Podcasts about nehru gandhi

The ongoing legal wrangle involving Republic TV Chief Editor, Arnab Goswami, and the Congress party has started a broad-fledged debate. The main topic isn't just the case at hand anymore; it has extended its dimensions. Now it spills over to deeply rooted issues with potentially significant implications. One such issue that has come to mass attention is Sonia Gandhi's Christian faith and the resultant questions that are being raised about her son, Rahul's religious inclination.For years, the family's religion has been subtly spoken about in political circles but never brought to the public's firm notice. Sonia Gandhi, the former president of the Indian National Congress, has spent most of her life embracing the political arena's tumultuous reality. Born to Stefano and Paola Maino in a small town near Turin, Italy, Sonia Gandhi's Christian faith has always been an open secret.Her marriage to Rajiv Gandhi, a dignitary belonging to the Nehru-Gandhi family, saw her relocated to India, where her life took a dramatic move towards public service—marking her firm presence in India's political landscape. Along the way, Sonia's faith was her private domain, a component of her life not vividly discussed, and never directly addressed in the public arena. However, the current legal battle has brought it back into focus.What raises eyebrows now is the religious identity of her son, Rahul Gandhi. Riding high on his mother's political reputation, Rahul has been a prominent figure in Indian politics. The recent revelation of his mother's faith has raised questions about his own. In a country where faith plays a significant role in shaping public perception, the political ramifications of this revelation could be large. Rahul's religious beliefs are now being questioned in the court of public opinion.Arnab Goswami's legal tussle with the Congress party originally centered on a different issue altogether. The case focuses on several charges born out out of republic TV's contentious style of journalism. It has now ended up indirectly forcing an open discussion about the religious affiliations of one of India's most notable political families.What remains to be seen is how this revelation is going to impact the family's political fortune and the Congress party at large. This ignited debate is a glimpse into how religion plays a critical role in Indian politics and how public figures and their personal lives are closely observed. This incident stands to serve as a watershed moment that can influence Indian politics and its interplay with religion in the future.

Irfan Habib- a controversial figure in subcontinental historiography. In early 2001, Habib captained the publication of Sikh History From Persian Sources. Though the text was praised by Sikh personalities at the time, its content reflected Habib's long term tendency of misinterpreting historical facts with convenient alterations to cast doubt on the history of non-Muslims. Listen to find out how Habib and his father were co-opted by the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty in altering Sikh history. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/the-sikh-renaissance/message

Priyam Gandhi-Mody is a strategist specializing in political communication. She frequently writes political non-fiction and ‘A Nation To Protect' is her third book. She's an alumna of the University of Delaware and Florida State University. Having worked briefly at the Capitol in Tallahassee, she now lives in Mumbai with her husband, son and a golden retriever. Her latest book 'What if there was no Congress: The uncensored history of India' is now out. You can order your copy here: https://www.amazon.in/What-There-Was-Congress-Independent/dp/9357028935 0:00 Promo 2:31 Interesting what IFs of history 3:53 Nehru-Gandhi family Vs Congress party 5:22 Modi Vs BJP 6:21 Gems of Mani Shankar Aiyar 8:02 Why blame Congress for partition? 11:00 Gandhi, Jinnah & path to partition 15:09 Why Nehru-Patel are villains of partition? 20:13 Nehru & family hijacked party against Gandhi's wishes? 22:09 Nehru, Hari Singh, Abdullah, Mountbatten & Kashmir blunder 30:01 Nehru's Himalayan blunder of 1962 35:34 How Congress invented socialism backed political corruption 40:36 Nehru's ‘Primary' Sin 45:49 Sonia angry against Rao-Manmohan for 1991 reforms 47:49 What if there was no BJP 50:01 Congress' Sin of 1984 53:40 JP was slow poisoned by Indira?

We are taking a break from our regular programming today to bring you a special episode of 'The Sandip Roy Show'.In this episode, host Sandip Roy talks to journalist and author Sugata Srinivasaraju, who explores the politics and predicaments of the senior Congress leader Rahul Gandhi in the book, "Strange Burdens".Even though Rahul Gandhi is the guardian of the Nehru-Gandhi holy flame, at times it seems that his real mission is to reinvent his own party. On the other hand, many supporters of his party feel that the real stumbling block to its reinvention is Rahul Gandhi himself, who neither wishes to renounce it nor lead it from the front with gusto.We hope you enjoy the show and here's the link for the entire catalogue of 'The Sandip Roy Show'.

