Podcasts about Long March

The Space Show Presents Rick Fisher, Tuesday, June 9, 2026Quick SummaryThe Space Show featured a discussion with national security consultant Rick Fisher about China's space program and its implications for national security. Rick explained that space has become a major component of American global national security considerations, with China positioning itself either as a major antagonist or cooperative partner depending on Earth-based conflicts. He detailed China's lunar program, including their Lanyue lunar lander and their manned capsule, while warning that Chinese dual-use systems on the moon could potentially extend Earth conflicts to lunar territory. The conversation covered China's energy independence efforts through nuclear fission, space solar power, and fusion energy development, as well as their reusable rocket capabilities with 20-25 Chinese companies developing reusable launch vehicles similar to SpaceX's approach. Rick also discussed the Artemis program's goals of establishing a semi-permanent presence on the moon by 2036, requiring 79-81 space launches and approximately $30 billion in total investment. The discussion concluded with analysis of Taiwan's potential response to Chinese aggression and the role of other Asian countries like India and Japan in balancing Chinese space ambitions.Detailed SummaryDavid and Rick discussed the role of space in national security, particularly regarding China's lunar program and its implications for Taiwan and the South China Sea. They also touched on UAPs (Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena), with John contributing insights about China's interest in UAPs and the government's handling of the topic. The conversation highlighted differing perspectives on the significance of UAPs and the potential motivations behind government secrecy regarding the subject.David, Rick, and John discussed concerns about Chinese influence and espionage in the United States, including allegations against politicians like Feinstein and a California politician. They questioned why such activities are tolerated despite being known. The conversation then shifted to SpaceX's upcoming IPO and its performance. The conversation continued with the guest continuing to discuss China's space program and its broader implications for national security.Rick discussed the increasing importance of space in American national security, particularly in relation to China's space activities. He explained that space has become a determinant factor in global security, with both countries positioning themselves as either antagonists or cooperative partners. He praised President Trump's focus on returning to the moon through the Artemis program as a way to deter conflict and secure American access to space. He noted that Trump's second-term goal of establishing a permanent presence on the moon could help prevent conflicts not only on the moon but also in low Earth orbit and potentially on Earth.Rick was asked about China's energy strategies and vulnerabilities, explaining that China's reliance on oil passing through the Straits of Hormuz presents a strategic weakness. He detailed China's multi-pronged energy approach including nuclear fission plants, space solar power research, and fusion energy development. When asked about space-based data centers, he indicated China is following the American trend with plans to launch such facilities in the near future, potentially on a large scale to support AI functions on Earth. The discussion was cut off before John's question about potential lunar conflict could be addressed.Our guest discussed the potential risks and challenges associated with China's lunar lander program, particularly regarding the Lanyue lunar lander and its propulsion stage, which could pose hazards to other lunar missions or bases. He highlighted the need for deconfliction and transparency from China regarding their lunar lander operations. Rick also mentioned the deployment of hopper drones by both the United States and China around the moon, noting the potential for these to be modified for combat purposes if tensions escalate on Earth.China's potential space ambitions were brought to our attention, noting that if China were willing to use technology for political intimidation in low Earth orbit, they might extend similar activities to lunar or Martian environments. John suggested that getting to space first could provide an advantage in staking territorial claims. Dr. Kothari asked three questions about China's plans: circumnavigating the moon with astronauts in 2027, deploying thorium molten salt reactors for terrestrial use, and developing reusable rockets. Rick acknowledged limited knowledge about China's reactor plans but noted that China has 20-25 companies working on reusable space vehicles, with the potential for first stage recovery this year.Rick discussed China's space launch vehicle developments, focusing on the Long March 12, Long March 10, and the proposed Long March 9. He explained that Long March 10 could become a popular reusable launch vehicle, while the three-stage Long March 9, if developed, would be the world's most powerful space launch vehicle with a massive 19-meter payload fairing. Rick speculated that China might be developing the three-stage Long March 9 to avoid the complexity of low Earth orbit refueling required for Elon Musk's Starship, though he acknowledged that many technical details about its feasibility remain unknown.Rick discussed the potential impact of China's Long March 9 rocket on SpaceX's Starship, noting that while the first stage would be reusable, it remained unclear whether China would pursue reusability for the second stage. When asked about credible resistance movements in China, Richard explained that while there is a will among some people to resist the government, the Chinese Communist Party effectively prevents such movements through extensive digital surveillance and control systems. He compared China's digital surveillance capabilities to Iran's and highlighted how Israel's ability to take control of Iran's digital systems and use them against the regime should serve as a warning to China about potential threats from Taiwan and Israel.Ajay asked Rick about Taiwanese opinions on potential reunification with China. Rick explained that while many Taiwanese benefit economically from China relations, over 90% of the population values their democratic freedoms and would not willing give them up to become part of a Chinese communist dictatorship. He noted that the Chinese Communist Party's failure to acknowledge historical atrocities under Mao, including the deaths of 50-70 million people, undermines their historical appeals to Taiwanese people.Rick talked about the potential for Asian and oceanic countries like India and Australia to balance China's space activities through collaboration with the United States and the Artemis program. He noted that as these countries develop their own heavy launch vehicles, they will gain more autonomy to pursue lunar and Mars programs independently of potential Chinese-American conflicts. Richard also praised NASA's Artemis program revealed on March 23, which aims to establish a semi-permanent presence on the moon by 2036 through 79-81 space launches and $30 billion total investment, describing it as essential for winning the race to the moon and potentially deterring Chinese aggression.Our guest also discussed the relationship between China's space program and the US, noting that while competition exists, cooperation could follow a similar path to Cold War-era US-Soviet relations. He expressed confidence that the Artemis program would continue regardless of political party in power, though funding levels might vary. Richard believed the program would maintain strategic importance in the Earth-Moon-Mars system and would only be disrupted by major global conflicts.The conversation ended with David thanking Rick for his participation and discussing upcoming shows featuring Chris Carberry from Explore Mars and guests from Peruvian satellite systems and Luxembourg.Special thanks to our sponsors:American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, Helix Space in Luxembourg, Celestis Memorial Spaceflights, Astrox Corporation, Dr. Haym Benaroya of Rutgers University, The Space Settlement Progress Blog by John Jossy, The Atlantis Project, and Artless EntertainmentOur Toll Free Line for Live Broadcasts: 1-866-687-7223 (Not in service at this time)For real time program participation, email Dr. Space at: drspace@thespaceshow.com for instructions and access.The Space Show is a non-profit 501C3 through its parent, One Giant Leap Foundation, Inc. To donate via Pay Pal, use:To donate with Zelle, use the email address: david@onegiantleapfoundation.org.If you prefer donating with a check, please make the check payable to One Giant Leap Foundation and mail to:One Giant Leap Foundation, 11035 Lavender Hill Drive Ste. 160-306 Las Vegas, NV 89135Upcoming Programs:Broadcast 4548: Zoom: Chris Carberry | Friday 12 Jun 2026 930AM PTGuests: Chris CarberryZoom: Chris Carberry of Explore Mars, see discussion details on blog and Substack later this week.Broadcast 4549 Zoom: Manuel Cuba & Cesar Santisteban | Sunday 14 Jun 2026 1200PM PTGuests: Manuel Cuba, Cesar Sa SantistebanZoom: Manuel and Cesar or Peru space and more, Details to follow Get full access to The Space Show-One Giant Leap Foundation at doctorspace.substack.com/subscribe

Secretary of Defense (or ‘War’, as he prefers) Pete Hegseth is a poster child for the way military education likes to inculcate recruits and students into a macho culture of masculinity.  The Pentagon has a vast educational network through which to teach these lessons.  It includes basic training, service academies like West Point, JROTC, ROTC and dozens of military schools and war colleges.  This has given the military brass outsized power in shaping our young men and, by extension, society at large.  In “God Forgives, Brothers Don’t: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood,” investigative journalist Jasper Craven explores how the military formed and fuels increasingly volatile strains of American masculinity. While many people benefit greatly from the structure and discipline of military training, others have scars from it having been cut off from the development of the other traits that define men, like empathy and caring for others.  It’s provocative exploration of men in our society as the messaging about the training and service focuses more and more on a warrior culture.

