Podcasts about National day

8.18.2026 #RolandMartinUnfiltered: Crowley vs. Trump Ally in Wis. Gov Race. NC Voting Rights Fight. Karmelo Anthony Demands New Trial Wisconsin's gubernatorial race is one to watch in November. Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley is taking on Congressman Tom Tiffany, who has voted with Donald Trump 100% of the time. Crowley is here to break down his Badger Basics Plan for the state. While North Carolina Governor Josh Stein vetoed House Bill 958, the bill would undermine voting rights, Bishop William Barber stood in front of the State Legislative Building speaking out against the General Assembly's latest attempt to suppress the vote, The Karmelo Anthony case is back in the spotlight. This week, his appellate attorneys will demand a new judge and a new trial. Instead of preparing for what should have been Nola Wells' 19th birthday, his family will hold a National Day of Prayer. In tonight's Shop Black Star Network Dot Com, the Brown Girl Bags. A luxury handbag brand created specifically for Black women in mind.Black Star Network Partner: ChapterChapter and its affiliates are not connected with or endorsed by any government entity or the federal Medicare program. Chapter Advisory, LLC represents Medicare Advantage HMO, PPO, and PFFS organizations and stand alone prescription drug plans that have a Medicare contract. Enrollment depends on the plan’s contract renewal. While we have a database of every Medicare plan nationwide and can help you to search among all plans, we have contracts with many but not all plans. As a result, we do not offer every plan available in your area. Currently we represent 50 organizations which offer 18,160 products nationwide. We search and recommend all plans, even those we don’t directly offer. You can contact a licensed Chapter agent to find out the number of products available in your specific area. Please contact Medicare.gov, 1-800-Medicare, or your local State Health Insurance Program (SHIP) to get information on all of your options. ____ Download the Black Star Network app at http://www.blackstarnetwork.com! We're on iOS, AppleTV, Android, AndroidTV, Roku, FireTV, and SamsungTV. The #BlackStarNetwork is a news reporting platform covered under Copyright Disclaimer Under Section 107 of the Copyright Act 1976, allowance is made for "fair use" for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Jim and Joy discuss the National Day of Remembrance for Aborted Children, sharing the importance of visiting the burial places and memorial sites dedicated to the unborn victims.

Hello... It's that time of the year again... right after National Day... when the Hell Gates open and we bring you a set of spooky stories featuring our otherworldly friends. In this part, Reis shares some creepy lore surrounding Paris, the city of love and baguettes, and how right beneath the Eiffel Tower and the famed cobble streets is a deadly labyrinth of skull and bones; while Danny shares a story about a man who comes home one day to find a strange boy in his kitchen claiming to be his son. Tune in to find out more. If you would like to get updates or reach out to the Stranger Danger crew, you can follow on Instagram @strangerdangerpodcastsg, hang out in our Discord, or send us an email at strangerdangerpodcastsg@gmail.com Brought to you by Mediacorp.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

China has ample room to introduce pro-consumption policies in the second half of the year, as consumer prices maintained a moderate overall increase in July, experts said.专家表示，由于7月居民消费价格总体保持温和上涨，中国在下半年推出促消费政策仍有充足空间。The country's consumer price index, a main gauge of inflation, rose 0.5 percent year-on-year last month, according to data released by the National Bureau of Statistics. The core CPI, which excludes food and energy prices, increased 0.9 percent year-on-year.国家统计局发布的数据显示，作为衡量通胀主要指标的居民消费价格指数（CPI）上月同比上涨0.5%。扣除食品和能源价格的核心CPI同比上涨0.9%。There is considerable room for pro-consumption policies in the second half of the year, and price factors in particular will not be a major constraint on the central bank's potential interest rate cuts, said Wang Qing, chief macroeconomic analyst at Orient Golden Credit Rating International.东方金诚国际信用评估有限公司首席宏观分析师王青表示，下半年促消费政策仍有较大空间，尤其是物价因素不会对央行可能的降息形成明显制约。Wen Bin, chief economist at China Minsheng Bank, said he expects pro-consumption policies to be stepped up in the second half of the year, with summer vacations and the National Day holiday boosting prices in tourism, accommodation and catering services.中国民生银行首席经济学家温彬预计，下半年促消费政策将加大力度，暑假和国庆假期将带动旅游、住宿和餐饮服务价格上涨。Data show that industrial consumer goods excluding energy rose 1.5 percent year-on-year in July, slowing by 0.2 percentage points from a month earlier, contributing about 0.37 percentage points to the CPI growth.数据显示，7月扣除能源的工业消费品价格同比上涨1.5%，涨幅较上月回落0.2个百分点，对CPI涨幅贡献约0.37个百分点。Service prices increased 0.7 percent year-on-year, down by 0.1 percentage points from June, contributing about 0.36 percentage points to the CPI growth. Food prices fell 1.5 percent year-on-year, narrowing the decline by 0.1 percentage points from the previous month, dragging the CPI down by about 0.25 percentage points.服务价格同比上涨0.7%，涨幅较6月回落0.1个百分点，对CPI涨幅贡献约0.36个百分点。食品价格同比下降1.5%，降幅较上月收窄0.1个百分点，拖累CPI下降约0.25个百分点。On a month-on-month basis, the CPI edged down 0.1 percent in July, with the decline narrowing by 0.2 percentage points from the previous month.环比来看，7月CPI小幅下降0.1%，降幅较上月收窄0.2个百分点。NBS attributed the monthly decline to international market price fluctuations, which drove down domestic gasoline prices by 10.7 percent month-on-month, with the decline widening by 5.8 percentage points from June, pulling the CPI down by about 0.35 percentage points.国家统计局将环比下降归因于国际市场价格波动，导致国内汽油价格环比下降10.7%，降幅较6月扩大5.8个百分点，拉低CPI约0.35个百分点。Food prices remained flat month-on-month, 0.6 percentage points below the seasonal average. Service prices, which were flat in June, turned to a 0.4 percent monthly increase, pushing up the CPI by about 0.21 percentage points.食品价格环比持平，较季节性平均水平低0.6个百分点。服务价格由6月的持平转为环比上涨0.4%，推升CPI约0.21个百分点。The Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee recently held a meeting on economic work. At the meeting, it was stressed that macro policies should be strengthened and more effective, disbursement of fiscal funds and bonds proceeds should be accelerated, and solid progress should be made in promoting large-scale equipment renewals and trade-ins of consumer goods.中共中央政治局近日召开经济工作会议。会议强调，宏观政策要更加有力有效，加快财政资金和债券资金拨付使用进度，扎实推进大规模设备更新和消费品以旧换新。The meeting also underscored the need to effectively expand domestic demand, increase the supply of quality goods and services in response to the consumption needs of different groups, and tap the potential of services consumption.会议还强调，要有效扩大国内需求，针对不同群体消费需求增加优质商品和服务供给，挖掘服务消费潜力。Local authorities have stepped up efforts to optimize trade-in policies. The southwestern city of Chongqing, for instance, has expanded its subsidy categories for home appliances and smart home products, covering nearly all aspects of daily life. Hunan province in Central China added 10 new categories to its trade-in program, including smart service robots, smart door locks, smart air purifiers and smart toilets.各地政府也在加大优化以旧换新政策的力度。例如，西南城市重庆已扩大家电和智能家居产品的补贴范围，几乎覆盖日常生活的方方面面。中部省份湖南在消费品以旧换新计划中新增了10个品类，包括智能服务机器人、智能门锁、智能空气净化器和智能马桶。NBS data also show that China's producer price index, which measures costs for goods at the factory gate, went up 3.5 percent year-on-year in July.国家统计局数据还显示，衡量工业品出厂价格的工业生产者出厂价格指数（PPI）7月同比上涨3.5%。Wen said that China's price trend is expected to improve further as domestic demand potential continues to be released and a lower comparison base comes into play.温彬表示，随着国内需求潜力持续释放以及低基数效应显现，中国物价走势有望进一步改善。"Although the transmission of PPI recovery to CPI will entail a lag, the equipment renewal and trade-in policies will gradually lift prices of durable consumer goods such as home appliances and automobiles," Wen added.他补充说：“尽管PPI回升向CPI传导存在一定滞后，但设备更新和以旧换新政策将逐步推高家电和汽车等耐用消费品的价格。”core CPI /kɔːr siː piː aɪ/核心CPIconstraint /kənˈstreɪnt/制约因素interest rate cuts /ˈɪntrəst reɪt kʌts/降息industrial consumer goods /ɪnˈdʌstriəl kənˈsjuːmə ɡʊdz/工业消费品contributing /kənˈtrɪbjuːtɪŋ/贡献（拉动）dragging down /ˈdræɡɪŋ daʊn/拖累month-on-month /mʌnθ ɒn mʌnθ/环比edge down /edʒ daʊn/小幅下降