Even though Rahul Gandhi is the guardian of the Nehru-Gandhi holy flame, at times it seems that his real mission is to reinvent his own party. On the other hand, many supporters of his party feel that the real stumbling block to its reinvention is Rahul Gandhi himself, who neither wishes to renounce it nor lead it from the front with gusto.Joining host Sandip Roy in this episode is journalist and author Sugata Srinivasaraju, who explores the politics and predicaments of Rahul Gandhi in the book, Strange Burdens.Produced by Shashank BhargavaEdited and mixed by Suresh Pawar

 Guilty Men of Mewat Nehru Gandhi made a Pakistan Inside India Prakhar Srivastava Sanjay Dixit

N° 292 / 9 avril 2023Connaissez-vous notre site ? www.lenouvelespritpublic.frUne émission de Philippe Meyer, enregistrée au studio l'Arrière-boutique le 20 janvier 2023.Avec cette semaine :Christophe Jaffrelot, politologue et directeur de recherches au CNRS.Nicolas Baverez, essayiste et avocat.Béatrice Giblin, directrice de la revue Hérodote et fondatrice de l'Institut Français de Géopolitique.Nicole Gnesotto, vice-présidente de l'Institut Jacques Delors.L'INDE, AVEC CHRISTOPHE JAFFRELOTChristophe Jaffrelot, vous êtes politologue, directeur de recherche au CNRS. Diplômé de Science Po et de l'INALCO, vous parlez hindi et vous êtes spécialiste du sous-continent indien auquel vous avez consacré plusieurs ouvrages, dont L'Inde de Modi, entre National-populisme et démocratie ethnique (ed. Fayard, 2019).Les élections d'avril 2022 ont confirmé la mainmise du BJP sur de nombreux États. Le parti du Premier Ministre Narendra Modi, au pouvoir depuis 8 ans, s'est notamment imposé dans l'Uttar Pradesh, État stratégique et symbolique, dont la démographie dépasse les 220 millions d'habitants. Le Parti du Congrès des Nehru-Gandhi est en crise et aucune autre force politique émergente ne parvient à s'imposer comme une véritable opposition. Le BJP apparaît donc de nouveau en position de force pour les élections législatives de 2024 malgré un bilan marqué par un recul face à la mobilisation historique de la paysannerie indienne et à une gestion critiquée de la pandémie. L'OMS estime à 4,7 millions le nombre d'Indiens morts du Covid alors que les confinements brutaux ont révélé la situation précaire des travailleurs saisonniers du secteur informel. Aujourd'hui cependant, l'Inde impressionne par la vigueur de son rebond économique, plutôt inédit dans un monde en proie aux difficultés économiques.Les indicateurs de la cinquième économie mondiale sont au vert et la banque JP Morgan voit dans le pays « le marché de croissance le plus dynamique d'Asie pour la décennie à venir ». Le gouvernement indien cherche à soutenir et moderniser l'industrie, notamment dans les secteurs stratégiques à haute valeur technologique comme les semi-conducteurs. Apple a ainsi choisi de produire une large partie de ses IPhones 14 en Inde, délaissant une Chine toujours aux prises avec le virus. L'Inde va d'ailleurs dépasser courant 2023, son voisin chinois pour devenir le pays le plus peuplé au monde. Il s'agit d'un immense défi de développement pour une société qui semble sur le point d'accomplir sa transition démographique mais dont les inégalités se creusent toujours. D'après une étude d'Oxfam, en 2021, 84% des ménages indiens avaient subi une perte de revenus alors que le nombre de milliardaires était passé de 102 à 142.Les discriminations ethniques demeurent très vives en Inde. La politique ethno-nationaliste et autoritariste menée par les gouvernements Modi depuis 2014, mets en avant « l'hindouité » de l'Inde, en dépit de la laïcité inscrite dans la Constitution. Fin 2019, une loi facilitant l'accès à la citoyenneté des réfugiés hindous avait levé une vague de protestation dans le pays. Celle-ci fut matée par une répression qui coûta la vie à 27 personnes. La minorité musulmane, qui compte pour près de 20% de la population est particulièrement prise pour cible. Les discriminations liées au genre ou à la caste sont aussi un grand enjeu, notamment dans les villages. Entre 2018 et 2020, le Parlement indien a recensé 139.000 crimes perpétrés envers les Dalits, une des castes inférieures dans la hiérarchie hindoue, soit un toutes les 18 minutes.Pour sa présidence du G20 en 2023, l'Inde demeure fidèle à sa doctrine d'équidistance et compte se faire le porte-voix du Sud global. Malgré́ la polarisation généralisée provoquée par la guerre en Ukraine, New Delhi maintient pour l'instant son partenariat stratégique avec la Russie, tout en dénonçant à demi-mot l'invasion, comme le fît Narendra Modi lors du sommet de Samarcande en septembre dernier. Les Américains ne cessent pourtant de draguer « la plus grande démocratie du monde », pour en faire une pièce centrale de leur présence dans l'Indo-Pacifique. Les Indiens parviennent-ils donc à garder la distance nécessaire avec Washington pour rester crédibles aux yeux du Sud ? Quelle relation peuvent-ils également envisager avec leur rival chinois qui est désormais leur premier partenaire commercial ?Vous pouvez consulter notre politique de confidentialité sur https://art19.com/privacy ainsi que la notice de confidentialité de la Californie sur https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This week, A'ndre talks to Dr. Joyojeet Pal, an Indian politics expert and an Associate Professor of Information at the University of Michigan's School of Information, on all things Narendra Modi. They discuss Modi's unconventional rise to power and the controversies surrounding the BBC's documentary, which implicated Modi in the 2002 Gujarat Riots, which result in the deaths of 1,000, predominantly Muslim, civilians. Dr. Pal also highlights unclassified State Department documents, painting a picture of the U.S. Government's evolution in its stance on Modi -- from a Visa ban in the 2000s to the revocation of that ban before he became prime minister -- and the role that relevant U.S. political/policy figures and Indian Diaspora groups played in that timeline. They also discuss recent scandals involving Asia's once-richest-man, Gautam Adani, whose Adani Group recorded $120b in market value loss after the Hindenburg Group, an investment research firm, released a damning report alleging stock manipulation and fraud, amongst other allegations. Dr. Pal provides his prognosis on Indian politics, including how Rahul Gandhi, heir to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty and current opposition leader, is attempting a political rebrand after two landslide losses to Modi in 2014 and 2019.