Last time we spoke about the One Hundred Regiment Offensive. During Phase Three of the One Hundred Regiment Offensive, CCP forces in the Taihang/Jizhong area emphasized strongpoint attacks and transportation warfare. Rather than trying to defeat Japanese units head-on, they used tactics such as night raids and ambushes to disrupt Japanese supply routes and communications. The underlying goal was to make Japanese logistics unstable, weakening their ability to maintain control and conduct effective operations. After CCP successes, the Japanese responded with large-scale "mopping-up" operations beginning October 6. As the Eighth Route Army continued resisting, it adopted flexible methods to counter the Japanese sweeps, especially rapid repositioning and targeted ambushes. One notable action described involves an ambush of a Japanese convoy that caused substantial enemy losses, demonstrating how disrupting enemy mobility could blunt the effectiveness of larger Japanese operations. Overall, the situation remained fluid, with both sides continually adapting their tactics in an ongoing contest for control across occupied North China.   #205 The Hubei-Henan Campaign of 1940-1941 Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By 1940, the war had settled into a grueling stalemate, with Japanese troops occupying vast swathes of central China, including parts of Hubei, but facing persistent Chinese guerrilla and conventional resistance that prevented total consolidation. In the aftermath of the Battle of Zaoyang in the summer of 1940, Japanese forces had secured the key cities of Yichang and Shashi along the middle reaches of the Yangtze River. Yet Chinese Nationalist troops of the Fifth War Area retained firm control over the vital territories east and west of the Xiang River. Their defensive lines formed a broad arc stretching from the southwest of Yuan'an through Jingmen, north of Zhongxiang, and the rugged foothills of the Dahong Mountains, extending northwest to Suixian. These positions straddled both banks of the Xiang River, anchored on the right by the Wudang Mountains and on the left by the Tongbai range. Working in close coordination with guerrilla detachments operating in the southeast, Chinese units repeatedly harassed the Japanese garrisons that had pushed into Yichang. The constant pressure on the enemy's flanks left the Japanese forces in Yichang and Shashi dangerously exposed and hemmed in, unable to expand or consolidate their gains. To the Japanese high command, this situation had become an intolerable thorn that demanded immediate removal.   Under Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese Nationalist government faced severe strains as the war with Japan escalated. Its problems were not only military, but also political and economic. Deep ideological and territorial rivalries with the CCP meant that efforts to present a single front were constantly undermined. Although the two sides officially formed a United Front in 1937, earlier violence and competition, such as the 1927 Shanghai Massacre and the CCP's Long March of 1934 – 1935 had left distrust and strategic differences in place. As a result, Nationalist resistance was harder to coordinate than it would have been under full unity. Meanwhile, the CCP strengthened its position in northern China by expanding rural strongholds. Through land reforms and the use of guerrilla warfare, the communists were able to win local support and apply pressure to Japanese forces in ways that often did not require large, conventional armies. This strategy also drew influence and manpower away from the Nationalists' more traditional, state-centered military structure.   Economically, the Nationalists were squeezed from multiple directions. The loss of China's coastal industrial regions to Japanese occupation forced the government to rely heavily on the interior, with Chongqing becoming a key base. That geographic shift left the administration more vulnerable to shortages of critical supplies, especially raw materials, fuel, and modern weapons. On top of wartime disruption, the global Great Depression intensified fiscal and logistical difficulties, limiting how quickly and effectively the Nationalists could mobilize resources for large-scale operations. By late November 1940, these weaknesses intersected with renewed Japanese pressure. Japanese commanders were also concerned about the possibility of a major Nationalist push, particularly fears of a counteroffensive by the Thirty-first Army Group under General Tang Enbo.    Determined to break the stalemate, the Japanese launched a major offensive in late November 1940. Preparations had begun in earnest early that month. Engineers repaired and expanded highways and bridges, constructed new defensive works and airfields, and stockpiled vast quantities of rations, ammunition, steel-hulled boats, and rubber rafts in the Zhongxiang area. Five regiments were concentrated near Zhongxiang, while additional troops east and west of the Xiang River brought the total strength to more than three divisions. Along the Suixian–Xiangyang Highway, Japanese forces were reinforced to divisional strength, supported by increased artillery and tank detachments. These meticulous measures left no doubt that the enemy was ready for a large-scale operation.   By 23 November the Japanese had completed their deployments and moved into assault positions. The Japanese forces assigned to the Central Hubei Operation were placed under the overall command of Lieutenant General Waichirō Sonobe, who directed the campaign from his headquarters in Wuhan. Sonobe's 11th Army drew on a broad mix of formations, combining units from the 3rd, 4th, 15th, 17th, 39th, and 40th Divisions. The offensive backbone for the thrust into central Hubei province was reinforced by the 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, which helped supply the infantry strength needed for sustained fighting across difficult ground. In practice, this multi-division structure reflected the 11th Army's key mission in the region, acting as the main Japanese formation after the earlier Battle of Zaoyang and it emphasized coordinated divisional advances supported by attached brigades and specialized elements, including limited armored capabilities.   In terms of manpower, the Japanese force is commonly estimated at roughly 40,000 to 50,000 troops. This strength included several infantry regiments and artillery batteries, along with only limited armored elements rather than a fully armored formation. Because the operation depended on finding and exploiting opportunities quickly, it was supported by aerial reconnaissance and bombing carried out by the 3rd Air Brigade operating in central China. Infantry units formed the majority of the fighting power, while artillery was used to provide suppressive fire during advances. Air support, meanwhile, was intended to help identify and target Chinese positions—particularly along important riverine and rail corridors, where disruptions could slow resistance and complicate Chinese reinforcement or retreat.   To manage the operation across varied terrain and combat tasks, Sonobe's command used smaller combined formation often described as task forces, that could operate with some flexibility. Among them were the Kayashima Force, commanded by Major General Koichi Kayashima of the 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, consisting of the entire brigade reinforced by elements of the 40th Division. The Muragami Force, under Lieutenant General Keisaku Muragami, commander of the 39th Division, which included the full division plus supporting non-infantry units. The Hirabayashi Force, led by Lieutenant General Morito Hirabayashi of the 17th Division, formed from detachments of the 17th and 15th Divisions.The Kitana Force, commanded by Lieutenant General Kenzo Kitana of the 4th Division, incorporating portions of the 4th Division and the Kususe Armored Force. These four groups were deployed in parallel around Tangyang, Jingmen, Zhongxiang, and north of Jingshan. The Hanjima Force, commanded by Lieutenant General Fusataro Hanjima of the 3rd Division, positioned near Suixian along the Xiangyang–Hua Highway. This task-force approach helped tailor combat power to specific mission profiles—such as flanking movements, raids, or pressure on Chinese defensive lines—while keeping the overall campaign plan under a unified command.   