What makes a leader worth following when money and job security are not enough? Richard Battle has spent more than 40 years learning that leadership is built through service, purpose, and the way we respond when life does not go as planned. Richard and I explore lessons from corporate leadership, volunteer organizations, grief, personal growth, lifelong learning, and his American Can-Do book series. You will hear why servant leadership can motivate people far beyond a paycheck, why Richard replaced “Why me?” with “What now?” during adversity and how recording our stories can leave lessons for generations we may never meet. I believe you will find Richard's approach to leadership and purpose both practical and encouraging. Highlights: 00:03:57 – What a major financial setback taught Richard about real-world learning. 00:16:46 – Why volunteer leadership can make you a stronger business leader. 00:23:19 – Why preserving your stories can matter to future generations. 00:30:24 – How shifting from “Why me?” to “What now?” changes adversity. 00:46:28 – What inspired Richard's American Can Do book series. 1:03:36 – Why Richard believes purpose can continue beyond our lifetime. About the Guest: Author, Speaker, and Advisor “Richard Battle is the antidote to that which brings you down.” – Gail Fallen, 1310KFKA Veteran of life's' battles whose mission is Helping People Win Every day! Richard has been a public speaker on leadership, inspiration, history, sales, volunteerism, and patriotism for over 30 years.  He is the multi-award-winning, Best-Selling author of 12 books. Richard Battle was a corporate executive with decades of experience in leadership, sales, and executive management. Texas Governor Rick Perry appointed him to the Texas Judicial Council and the Texas Emerging Technology Fund. He served on the board of directors and was a past chairman of Alpha Kappa Psi, an international professional business fraternity. As president of the Austin Junior Chamber of Commerce, the U.S. Junior Chamber of Commerce recognized the chapter as the Most Outstanding chapter in the United States, and the Junior Chamber of Commerce International recognized Richard as the Outstanding Chapter President in the world. His board service includes the John Ben Shepperd Leadership Institute, Boy Scouts of America, the Muscular Dystrophy Association, and Keep Austin Beautiful. Richard serves as master of ceremonies for the Texas State Prayer Breakfast, which honors the governor for the National Day of Prayer. Not immune to challenges, Richard has survived an apartment fire in which his neighbor died, experienced financial ruin with the Texas real estate collapse in the 1980s, divorce, experienced two heart procedures, survived cancer, and the most significant loss of all, the death of his only son. Richard lives in Lakeway, Texas Aim High Work Hard! NEVER Quit! ® Ways to connect with Richard**:** www.richardbattle.com richard@richardbattle.com X = @richardvbattle Richard V. Battle Published Works on FB P.O. Box 341911 Lakeway, Texas 78734 512-987-2058 For interview requests, contact Allen Media Strategies: Shaili Priya at shaili@allenmediastrategies.com or 703-589-8960. About the Host: Michael Hingson is a New York Times best-selling author, international lecturer, and Chief Vision Officer for accessiBe. Michael, blind since birth, survived the 9/11 attacks with the help of his guide dog Roselle. This story is the subject of his best-selling book, Thunder Dog. Michael gives over 100 presentations around the world each year speaking to influential groups such as Exxon Mobile, AT&T, Federal Express, Scripps College, Rutgers University, Children's Hospital, and the American Red Cross just to name a few. He is Ambassador for the National Braille Literacy Campaign for the National Federation of the Blind and also serves as Ambassador for the American Humane Association's 2012 Hero Dog Awards. https://michaelhingson.com https://www.facebook.com/michael.hingson.author.speaker/ https://twitter.com/mhingson https://www.youtube.com/user/mhingson https://www.linkedin.com/in/michaelhingson/ Thanks for listening! Thanks so much for listening to our podcast! If you enjoyed this episode and think that others could benefit from listening, please share it using the social media buttons on this page. Do you have some feedback or questions about this episode? Leave a comment in the section below! Subscribe to the podcast If you would like to get automatic updates of new podcast episodes, you can subscribe to the podcast on Apple Podcasts or Stitcher. You can subscribe in your favorite podcast app. You can also support our podcast through our tip jar https://tips.pinecast.com/jar/unstoppable-mindset . Leave us an Apple Podcasts review Ratings and reviews from our listeners are extremely valuable to us and greatly appreciated. They help our podcast rank higher on Apple Podcasts, which exposes our show to more awesome listeners like you. If you have a minute, please leave an honest review on Apple Podcasts. Transcription Notes:

In the spirit of the National Day celebrations, a simple EZ-Link card is helping spark a much bigger conversation. Through the inspiring story of 10-year-old Anya Ksena Low En Yang, the Dyslexia Association of Singapore and SimplyGo explore dyslexia, inclusion, and why every child deserves the opportunity to thrive. Let’s Talk, Singapore discusses early intervention, breaking misconceptions, and what it truly means to build a more inclusive Singapore with Dr Edmen Leong, Director of DAS Specialised Educational Services, Anya Ksena Low En Yang, and Sherry Tan, Deputy Manager of SimplyGo Product Partnership and SalesSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode, host Thilan Wickramasinghe returns after the National Day long weekend to discuss rising US-Iran tensions, safe-haven flows into Singapore and the outlook for local markets. He reviews the Singapore banks' 2Q results, highlighting the growing contribution from wealth management and trading as lower rates weigh on net interest income, and explains why OCBC remains the team's top pick ahead of DBS and UOB.Miaomiao Liu joins to discuss JustCo's latest results, noting resilient occupancy, strong revenue growth and expanding margins despite the stock's weakness since its IPO. She explains why the improving operating metrics, network expansion and strong balance sheet support her continued BUY call.Hussaini Saifee discusses his upgrade of Yangzijiang Shipbuilding to BUY, pointing to a stronger-than-expected shipbuilding cycle, renewed demand for larger container ships, resilient newbuild pricing and healthy margins. The episode also looks at SGX, where stronger derivatives activity, recovering Singapore equities, a growing IPO pipeline and operating leverage support further upside, alongside fresh trading ideas from the Chart Guy on MoneyMax Financial and AEM.Stay tuned!