Last October, Mallikarjun Kharge was elected as the national president of the Congress party. The election was historic as the party's top post was, from 1978, occupied by a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family (except for brief spells between 1992 and 1998). Officially, the party says it is now ready to hold a similar election to the Congress Working Committee (CWC), its highest decision-making body, but there are still internal debates going on. The last time the CWC had an election was in 1997, under the presidency of Sitaram Kesri.  Should there be an election now to the CWC? Here we discuss the question. Guests: Praveen Chakravarthy, chairman of the Congress Data Analytics Department; Mridula Mukherjee, a former Professor of History at JNU and former Director at Nehru Memorial Museum and Library Host: Sandeep Phukan

As India celebrates Republic Day, 52-year-old Rahul Gandhi, heir to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, is due to complete a march of more than 3,500 kilometres across India next week. His aim is to put the opposition Congress Party back on the political map after a string of scandals and political defeats. On his radar is the BJP, India's ruling Hindu nationalist party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has been in power since 2014. Our correspondents report.

Was Gandhi and his non-violence responsible for India gaining independence/transfer of power? Was Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose the real architect of British departure from the sub-continent? Prof Kapil Kumar joins Sanjay Dixit to discuss.

In a political first in India in 24 years, the main opposition Congress party now has a head from outside the Nehru-Gandhi family, which has given the country three prime ministers. So, can a non-Gandhi leader take on Modi with national elections due in 2024? Join host Hashem Ahelbarra. Guests: K.S. Sabarinadhan - Vice-president of the Congress party's youth wing in Kerala. Sugata Srinivasaraju - Columnist and author. Javed Ansari - Journalist and political commentator. 

Sarvesh Tiwari and the Chandrachur Ghose - Anuj Dhar duo are seemingly on the opposite ends when discussing Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose's relationship with Islam and Muslims. Today they come face to face to debate whether 1. Subhas Bose was a secular in the mould of Nehru-Gandhi, 2. Subhas Bose was partial towards Urdu, 3. Subhas Bose was not able to fathom the Islamist agenda. The context is Netaji's political ideology and how he crafted the INA. Sanjay Dixit moderates the debate.

