Address Poverty and Low Wages from the Bottom Up. Inspired by decades of fierce campaigning, the congressional resolution for a Third Reconstruction reflects a progressive vision for a fundamental restructuring of society. The resolution points out that in order to build a true Third Reconstruction, U.S. society must deal with the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation and the denial of health care, militarism and the distorted moral narrative of religious nationalism that blames the poor instead of the systems that cause poverty. Furthermore, the assembly kicked off a one-year campaign dedicated to building a mass Moral March on Washington and Poor Peoples & Low-Wage Workers Assembly on June 18, 2022. The hybrid online and in-person mass assembly included over 40 state coordinating committees, over 200 organizing partners, and thousands of faith leaders. Today on Sojourner Truth, we bring you exclusive audio from that assembly. During todays program, you will hear speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. Members of Congress have introduced a non-partisan resolution entitled, A Third Reconstruction: It's Time to Fully Address Poverty and Low Wages from the Bottom Up. Inspired by decades of fierce campaigning, the congressional resolution for a Third Reconstruction reflects a progressive vision for a fundamental restructuring of society. The resolution points out that in order to build a true Third Reconstruction, U.S. society must deal with the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation and the denial of health care, militarism and the distorted moral narrative of religious nationalism that blames the poor instead of the systems that cause poverty. Furthermore, the assembly kicked off a one-year campaign dedicated to building a mass Moral March on Washington and Poor Peoples & Low-Wage Workers Assembly on June 18, 2022. The hybrid online and in-person mass assembly included over 40 state coordinating committees, over 200 organizing partners, and thousands of faith leaders. Today on Sojourner Truth, we bring you exclusive audio from that assembly. During todays program, you will hear speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. Members of Congress have introduced a non-partisan resolution entitled, A Third Reconstruction: It's Time to Fully Address Poverty and Low Wages from the Bottom Up. Inspired by decades of fierce campaigning, the congressional resolution for a Third Reconstruction reflects a progressive vision for a fundamental restructuring of society. The resolution points out that in order to build a true Third Reconstruction, U.S. society must deal with the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation and the denial of health care, militarism and the distorted moral narrative of religious nationalism that blames the poor instead of the systems that cause poverty. Furthermore, the assembly kicked off a one-year campaign dedicated to building a mass Moral March on Washington and Poor Peoples & Low-Wage Workers Assembly on June 18, 2022. The hybrid online and in-person mass assembly included over 40 state coordinating committees, over 200 organizing partners, and thousands of faith leaders. Today on Sojourner Truth, we bring you exclusive audio from that assembly. During todays program, you will hear speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
On Monday, June 21, thousands of poor people, low-wage workers, campaigners and faith leaders from across the United States gathered online for a mass assembly organized by the Poor Peoples Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. The assembly, which simultaneously featured a socially-distanced rally in North Carolina, called for the realization of the Third Reconstruction. The Third Reconstruction draws from the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the U.S. Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights movement of the 20th century. The Poor Peoples Campaign describes the Third Reconstruction as a revival of the country's constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the country's 140 million poor are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. Members of Congress have introduced a non-partisan resolution entitled, A Third Reconstruction: It's Time to Fully Address Poverty and Low Wages from the Bottom Up. Inspired by decades of fierce campaigning, the congressional resolution for a Third Reconstruction reflects a progressive vision for a fundamental restructuring of society. The resolution points out that in order to build a true Third Reconstruction, U.S. society must deal with the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation and the denial of health care, militarism and the distorted moral narrative of religious nationalism that blames the poor instead of the systems that cause poverty. Furthermore, the assembly kicked off a one-year campaign dedicated to building a mass Moral March on Washington and Poor Peoples & Low-Wage Workers Assembly on June 18, 2022. The hybrid online and in-person mass assembly included over 40 state coordinating committees, over 200 organizing partners, and thousands of faith leaders. Today on Sojourner Truth, we bring you exclusive audio from that assembly. During todays program, you will hear speeches, testimony and music from the historic event, which was led by Poor Peoples Campaign co-chairs Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II.