Equipment choices also reflected the tactical environment of Hubei. The Japanese units made use of Type 95 Ha-Go light tanks for reconnaissance and for anti-infantry roles, typically best suited to the reconnaissance, pursuit, and screening functions that were available even with constrained armor numbers. For fire support, the force relied on conventional artillery, including 75mm Type 90 guns for field engagements and 105mm howitzers for heavier bombardment where stronger explosive impact was needed. Together, these assets were intended to allow Japanese formations to maneuver around Chinese positions and apply pressure in rugged landscapes where rivers, roads, and rail lines often determined the rhythm of battle.   Logistics were a decisive factor in whether the operation could sustain momentum. Sonobe's army depended heavily on existing transportation infrastructure, particularly rail lines radiating from the Wuhan hub toward forward areas such as Suizhou and Zaoyang. These routes were critical for moving ammunition, replacements, and other supplies closer to the front as the Japanese advanced. The campaign also used river transport along the Yangtze River, including motorized barges and steamers, to deliver supplies to units operating near waterways. However, reliance on these corridors came with risks: Chinese interdiction raids could disrupt shipments, forcing convoys to be escorted and increasing the time and resources required to keep the forward units supplied. Overall, this dependence on both rail and fluvial networks highlighted a central operational challenge, maintaining secure access to transportation arteries in contested territory so that the Japanese could keep fighting effectively rather than stalling as supplies dwindled.   The Central Hubei Operation was driven by an intelligence assessment that Chinese troop movements were signaling preparations for a Nationalist counteroffensive. Acting on that interpretation, the Japanese began tightening plans and positioning forces early in the final days of November 1940. On 23 November 1940, the Japanese 11th Army under Lieutenant General Waichirō Sonobe began organizing for the offensive in central Hubei. In order to conduct a coordinated advance across the Han River, the army arranged its forces into five groups, each tasked with moving in a way that supported the broader pincer-style pressure on Chinese positions. The approach also reflected lessons drawn from the earlier Zaoyang–Yichang campaign earlier in 1940, when Japanese divisions had been able to cross the Han River at multiple points, such as Dangyang, Jiukouzhen, and Shayangzhen—to help secure access toward Yichang and the Yangtze route. Logistics were built around infrastructure the Japanese had already established during prior operations. The Hankou hub supported the 11th Army through arrangements that included munitions storage, medical facilities, and transport coordination. Supplies and reinforcements were moved using truck convoys and river crossings, while forward depots—such as those at Shayangzhen northwest of Hankou—provided additional capacity, including freight handling and field hospitals. Because the area was not secure, these supply points were also guarded against threats from guerrilla activity, which could disrupt communications and threaten personnel and equipment.   Operationally, the offensive used limited artillery and air support, reflecting Japanese constraints and directives aimed at keeping the campaign short and avoiding commitments that could stretch units beyond their logistical reach. Instead of trying to grind down Chinese defenses through prolonged bombardment, the plan prioritized speed, reconnaissance, and focused disruption. Japanese intelligence preparation relied heavily on aerial reconnaissance over the Han River valley to locate Chinese positions and infer where resistance would likely concentrate. That information enabled Japanese units to coordinate select maneuvers, including converging pressure from different directions. Where river transport mattered, coordination with naval or riverine elements supported movement and resupply, with overall oversight connected to the China Expeditionary Army.   Anticipating the coming assault, the Chinese Fifth War Area headquarters acted swiftly on instructions from the National Military Council. Orders were issued to the River West Army Group (30th and 77th Corps), the Right Army Group (44th and 67th Corps), and the Central Army Group (41st and 45th Corps) to employ a flexible defensive strategy: hold key positions firmly while committing the main strength to strike the enemy's outer flanks at the decisive moment. The 59th Corps was directed to advance toward the Xiangfan area, ready to reinforce operations on either bank of the river as the situation developed.   As commander of the Fifth War Area, Li Zongren arranged the defense to meet a likely Japanese thrust along the Han River, particularly in the approaches to Wuhan and Yichang, following the wider stalemate that settled in after the 1938 fall of Wuhan. The Fifth War Area could draw on roughly 300,000 troops, though many units were understrength, and the overall readiness varied by locality. Among the formations Li Zongren placed in the most sensitive sectors was the 31st Army Group under General Tang Enbo, which Japanese planners had identified as a potential threat to Japanese intentions in the region. In keeping with the terrain and the limits on manpower, Li's defensive design relied heavily on natural barriers—most importantly the Han River itself—and on the defensibility of rugged ground. Forces were arrayed to hold or contest riverbank positions, supported by fortifications, trenches, and smaller auxiliary elements. Divisions such as the 44th were positioned with an eye toward slowing an enemy crossing and forcing the Japanese to fight for difficult approaches rather than moving rapidly. At the same time, irregular forces and prepared defensive works were used to complicate Japanese reconnaissance and to make it harder for the attacker to coordinate a clean operational flow. Strategically, Li Zongren leaned on elastic defense rather than attempting to win decisive battles at fixed lines. Regular units were supported by guerrilla-style harassment intended to strike Japanese vulnerabilities, especially supply and transportation, between forward bases and the front. Local operations, including actions coming from areas such as Xinyang, were designed to disrupt Japanese logistics in periods when the Nationalists were still managing shortages of ammunition and medical supplies. Militias in the inter-mountainous regions further reinforced this approach: instead of seeking costly frontal engagements, they concentrated on disruption, delaying movements, and making Japanese operations slower and more expensive.   At dawn on 25 November the Japanese offensive began, with columns advancing along multiple axes. On the western Xiangyang front, more than 1,000 troops from Tangyang and over 3,000 from Jingmen struck Hengdian and Yanzhimiao, shattering the positions of the Chinese 30th Corps. Simultaneously, a column moving from Zhujiafu toward Tunglinling split into several detachments and drove deep northward into Liangshuijing, Xiajiazi, and Kuaihuopu. By nightfall the River West Army Group had regrouped along the line from Hengdian through Yanzhimiao to Kuaihuopu. On 26 November the Japanese reached Xianzhu. The following day they assaulted Liuhouji and Lijiatang in a day-long battle that ended in stalemate. At dusk the 30th Corps launched a powerful counterattack; the 27th and 31st Divisions dispatched raiding parties into the enemy's rear. Unable to withstand the pressure, the Japanese fell back toward Jingmen and Zhongxiang, pursued by Chinese forces that inflicted heavy losses.   