This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.India Policy Watch #1: Production-Linked Incentives Insights on burning policy issues in India— Pranay KotasthaneProduction-Linked Incentives (PLI) — that’s the name the government’s recent, most-favourite industrial policy instrument goes by. It seems elegant on paper: the government will reward companies for incremental sales of manufactured goods with a subsidy. More the sales (either domestic or exports), more the subsidy amount. The intent seems sound too: encourage companies to up their manufacturing game. First introduced for the electronics sector earlier in the year, PLIs worth ₹2 lakh crore for ten disparate sectors over the next five years were announced by the Union Cabinet earlier this month. These sectors are automobiles and auto components, pharmaceutical drugs, advanced chemistry cells (ACC), capital goods, technology products, textile products, white goods, food products, telecom and specialty steel.Let’s assume that the size of the incentive is big enough to change companies’ investment decisions at the margin (that’s a big if). What are the consequences likely to be in that case? Can we anticipate some unintended consequences beforehand? Let’s parse this policy through the framework discussed in edition #48. Three unintended effects are possible:“Reasonable regulation drifts toward overregulation, especially if the costs of overregulation are not perceptible to those who bear them.” The PLI scheme for the electronics sector has specific eligibility criteria both on incremental investment and incremental sales a company needs to commit over the next five years. This is supposed to be cross-checked by a Project Management Agency (PMA), a government-body formed under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY). The PMA will further submit its recommendations to an Empowered Committee (EC) composed of CEO NITI Aayog, Secretary Economic Affairs, Secretary Expenditure, Secretary MeitY, Secretary Revenue, Secretary DPIIT and DGFT which will make the final decision. The EC is also empowered to revise anything — subsidy rate, eligibility criteria, and target segments. In short, more bureaucracy and predictably unpredictable delays. The speed of incremental investments might get decided by the speed of government decision-making. EC’s powers to make any changes to this policy in the future is also filled with possibilities of regulation becoming overregulation. There’s one more gap. In order to increase innovation, the PLI scheme will not consider incremental investments towards land and buildings towards the eligibility criteria. Only investment towards plant, machinery, equipment, research, and development is allowed. This might incentivise companies to fudge their land dealings and for government officers verifying the real quantum of incremental investments to cut deals for themselves.“Moral hazard increases.” The ten sectors chosen by the government might see a crowding-in of investment at the cost of all other sectors. Are these ten industries strategic for India while others aren’t? I don’t quite know the basis of this selection.Next, every policy move has an associated opportunity cost. It’s a bane of Indian policymaking that policy decisions are rationalised solely by looking at projected benefits; by ignoring opportunity costs. In the context of PLIs, the government needs to pay up ₹2 lakh crore over the next five years to a few companies in these ten sectors. The government will most likely rake in this revenue in the form of taxes. Using the Kelkar/Shah Marginal Cost of Public Funds (MCPF) estimate for India of 3, the total cost to India from this subsidy would be of the order of ₹6 lakh crore. The scheme would make sense if the benefits are projected to be higher than this number. Whether an analysis of these costs has been taken into account, we don’t know.“Rent-seekers distort the program to serve their own interests”. Companies that benefit will seek to modify the eligibility criteria to suppress competition thus leading to more market concentration. They might even try to extend the sunset clause of this scheme in order to keep benefiting from the discount. These unintended consequences might substantially diminish the benefits that the PLI schemes are aiming at.What are the alternatives?Read this statement by the chairman of the India Cellular and Electronics Association (ICEA):“The disability stack runs deep in the economy. For example, the taxes on fuel. Second, electricity is not subsumed under GST (goods and services tax). So how do you become competitive?This is the key point. Perhaps PLIs are a much-needed band-aid solution for a wounded economy but it cannot transform manufacturing in India. Doing that would require consistent and simpler tax, policy, business, and trade environments. Improvements on these grounds will benefit all sectors and investments will follow sectors which show higher productivity. In other words, we’re still waiting for a reforms 2.0 agenda. India Policy Watch #2: The