WHAT: The Nebraska Poor People's Campaign holds news conference(s) at the offices of Representative Don Bacon and Representative Adrian Smith to demand that they embrace the Third Reconstruction resolution to end poverty and low wages in this country. Emerging from the pain and organizing power of the 140 million people living in poverty or with low wages in this nation, the congressional resolution for a Third Reconstruction reflects an omnibus vision for a fundamental restructuring of society that lifts from the bottom. The nonpartisan resolution is a response to years of movement building to create the collective resolve necessary to implement real and transformational legislative action. WHO: The Rev. Victoria Parker-Mothershed, Nebraska Poor People's Campaign coordinating committee Theomusicologist, and impacted testifier speaking about the injustice of our medical system. Angela Montalvo, Nebraska Poor People's Campaign coordinating committee tri-chair and impacted testifier speaking about military injustice. The Rev. Lisa Hadler, Nebraska Poor People's Campaign coordinating committee tri-chair offering prayer. More directly impacted people sharing their stories. WHEN: June 7, 2021, 11 a.m. CT/10 a.m. MT, and 2 p.m. CT/1 p.m. MT for the national online program WHERE: Office of Don Bacon, 13906 Gold Circle, Suite 101, Omaha. Office of Adrian Smith, 1811 West Second Street, Suite 275, Grand Island Additional speakers online at www.facebook.com/NebraskaPPC. National program online at www.3rdReconstruction.org at 2 p.m. CT/1 p.m. MT. WHY: Drawing on the transformational history of the First Reconstruction following the Civil War and the Second Reconstruction of the civil rights struggles of the 20th century, the Third Reconstruction is a revival of our constitutional commitment to establish justice, provide for the general welfare, end decades of austerity, and recognize that policies that center the 140 million are also good economic policies that can heal and transform the nation. This resolution recognizes that in order to build a true Third Reconstruction we must simultaneously deal with the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation and the denial of health care, militarism and the distorted moral narrative of religious nationalism that blames the poor instead of the systems that cause poverty. We are building to June 21, when we will hold a National Poor People's and Low-Wage Workers Assembly, which will be held online and at a socially distanced rally in Raleigh. The Poor People's Campaign then launches a one-year campaign toward a Moral March on Washington and Poor People's & Low-Wage Workers Assembly on June 18, 2022, in Washington, D.C. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/midwest-misfits/support
A half century after the Voting Rights Act guaranteed the franchise to all Americans, access to this fundamental right is once again under siege. How did a group of great citizens drive the enactment of the Voting Rights Act? How did the legislation work to secure access to the ballot? Why is its pledge once again under attack? In an extraordinary and relevant conversation, legendary television journalist Bill Moyers — who served as one of President Lyndon Johnson’s top aides during the civil rights era — will discuss the epochal events of the “Second Reconstruction.” He will be joined by two leaders of the current fight for democracy and veterans of courtrooms across the country in the fight against voter suppression — Kristen Clarke of the National Lawyers' Committee and Myrna Pérez of the Brennan Center's Democracy Program. Kristen Clarke, President & Executive Director, National Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law Bill Moyers, President, Schumann Media Center Myrna Pérez, Deputy Director, Brennan Center's Democracy Program and leader of the Center’s Voting Rights and Elections project This event is part of Carnegie Hall’s The ’60s: The Years that Changed America festival.