Last time we spoke about the ending of the Second Battle of Changsha. In late September and early October 1941, Chinese commander Chen Cheng planned an operation to retake Yichang, a strategic Yangtze River city whose control was essential for protecting the approach to Chongqing. Japanese forces were pulling back from Changsha, weakened by supply problems and casualties, which created an opportunity for Chen to intensify his campaign. Yichang had been captured by Japan in 1940, a defeat that Chen carried as a personal and political burden. He therefore moved to encircle the Japanese 13th Division inside Yichang and drive it to collapse. Although the Chinese held a clear manpower advantage—fourteen divisions against the encircled Japanese—progress was slowed by stubborn fighting from prepared, entrenched positions. The battle inside the city produced desperate close-quarters combat and heavy casualties, showing how the fate of Yichang and the wider defense of Chongqing were tightly linked.    #214 War hits the Pacific Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   The guns fell silent on October 9, 1941, as the Ninth War Zone's forces restored their pre-battle positions, marking the end of the Second Battle of Changsha. The balance sheet was grim on both sides, but it was China that bore the heavier cost. The Ninth Military Front suffered 70,672 killed, wounded, or missing. The concurrent Yichang offensive added a further 21,368 casualties to the Sixth Military Front, a force that outnumbered its Japanese opponents ten to one yet still failed to retake the city. By the time the dust settled, the Chinese army had lost nearly 100,000 men across both theatres. The Chinese command was frank, at least in private, about what had gone wrong. The Japanese had moved with a speed that recalled Blitzkrieg, advancing 130 kilometres in eleven days and withdrawing at twelve kilometres a day, catching the defenders perpetually off-balance. The 26th, 37th, 10th, and 74th Corps had been picked apart piecemeal rather than fighting in concert, the original plan to destroy the Japanese south of the Miluo River coming to nothing. Elite formations had paid a disproportionate price: the 74th Corps suffered 14,521 casualties, the 37th Corps 14,015, and the 58th Division alone lost 6,192 of its 11,907 men, nearly its entire fighting strength.   Yet none of this was the story the public would hear. On October 10th, China's National Day, radio stations announced the "Second Great Victory in Northern Hunan", the annihilation of over 40,000 enemy troops. Newspapers rushed out special editions. Congratulatory telegrams flooded in from government ministries and civic organizations. Senior officials seized on the moment: Sun Ke, Premier of the Executive Yuan, declared that the victory "laid the foundation for the counter-offensive and the recapture of Hankou and Guangzhou," while General Bai Chongxi called it "the pivotal moment for us to turn defeat into victory." Chiang Kai-shek, reading through the pages of triumphant commentary produced overnight by his propagandists, was reportedly impressed by their industry, if not convinced by their content. He had not wanted to call it a victory at all, but the political calculus was unavoidable: after four years of war, an exhausted nation needed the psychological sustenance that only "victory" could provide.   The gap between public performance and private reality was nowhere more visible than in the arrival of a twenty-two-member international press delegation on October 13th. Journalists from Britain, the United States, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Hong Kong, and major Chinese newspapers were flown to Changsha and carefully guided through selected battlefields, where they inspected mountains of war trophies and heard testimony from soldiers and civilians. They left satisfied, presenting their war souvenirs—swords, binoculars, Japanese military flags—to their audiences back home as proof of Chinese heroism and Japanese defeat. Both China and Japan were claiming victory simultaneously. The only conclusion the foreign press could draw was that one side was lying, and it was not the side that had shown them the evidence.   Chiang Kai-shek's real verdict came at the Third Nanyue Military Conference, held from October 16 to 21. His anger was withering. He condemned his generals for their obsession with defending sprawling outer perimeter lines while leaving city centres barely fortified, a mentality so rigid, he said, that the Japanese could announce the exact time of their advance and withdrawal in advance and still execute it on schedule without interference. "Generals, what a disgrace this is!" On the failure to capture prisoners, only 263 prisoners were claimed across the entire front, of whom only 16 names were actually published, he was almost incredulous: "We can definitely defeat the enemy, capture many enemy prisoners, and seize countless enemy weapons! Even if we cannot capture ten thousand prisoners, we should at least capture a thousand! If not a thousand, then at least a hundred! But now, you don't even have ten!" The conference handed down punishments to match the rhetoric. Liao Lingqi, commander of the shattered 58th Division, was sentenced to death for desertion and shot on October 22nd. His men were so outraged that three regimental commanders resigned in protest; the division was pulled from the order of battle entirely and given three months to rebuild. Li Yutang, commander of the 10th Corps, was dismissed—though the Third Battle of Changsha would begin before his replacement could take post, and he would be reinstated to play a key role in the city's defence.   On the Japanese side, the 11th Army acknowledged 1,670 killed, 5,184 wounded, and 14 missing, far fewer than Chinese claims, though post-war regimental histories suggest the true figure was higher. Lieutenant General Anami, who had championed the operation, found himself stung by the charge that the battle had served mainly as material for Chinese propaganda. On November 23rd, he reportedly reacted with visible displeasure when someone in his headquarters said as much aloud.  Anami's annoyance was easy enough to understand, but the accusation carried a troubling degree of accuracy. The Second Battle of Changsha had yielded no decisive strategic gain and no substantial alteration in the military balance. What it did generate, rather effectively, was a story and by the autumn of 1941, stories were one of the few things China still had in plentiful supply. The most consequential struggles were taking place not along the Miluo River, but in foreign ministries and embassies, in Washington and Moscow, in the messages passing between Chongqing and London, and in the increasingly strained calculations of statesmen trying to determine, amid rapidly changing circumstances, whom to support and for how long.   For Chiang Kai-shek, the challenge was never merely military. It was structural, and had been so from the outset. He had always seen clearly, precisely because he understood China's weakness, that Japan could not be defeated by China alone. The country lacked the industrial base, the logistical reach, and after four years of relentless attrition more and more the manpower needed to force a decisive result on the battlefield. China's survival depended on making its war inseparable from the wars of other powers. Since 1937, Chiang's diplomacy had pursued that single objective: convincing enough great powers that their interests were aligned with China's, and holding that coalition together long enough for Japan to be subdued. That effort turned out to be vastly more difficult than it ought to have been.   The problem started with the international order in which the war emerged. Chiang had hoped to assemble a concert of allies willing to help defend China against Japanese aggression. He was blocked not just by the reluctance of neutral states to aid China, but by the speed with which alliances shifted in the opening years of the Second World War. He had never welcomed the prospect of a general European conflict, correctly fearing that it would push China even further to the margins of world attention. Even so, he recognized that once the lines had hardened between the imperial democracies and fascism, new alignments might become possible. From his perspective, the growing amity between Berlin and Moscow was therefore disastrous. He had been eager to draw the USSR into war against Japan. Instead, the Soviets were now effectively aligned with the Nazis, who were themselves allied with Tokyo.   The world created after Versailles had already enraged many Chinese. After all, the May Fourth demonstrations of 1919 had arisen directly from the settlement reached at the Paris Peace Conference. Yet that older order had at least possessed recognizable anchors, especially the dominance of the two great European empires and the United States. Now those empires were weakening, and no one could say with confidence what the new geopolitical order would be. For all Chiang knew, Germany might emerge as Europe's new dominant power. The early years of the European war produced a bewildering spectacle of diplomatic realignment.   The Nationalist government had previously enjoyed a short-lived flirtation with Nazi Germany. In fact, Hitler's regime continued supplying Chiang with munitions in the first months of China's war against Japan. The Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936 had theoretically joined Germany, Italy, and Japan into the Axis, but mutual distrust prevented them from forming anything like a fully coherent alliance. Chiang found it useful to imply to Western powers that he might be pushed into closer alignment with Germany, a particularly disturbing possibility for the USSR, which faced enemies in both Europe and Asia. But eventually the contradictions in German policy toward East Asia became too severe. In April 1938, Germany yielded to Japanese pressure and ended its support for China.   Britain offered little meaningful help. Neville Chamberlain became prime minister in May 1937 at the head of a Conservative-led National Government, and was quickly overwhelmed by the deteriorating European situation. If Czechoslovakia was for him a "far-off country of which we know nothing," China's fate was even more distant and obscure to many,  perhaps most  policymakers in London. The Nationalists had more success in cultivating the United States. At the Nine-Power Conference in Brussels in November 1937, the Chinese delegation failed to persuade Washington to impose sanctions on Japan and confront it directly. By the middle of 1938, however, American views were beginning to shift. As Japan pushed deeper into southern China, it became increasingly obvious that the occupied territory would be closed to foreign trade. In December 1938, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau arranged a private American loan of $25 million to China, to be repaid through shipments of tung oil, a varnish product whose real importance lay not in itself, but in what the arrangement signified: a quiet American expression of faith that Chongqing would survive. Chiang also held on to the hope of an even less likely partnership. He had become fiercely anti-Communist during the 1920s, yet in the early years of the anti-Japanese war his greatest hope still rested on Soviet entry into the conflict. Soviet advisers and pilots had aided China from 1937 to 1939, but the USSR never formally declared war on Japan. Still, as Japanese aggression in northern Asia intensified, it remained possible that the Soviets would eventually be drawn in.   Then, as so often happened whenever Chiang tried to impose some control over the course of the war, events beyond China's borders altered the struggle in fundamental ways. While Western attention remained fixed on Europe's darkening horizon, a battle with major consequences for East Asia unfolded on the frontiers of Outer Mongolia, Manchukuo, and the eastern Soviet Union. Throughout much of 1938 and early 1939, one faction within the Japanese Imperial Army sought to pressure the Soviets along their eastern frontier. The USSR appeared vulnerable; Stalin's paranoid purges had executed or exiled many of the Red Army's best officers. In May 1939, fighting broke out near Nomonhan between forces from Soviet-backed Mongolia and Japanese troops from Manchukuo. Within days, both sides had reinforced heavily, until nearly 60,000 Soviet troops faced about 40,000 soldiers from the Kwantung Army. Over the next four months, until mid-September, they fought a major battle ending in a decisive Japanese defeat and establishing the reputation of General Georgi Zhukov, who would later become one of Stalin's most celebrated wartime commanders. The much-derided Soviet Army had fought with formidable effectiveness, and the result was not only a ceasefire but also a nonaggression pact between the two sides, extinguishing, in one stroke, Chiang's hopes for a Chinese-Soviet military alliance. The final blow came after developments in northern Europe. In the Winter War of 1939–1940, the Soviet invasion of Finland led Britain and France to back a motion expelling the USSR from the League of Nations. China, then a member of the League Council, declined to use its veto to block the resolution. Stalin was enraged by Chiang's failure to prevent Soviet expulsion, and mutual suspicion thereafter poisoned relations between the two leaders for the rest of the war against Japan. China would now have to continue without further major Soviet backing.   By the spring of 1940, China's position had become deeply precarious. In March, senior Japanese negotiators sought an agreement with Chiang in Chongqing, while Wang Jingwei was trying to formalize his rival Nationalist government in Nanjing. This effort, known in Chinese as the Tong Operation, and in Japanese as Operation Kiri, led to talks in Hong Kong from March 7 to 10, 1940. Militarily, the Nationalists were in grave danger: the United States remained neutral, and Europe was in chaos. Indeed, that same spring, with France seemingly near collapse, the British government also sent out discreet feelers to explore the possibility of a negotiated peace with Germany. For China, Western assistance was nowhere in sight. The Japanese judged the moment favorable for pressing Chiang toward concessions. Faced with serious danger to his regime, Chiang allowed the door to negotiation to open just slightly.   As a consequence, the Japanese delayed full recognition of Wang Jingwei's new government. Through the summer and autumn of 1940, Tokyo remained uncertain about the defector. Prominent Japanese figures such as Count Arima Yoriyasu of the Privy Council said Wang's conduct demonstrated his untrustworthiness, and Foreign Minister Matsuoka Yōsuke continued to express interest in an agreement with Chongqing. Zhou Fohai captured the defectors' frustration, men who believed they had made the highest patriotic sacrifice when he wrote: "Chongqing sees us as collaborators, we see ourselves as heroes. We think only peace can save the country — that's why we think of ourselves as heroes. If we end up classed as heroes, then China and Japan will be at peace. If we end up classed as collaborators, then China and Japan will never be at peace."That formulation conveyed something genuine about the moral dizziness of the period. Most of the defectors were not men devoid of principles; they were men whose principles had carried them to a place that history would find exceptionally hard to pardon.   The "New Fourth Army Incident" brought to a close one of the most consequential years in modern Chinese political history. The battle of ideas unfolding in 1940 was already visible to informed contemporaries. Early in 1941, US Ambassador Nelson Johnson sent Washington a detailed assessment of the Chinese political situation in reply to another report passed along by Major Evans Carlson, an American officer who had made an extensive journey through the Chinese interior. The contrast between the two documents revealed a widening split in American views of China. Carlson, together with his travelling companion, the New Zealander Rewi Alley, had become increasingly sympathetic to the Communists after visiting their territories in 1938 and admiring their discipline. Carlson described the Nationalists as moving toward "fascism," and argued that American aid should be conditioned on Chiang's government being compelled to adopt more "democratic" institutions.   