Along the Jingmen–Zhongxiang Highway the Japanese massed more than 3,000 troops to attack Changshoutian and Wangjiatian, encircling Changjiachi and Shahetian. The Chinese 149th Division withdrew in good order to the stronger Wangjiahe–Wulongguan line. On 26 November enemy strength grew to 4,000–5,000. One column advanced on Sanligang while the main body assaulted Peizhai, Wangjiahe, and Yunanmen. Fighting continued until dark without decisive result. On 27 November the main force of the 44th Corps counterattacked from Wangjiahe, converging with the 67th Corps advancing from the northwest. The coordinated assault inflicted severe casualties, yet the Japanese continued to fight stubbornly. On the Suixian front, more than 2,000 Japanese troops reached Liangshuikou on the morning of 25 November and launched a violent attack against the 123rd Division at Lishan. Two additional columns, each exceeding 1,000 men, pushed westward toward Hoyuantian and Qingmingpu; their numbers swelled steadily as darkness fell. On 26 November fierce combat raged against the 124th and 127th Divisions at Jinjishan and Qingmingpu. A separate force of 700–800 men advanced from Xihe via Langhetian to Tangjiafan. After clashing with the 41st Corps, the Japanese near Qingmingpu linked up with those at Jinjishan and moved toward Hoyuantian on 27 November. That night the detachment at Tangjiafan reached the vicinity of Huantan Zhen, confronting the 125th Division. Recognizing that the enemy had become dangerously dispersed, the War Area Command ordered its units to hold critical localities while the main forces exploited the mountainous terrain for ambushes. The tactic proved effective. Heavy fighting continued until 28 November, when the Japanese, unable to achieve their objectives, began a general withdrawal. Chinese forces west of Xiangyang immediately took up the pursuit. The enemy opposing the Right Army Group was routed and retreated along several routes. In the Suixian sector, Japanese units at Hoyuantian and Huantan Zhen were caught in converging attacks by the Central Army Group, driven back to high ground, and encircled. In a desperate attempt to relieve the trapped forces, the Japanese rushed 1,500–1,600 infantry and cavalry troops from Suixian and Yingshan through Shangshitian and Shatian in a flanking maneuver—only to be ambushed once more. Covered by aircraft and armor, the enemy withdrew toward Suixian and Xihe as Chinese troops pressed forward along the line from Chunchuan to Anchu, Lishan, and Gaocheng. By 30 November all Chinese Army Groups had restored their original positions.   The Central Hubei Operation produced uneven battlefield outcomes, particularly in reported casualties. Japanese accounts describe relatively limited losses, just 132 killed and 445 wounded attributed to advantages in air superiority, artillery, and armored support, even though the advance was complicated by difficult terrain. At the same time, Japanese forces faced persistent Chinese counterattacks along the Han River, which contributed to localized pressure and eventual withdrawal. The Japanese reported 6,439 Chinese killed  and 474 captured, but the evidence base is uncertain and the language of reporting suggests possible exaggeration or propaganda. Conversely, Chinese-era estimates reportedly placed Japanese losses at roughly 5,000 killed and 7,000–8,000 wounded, illustrating a substantial gap between competing narratives. Some alternate reconstructions suggest total Chinese casualties in the range of 20,000–30,000, depending on whether wounded and missing personnel are included. However, because wartime reporting was fragmented and inconsistent, there is no fully verifiable casualty ledger for all units involved.   Despite these tolls, the operation did not appear to achieve a decisive Chinese destruction of Japan's intended target force. The Chinese Fifth War Area, including elements associated with the 31st Army Group under Tang Enbo, suffered attrition but generally avoided annihilation. No major command-level losses are indicated in the surviving accounts, and unit formations were not described as collapsing permanently. On the material side, Japan reportedly seized rifles and supplies from positions that Chinese forces had encircled or abandoned in the short term, but overall equipment losses for either side were described as limited, consistent with the operation's restricted intensity.    Strategically, the operation offered Japan short-term tactical advantages—notably through localized envelopments and the temporary pressure of combined-arms support—but it failed to translate these gains into a sustained strategic result. The fighting also strained Japanese logistics in central China, especially given that the offensive was not followed by major reinforcements. At the same time, it exposed continuing vulnerabilities in rugged terrain where Chinese guerrilla activity and organized counteraction could offset superior firepower.   Ultimately, the Central Hubei Operation produced no net territorial gains. By the end of the week, Japanese troops had returned to positions that did not fundamentally alter control in central Hubei. Local clashes may have disturbed formations and disrupted movement temporarily, but the campaign did not create durable forward bases, did not change administrative control meaningfully, and did not permanently disrupt key supply corridors. The territorial status quo largely persisted: Chinese Fifth War Area forces maintained positions north of the Yangtze River, and there was no widespread abandonment of strongholds sufficient to indicate a strategic collapse.   In the months following the Japanese repulse in central Hubei in November 1940, enemy forces remained largely immobilized across the Jing-Xiang plains, their earlier ambitions checked by determined Chinese resistance. Seeking to regain momentum and draw Chinese strength away from other theaters, the Japanese high command prepared a massive offensive into southern Henan in late January 1941. By the end of the month they had concentrated an imposing array of seven infantry divisions, one independent cavalry brigade, three independent armored regiments, and one independent artillery regiment. In all, more than 150,000 infantrymen, over 8,000 cavalry, 550 artillery pieces, 300 tanks, and 200 armored cars stood ready. Over a hundred aircraft were massed at forward bases in Anyang, Xinxiang, Huaiyang, and Xinyang. From early January onward, ammunition and equipment had been laboriously shipped up the Yangtze and moved inland to Xinyang, while Japanese reconnaissance planes repeatedly overflew Chinese rear areas. Additional troops were concentrated in southern Henan itself.   On 20 January, as a preliminary move to pin down Chinese forces and facilitate the main effort in central Henan, the Japanese 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, together with elements of the 39th and 4th Divisions, launched a limited attack against the Chinese 29th and 33rd Army Groups. The principal assault, however, began on 24 January under the overall command of Lieutenant General Katsuichiro Enbu. The Japanese organized their southern Henan forces into three powerful columns: The Left Flank Force, built around the entire 3rd Division reinforced by the 8th Regiment of the 4th Division and the Mizuno Armored Unit, commanded by Lieutenant General Fusataro Hanjima of the 3rd Division. The Central Force, centered on the 17th Division (less one regiment) and strengthened by the 67th Regiment of the 15th Division and the Yoshimatsu Armored Unit, commanded by Lieutenant General Amaya of the 40th Division. The Right Flank Force, formed around the main body of the 40th Division, also under Lieutenant General Amaya.   In support of this main thrust, Japanese forces in northern Anhui and eastern Henan—principally the 4th Cavalry Brigade with the Hirabayashi Tank Regiment—advanced westward from Haozhou toward Woyang. The Ouda Regiment of the 21st Division pushed west from Suzhou, while the Uguchi and Kobayashi Regiments of the 35th Division, accompanied by engineer, cavalry, artillery, and tank units, moved from Kaifeng, Tongxu, and Zhuxian Zhen along the north bank of the Yellow River and through the flooded areas toward Zhengzhou. These supporting columns were intended to tie down Chinese reserves and prevent reinforcement of the southern front.   