Jacob Weisberg talks to Bruce Ackerman, a professor of constitutional law at Yale, about the impending destruction of The Second Reconstruction. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Jacob Weisberg talks to Bruce Ackerman, a professor of constitutional law at Yale, about the impending destruction of The Second Reconstruction. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Bruce Ackerman is the Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University. His book, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard UP, 2013) fills out the constitutional history of America’s “Second Reconstruction” period and makes a powerful argument that traditional understandings of the constitutional canon must be expanded to accurately reflect the American lawmaking process. The official constitutional canon is composed of the 1787 Constitution and the formal amendments to this document. However, Ackerman argues that the Supreme Court should give more deference to an operational canon that includes the landmark statutes, which are the legacy of the civil rights revolution. Ackerman reveals that the leaders of the civil rights movement actively avoided altering the Constitution through an Article V amendment because this method had failed during the first Reconstruction period. Instead, he lays out how they relied on constitution-altering techniques established during the New Deal. The champions of the civil rights movement following these New Deal methods emerged victorious from robust constitutional debates in all three branches. These successes reveal the American people’s broad support for a change to the constitutional status quo, a level of consent much greater than that behind the Reconstruction that produced three Article V amendments and Ackerman asserts even greater than the support underpinning the American Revolution. Ackerman’s position as a scholar of both law and political science allows him to avoid interpretative pitfalls common to each respective discipline and to use his greater breadth of knowledge to present a wide picture of the civil rights era’s political history. His interdisciplinary interpretation argues for an even greater respect for Brown v. Board of Education’s importance in the movement while simultaneously arguing that lawyers must move away from a court-centric view of the period to be faithful to the collective voice of We the People. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Bruce Ackerman is the Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University. His book, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard UP, 2013) fills out the constitutional history of America's “Second Reconstruction” period and makes a powerful argument that traditional understandings of the constitutional canon must be expanded to accurately reflect the American lawmaking process. The official constitutional canon is composed of the 1787 Constitution and the formal amendments to this document. However, Ackerman argues that the Supreme Court should give more deference to an operational canon that includes the landmark statutes, which are the legacy of the civil rights revolution. Ackerman reveals that the leaders of the civil rights movement actively avoided altering the Constitution through an Article V amendment because this method had failed during the first Reconstruction period. Instead, he lays out how they relied on constitution-altering techniques established during the New Deal. The champions of the civil rights movement following these New Deal methods emerged victorious from robust constitutional debates in all three branches. These successes reveal the American people's broad support for a change to the constitutional status quo, a level of consent much greater than that behind the Reconstruction that produced three Article V amendments and Ackerman asserts even greater than the support underpinning the American Revolution. Ackerman's position as a scholar of both law and political science allows him to avoid interpretative pitfalls common to each respective discipline and to use his greater breadth of knowledge to present a wide picture of the civil rights era's political history. His interdisciplinary interpretation argues for an even greater respect for Brown v. Board of Education's importance in the movement while simultaneously arguing that lawyers must move away from a court-centric view of the period to be faithful to the collective voice of We the People. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies
Bruce Ackerman is the Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University. His book, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard UP, 2013) fills out the constitutional history of America’s “Second Reconstruction” period and makes a powerful argument that traditional understandings of the constitutional canon must be expanded to accurately reflect the American lawmaking process. The official constitutional canon is composed of the 1787 Constitution and the formal amendments to this document. However, Ackerman argues that the Supreme Court should give more deference to an operational canon that includes the landmark statutes, which are the legacy of the civil rights revolution. Ackerman reveals that the leaders of the civil rights movement actively avoided altering the Constitution through an Article V amendment because this method had failed during the first Reconstruction period. Instead, he lays out how they relied on constitution-altering techniques established during the New Deal. The champions of the civil rights movement following these New Deal methods emerged victorious from robust constitutional debates in all three branches. These successes reveal the American people’s broad support for a change to the constitutional status quo, a level of consent much greater than that behind the Reconstruction that produced three Article V amendments and Ackerman asserts even greater than the support underpinning the American Revolution. Ackerman’s position as a scholar of both law and political science allows him to avoid interpretative pitfalls common to each respective discipline and to use his greater breadth of knowledge to present a wide picture of the civil rights era’s political history. His interdisciplinary interpretation argues for an even greater respect for Brown v. Board of Education’s importance in the movement while simultaneously arguing that lawyers must move away from a court-centric view of the period to be faithful to the collective voice of We the People. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Bruce Ackerman is the Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University. His book, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard UP, 2013) fills out the constitutional history of America’s “Second Reconstruction” period and makes a powerful argument that traditional understandings of the constitutional canon must be expanded to accurately reflect the American lawmaking process. The official constitutional canon is composed of the 1787 Constitution and the formal amendments to this document. However, Ackerman argues that the Supreme Court should give more deference to an operational canon that includes the landmark statutes, which are the legacy of the civil rights revolution. Ackerman reveals that the leaders of the civil rights movement actively avoided altering the Constitution through an Article V amendment because this method had failed during the first Reconstruction period. Instead, he lays out how they relied on constitution-altering techniques established during the New Deal. The champions of the civil rights movement following these New Deal methods emerged victorious from robust constitutional debates in all three branches. These successes reveal the American people’s broad support for a change to the constitutional status quo, a level of consent much greater than that behind the Reconstruction that produced three Article V amendments and Ackerman asserts even greater than the support underpinning the American Revolution. Ackerman’s position as a scholar of both law and political science allows him to avoid interpretative pitfalls common to each respective discipline and to use his greater breadth of knowledge to present a wide picture of the civil rights era’s political history. His interdisciplinary interpretation argues for an even greater respect for Brown v. Board of Education’s importance in the movement while simultaneously arguing that lawyers must move away from a court-centric view of the period to be faithful to the collective voice of We the People. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Bruce Ackerman is the Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University. His book, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard UP, 2013) fills out the constitutional history of America’s “Second Reconstruction” period and makes a powerful argument that traditional understandings of the constitutional canon must be expanded to accurately reflect the American lawmaking process. The official constitutional canon is composed of the 1787 Constitution and the formal amendments to this document. However, Ackerman argues that the Supreme Court should give more deference to an operational canon that includes the landmark statutes, which are the legacy of the civil rights revolution. Ackerman reveals that the leaders of the civil rights movement actively avoided altering the Constitution through an Article V amendment because this method had failed during the first Reconstruction period. Instead, he lays out how they relied on constitution-altering techniques established during the New Deal. The champions of the civil rights movement following these New Deal methods emerged victorious from robust constitutional debates in all three branches. These successes reveal the American people’s broad support for a change to the constitutional status quo, a level of consent much greater than that behind the Reconstruction that produced three Article V amendments and Ackerman asserts even greater than the support underpinning the American Revolution. Ackerman’s position as a scholar of both law and political science allows him to avoid interpretative pitfalls common to each respective discipline and to use his greater breadth of knowledge to present a wide picture of the civil rights era’s political history. His interdisciplinary interpretation argues for an even greater respect for Brown v. Board of Education’s importance in the movement while simultaneously arguing that lawyers must move away from a court-centric view of the period to be faithful to the collective voice of We the People. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Bruce Ackerman is the Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University. His book, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard UP, 2013) fills out the constitutional history of America’s “Second Reconstruction” period and makes a powerful argument that traditional understandings of the constitutional canon must be expanded to accurately reflect the American lawmaking process. The official constitutional canon is composed of the 1787 Constitution and the formal amendments to this document. However, Ackerman argues that the Supreme Court should give more deference to an operational canon that includes the landmark statutes, which are the legacy of the civil rights revolution. Ackerman reveals that the leaders of the civil rights movement actively avoided altering the Constitution through an Article V amendment because this method had failed during the first Reconstruction period. Instead, he lays out how they relied on constitution-altering techniques established during the New Deal. The champions of the civil rights movement following these New Deal methods emerged victorious from robust constitutional debates in all three branches. These successes reveal the American people’s broad support for a change to the constitutional status quo, a level of consent much greater than that behind the Reconstruction that produced three Article V amendments and Ackerman asserts even greater than the support underpinning the American Revolution. Ackerman’s position as a scholar of both law and political science allows him to avoid interpretative pitfalls common to each respective discipline and to use his greater breadth of knowledge to present a wide picture of the civil rights era’s political history. His interdisciplinary interpretation argues for an even greater respect for Brown v. Board of Education’s importance in the movement while simultaneously arguing that lawyers must move away from a court-centric view of the period to be faithful to the collective voice of We the People. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Pamela Karlan will discuss what President Obama's election means for the blockbuster statutes passed during the Second Reconstruction and for civil rights law. (November 14, 2009)
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