Johnson strongly disagreed. It was "only normal and natural," he wrote, that the Nationalists wanted to retain power, but during the war they had established the National Political Consultative Council, in which multiple parties, including the Communists, were represented. He also noted that the CCP could publish its own newspaper in Chongqing in a way that would have been impossible before the war. One might have expected the Nationalists to use the war as a justification "to extinguish . . . all political opposition," yet instead they had chosen to "muddle along." Johnson further thought that the influence of competing cliques inside the Nationalist Party had been overstated. Chiang Kai-shek, by contrast, had "grown in stature, as he has come to be recognized as the symbol of united resistance to Japanese encroachment"; ultimately, "it is he who makes the final decisions." Johnson did agree with Carlson that Chiang's regime was hesitant to encourage a broad-based popular movement animated by anything beyond anti-Japanese feeling, though he also pointed to Nationalist cooperative programs and county-level reforms. But he rejected the idea that American support should depend on sweeping political transformation. Chiang was committed to continuing the war against Japan, and Washington should back him in that effort. In a notably farsighted passage, Johnson wrote: "It is my view that since the fall of the Manchu dynasty and the collapse of the traditional Chinese concept of government the Chinese people have been feeling their way along toward a new evolving form of government. A definitive form of government has not yet been established and may not be established for decades; it may or may not be in the form of a democracy, but it will be a type of government that will be adapted to the needs of China and its people." The tension between these two American interpretations,  Carlson's idealized belief in the Communists and Johnson's pragmatic support for Chiang was more than a minor bureaucratic dispute. It foreshadowed a debate that would dominate American foreign policy for the next decade, and would still echo when the People's Republic was proclaimed in 1949.   The disastrous experience of 1940 seemed to cast doubt on whether any future for China existed outside the Japanese Empire. As 1941 wore on, another dreadful event shook the exhausted wartime capital. On June 5, Chongqing endured roughly five hours of bombing, driving the population into air-raid shelters. In one tunnel in the Shibati district, the conditions were even worse than usual. The large shelter was supposed to have lights and electric fans, but the generators had never been connected. Inside, the air was dark, hot, and suffocating. Around ten that evening, people began emerging from the tunnel when rumors spread that the Japanese were returning with poison-gas bombs. Air-raid wardens forced people back inside, even as others were still trying to come out. Bodies toppled over one another, and panic spread as people realized they could not breathe. Over the next few hours, hundreds died underground in the darkness. The exact number was never definitively established: the official figure was 461, though a contemporary police report placed it far higher, at 1,527. What rescuers remembered most vividly were the tortured expressions of the dead, people tangled together in each other's arms as they lost consciousness, clothing ripped to shreds by desperate hands clawing at one another, and bodies so drenched in sweat that they looked as though they had been soaked in water. One survivor, Tang Zhengchang, remembered a hand reaching out from a pile of corpses and pleading, "Sir, please help me . . ." The grip on Tang's shorts was so tight that it pulled them off; he escaped the tunnel naked from the waist down. Official descriptions of the disaster were softened. Even so, the tragedy deepened the city's gloom and in a place already saturated with grief, an added layer of darkness mattered a great deal.   Yet events elsewhere would soon offer the National Government a narrow margin of hope. Late in 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt won re-election as president of the United States. "I am not going to send your boys into any foreign wars," he had proclaimed during the campaign against Wendell Willkie. But Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull both understood that Nazi domination of Europe posed a grave challenge to American influence there. And with China's "Open Door" to trade effectively shut by Japanese occupation, it was becoming increasingly clear that strict neutrality might not remain viable. In a 1941 report on China's domestic and foreign situation, Ambassador Johnson noted that during Germany's sweeping victories across Europe in mid-1940, the Chinese had become anxious about whether the Allies would remain committed to their cause. Britain's refusal to surrender, however, together with continuing Soviet goodwill, lifted public morale in China. People now looked toward the United States and Britain for support and felt that "victory" was "virtually theirs."   Then, on June 22, 1941, the world awoke to news that roughly three million German soldiers were advancing into the Soviet Union. Operation Barbarossa, Hitler's invasion of the USSR, dramatically overturned the nonaggression that had governed relations between the two major European dictatorships for the previous two years. It transformed the war in Europe entirely. Less obviously, it also transformed the war in Asia. Thanks to intelligence leaks, Chiang Kai-shek had already realized that war between Germany and the USSR was likely. After the neutrality treaty between the USSR and Japan was signed on April 13, 1941, Chiang predicted that the United States would be drawn into the Asian war, and even that Japan might eventually reverse course and strike the Soviet Union. If that happened, China would become the critical Asian ally of both Washington and Moscow. Stalin had been caught off guard by the German assault — largely because he ignored increasingly urgent warnings from senior colleagues receiving intelligence from well-placed spies in Germany and the Comintern, eager to preserve its alliances, now pressed the Chinese Communists to cooperate more closely with the Nationalists. On June 23, 1941, the CCP Central Committee responded with a declaration that it would "persevere in the Anti-Japanese United Front, persevere in Nationalist-Communist cooperation," and would align itself with the British, the Americans, and others resisting the "fascist rulers" of the Axis.   In Chongqing and Yan'an, the German attack on the Soviet Union was interpreted as a hopeful sign that Japan's fortunes might be beginning to turn. In Nanjing, the reaction was different. On June 22, Zhou Fohai recorded in his diary that, although the outcome "cannot be predicted," members of the Nanjing regime "all believe Germany will win and will take Moscow within two months." Zhou speculated that Japan could not easily reconcile its neutrality treaty with the USSR and its membership in the Anti-Comintern Pact, which was supposed to unite the Axis against Soviet expansionism. Still, because Germany had struck first, Japan was under no formal obligation to help. Zhou also continued to view events through a lens he had never abandoned: that of Chinese nationalism. "If Chongqing joins the Allies and they win," he wrote, "then this is good for China." If they lost, it would be disastrous for Chiang Kai-shek; but because Wang Jingwei had established a government in Nanjing under Japanese sponsorship, China now had "a foot in both boats." It was a ruthless calculation, but not a wholly dishonorable one. Zhou was not merely advancing Japanese interests. He was hedging, wagering on multiple futures in the name of a China he believed would endure beyond whatever constellation of powers happened to dominate at the moment. Whether posterity would judge that conduct prudent or collaborative was a question he could neither settle nor live to see resolved to his satisfaction.   The summer of 1941 marked a major geopolitical turning point in the war. Until then, the conflicts in China and Europe had remained separate, if desperate, struggles on the Eurasian continent. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union now forced Japan to decide whether it too would enter war against the USSR. Debate in Tokyo was brief. Although some officials, including Foreign Minister Matsuoka, favored striking north before moving south, both the Kwantung Army and the Navy advised against helping Germany at least until Germany had succeeded in drawing substantial Soviet forces away from Siberia and into Europe. Konoye, once again prime minister, agreed. With the northern option set aside, Japanese leaders turned toward another great power instead: the United States. Japan's failure to gain further decisive momentum in China had fueled demands for broader regional expansion, especially into Southeast Asia, with its abundant oil, rubber, and other strategic resources. From 1940 onward, measures such as the pressure to close the Burma Road made it increasingly obvious that Tokyo had adopted a more aggressive posture in Asia. Unable to subdue China, Japanese policymakers chose instead to escalate the conflict still further.   Japanese political life had become ever more dominated by the unresolved war in China. As early as 1938, military expenditures consumed about 70 percent of the national budget, and that same year a National Mobilization Bill granted the government "total war control" over the zaibatsu, Japan's major industrial conglomerates. By 1940, the New Order was making itself felt throughout everyday life, with campaigns against luxury and extravagant consumption taking on new prominence. In February 1940, a parliamentarian was expelled from the Diet simply for daring to criticize the "holy war" in China. In such an atmosphere, retreat from imperial ambitions became increasingly unthinkable. That figure, 70 percent of the national budget devoted to the military is worth dwelling on, because it reveals something essential about the trap in which Japanese strategists had placed themselves. The war in China had not been won, yet abandoning it would have meant admitting a failure so severe that it would have shaken the ideological and institutional foundations of military supremacy in Japanese politics. The only apparent ways out required pushing further in: more conquest, more extraction, more expansion. The logic was brutally clear, and profoundly destructive.   The Roosevelt administration watched these developments with growing alarm. Though still formally neutral, the United States was already using Lend-Lease to provide major assistance to Britain and the Soviet Union in their struggles against Germany. It now expanded aid to China as well. On February 10, Roosevelt's representative Lauchlin Currie visited Chongqing to inform Chiang Kai-shek that the United States would soon provide $45 million in military equipment. General John Magruder, head of the small AMMISCA mission,  the American Military Mission in China had been sent to Chongqing in September 1941, as part of quiet preparation for possible Chinese entry into an alliance against Japan. The China branch of the OSS, precursor to the CIA, was led by General William "Wild Bill" Donovan, whom Roosevelt had dispatched to China in early 1941.   The Americans repeatedly tried to discourage Japan from moving south into Southeast Asia, but relations only grew more confrontational. Japan occupied the southern part of French Indochina, and in response the United States imposed an oil embargo in July 1941. The consequences were immense. Japan imported around 80 percent of its oil from the United States. Without that supply, its navy, the essential instrument for southern expansion  had reserves for perhaps eighteen months. The real question facing Tokyo, then, was not whether it must act, but how soon. Unable any longer to resist mounting military pressure for war, Konoye resigned on October 16 and was replaced as premier by General Tōjō Hideki. Tokyo accelerated its preparations for conflict with the Western powers. Planned targets included Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaya, the Netherlands East Indies, and the Philippines. I should note, if you want to learn about all of this history in more detail, you can go check out the pacific war channel on youtube. I have a chronological series that is just now talking about events like the Japanese invasion of french indochina and the road to pearl harbor.   Throughout the autumn of 1941, increasingly desperate negotiations took place between Japan and the United States. Washington insisted that Japan withdraw from China; Tokyo was equally firm that it would do no such thing. From the Japanese point of view, the demand to leave China was not a serious negotiating position but a demand for national humiliation a call to repudiate four years of war, vast casualties, and the ideological basis of Japanese militarism in a single diplomatic act. In the end, the gulf between the two positions could not be bridged.   While civilian and military leaders in Tokyo argued over the pace at which they should move toward war, few among Japan's rulers doubted that war was coming. At the imperial conference of November 5, it was formally agreed that if no satisfactory diplomatic solution had been reached by December 1, war would follow soon after. Talks in Washington between Ambassador Nomura Kichisaburō, diplomat Kurusu Saburō, and Secretary of State Cordell Hull led nowhere. On November 26, Hull delivered a note repeating the American position that Japan must withdraw from both China and Indochina. On December 1, the imperial conference resolved to go to war; the following day, the date of attack was fixed as December 8, December 7 by American time. In one sense, this was the culmination toward which the entire previous decade had been moving. The war in China had started as a localized conflict, then expanded into a continental one, and was now about to become something larger still: a truly global war, stretching from the North Atlantic to the western Pacific. China's long, lonely resistance would suddenly gain new dimensions and new allies,  though not the ones Chiang had spent four years trying to cultivate, and not under circumstances he would have chosen.   In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet lay anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, its sailors and officers still largely asleep as dawn crept across the Pacific. The attack did not come without warning signs,  American and Japanese diplomats had been locked in increasingly desperate negotiations throughout the autumn, each side hardening its position until no room remained to maneuver. Washington had demanded that Japan withdraw from China, a condition Tokyo viewed not as a serious opening offer but as a demand for national humiliation: a call to repudiate four years of brutal war, hundreds of thousands of casualties, and the entire ideological foundation upon which Japanese militarism rested. No agreement was possible on those terms, and both sides privately knew it.   The strike force assembled in secret was formidable. Six aircraft carriers,  the Akagi, Kaga, Sōryū, Hiryū, Shōkaku, and Zuikaku had sailed under strict radio silence across the North Pacific, launching their aircraft in two successive waves before the American base had any meaningful chance to respond. The first wave of approximately 183 planes swept in just before 8 a.m., targeting the rows of battleships moored along Battleship Row and the military airfields at Wheeler, Hickam, and Ford Island simultaneously, ensuring that American aircraft could not scramble in time to mount an effective defense. A second wave of roughly 170 planes followed less than an hour later, pressing the attack on damaged ships and harbor installations.   The destruction was staggering. The battleship Arizona suffered a catastrophic magazine explosion after a armor-piercing bomb penetrated her forward decks, killing nearly 1,177 of her crew in minutes, almost half of the total American dead from the entire attack. The Oklahoma capsized after being struck by multiple torpedoes. The West Virginia and California sank at their moorings. In total, seventeen vessels were damaged or destroyed, and the vast majority of military aircraft at the nearby airfields were caught on the ground and obliterated before they could take flight. Around 2,400 Americans were killed and another 1,100 wounded, making it the deadliest single attack on American soil or territory in the nation's history to that point.   Yet the attack was not a complete strategic success for Japan. The US Pacific Fleet's aircraft carriers, the vessels that would ultimately decide the naval war in the Pacific happened to be at sea that morning and escaped unharmed. The harbor's fuel storage and repair facilities were also left largely intact, allowing the fleet to reconstitute faster than Japanese planners had anticipated. What Japan achieved in tactical devastation, it partly squandered in strategic miscalculation. The attack ended American neutrality instantly and irrevocably. The following day, President Roosevelt addressed Congress, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy," and within hours the United States declared war on Japan. For China, after more than four years of fighting alone, the blow that devastated Pearl Harbor paradoxically carried a thread of desperate hope at last, the great power Chiang Kai-shek had spent years trying to draw into the conflict had arrived, not under circumstances he would have chosen, but arrived nonetheless. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After years of fighting, China's situation darkened in 1941 with intense bombing of Chongqing and fears of poison-gas attacks. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June shifted alliances and pressured Japan toward wider war. Japan escalated plans for Southeast Asia, suffered an oil embargo, and negotiations with the United States broke down over withdrawing from China and Indochina. Then the Pearl Harbor attack began the Pacific War.