The National Military Council in Chongqing correctly assessed the enemy's intention: to drive north along the Beiping-Hankou Railway with their main strength, force a decisive battle against the Chinese field armies, and rely on the northern Anhui–eastern Henan forces to strike westward in coordination. Accordingly, the Council instructed the Fifth War Area to avoid a costly frontal engagement. Instead, a small portion of its troops would offer delaying resistance along the railway, while the main force would maneuver to the enemy's flanks and rear, severing communications and launching devastating counterattacks. In compliance, the Fifth War Area left only a single division near Xiping on the Beiping-Hankou line. The bulk of its strength—carefully concealed in depth on both sides of the enemy's expected axis of advance—remained highly mobile, ready to strike the Japanese flanks or rear the moment the enemy divided his forces or pushed toward Runan, Yancheng, or Wuyang. This elastic strategy proved decisive.   At dawn on 25 January the Japanese southern Henan forces advanced in three columns. The Left Flank Force moved along the line from Xiaolindian to Gucheng and Chashan. The Central Force struck northward from the Minggang area. The Right Flank Force crossed the Huai River between Huaijiao Zhen and Chengyang under heavy air support. Japanese planes bombed Chinese positions relentlessly. True to plan, Chinese units employed only light screening forces to harass the enemy with ambushes and flank attacks, preserving their main strength for the decisive moment.   By 26 January the Japanese had reached the line from Piyang to Gaoyi, Xingtian, and Queshan. On the 27th they pressed on to Chunshui, Shahetian, and Zhumadian. At this point Chinese mobile forces sprang into action. The 13th Corps of the 31st Army Group swung northward toward Xiangheguan, while the main body of the 85th Corps moved toward Shangcai to begin an enveloping maneuver. The 68th Corps of the 11th Army Group struck the enemy rear south of Xiangheguan; the 55th Corps advanced from Tanghe to Piyang; and the 59th Corps of the 33rd Army Group pushed toward Nanyang. On 29 January the 13th Corps attacked the Japanese Left Flank Force near Jieguanting and Xiaoshidian south of Wuyang, while the 85th Corps struck the Right Flank Force around Runan, southeast of Shangcai. The enemy's Central Force, advancing along and west of the railway, found the Chinese positions already evacuated and failed to trap any major units. The Japanese columns on the extreme flanks suffered over 3,000 casualties and lost six tanks in the fighting around Jieguanting.   By 31 January the enemy, desperate to rescue his exposed flank columns, reordered his forces. The Central Force executed turning movements on both sides: elements of the 15th Division swung right from Suiping through Shangcai to converge with troops moving north from Runan against the 85th Corps, while the main body of the 17th Division split into two columns and advanced from Suiping through Xiping toward Wuyang. Simultaneously, the main force of the 3rd Division and part of the 4th Division also converged on Wuyang, hoping to link with the 17th Division and crush the 13th Corps near Jieguanting and Xiaoshidian. Before the trap could close, however, the Chinese 13th and 85th Corps withdrew in good order to the area north of Ye Xian, between Yancheng and Shangshui, and north of the Sha River. When the Japanese broke through at Wuyang and Shangcai they found no major Chinese forces to destroy.   Meanwhile, Chinese troops from western Henan, the 59th, 55th, and 68th Corps, advanced from Tanghe, Piyang, and points north to strike the enemy rear at Wuyang. On 29 January the 84th Corps and local guerrillas in western Anhui recaptured Chengyang and continued the pursuit. The Japanese, having failed to concentrate superior strength or control the battlefield, now found themselves isolated. Their rear communications were severed, and they were under constant pressure from the 68th, 55th, and 59th Corps. After days of exhausting combat the enemy began to withdraw southward on the night of 2 February. Leaving only rear guards at Wuyang and Baoanzhai to tie down the 13th Corps, the main body of the 3rd Division moved from Fangcheng toward Nanyang and Zhenping. The 13th Corps immediately counterattacked, recaptured Baoanzhai and Wuyang, and pursued the enemy toward Fangcheng.   On the night of 2 February, as the Japanese main force approached Nanyang, the 17th Division together with elements of the 15th and 4th Divisions had already pushed south from Wuyang via Xiangheguan toward Piyang, hoping to link with forces moving east from Nanyang and trap the Chinese 68th, 55th, and 29th Corps. Fierce resistance by the 68th Corps near Xiangheguan inflicted heavy losses and forced the enemy to abandon large quantities of supplies. Further south, the 29th Corps exacted still greater casualties around Piyang. On the night of 7 February the trapped Japanese column split: part retreated along the Tanghe–Piyang highway, while the main body withdrew along the Tongbo–Xinyang highway toward Xinyang, leaving many dead behind. The Chinese 85th Corps pursued southeastward, while elements of the 13th, 29th, 55th, and 59th Corps harried the enemy toward Xinyang. By the time the fighting ended, all Chinese units had regained their original positions.   In coordination with the southern Henan offensive, the Japanese forces in northern Anhui and eastern Henan advanced westward in four columns on the morning of 25 January. The Ouda Regiment of the 21st Division struck west from Suzhou. The 4th Cavalry Brigade, reinforced by the Hirabayashi Tank Regiment, split into three routes from Bozhou to attack Woyang, Shanheji, and Shuangqiao, clashing bitterly with a Chinese cavalry division near Shizihe and Niqiuji. The Uguchi Regiment of the 35th Division advanced through the flooded areas from Tongxu and Zhuxian Zhen, while the Kobayashi Regiment moved westward along the north bank of the Yellow River near Zhengzhou. Japanese aircraft intensified their bombing of Chinese cities and front-line positions, including Zhoujiakou, Zhengzhou, Yancheng, Ye Xian, Xiangcheng, Wuyang, and Luoyang. On 29 January one enemy column reached Santaiji and suffered heavy losses under Chinese attack. Threatened on the left by forces near Huaiyang, two Chinese corps withdrew temporarily to the line from Fuyang to Taihe and Jieshou. On 5 February the Japanese captured Taihe and Jieshou, but a Chinese counterattack on the morning of 6 February regained both towns, forcing the enemy to retreat northeastward.   The Battle of Southern Henan, which opened on 25 January and concluded on 10 February after seventeen days of continuous fighting, ended in a clear Chinese victory. Japanese casualties exceeded 9,000; when the enemy withdrew from Nanyang more than 300 military vehicles were left burning on the battlefield. Large quantities of arms, ammunition, and supplies fell into Chinese hands. Chinese losses were significantly lighter. The enemy had hoped to force a decisive battle along the railway and shatter the Chinese armies of the Fifth War Area. Instead, skillful Chinese maneuver, timely flank attacks, and relentless pressure on the enemy's rear and communications had turned the Japanese offensive into a costly failure. The victory not only preserved the integrity of the central Chinese front but also demonstrated once again the effectiveness of elastic defense and mobile counteroffensive tactics against a numerically superior but overextended foe.   In the wake of their costly repulse in central Hubei the previous November and the even more humiliating defeat in Southern Henan between late January and early February 1941, the Japanese sought once more to regain the initiative in the spring of 1941. Their target was western Hubei, where Chinese forces continued to deny them freedom of movement along the middle Yangtze. The entire Japanese 13th Division garrisoned the Yichang salient. Its regiments were deployed in a defensive arc: the 65th Regiment and the 19th Artillery Regiment held positions east of the city at Longchuanpu, Tumenya, and Yaqueling; the 104th Regiment guarded the northwest approaches; and the 17th Cavalry Regiment patrolled the Yangchalu–Baishanao sector. On the west bank of the Yangtze, the 58th Regiment had constructed strong bridgehead fortifications between Chaojialing and Shangwulongkou, ready to support any renewed thrust westward.   