Many Hues Of CharismaInsights on burning policy issues in India— RSJThe recent Bihar election results confounded many. First, the consensus from multiple opinion and exit polls suggested a clear majority to the UPA. They got it wrong. Second, there was view the NDA coalition was going into the elections with a triple disadvantage – anti-incumbency, the particularly severe effect of lockdown on Bihari migrants and the disappointment among the youth about the economic progress in Bihar despite many years of promise. There was no regional face of the BJP to counter the rising popularity of Tejaswi Yadav. The pandemic also limited the ability of the NDA to field the PM and other star campaigners on the ground to mobilise the workers and make a case for their government. Despite such odds, the BJP had its best performance winning 74 seats out of the 121 it contested.   What explains this? Politics of VishwaasThere are multiple theses here. The decision of AIMIM to field candidates across the state ‘cut’ the Muslim vote bloc is one. That women voted overwhelmingly in favour of the BJP is the other. These might have played a role in the electoral arithmetic but at a macro level the win reaffirms the strength of what Neelanjan Sircar has called the ‘politics of vishwaas’. As Sarkar writes:“…is a form of personal politics in which voters prefer to centralize political power in a strong leader, and trust the leader to make good decisions for the polity – in contrast to the standard models of democratic accountability and issue-based politics.”Sircar suggests two factors leading to this:“First, like much of the world, there is an increasingly strong axis of conflict between those who believe in a unitary (Hindu) national identity for India and those who view India in ‘multicultural’ terms. This obliges supporters of Hindu nationalism to support political centralization to stymie federalism, which would require negotiation across regional, linguistic, caste, and religious identities. Second, the BJP’s control of media and communication with the voter, in tandem with a strong party machinery, give the party structural advantages in mobilizing voters around the messages of Narendra Modi.”Vishwaas apart, the Bihar win suggests voters aren’t yet disappointed with the absence of achhe din the PM had promised in 2014. The charisma of the PM endures, and he’s still seen as an outsider upending the established order and the elites. This is a remarkable feat of narrative-building where even missteps like demonetisation or the severe lockdown are judged on their intent instead of their outcomes. The ‘politics of vishwaas’ is anchored on the personal charisma of the PM. So, how should we think about this charisma? There are several ways. Cometh The HourFirst, leaders build their charismatic appeal on the back of a deeply felt need in the society for change. In the run-up to 2014 general elections, two distinct needs coalesced. One, the simmering discomfort about how the constitution and its institutions had over the years infringed on the personal domain of Hindu lives while staying away from those of minorities (termed appeasement by many). Two, the shambolic performance of UPA 2 on economy driven by transactional corruption and policy paralysis. All societies have inherent in them a set of core beliefs that in tandem with everyday issues of roti, kapda and makaan drive their choices and actions. Often, they are in opposition. Sometimes they coincide as they did in 2014. Despite the liberal and secular constitution project that aimed at engineering a social revolution in post-independent India, the core belief, however suppressed, among the majority was always guided by their religion. This suppressed belief found a credible voice in the persona of PM Modi. They saw in him an agent of change who will restore personal belief and faith above the liberal ideas of the constitution. Those ideas were never in sync with our society anyway. Therefore, so long as there are actions that suggest progress on this axis – CAA, revocation of Article 370 and building of the temple in Ayodhya – the relatively poor performance on roti, kapda, makaan issues will not matter. Even a raging pandemic and a 23% shrinking of the economy in Q1 hasn’t mattered. Charismatic leaders emerge in times of great need and so long as they deliver on their core promises (even those unstated but commonly understood), they will retain their hold on their followers. Max Weber in his classic ‘On Charisma And Institution Building’ explained this eloquently:“Charisma knows only inner determination and inner restraint. The holder of charisma seizes the task that is adequate for him and demands obedience and a following by virtue of his mission. His success determines whether he finds them. His charismatic claim breaks down if his mission is not recognised by those to whom he feels he has been sent. If they recognise him, he is their master – so long as he knows how to maintain their recognition through ‘proving’ himself. But he does not derive his ‘right’ from their will, in the manner of an election. Rather the reverse holds: it is the duty of those to whom he addresses his mission to recognise him as their charismatically qualified leader.”   