After September 11th, David Paine and Jay Winuk had an idea: transform a day of tragedy into one defined by service. Nearly 25 years later, 9/11 Day has become one of America's largest day of service, engaging tens of millions of people and helping establish September 11th as a federally recognized National Day of Service. David and Jay share the personal story behind the movement, the long road from an idea to federal legislation, how they built a sustainable model with nonprofits, businesses, and government, and what 25 years have taught them about service, unity, and our shared humanity.

In celebration of National Day, Movie Magic turns the spotlight on Singapore’s own filmmakers and the stories they’ve brought to the screen. Colin Gomez highlights some homegrown films worth discovering — and tells you where you can watch them.Credit:Movie Magic Opening Theme was Produced, Composed & Performed by Corey Gomez.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Draw and die, that was the assignment heading into the clash against Indonesia. And the Lions came out victorious in their pursuit of a spot in the final four at the 2026 AFF Championship. Buoyed by a rapturous home crowd, the boys in red sent Indonesia home to deliver the perfect gift two days before the Lion City celebrates National Day. So is this new dawn of fanfare and fervour here to stay? Got a story to tell? Get in touch!raushan@sph.com.sgSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

• Peter Gagnon, President of EWTN Studios tells listeners what's coming up on EWTN! • Teresa's “Fact Check Friday” looks at secular news and what the truth behind it is. • Monica Miller, director for Citizens for a Pro-Life Society invites everyone to participate in the 2026 National Day of Remembrance for Aborted Babies.

A long weekend is finally here! Are you catching the fireworks, planning a staycation, heading overseas, or simply enjoying some well-earned rest? However you're spending the National Day break, we'd love to hear what's on your itinerary and your favourite way to celebrate Singapore! Join Neil Humphreys & Audrey Siek - LIVE every weekday at 7.05am for Breakfast BitesSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

With National Day just a few days away, The Singapore Global Network has launched a National Day-themed Mixed Rice Quiz. The quiz aims to find out how you would navigate hanging out with your friends over the National Day weekend. And the results will match you with a classic cai png ingredient, which will come with its own personality description. On What's Trending, Hongbin Jeong, Nadiah Koh and Nazirul Asrar gets into the spirit of National Day by playing this quiz and find out which cai png ingredient they are and what it reveals about them during the long-anticipated National Day weekend.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A National Day banner mistake sparked headlines, but it also raised a deeper question: as AI becomes part of everyday life, how is it changing us? On Viewpoint, Lynlee Foo and her guest Usha Chandradas, Adjunct Associate Professor at Nanyang Technological University and Consultant at international law firm Withers KhattarWong LLP, explore why the conversation isn't just about the technology itself, but about our habits of thinking, learning and exercising judgement in an AI-powered world.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Mark Caleb Smith of The Broken Regime blog talks with us about the several people who are pastors or seminarians who are running for national political office.  While they claim faith, what faith to they profess?  Plus, he answer the question "which document best explains America:  The Declaration of Independence, The Constitution, or the Bible?"  National Day of Prayer Taskforce's Kathy Branzell helps us look at the coming school year.  How do we best pray and practically support our students, teachers, and schools? Are we praying our students understand their identity in Christ?  The Reconnect with Carmen and all Faith Radio podcasts are made possible by your support. Give now: Click here

Singapore take on Indonesia on 7th August (two days before National Day) with an AFF Championship semifinal spot at stake. All the Lions need is a draw, but with the age-old rivalry brewing, and the Garudas fighting to stay alive - it promises to be a night to remember at Jalan Besar Stadium. Which way will the penny drop? Join Neil Humphreys & Zia-ul Raushan - LIVE every weekday at 6.50am for The Final Score only on Let's Talk Singapore | Weekdays 6-10amSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Fluent Fiction - French: A Stroke of Genius: Élodie's Louvre Moment on French National Day Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/fr/episode/2026-07-31-07-38-19-fr Story Transcript:Fr: Le Louvre était en ébullition.En: Le Louvre was buzzing with activity.Fr: C'était le 14 juillet, jour de la fête nationale française.En: It was July 14th, the day of the French National Day.Fr: Le soleil d'été baignait la pyramide de verre de ses rayons, projetant des ombres fascinantes.En: The summer sun bathed the glass pyramid with its rays, casting fascinating shadows.Fr: Les touristes affluaient, yeux écarquillés, prêts à découvrir les trésors du musée le plus célèbre de France.En: Tourists flocked in, eyes wide open, ready to discover the treasures of the most famous museum in France.Fr: Élodie et Julien, tous deux guides au Louvre, se préparaient pour une journée intense.En: Élodie and Julien, both guides at the Louvre, were preparing for an intense day.Fr: Julien, charismatique et drôle, était le guide préféré des visiteurs.En: Julien, charismatic and funny, was the visitors' favorite guide.Fr: Élodie, elle, rêvait secrètement de devenir historienne de l'art.En: Élodie, however, secretly dreamed of becoming an art historian.Fr: Elle avait parfois l'impression de vivre dans l'ombre de Julien, mais elle était déterminée à prouver sa valeur.En: She sometimes felt she was living in Julien's shadow, but she was determined to prove her worth.Fr: Dans le hall d'entrée, les visiteurs attendaient le début de la visite guidée spéciale pour le 14 juillet.En: In the entrance hall, the visitors awaited the start of the special guided tour for July 14th.Fr: Julien, avec son sourire habituel, commença la présentation avec une anecdote captivante sur la Révolution française.En: With his usual smile, Julien began the presentation with a captivating anecdote about the French Revolution.Fr: Élodie, debout à ses côtés, écoutait avec attention, le cœur battant.En: Élodie, standing by his side, listened attentively, her heart racing.Fr: Cette fois, elle avait un plan.En: This time, she had a plan.Fr: Depuis des semaines, elle préparait quelque chose de spécial.En: For weeks, she had been preparing something special.Fr: Elle avait fait des recherches sur une œuvre peu connue mais importante, liée à la Révolution française.En: She had researched a little-known but important piece of art related to the French Revolution.Fr: Sa chance viendrait aujourd'hui.En: Her chance would come today.Fr: Alors que le groupe passait devant une série de tableaux, Élodie vit une opportunité.En: As the group passed by a series of paintings, Élodie saw an opportunity.Fr: Elle prit une inspiration profonde et s'adressa au groupe avec assurance.En: She took a deep breath and addressed the group with confidence.Fr: "Je voudrais vous montrer quelque chose d'unique," dit-elle, captant l'attention des visiteurs.En: "I would like to show you something unique," she said, capturing the visitors' attention.Fr: Ils se tournèrent vers elle, intrigués.En: They turned towards her, intrigued.Fr: Elle les emmena devant une peinture cachée parmi les chefs-d'œuvre célèbres.En: She led them to a painting hidden among the famous masterpieces.Fr: Avec une voix sûre, Élodie expliqua l'histoire de ce tableau, son contexte historique, et sa signification méconnue.En: With a confident voice, Élodie explained the history of this painting, its historical context, and its lesser-known significance.Fr: Sa passion pour le sujet transparaissait dans ses mots, captivant son auditoire.En: Her passion for the subject shone through her words, captivating her audience.Fr: Julien la regardait, surpris mais admiratif.En: Julien watched her, surprised but admiring.Fr: Les visiteurs étaient pendus à ses lèvres, curieux et impressionnés par ses connaissances.En: The visitors were hanging on her every word, curious and impressed by her knowledge.Fr: À la fin de sa présentation, ils applaudirent chaleureusement.En: At the end of her presentation, they applauded warmly.Fr: Cette reconnaissance emplit Élodie de fierté.En: This recognition filled Élodie with pride.Fr: Julien s'approcha, un sourire aux lèvres.En: Julien approached, a smile on his face.Fr: "C'était fantastique, Élodie.En: "That was fantastic, Élodie.Fr: Tu devrais partager tes connaissances plus souvent," dit-il sincèrement.En: You should share your knowledge more often," he said sincerely.Fr: Ils continuèrent la visite ensemble, travaillant en véritable équipe.En: They continued the tour together, working as a real team.Fr: Élodie avait enfin trouvé la confiance en elle qu'elle cherchait.En: Élodie had finally found the confidence she was looking for.Fr: Elle comprit qu'elle pouvait offrir quelque chose d'unique, et que son amour pour l'art pouvait toucher les autres, même face au charme indéniable de Julien.En: She realized she could offer something unique, and that her love for art could touch others, even alongside Julien's undeniable charm.Fr: Cette journée de fête nationale se termina sous un feu d'artifice grandiose.En: This National Day ended under a grand fireworks display.Fr: Dans le ciel noir, les éclats de lumière semblèrent dessiner un avenir prometteur.En: In the black sky, the bursts of light seemed to sketch a promising future.Fr: Élodie était prête pour de nouveaux défis, certaine que ses rêves étaient à portée de main.En: Élodie was ready for new challenges, certain that her dreams were within reach. Vocabulary Words:the pyramid: la pyramidethe shadow: l'ombrethe treasure: le trésorthe guide: le guidecharismatic: charismatiquethe historian: l'historiennethe entrance hall: le hall d'entréethe anecdote: l'anecdotecaptivating: captivantthe revolution: la révolutionto prove: prouverthe painting: le tableauthe masterpiece: le chef-d'œuvrethe context: le contextethe significance: la significationto captivate: captiverpassion: la passioncurious: curieuxto applaud: applaudirrecognition: la reconnaissancepride: la fiertéto continue: continuerthe team: l'équipeconfidence: la confianceunique: uniqueto touch: toucherthe charm: le charmethe fireworks: le feu d'artificethe light: la lumièrethe challenge: le défi

Featuring the latest in activist campaigns and struggles against oppression fighting for a better world with anti-capitalist analysis on current affairs and international politics.Presenters: Jacob Andrewartha & Mary MerkenichNewsreportsDiscussion from the presenters on the following political issues drawing on the articles below Community leaders join anti-racism rally in BroadmeadowsIndia: When the streets came alive with new hope and people's people Domestic violence isn't a ‘two-way street' and Hanson isn't confusedInterviews and DiscussionsInterview with Abby Martin, US film maker and journalist discussing US Imperialism and how we can oppose growing millitarism and war.Sue Bull, member of Socialist Alliance and former CFMEU trainer joins the program to discuss the turmoil and right wing shift in the Victorian ALP. You can listen to the individual interview here.Maccas, campaigner with Protect our NDIS Naarm discusses the upcoming National Day of Action on August 1 and why we need to oppose the government's attacks on the NDIS.

This morning we discuss national _____ day... and it needs to stop!