Facing this entrenched enemy was the Chinese 26th Corps, entrusted with the critical mission of river defense on the west bank of the Yangtze opposite Yichang. The corps commander had organized his forces into three sectors. The 41st Division held the right zone, anchoring its line from Mujiatian and Tanjiataizi northward to the vicinity of Fanjiah u. The 32nd Division defended the left zone, stretching from Mujiatian through Ceyang to Xiangzikou. The 44th Division remained in corps reserve near Caojiafan, poised to reinforce either flank or exploit opportunities for counterattack.   On 6 March 1941 the Japanese struck. Having quietly reinforced their forces west of Yichang to more than three regiments, supported by cavalry and artillery, they opened the assault at 5:30 a.m. with a violent artillery barrage, followed immediately by infantry advances under cover of air strikes. Chinese security positions at Tanjiataizi and Chaojiadian were overrun. The enemy then hurled itself against the main line at Changgangling. Simultaneously, 600 to 700 Japanese troops, backed by planes and guns, assaulted Fanjiah u. After hours of bitter fighting both localities fell. On the morning of 7 March, Japanese aircraft again spearheaded the attack, enabling the capture of positions at Qianjiatai and Wujiaba. The enemy pressed on toward Qianjiachong and Yutaishan but was thrown back. Meanwhile, the force that had taken Fanjiah u clashed fiercely with the Chinese 44th Division around Taipingqiao; although the division was eventually compelled to withdraw to the eastern end of the bridge under relentless air attack, it continued to resist stubbornly. When the enemy seized Hut zeye from the direction of Fanjiah u, the 32nd Division fell back in good order to the line from Tunziqiao to Tuyanzhong, where it beat off further assaults. By this stage the Japanese had driven themselves into a dangerously narrow salient, exposed on both flanks.   Seizing the moment, the River Defense Force reorganized its lines. The 103rd Division of the 8th Corps relieved the sector from Mujiatang through Yingzishan to Chaotianguan, while the 26th Corps consolidated new positions at Yutaishan, Pijiashan, Qingshuiba, Guangongling, and Xiaopingshanba. The plan was clear: hold the enemy east of this line, then launch a converging counterstroke to destroy the invaders and restore the original front. On 8 March two guerrilla columns from the 41st Division struck at Changgangling and Fanjiayuan, while another detachment hit the enemy east of Pifengjian. More than 2,000 Japanese troops assaulted the 44th Division's positions from Gaolingpo and Dajiaobian toward Wanghuzizhong; determined resistance by the 44th Division, supported by elements of the 41st, brought the attack to a standstill. Later that day the enemy managed to penetrate the 32nd Division's line at Tianwangshi, forcing Chinese troops to fight a delaying action along the outskirts of the Shibai Fortress from Mingjiachong to Heitangou.   Dawn on 9 March brought renewed Chinese initiative. The 103rd Division occupied the line from Tutiling to Shizinao and advanced in several columns against the enemy. A portion of the 44th Division waged a grim holding action on the high ground flanking Guojiaba, suffering heavy losses but buying time for the main body to launch a powerful flank attack against the Japanese at Taipingqiao and Xianglingkou. By dusk Chinese forces had captured the enemy strongpoints at Dujiaoba and Dajiaobian along the highway, annihilating numerous enemy troops. The 32nd Division threw its main strength against the area northwest of Dajiaobian; heavy fighting raged around Wanghuzizhong into the afternoon until enemy reinforcements were driven off. The 41st Division, meanwhile, executed effective flank attacks that yielded significant gains. On 10 March the 103rd Division recaptured the high ground at Xiawulongkou and north of Tianzipo, while guerrillas of the 41st Division continued to harass the enemy through every gap in his lines. When positions at Hongshipo and Lungtanping held by the 44th Division were breached, the division withdrew to the western heights of Bomuping and faced the enemy anew.   At dawn on 11 March, after suffering severe casualties, the Japanese resorted to smoke screens and began withdrawing eastward along several routes. Chinese pursuit forces swiftly retook Xianglingkou, Guojiaba, Guangongling, Tianwangshi, and Dajiaobian. By 12 March the enemy had fallen back to a defensive line running from east of Taipingqiao to Hu z'ai and Huangnikeng. On 13 March Chinese units launched general counterattacks. Unable to withstand the pressure, the Japanese retreated to their original positions. The eight-day engagement thus ended exactly where it had begun.   The battle had been fought with only a portion of the available Chinese forces, yet it proved decisive. The Japanese, who had hoped to crack the river defenses and resume their westward drive, instead suffered 4,000 to 5,000 casualties. The swift and skillful Chinese counteroffensive not only restored the front but left the enemy shaken and apprehensive. Their design to push deeper into western Hubei was decisively thwarted, buying precious time for the broader Chinese war effort in the Yangtze theater and demonstrating once again that determined defense, timely reinforcement, and aggressive counteraction could blunt even the most carefully prepared Japanese offensive. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In November 1940, a Central Hubei Operation using five task forces attempted to exploit Chinese dispersal but achieved no territorial gains despite local successes. A larger January 1941 offensive into southern Henan deployed 150,000+ troops but again failed strategically. Despite Japanese tactical advantages and superior firepower, logistical constraints and rugged terrain favored mobile Chinese resistance. Both campaigns ended with Japanese withdrawals and restored Chinese positions, demonstrating that determined defense and timely counteraction could blunt large-scale Japanese operations.

Neighbourhood Stories- For today's segment Clarence was joined in studio by Sarah Haines, Director of Long March to Freedom. Views and News with Clarence Ford is the mid-morning show on CapeTalk. This 3-hour long programme shares and reflects a broad array of perspectives. It is inspirational, passionate and positive. Host Clarence Ford’s gentle curiosity and dapper demeanour leave listeners feeling motivated and empowered. Known for his love of jazz and golf, Clarrie covers a range of themes including relationships, heritage and philosophy. Popular segments include Barbs’ Wire at 9:30am (Mon-Thurs) and The Naked Scientist at 9:30 on Fridays. Thank you for listening to a podcast from Views & News with Clarence Ford Listen live on Primedia+ weekdays between 09:00 and 12:00 (SA Time) to Views and News with Clarence Ford broadcast on CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show go to https://buff.ly/erjiQj2 or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/BdpaXRn Subscribe to the CapeTalk Daily and Weekly Newsletters https://buff.ly/sbvVZD5 Follow us on social media: CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

China successfully launched its new Long March 12B reusable rocket, deploying the 10th batch of Qianfan satellites to expand its global broadband internet constellation to 180 satellites.

In this episode we have a conversation with reporter Jasper Craven about his new book, God Forgives, Brothers Don't: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood, which is a made-for-KYE feat of research that offers a fascinating way into perennial themes of this show: masculinity, U.S. empire, the relationship between violence and civilization, and the surprising camp of conservatism. Along the way we discuss Donald Trump, the mob, Peter Brian Hegseth, Graham Platner, and more. Sources: Jasper Craven, God Forgives, Brothers Don't: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood (2026) — "Battle of the Sexes: Pete Hegseth's War on Women," The Baffler, Sept 2025 Dan Gilgoth, The Jesus Machine: How James Dobson, Focus on the Family, and Evangelical America Are Winning the Culture War (2007) Dr. James Dobson, Dare to Discipline: A Pyschologist Offers Urgent Advice to Parents and Teachers (1970) ...and don't forget to subscribe to Know Your Enemy on Patreon for access to all of our bonus episodes!