Charisma Trumps Economic StructureThe somewhat forced reforms carried out by the PM in the last 18 months have challenged the status quo. The success of these reforms will depend on their implementation. The opposition has protested against a few of them especially the farm sector reforms. But barring pockets in Punjab and Haryana where the MSP economy looms large, there isn’t a groundswell of opinion against these reforms. Even the poorly thought-through reforms in labour and the swerve towards atmanirbhar Bharat have been difficult to counter. It is politically infeasible to defend the status quo while being in opposition. The ruling dispensation has taken on the mantle of change despite being in power for over 6 years. On the economy, the track record of this government is weak; yet PM Modi’s charisma stays above it. Pratap Bhanu Mehta writing in The Indian Express captures this well:“Despite economic headwinds, it has not been easy to use the economy as a point with which to attack the Modi government. It has still positioned itself as a breaker of the status quo. The opposition will have to think more intelligently about the political economy of protest to counter the new political economy of reform.”This is the unique feature of charisma. India Gandhi had it when she went about destroying the Indian economy to consolidate political gains in the early 70s. The mission of the charismatic leader subsumes everything else, even their glaring flaws. More so on economic matters. Weber had considered this in his ruminations on charisma and this is particularly applicable to the ‘fakir’ narrative that’s often associated with charismatic leaders in India: “In its economic sub-structure, as in everything else, charismatic domination is the very opposite of bureaucratic domination. If bureaucratic domination depends upon regular income, and hence at least a potiori on a money economy and money taxes, charisma lives in, thought not off, this world. This has to be properly understood. Frequently charisma quite deliberately shuns the possession of money and of pecuniary income per se… (charisma) always rejects as undignified any pecuniary gain that is methodical and rational. In general charisma rejects all rational economic conduct. ..In its purest form, charisma is never a source of private gains for its holders in the sense of economic exploitation by making of a deal. Nor is it a source of income in the form of pecuniary compensation, and just as little does it involve an orderly taxation for the material requirements of its mission. Pure charisma…. is the opposite of all ordered economy. It is the very force that disregards economy.” The Transfer Of CharismaThe primary challenge to a structure that’s based on charisma is in the determination of transfer of that authority. The transfer comes about through various means – bloodline (Nehru-Gandhi family), search (Dalai Lama), revelation (prophets) or through a new need for a change (Obama or Trump, PM Modi etc). The core question for BJP is what after 2024? Clearly, it’s difficult to see the PM continue for a third term after he turns 75. How will it transfer the charisma to an anointed successor? The work on it will begin soon. This won’t be easy. Because PM Modi hasn’t used his charisma to build institutions that will sustain it beyond his time. In his introduction to Weber’s Charisma and Institution Building, S.N. Eisenstadt writes: “… the test of any great charismatic leader lies not only in his ability to create a single event or great movement, but also in his ability to leave a continuous impact on an institutional structure – to transform any given institutional setting by infusing into it some of his charismatic vision, by investing the regular, orderly offices, or aspects of social organisations, with some of his charismatic qualities and aura.” This is where Nehru was a genius. For the opposition, the fact that Modi hasn’t been an institution builder in Nehru’s mould offers them their only ray of hope. That this charisma won’t transfer in the post-Modi polity. But till then the electorate will continue to confound pollsters.  HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters[Article] Economists Ila Patnaik and Radhika Pandey on Production-Linked Incentives (PLI) scheme. [Article] India’s defence financing crunch can’t be solved by the Ministry of Defence alone. Lt Gen Prakash Menon and Pranay explain what needs to be done. [Podcast] If Business-State relations interest you, listen to this Puliyabaazi with Rohit Chandra.[Article]: ‘Can Democracy Handle Charisma?’ Review of David Bell’s Men on Horseback by Ian Beacock in the New Republic.That’s all from us, folks. In case Indian subcontinent geopolitics interests you, tune in for this event in context of the recently concluded elections in Myanmar. Get on the email list at publicpolicy.substack.com