This morning we discuss national _____ day... and it needs to stop! See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

National Day of Action for Peace in Iran

Well you can't begrudge this National Day, The National Day of Tequila! What are your weekend plans for this hot weekend, TJ let's you know his, probably nothin. Then someone on this crew doesn't like Jimothy, how could that be? Lastly a Weekly World News Update, and an email bag. All this and more on News Radio KKOB See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

TVC 743.1: Ed welcomes Mary Hampton, widow of beloved character actor Jim Hampton (F Troop, The Longest Yard, Sling Blade, Teen Wolf), and an accomplished actress in her own right. Mary is also the driving force behind What? And Give Up Show Business?, the story of Jim's life and career as a working actor, which was published just before Jim's death in 2021. What? And Give Up Show Business? is available in hardcover through TCU Press and Amazon.com. Topics this segment include how Jim and Mary first met; how Jim was very much a bridge between old Hollywood and new Hollywood; Jim's many appearances on the Johnny Carson Tonight Show; and how Jim nearly had a network talk show of his own. Mary Hampton will appear, along with Cindy Mitchum and Julie Rogers Pomilia, at the annual National Day of the Cowboy weekend celebration in Tombstone, Arizona from July 23 through July 26.

TVC 743.2: Actress Mary Hampton, widow of Jim Hampton, talks to Ed about how Jim enjoyed playing golf and backgammon with James Garner; the pivotal role that Casa Manana, the venerable theatre in Fort Worth, Texas, played early in Jim's career; and how Jim landed the role of Michael J. Fox's dad in Teen Wolf. What? And Give Up Show Business?, Jim Hampton's memoir, is available in hardcover through TCU Press and Amazon.com. Mary Hampton will appear, along with Cindy Mitchum and Julie Rogers Pomilia, at the annual National Day of the Cowboy weekend celebration in Tombstone, Arizona from July 23 through July 26.

Stage 16 of the 2026 Tour de France brought the race's only individual time trial: 26.1km from Évian-les-Bains to Thonon-les-Bains, featuring a punchy parcours with 500 metres of climbing that suited the all-rounders far more than the pure specialists. Remco Evenepoel reminded everyone why he is one of the greatest time triallists of his generation, storming to victory on Belgium's National Day to claim his 26th career TT win. Tadej Pogačar limited his losses superbly to finish second, while Mattias Skjelmose produced an excellent ride for third. Paul Seixas continued his remarkable Tour with fourth, narrowly ahead of Isaac Del Toro as the battle for the white jersey edged even closer. The overall classification remains largely unchanged. Pogačar still holds a commanding lead, while Evenepoel strengthened his grip on second place, with Jonas Vingegaard now out of the race after the crash on Stage 15. Behind them, however, the fight for the final podium position between Del Toro and Seixas is becoming one of the defining battles of this Tour. The biggest moment of the day came when Florian Lipowitz crashed heavily midway through his ride, forcing him to abandon the race. His exit reshapes the top 10, promotes a host of riders up the standings, and opens the door for Yannis Voisard to move into the overall top 10. We also discuss why this wasn't a course designed for pure time trial specialists. Filippo Ganna and Josh Tarling delivered the performances many expected, but on a climbing-heavy route, they were never likely to challenge for victory against riders like Evenepoel and Pogačar. And we caught up with Pete Kennaugh at the XDS-Astana team hotel on the rest day to hear his thoughts on how the race has unfolded so far, and we tackle the burning question: Was Jonas Vingegaard's crash a result of the doping test that woke him up in the middle of the night? Ned Boulting and David Millar break down Stage 16 of the Tour de France 2026.

TVC 743.3: Actress Mary Hampton, widow of Jim Hampton, talks to Ed about how Burt Reynolds provided a vital assist behind the scenes during the episode of Gunsmoke that also marked Jim's very first television appearance, and how Jim helped Burt many times in return, including the night when Burt guest-hosted the Johnny Carson Tonight Show shortly after posing for Cosmopolitan magazine; and how Jim nearly missed his audition for F Troop. What? And Give Up Show Business?, Jim Hampton's memoir, is available in hardcover through TCU Press and Amazon.com. Mary Hampton will appear, along with Cindy Mitchum and Julie Rogers Pomilia, at the annual National Day of the Cowboy weekend celebration in Tombstone, Arizona from July 23 through July 26.

The drive-thru sushi, hibachi, and bento box options at Oishii Express in The Village in northwest Oklahoma City is unlike most other roadside options diners have come to expect. The concept by Chef Ling Chi Wong (who also started Takaramono in OKC's Plaza District) opened earlier this year and has been greeted by great fanfare. Particularly popular are their sushi push pops—a clever contraption that features a sushi in a tube with a thin cylinder containing a wasabi-soy sauce mixture. Chef Chi joins this week's show to talk about his inventive new concept and where he plans on taking it in the future. Also on this week's show, the editors give their own million dollar Oklahoma business ideas (Braums, if you're watching, take notes). And podvents tells us where to celebrate the National Day of the Cowboy this year. You won't want to miss it!

TVC 743.5: Part 2 of a conversation that began last week with Cindy Mitchum, youngest daughter of legendary character actor John Mitchum and the niece of screen legend Robert Mitchum. Cindy has just rereleased Them Ornery Mitchum Boys: The Adventures of Robert and John Mitchum, her dad's raw, funny, and unforgettable memoir about growing up with his older brother—before fame, during fame, and through all the chaos in between. Them Ornery Mitchum Boys is available in hardcover and in paperback through Henry Gray Publishing, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. John Mitchum's Unabashed Love of Country, Cowboys, and God, the two-CD tribute to the music and poetry of John Mitchum, featuring performances by more than fifty than celebrity colleagues and admirers, is available at CD Baby, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. Topics this segment include how Bob and John first became known as "them Ornery Mitchum boys"; the spiritual side of John Mitchum; and why the world "can use a little Mitchum now." Image courtesy Henry Gray Publishing.  Cindy Mitchum will appear at Side Show Books, 1639 South La Cienega Blvd., Los Angeles, CA on Monday, July 20, beginning at 8pm. Cindy will sign copies of Them Ornery Mitchum Boys, followed by a screening the original Cape Fear (1962) starring Robert Mitchum. Cindy will also appear, along with Julie Rogers Pomilia and Mari Deese Hampton, at the annual National Day of the Cowboy weekend celebration in Tombstone, Arizona from July 23 through July 26.

TVC 743.6: Cindy Mitchum, youngest daughter of John Mitchum and the niece of Robert Mitchum, talks to Ed about the time when her dad helped his friend Father Latimer Garrett, an Episcopal priest, raise the money needed to build Father Garrett's Boys Ranch, a foster care facility in Acton, California. Them Ornery Mitchum Boys is available in hardcover and in paperback through Henry Gray Publishing, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. John Mitchum's Unabashed Love of Country, Cowboys, and God is available at CD Baby, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. Photo of John Mitchum courtesy MitchumMedia.com Cindy Mitchum will appear at Side Show Books, 1639 South La Cienega Blvd., Los Angeles, CA on Monday, July 20, beginning at 8pm. Cindy will sign copies of Them Ornery Mitchum Boys, followed by a screening the original Cape Fear (1962) starring Robert Mitchum. Cindy will also appear, along with Julie Rogers Pomilia and Mari Deese Hampton, at the annual National Day of the Cowboy weekend celebration in Tombstone, Arizona from July 23 through July 26.

On this week's Security Sprint, Dave and Andy covered the following topics:Opening:• The Show Must Go On: Building Cyber Resilience for Venues — Global Awareness Professionals — 08 Jul 2026. Global Awareness Professionals published a Gate 15 guest post on strengthening venue cyber resilience through assessment, planning, exercises, and post-incident learning. • Lessons from CISA's Cyber Incident — Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency — 09 Jul 2026. CISA disclosed lessons from its response to an incident involving credentials exposed through a publicly accessible software repository. Main Topics:New York to ban smart glasses from all courthouses. All courts in New York state will ban smart glasses starting later this month. Beginning on July 20, all eyewear or headwear that contains cameras, microphones or other recording technology will not be allowed inside any Unified Court System facilities, according to a memo from the Office of Court Administration. The ban applies to more than 1,240 state, county, city, town and village courts.Terrorism / Extremism• When violence shapes identities: In a larger pool of perpetrators. — Europol — 13 Jul 2026. Europol's European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend Report 2026 assesses that terrorism in Europe is becoming increasingly decentralized, with a broader and more diverse pool of perpetrators motivated by jihadist, right-wing extremist, left-wing extremist, anarchist, separatist, and single-issue ideologies. The report notes continued growth in lone-actor violence, online radicalization, youth involvement, and hybrid ideological influences that blur traditional threat categories. Europol emphasizes that violent extremist ecosystems increasingly reinforce one another through online platforms, propaganda, and shared narratives even when ideological goals differ. • Feared for years, an Iranian attack on US soil has not materialized. Here's why. — Christian Science Monitor — 10 Jul 2026. The article examines why Iran has not conducted a large-scale retaliatory attack inside the United States despite decades of concern from U.S. intelligence and security officials. • Blurring Terrorism and War: Russia's Counter-Terrorism Framework and the Risks for International Partners — International Centre for Counter-Terrorism — 09 Jul 2026• 8 men indicted in planned drone and sniper attack on White House UFC cage-fighting show — Associated Press — 10 Jul 2026Severe Weather:• CSU Hurricane Seasonal Forecasting — Colorado State University — 08 Jul 2026. Colorado State University's initial seasonal hurricane forecast and press release for 2026 was released on Thursday, April 9, 2026 and updated on Wednesday, June 10, 2026 and Wednesday, July 8, 2026. • Taiwan, Japan and south-eastern China brace for Typhoon Bavi as landslides kill 15 in Philippines • 100 million Americans face dangerous heat as temperatures surge • A ‘super' El Niño is brewing. Experts fear historic dangers from extreme weather Quick Hits:• NSA and Partners Release Guidance on Improving Router Hygiene to Protect Against Russian State-Sponsored Targeting — National Security Agency — 13 Jul 2026 • Frontier AI models and their impact on cyber security – an update on AI model harnesses — Australian Signals Directorate — 13 Jul 2026• Cyber Shield: The path to an agentic AI future for cyber defence — National Cyber Security Centre — 07 Jul 2026• National Day of Protest Against Data Centers on July 18—Map, List of Cities — Newsweek — 09 Jul 2026• CISA expects to finalize key cyber reporting rule by September — Nextgov/FCW — 06 Jul 2026

On the KMOJ Morning Show, Darrail Hughes joins Chantel Sings to discuss the mission of PCYC Freedom Schools and how the Children's Defense Fund Freedom Schools program helps prevent summer learning loss while empowering young people through literacy, enrichment, and leadership development. He highlights this year's National Day of Social Action on July 15, when scholars will march along West Broadway in North Minneapolis to raise awareness around the theme, “Are the Children Well?” with a focus on mental health and social-emotional wellness. Hughes explains why providing young people with opportunities to have their voices heard is essential to building stronger communities and brighter futures. He also recognizes the statewide network of Freedom Schools, including fellow Minneapolis sites at Nellie Stone and Lutheran Social Services, that are working together to support and uplift children throughout the summer.