“There is a pretty powerful strain in America today in which men feel some need to be violent and domineering to sort of prove their masculinity. And there's sort of less intense but still prevalent strains that infect many other types of men.” — Jasper Craven Today is Memorial Day — America's annual celebration of its warriors and military ethic. But for Jasper Craven, author of God Forgives, Brothers Don't: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood, it should be a day of muted self-reflection rather than bellicose celebration. Especially in May 2026 with America involved in another ludicrous overseas war. Craven's argument is that from George Washington onwards, America has fused military manliness with a self-destructive masculine identity. Thus young men are trained at top military academies like West Point to be unthinkingly domineering and violent. But for Craven, America — a continent surrounded by oceans to the east and west and by friendly neighbours to the north and south — has no need for the unreflective militarism fetishised by its military academies and culture. So what has West Point wrought? A nation of Pete Hegseths, Jasper Craven implies. Happy (ie: peaceful) Memorial Day everyone. Five Takeaways •       Military Manliness and American Identity: From Washington to Hegseth: From the Founding Fathers — most of whom were Revolutionary War veterans — America has explicitly fused military manliness with core masculine identity. Boys who want to define themselves as Americans have felt a need to be strong, to serve, to defend. The archetype has only been beefed up over time: through the steroid era and into the world of Navy SEALs and special operators. The result is a culture where men feel the need to be violent and domineering to prove their masculinity, from carrying AK-47s to protests to becoming ICE agents. The problem: the archetype has no relationship to actual national security needs. •       West Point and the Civil War: A Fuse, Not a Remedy: West Point was created to produce a well-schooled officer class. What Craven argues: when you allocate massive resources to building a military, you will feel the consequences. Before the Civil War, West Point was segregated into northern and southern companies — which exacerbated tensions rather than building union. When war broke out, many West Point officers defected to the Confederacy, including Robert E. Lee, who had been superintendent. West Point officers on opposite sides then killed each other in their thousands. Many lawmakers called for West Point to be abolished. They were not heeded. •       Race, Integration, and the Military's Complex Legacy: Craven acknowledges the military's partial role in racial integration: Truman's executive order in 1948 desegregated the armed forces, which was a genuine milestone ahead of civilian institutions. But he is careful about what this means. Integration at the institutional level did not eliminate racism within the culture. And the same military that desegregated also produced the culture of violence, dehumanisation of the other, and misogyny and homophobia that Craven chronicles throughout the book. Partial credit is still only partial credit. •       January 6th and the Politicisation of the Officer Class: In Trump's first term, General Mattis and General Kelly and others demonstrated real courage in reining in Trump's worst impulses. By the end of that term, they had all been replaced by loyalists. During the transition to Biden, Trump's military cronies at the Pentagon went dark. January 6th was largely carried out by military veterans. More than 100 senior retired military officers penned an op-ed supporting what Trump had done. In Trump's second term, the politicisation of the officer class has only accelerated. The non-political professional officer class is now divided. •       ROTC, Not West Point: Craven's Prescription: Craven's preferred model: ROTC — military training supplemental to traditional liberal arts education. Survey data shows ROTC officers, because of exposure to Plato, Shakespeare, and the rest, are more well-rounded and better thinkers than West Point graduates. At West Point, it is essentially all STEM. Craven's prescription: introduce the humanities, expose cadets to civilians, break the silos. Ideally, West Point could become a national university that includes military programmes alongside the training of doctors and aid workers. The military-civilian divide is as much the military's creation as the civilian's. About the Guest Jasper Craven is a freelance reporter covering the military and veterans' issues. His work has appeared in the New York Times, Harper's Magazine, Politico, The Baffler, and the New Republic. He is the author of God Forgives, Brothers Don't: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood (Atria/One Signal Publishers, May 19, 2026) and the co-author, with Suzanne Gordon and Steve Early, of Our Veterans. He lives in Brooklyn, New York. References: •       God Forgives, Brothers Don't: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood by Jasper Craven (Atria/One Signal Publishers, May 19, 2026). •       Sebastian Junger, Tribe — referenced in the publishers' framing as a companion text. •       Chris Hedges, War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning — referenced as a companion text. •       Episode 2907: Brandon Webb on Puddle Jumpers — the companion episode referenced at the opening; the pro-military counterpart to Craven's critique. •       Episode 2909: Adrian Goldsworthy on Athens vs Sparta — also referenced at the opening. About Keen On America Nobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States — hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,900 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting. WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple Podcasts

Military academies and ROTC clubs teach children and young adults — most of them boys — how to fight in war. But this education comes with its own risk of scars.Vermont-based freelance journalist Jasper Craven explores American military education in his new book, God Forgives, Brothers Don't: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood.Craven has reported on the military and veterans' issues for local and national publications including VTDigger, Mother Jones, The New Republic and the The New York Times Magazine.Broadcast live on Wednesday, May 20, 2026, at noon; rebroadcast at 7 p.m.Have questions, comments or tips? Send us a message or check us out on Instagram.

Vermont journalist Jasper Craven has spent a decade investigating and exposing the culture of toxic masculinity that pervades the American military.In 2018, he wrote a multipart exposé for VTDigger about sexual misconduct and abuse in the Vermont Air National Guard that resulted in hearings at the Vermont Statehouse, reforms in the Guard, and the departure of the adjutant general. His writing on the military and veterans has appeared in The New York Times, Harper's, Politico and Mother Jones, among other publications.Craven's investigation into the Vermont Guard showed him how “the military holds unique elements that can make these problems worse than in civilian life, and also that many of the systems developed to combat that behavior are themselves flawed and easily exploited and can leave women in particular really feeling betrayed by an institution that they've given their lives to.”Craven, who is 33, has a new book, “God Forgives, Brothers Don't: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood.” He argues that the U.S. military shapes American masculinity, especially through military schools, academies, and programs such as Junior ROTC in middle and high schools and ROTC in colleges. But the form of masculinity that these institutions advance has taken a heavy toll, as evidenced by a suicide crisis throughout the military.“The idea that the military is the single and most effective reform program for boys is just completely untrue,” said Craven. “Since the 1800s there are many stories of mostly young boys who have been deeply damaged while under the care of military school officials — some have died, some have committed suicide, some have been hospitalized for psychiatric crises.”Craven points to the chest-thumping hypermasculinity of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth as emblematic of how some men are responding to the growing diversity of the military, including the rising status of women. “Women are being elevated for the first time into senior roles where they are often outshining men in both physical and academic pursuits, and that is majorly threatening to people like Hegseth,” Craven said. “The military response to that is violent subjugation, and that is what we see with Hegseth. … He is just psychically hung up on all of these old school ideas around manliness and military service.”Craven's reporting on the military earned him an unexpected visit from the U.S. Secret Service. After he covered protests at West Point during a speech by President Donald Trump for a story for Politico, a Secret Service agent paid a visit to his parents' home in Vermont.The agent was “alleging without merit, completely falsely that I was acting suspiciously on campus and that I had been asking around to meet the president — again, not true — though if I had been doing that, (I was) certainly well within my rights as a journalist.” Craven quickly concluded that “it was a pretty clear-cut act of intimidation from West Point.”Craven has not been deterred. He is moving back to Vermont to continue his work in journalism. He hopes that his work leads to “alternative ideas around shaping American masculinity and aiding American men.”