Two Congress leaders discuss the role of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty and the future of the Party. These two guests have been part of the Congress Party, yet are not party insiders. Host: Varghese K George Guests: Kumar Ketkar, Rajya Sabha legislator Rajeev Gowda, who recently completed his first term as an MP in the Rajya Sabha

In this first segment, Dr Giridhar R Babu, professor and head of life course epidemiology at the Public Health Foundation of India (PHFI), joins us to talk about to what extent mini-lockdowns can help different states and cities, how they can effectively utilise those periods and the challenges  they are facing in handling the pandemic. Next, Deeptiman Tiwary, talks about the inter-ministerial committee set up by the Centre to “coordinate investigations” into the funding of three trusts linked to the Nehru-Gandhi family (13:16). And in the end, Aashish Aryan talks about Indian apps that are now filling the gap left by the 59 Chinese apps banned by the government and why users should be wary about some of them (22:20).

In today's episode, secularism, citizenship and nationalism out of CBSE syllabus, an inter-ministerial team will coordinate probe into the alleged violation of various laws like money laundering and foreign contributions by three Nehru-Gandhi family linked trusts and Instagram will start testing a new format ‘Reels' in India. Download the Deccan Herald app for Android devices here: https://bit.ly/2UgttIO Download the Deccan Herald app for iOS devices here: https://apple.co/30eOFD6 For latest news and updates, log on to www.deccanherald.com Check out our e-paper www.deccanheraldepaper.com To read news on the go, sign up to our Telegram channel t.me/deccanheraldnews

durée : 00:10:24 - Les Enjeux internationaux - par : Xavier Martinet - . Sept phases de vote réparties sur six semaines pour élire 545 députés représentant 900 millions d'Indiens. C'est évident, dans la plus grande démocratie du monde, les élections législatives de 2019 sont un véritable marathon. Deux poids lourds politiques participent à cette course électorale historique : le Premier ministre Narendra Modi, leader charismatique du Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), et Rahul Gandhi, héritier de la famille Nehru-Gandhi et président du parti du Congrès. * La plus grande polarisation électorale au monde pour le géant d'Asie du Sud ? L'enjeu est de taille pour le parti nationaliste hindou de Narendra Modi. Après 5 ans au pouvoir, le BJP n'a pas réussi à tenir sa promesse, la relance de l'économie indienne, et en guise de répresailles, trois Etats clés sur les 27 existant en Inde ne sont plus contrôlés par ce parti, à savoir le Chhattisgarh, le Madhya Pradesh et le Rajasthan.  Le mécontentement social est donc grandissant et menace la carrière politique de Narendra Modi mais, paradoxalement, le Premier ministre indien reste très populaire. Ce dernier bénéficie d'une propagande électorale de grande ampleur dans les télécommunications, comme la chaîne NaMo TV ou la sortie d'un film biographique finalement interdite de diffusion jusqu'au 19 mai, date de clôture des élections, par la commission électorale.  - invités : Charlotte Thomas - Charlotte Thomas : directrice du programme Asie du Sud du collectif de chercheurs Noria, spécialiste des minorités musulmanes en Inde - réalisé par : Mydia Portis-Guérin

Over the years, the Indian National Congress has largely looked to the Nehru-Gandhi family for leadership, making them powerful figures in India's political landscape. Does current leader Rahul Gandhi have what it takes? Guest: Emeritus Professor Robin Jeffrey Host: Matthew Smith

The Indian National Congress party in India has mostly looked to the Nehru-Gandhi family for leadership, making them powerful figures in India’s political landscape. Four members of the family have been Prime Minister of the country, but does the current leader, Rahul Gandhi, have what it takes? Guest: Emeritus Professor Robin Jeffrey (Politics, La Trobe University).

The Indian National Congress party in India has mostly looked to the Nehru-Gandhi family for leadership, making them powerful figures in India’s political landscape. Four members of the family have been Prime Minister of the country, but does the current leader, Rahul Gandhi, have what it takes? Guest: Emeritus Professor Robin Jeffrey (Politics, La Trobe University).

Saade viib meid Indiasse, kus juba 6 inimpõlve on poliitika keskmes Nehru-Gandhi (pildil) perekond. Delhi politseiülem Gangadhar Nehru (1827-61) poleks suutnud uneski näha, et tema pojapoeg Jawaharlalist (1889-1964) saab mitte üksnes mees, kes toob Indiale iseseivuse, vaid on ka suure rahva esimene peaminister ligi kakskümmend aastat (1944-64). Ühtasi on see lugu meestekesksest maailmast, kus peaministriks tõuseb naine, Jawaharlali tütar Indira Gandhi (peaminister 1966-77, 1980-84), kes 1984 vägivaldselt mõrvatakse. Sama saatus tabab tema poega Rajivit (peaminister 1984-89).

Saade viib meid Indiasse, kus juba 6 inimpõlve on poliitika keskmes Nehru-Gandhi (pildil) perekond. Delhi politseiülem Gangadhar Nehru (1827-61) poleks suutnud uneski näha, et tema pojapoeg Jawaharlalist (1889-1964) saab mitte üksnes mees, kes toob Indiale iseseivuse, vaid on ka suure rahva esimene peaminister ligi kakskümmend aastat (1944-64). Ühtasi on see lugu meestekesksest maailmast, kus peaministriks tõuseb naine, Jawaharlali tütar Indira Gandhi (peaminister 1966-77, 1980-84), kes 1984 vägivaldselt mõrvatakse. Sama saatus tabab tema poega Rajivit (peaminister 1984-89).