TVC 742.1: Ed welcomes back Cindy Mitchum, youngest daughter of legendary character actor John Mitchum and the niece of screen legend Robert Mitchum. Cindy has just rereleased Them Ornery Mitchum Boys: The Adventures of Robert and John Mitchum, a rollicking look at the lives and careers of her famous dad and famous uncle as they move through decades of adventure, war, celebrity, vice, loyalty, and loss, while also crossing paths with such legends as John Wayne, Marilyn Monroe, Burt Reynolds, Charles Bronson, Clint Eastwood, John Carradine, Joi Lansing, and many, many others. Them Ornery Mitchum Boys is available in hardcover and in paperback through Henry Gray Publishing, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. John Mitchum's Unabashed Love of Country, Cowboys, and God, the two-CD tribute to the music and poetry of John Mitchum, featuring performances by more than fifty than celebrity colleagues and admirers, is available at CD Baby, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. Topics this segment include how Them Ornery Mitchum Boys is an unusual memoir that will sometimes remind you of the works of Mark Twain; how the book is as much a celebration of character actors as it is about John and Bob's careers; the unique bond both John and Bob; and how both Mitchum brothers had a joie de vie that came across in everything they did. Cindy Mitchum will appear at Side Show Books, 1639 South La Cienega Blvd., Los Angeles, CA on Monday, July 20, beginning at 8pm. Cindy will sign copies of Them Ornery Mitchum Boys, followed by a screening the original Cape Fear (1962) starring Robert Mitchum. Cindy will also appear, along with Julie Rogers Pomilia and Mari Deese Hampton, at the annual National Day of the Cowboy weekend celebration in Tombstone, Arizona from July 23 through July 26.

TVC 742.2: Cindy Mitchum, youngest daughter of John Mitchum and the niece of Robert Mitchum, talks to Ed about how both her dad and her uncle became actors by accident; how John was an accomplished prize fighter who could also handle himself in a street brawl if necessary; and the many ways in which Them Ornery Mitchum Boys is like a family album. Them Ornery Mitchum Boys is available in hardcover and in paperback through Henry Gray Publishing, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. John Mitchum's Unabashed Love of Country, Cowboys, and God is available at CD Baby, Amazon.com, and JohnMitchum.com. Cindy Mitchum will appear at Side Show Books, 1639 South La Cienega Blvd., Los Angeles, CA on Monday, July 20, beginning at 8pm. Cindy will sign copies of Them Ornery Mitchum Boys, followed by a screening the original Cape Fear (1962) starring Robert Mitchum. Cindy will also appear, along with Julie Rogers Pomilia and Mari Deese Hampton, at the annual National Day of the Cowboy weekend celebration in Tombstone, Arizona from July 23 through July 26.

BIG STORY: Aubrey Campos with Stonewall DemocratsTarrant County Stonewall DemocratsAubrey's Tacos & TortasSHORT STORY 1: Data Center regulations delayed‘Half-measures': Residents push Fort Worth for stronger data center rulesZoning commissioners deny data center rules, return ordinance to Fort Worth City Council / Fort Worth Zoning Commission votes against data center restrictionsMajority of Fort Worth council members call for data center moratorium / 5 Fort Worth City Council members call for data center moratoriumSHORT STORY 2: FWISD updatesCan one set of goals fit FWISD? Residents say neighborhoods have different needsFWISD looks to sell Charles Nash Elementary after closure in MayTexas House candidate for Fort Worth area district posts racially coded meme / Fort Worth charter school parents say board chair's posts foster discriminationSHORT STORY 3: Schatzline over Texas electionsFort Worth politician, pastor to oversee election integrity in Abbott's officeKen Paxton vowed to crack down on 'illegal voting.' He may have violated Texas election lawWINS: Fort Worth steps out of Dallas' shadow with its own economic report‘D&D is storytelling': Fort Worth church hosts safe space for LGBTQ+, neurodiverse gamersNo adults allowed: Fort Worth teens take creative charge at student-led theater groupFlowers in the Concrete Sedrick Huckaby & All N All: Artist Embracing CommunityArlington Pride will return in 2027, organizers sayLOSSES: Another man has died after being in Tarrant County Jail custody — the fourth death in 2 weeksCould more traffic lanes on Hemphill Street aid in mobility? Fort Worth wants your input / Could Fort Worth reverse changes to this major traffic corridor?ACTIONS: Hemphill Corridor SurveyJuly 14 - Commissioner's Court - Bastille Day rally at 8amJuly 18 - National Day of Protest against data centersJuly 19 - 817 GatherAugust 11 - Fort Worth's data center policy voteAugust 25 - Black Mountain data center voteJoin the 817 Gather Discord, donate to the 817 Gather, and follow us on Instagram & TikTok.

Victor Montejo is a Jakaltek Maya originally from Guatemala. He is a sociocultural anthropologist specializing in Mesoamerican Indigenous cultures. He received his Ph.D. in Anthropology from the University of Connecticut, USA, in 1993. He was awarded the UC President's Postdoctoral Fellowship at UC Davis in 1995 and then joined the faculty of Native American Studies in 1997. He is a scholar, novelist, poet, activist, journalist, and major Mayan public intellectual, recognized nationally and internationally for his work.During his time in Native American Studies, he served as Department Chair for one term and consistently helped strengthen the Graduate program in Native American Studies with his colleagues. At the undergraduate level, he taught one of the introductory courses in Native American Studies, along with NAS 115 Indigenous People in the Contemporary World; Native Knowledge, Methods and Epistemology. At the graduate level he taught NAS 200 Seminar: Basic Concepts: NAS 246: Research Methods and Theory in Native American Studies; NAS 202: Indigenous Myths and Worldviews; NAS 250: Seminar: Classic Maya Ethnographies.As a Maya native of Guatemala, he has focused his research on Maya culture and the pan-Maya movement of self-representation in the Americas. His academic interests focus on the Indigenous peoples of Mesoamerica. He works on the Latin American diaspora, human rights, migration and transnationalism, comparative studies, ethnicity, Indigenous worldviews and Native knowledge, and Indigenous literatures.  Current projects include: Indigenous community development, rural development, sustainable development,  cultural/economic/political self-determination, cultural resource management. Victor Montejo has been a columnist for a national newspaper in Guatemala and obtained First Honorable Mention for Best Column in Native Americas, Cornell  University, from the Native  American Journalists Association in 2000.His Voices from Exile: Violence and Survival in Modern Maya History won the national Race, Ethnicity and Politics Award from the American Political Science Association.In 2003, Victor Montejo received a Fulbright Scholar Award to teach and conduct research in Guatemala at the University of El Valle de Guatemala. He ran for Congress and won; from 2004-2008, he served in the Guatemalan national Congress. From this post, he was named Minister of Peace during the Guatemalan Presidency and worked out the National Program for Reparation to the victims of the armed conflict in Guatemala. He was president of the Congressional Commission of Indigenous Peoples. As a Congressman he proposed and passed the law of the National Day of Indigenous People of Guatemala, and and proposed the Law Initiative: Ley de Consulta a Pueblos Indígenas. Professor Emeritus Montejo's major publications include: Testimony: Death of a Guatemalan Village (1987); The Bird Who Cleans the World and Other Mayan Fables, Curbstone Press, 1991; Sculpted Stones [poetry], 1995; The Adventures of Mister Puttison Among the Mayas [novel], Yax Te' Press, 1998; Voices from Exile: Violence and Survival in Modern Maya History (1999); Maya Intellectual Renaissance: Critical Essays on Identity, Representation, and Leadership. Austin: University of Texas Press (2003); Popol Vuh: Sacred Book of the Mayas (1999); Q'anil: Man of Lightning, University of Arizona Press (2002). Pixan: El Cargador del Espíritu, Editorial Piedra Santa, Guatemala, (2014); Secuestro a ultratumba.https://www.indigenouspeople.net/victorm.htmBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/earth-ancients--2790919/support.

No, girl, you cannot airtag your bf. Ma'am, you are banned from T Bell. National Day of Rock and Roll. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Doug Karsch and Scott "Gator" Anderson debate the Detroit Tigers' trade deadline dilemma and analyze how Donovan Mitchell's maximum contract extension impacts the NBA landscape. Plus, the guys pivot to a fun discussion about local Michigan dive bars and the ultimate National Day food showdown.

The Chairman of The Church of Pentecost, Apostle Eric Nyamekye, sheds more light on this in this insightful message titled "Resetting Our Values To Build The Ghana We Want " at the 2026 National Day of Prayer and Thanksgiving held at the Forecourt of the State House, Accra. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today  Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence.  Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning.  Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden.  Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day.  Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year?  Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very-  Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did-  Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever?  Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan.  Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too.  Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org.  Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.”  Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even-  Cayden: No …  Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah …  Cayden: excluded  Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again.  Samir: Right.  Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.”  Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways.  Sharmin: Right.  Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government.  Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know-  Cayden: Yeah …  Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person.  Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this.  Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because-  Cayden: Hmm …  Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm.  Cayden: Yeah …  Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving]  is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like-  Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.”  Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we-  Cayden: Contest every space.  Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks,  Cayden: dad …  Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now.  Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media.  Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you?  Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so…  Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived.  Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And  Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like-  Cayden: Yeah. …  Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really-  Cayden: Yeah …  Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon.  Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys.  Samir:

There's a cathedral in southwestern England with a remarkable medieval astronomical clock, and on a door that leads into the workings of this clock there's a small medieval hole that carpenters cut so that the cathedral's cat could go in and out while on mouse patrol. Of course people in modern times love it. Plus: for National Day in Seychelles, the story of the world's smallest national park. The World's Oldest Cat Door Has Been Letting Working Cats Enter the Cathedral Since the 14th Century (My Modern Met)Moyenne Island: The world's smallest national park (BBC)Back this show on our Patreon page before the next chime of that astronomical clock

Thank you also for not celebrating Juneteenth.I know that sounds harsh, but hear me out.America already has a holiday dedicated to liberty.It's called Independence Day.We don't need a committee meeting for freedom.We don't need Liberty 2.0.We don't need Freedom: The Sequel.July 4th already covers the subject matter.The Left has become obsessed with creating boutique holidays the way Starbucks creates seasonal drinks.Every historical footnote gets its own observance, awareness campaign, commemorative T-shirt, and eventually a federal employee day off.Pretty soon we'll have National Day of Recognizing the Committee That Planned the Meeting About the Event We Already Celebrated.Meanwhile, the rest of us are waiting for fireworks and barbecue.Speaking of fireworks...We've got a full plate of crow to serve today.And Democrats are once again seated at the head table.Last week Barack Obama officially opened his presidential library.Now, Democrats treated this thing like archaeologists had discovered King Tut's tomb.The media acted as though civilization itself had reached a new milestone.I watched the coverage and thought, "Did I miss something?"Because from where I sit, this felt less like the unveiling of a monument and more like the grand opening of a very expensive explanation.Think about it.The Obama presidency generated so much mythology that eventually they needed a building to store it all.And the event itself had all the cultural impact of finding out what happened to Jesse Jackson.In fact, quick question:Where were you when Jesse Jackson's political relevance was buried?Exactly.Neither do I.The media keeps trying to manufacture nostalgia for things the public already moved on from.It's like watching somebody hold a high school reunion for a graduating class that never actually liked each other.We'll get into that story because there were moments at that event that were so awkward they deserve their own documentary.Then there's Jeff Bezos.And ladies and gentlemen, we may have witnessed something rare.A billionaire experiencing reality.Bezos apparently decided to say something that employees at the Washington Post did not want to hear:See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

On this special Faith Radio Day of Prayer and Praise edition of The Reconnect, political scientist Adam Carrington, who also serves as the chaplain for the Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs, talks about good models for prayer found in his parents and in resources like the Anglican "Book of Common Prayer" to help guide and fuel our prayers.  National Day of Prayer Taskforce's Kathy Branzell talks about what it means to celebrate in prayer.   The Reconnect with Carmen and all Faith Radio are made possible by your support. Give now: Click here 

Welcome, folks, to The Kevin Jackson Show!First, let me start with gratitude. Happy Father's DayI put out few tweets that I would like to share with you.Happy Father's Day to conservative dads. Somewhere a progressive woman is posting, "My dad is my hero," right before explaining why men are the problem.Holy Mother of Hunter, whatever else you say about Trump, at least he knows how many children he has and he accepted them all.Because "safe spaces" rarely stop an intruder, but a good father always will.America's world's most criticized demographic and its most relied-upon one. What a coincidence.For one glorious day, the war on men pauses for cake.My birthday was on Sunday as well, and thanks to those who sent well-wishes.Thank you to everybody who sent birthday cards, gifts, well wishes, and contributions to what I now lovingly refer to as "Operation Costa Rica."Based on the current balance, I believe I can spend approximately three days there, consume several meals, enjoy a few adult beverages, and possibly stand near a golf course. Actually playing golf may require a supplemental appropriations bill.But seriously, thank you.Melissa got me one of those see-through travel fund banks a few months ago, and I can literally watch the money accumulate. It's like a conservative version of a Democrat budget. The difference is my jar actually contains money.And I will tell you this. Every time I look at it, I'm humbled. I really am.Now...Thank you also for not celebrating Juneteenth.I know that sounds harsh, but hear me out.America already has a holiday dedicated to liberty.It's called Independence Day.We don't need a committee meeting for freedom.We don't need Liberty 2.0.We don't need Freedom: The Sequel.July 4th already covers the subject matter.The Left has become obsessed with creating boutique holidays the way Starbucks creates seasonal drinks.Every historical footnote gets its own observance, awareness campaign, commemorative T-shirt, and eventually a federal employee day off.Pretty soon we'll have National Day of Recognizing the Committee That Planned the Meeting About the Event We Already Celebrated.Meanwhile, the rest of us are waiting for fireworks and barbecue.Speaking of fireworks...We've got a full plate of crow to serve today.And Democrats are once again seated at the head table.Last week Barack Obama officially opened his presidential library.Now, Democrats treated this thing like archaeologists had discovered King Tut's tomb.The media acted as though civilization itself had reached a new milestone.I watched the coverage and thought, "Did I miss something?"Because from where I sit, this felt less like the unveiling of a monument and more like the grand opening of a very expensive explanation.Think about it.The Obama presidency generated so much mythology that eventually they needed a building to store it all.And the event itself had all the cultural impact of finding out what happened to Jesse Jackson.In fact, quick question:Where were you when Jesse Jackson's political relevance was buried?Exactly.Neither do I.The media keeps trying to manufacture nostalgia for things the public already moved on from.It's like watching somebody hold a high school reunion for a graduating class that never actually liked each other.We'll get into that story because there were moments at that event that were so awkward they deserve their own documentary.Then there's Jeff Bezos.And ladies and gentlemen, we may have witnessed something rare.A billionaire experiencing reality.Bezos apparently decided to say something that employees at the Washington Post did not want to hear:See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Weird 2026 list of champions?

Day 1,568.As Putin marks Russia Day by handing out state prizes, including to a former human rights commissioner who's been sanctioned for gross human rights violations, Ukraine chose to celebrate the big day by launching attacks across Russia. Dom reports how repeated Ukrainian strikes have reduced traffic along the critical supply corridor to Crimea by nearly three quarters, and looks at the latest European diplomatic overtures to the Kremlin. Later, Adelie interviews two charities that rescue animals from the frontline.Contributors:Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Adelie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @Adeliepjz on X.With thanks to:Yuriy Tokarski, CEO of U-Hearts Foundation and Yaryna Vintoniuk and Yuliana Symchych of Animal Rescue Kharkiv.Senior Producer: Lilian FawcettVideo Producer: James EnglandSocial Producer: Tom SteedStudio Director: Meghan SearleExecutive Editor: Francis DearnleyCreated by David KnowlesNOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/@UkraineTheLatest CONTENT REFERENCED:Exclusive: Ukraine's drone commander wants to cut Crimea off from Russia (Reuters)https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/ukraines-drone-commander-wants-cut-crimea-off-russia-2026-06-11/ Learn more about Animal Rescue Kharkiv:https://youtube.com/@animalrescuekharkiv?si=eXf93VmXprnAGoMbhttps://www.facebook.com/spt.kh/https://www.instagram.com/animal.rescue.kharkiv.enhttps://www.animalrescuekharkiv.org/Learn more about U-Hearts Foundation:https://u-hearts.com/EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk. We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible.HIGHLIGHTS:Ukraine wipes out 'critical' supply route on Russia's national day50 Russian military trucks also destroyed Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Welcome to our June episode of “Caregiving Club On Air” podcast (S6, Ep 71) with host Sherri Snelling, a corporate gerontologist, author and CEO of the Caregiving. In this episode Sherri highlights the 8th Annual National Day of Joy on June 24 including new survey results of caregivers and older adults in my interview with Joni Magnus-Ramsey of Comfort Keepers.On this episode Sherri talks to Joni about the 2026 survey of more than 2,000 family caregivers and older adults:•       92% of respondents say caregiving brings both joy and emotional strain – how do you find the balance and silver linings in caregiving?•       What types of activities bring caregivers joy as opposed to their older loved ones – what joy do they seek?•       As a caregiver, how do you ask for and accept help without feeling guilty?•       If your older loved one does not to bring help into the home, how do you help them to see it is not just them – you need help tooMore than 100 Comfort Keepers offices will be celebrating #NationalDayofJoy on June 24 with special activities to help lift the human spirit of their clients. Join in on the celebration! WATCH THE PODCAST HERE: https://youtu.be/rKUEMD2NvxkThank you for making “Caregiving Club On Air” #3 on the list of top 80 caregiving podcasts!Subscribe on your favorite listening channel or our YouTube channel. Learn more on our episode guide page on the Caregiving Club website: caregivingclub.com/podcast/Take Care and Stay Well!

Thanks For Listening - Say Something Nice about someone or something good going on in your life - Click the little mic on the iHeartRadio App and send us a talkback messageSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

If the IRS goes ahead and gives in to Donald Trump's demands for a MAGA slush fund, it would be outright theft of the public's money and corruption on a scale that we've never even contemplated in this country. What would stop him from plundering even more from the American people? Plus, Kash's ghoulish snorkel at Pearl Harbor, the Supreme Court's VRA ruling gave permission to practice discrimination, MAGA loves the racism and sexism of the 1950s, and the penile implant expert managing the Hantavirus outbreak. And in his new book, Weissmann explores whether the lies of politicians and political candidates can be criminalized.Andrew Weissmann joins Tim Miller for the weekend pod.show notes Buy Andrew Weissmann's book, "Liar's Kingdom." Use code Liar15 at checkout to receive 15% off and a signed bookplate from Weissmann. Offer expires 5/19/26. Click here. "All Roads Lead to the South" for Saturday's National Day of Action for Voting Rights  Sarah's "Illegal News" podcast  Tim's interview this week with Comey  photo from the summit in China and not one woman at the table  Tim's playlist Just announced: San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria and our own MAGA culture expert, Will Sommer, will join the gang on stage at Bulwark Live: San Diego on May 20.And on May 21 at Bulwark Live: LA our friends Jane Coaston, Jon Favreau, Erin Ryan from , The Ringer's Van Lathan and progressive commentator Brian Tyler Cohen will join Sarah, Tim and Sam on stage.Grab your seats today at: https://www.thebulwark.com/p/bulwark-events

The southern Georgia wildfires, forced marriages in Pakistan, the National Day of Prayer, and social isolation of Messianic Jews, Plus, Cal Thomas on the deeper fiscal trouble ahead, “Brother Snail” wins a race in Taiwan, and the Thursday morning newsSupport The World and Everything in It today at wng.org/donateAdditional support comes from Ambassadors Impact Network, evaluating every deal through two rigorous screens: a spiritual impact assessment examining leadership, values, and gospel intentionality, plus financial diligence conducted by members with private equity backgrounds. Only about 7% of companies reviewed reach members for investment consideration. This dual-screen process is designed for busy professionals who want vetted, faith-forward opportunities. Learn more at ambassadorsimpact.comFrom Homeschool Diploma. At Homeschool Diploma we believe graduation is more than a milestone; it's a celebration of a life shared together and a moment to give thanks to God for his leading and providence. We exist to elevate graduation for home and private schools with personalized, premium-quality diplomas, regalia, invites and more. www.homeschooldiploma.comAnd from Pensacola Christian College. Academic excellence, biblical worldview, affordable cost. go.pcci.edu/world