The key words to the success of the Chinese communist revolution are luck and violence — at least, that's according to Prof. Frank Dikötter.Continuing from our last episode on Prof. Frank Dikötter's new book, Red Dawn Over China, we trace the origin story of the Chinese Communist Party, and revisit how the CCP went from an obscure, unpopular, intellectual-led political force to take over the whole of mainland China.Prof. Dikötter is the Milias Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and chair professor of humanities at the University of Hong Kong. He is the most widely read living historian of modern China, with books translated into more than twenty languages. He is the author of The People's Trilogy, which includes Mao's Great Famine (2010), The Tragedy of Liberation (2013), and The Cultural Revolution (2016).We left off our story in 1929 last time, when the Soviet Union launched an oft-forgotten invasion into Manchuria and set the tone of Sino-Soviet relations. In this episode — which has been edited for clarity and brevity — we continue the story from 1929 to 1949, and trace the rise of the CCP through the Long March, the Yan'an period through the Sino-Japanese War, and how CCP emerged victorious in the civil war.The key words we explore are luck and violence. In other words, not your official nationalist communist history from the third “Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century” (emphasis added), but a history of how an incredible willingness to use force against fellow party cadres and civilians combined with extraordinary international luck. Japan, the Soviet Union, and the U.S. propelled the CCP to its self-proclaimed glorious founding of the People's Republic.Enjoy.LeoFor quick navigation to the specific sections:* The Japanese threat kept the Communists alive* Stalin, the great architect of Mao's Chinese communist revolution* How Edgar Snow put Mao on the map* The gift of Manchuria* No Stalin, no MaoBallerina - Yehezkel Raz, Artlist Original MusicPeking Hotel is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Recommended reads* Frank Dikötter, 2026, Red Dawn Over China, Bloomsbury Publishing* Frank Dikötter, 2010, Mao's Great Famine, Bloomsbury Publishing* Frank Dikötter, 2013, The Tragedy of Liberation, Bloomsbury Publishing* Frank Dikötter, 2016, The Cultural Revolution, Bloomsbury Publishing* Paul Hollander, 1981, Political Pilgrims, Oxford University Press* Edgar Snow, 1937, Red Star Over China, Random HouseAbout usThe Peking Hotel podcast and newsletter are digital publications in which Liu He interviews China specialists about their first-hand experiences and observations from decades past. The project grew out of Liu's research at Hoover Institution collecting oral history of China experts living in the U.S. Their stories are a reminder of what China used to be and what it is capable of becoming.We also have a Chinese-language Substack. We hope to publish more conversations like this one, so stay tuned!Shoutout!We would like to say thank-you to our supporters, especially to the following people who referred us to great many friends, colleagues and acquaintances:* China Books Review* Initium* Bill Bishop & Sinocism* Jordan Schneider & ChinaTalk* PC & What's Happening in China* 《人文中国》Humanities China* The Goldkorn Newsletter* 擦星星事务所* 不如读书* Matt Turpin & China Articles* Career China Newsletter* The China Week* The China-MENA NewsletterKudos to you, our network now has more awesome people like yourselves. Please keep spreading the word for us :) I appreciate it.Thanks for reading Peking Hotel! This post is public so feel free to share it. Get full access to Peking Hotel at pekinghotel.substack.com/subscribe

China has launched a Long March-8 carrier rocket, sending a new group of satellites into space. The satellite group, the ninth batch of the Spacesail Constellation, successfully entered its planned orbit.

How did America's schools, media, universities, and cultural institutions become so radically different in just a few generations?In this episode of The Sweet Tea Series, Ariana Guajardo sits down with Mandy Drogin, Senior Fellow of Government Reform at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, to break down the history and strategy behind “The Long March Through the Institutions” — the decades-long effort by Marxist thinkers and activists to reshape Western culture from within.From Karl Marx and the Frankfurt School to critical theory, higher education, teachers unions, and modern culture wars, Mandy walks through how these ideas spread through America's institutions and why so many parents are now pushing back.Topics covered include:* The origins of the “Long March Through the Institutions”* Herbert Marcuse, Antonio Gramsci, and the Frankfurt School* How Marxist ideology entered universities and K-12 education* Critical theory, critical race theory, and cultural revolution* Teachers unions, academia, and institutional influence* The breakdown of faith, family, and Western values* COVID lockdowns, DEI, and modern political activism* Why parents and patriots are fighting backIf you've ever wondered, “How did we get here?” — this conversation connects the dots.Subscribe for more conversations on culture, politics, education, and the future of America.#Marxism #LongMarchThroughTheInstitutions #CultureWar #CriticalTheory #Education #Politics #TexasPolicy #SweetTeaSeries #WesternCivilization #CRT_________The Texas Public Policy Foundation's mission is to promote and defend liberty, personal responsibility, and free enterprise in Texas and the nation by educating and affecting policymakers and the Texas public policy debate with academically sound research and outreach.Funded by thousands of individuals, foundations, and corporations, the Foundation does not accept government funds or contributions to influence the outcomes of its research.The public is demanding a different direction for their government, and the Texas Public Policy Foundation is providing the ideas that enable policymakers to chart that new course.Website: https://texaspolicy.comX: https://twitter.com/tppfFacebook: https://facebook.com/texaspolicyInstagram: https://instagram.com/texaspolicyLinkedIn: https://linkedin.com/company/texas-public-policy-foundation/

Last time we spoke about the battle Yaoyi. Japan pushed hard into Hubei with a plan: surround the main Chinese forces and seize Yichang, hoping to use it to strike at Chongqing. At first, the fighting was chaotic and punishing. The Chinese side tried to hold the line and disrupt the advance, and they even managed setbacks for the Japanese, pushing back, retaking key ground, and hitting supply and positioning weaknesses. But victory came with a cost: commanders were lost, and every gain was hard-won. Still, the battle didn't unfold as a clean Chinese retreat or a simple Japanese win. As Japanese units shifted and tested for openings, the Chinese forces adjusted—delaying, regrouping, and fighting to keep their formations from being completely trapped. Eventually, Japan managed to break through at critical moments, especially through crossings and maneuvers that the Chinese had not fully sealed off. In the end, Japan succeeded in taking Yichang, but it didn't achieve the decisive annihilation it wanted.    #201 The New Fourth Army Incident and the Strained United Front Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After the catastrophe of the early 1930s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) entered the war against Japan in a political mood that was both hopeful and wary: it wanted to be seen as a genuine national leader of resistance, yet it also feared being absorbed—or destroyed—by the Guomindang (KMT) state it had spent years battling. That tension became the organizing principle of the war's early years. The turning point came from the Xi'an Incident in December 1936, which forced a new calculation in Nationalist politics. In the months that followed, agreements between KMT and CCP representatives were publicly proclaimed in August and September 1937, after the Shanghai fighting began. Under these arrangements, the CCP accepted constraints that in peacetime would have looked like surrender: it pledged to strive for Sun Yixian's "Three People's Principles," to end its former policies of armed revolt and sovietization, to abolish the soviet government, and to discontinue both the term "Red Army" and the expectation that its forces would operate outside central control. Communist troops would be treated as part of the national military under KMT command, and the revolution's old administrative structures were to be formally dismantled. In return, the KMT offered the CCP something just as important: space to exist publicly and politically. Liaison offices were permitted in key cities; the CCP was allowed to publish the New China Daily; and it could nominate representatives to KMT advisory bodies. Civil rights were extended—political prisoners were released—and subsidies were established to help cover administrative and military expenses in "reintegrated" areas and territories. The war thus transformed the tactical reality on the ground: the CCP could not treat the KMT as an immediate enemy, but it also could not afford to become politically passive. It had to learn how to fight Japan while building legitimacy fast enough to survive the next phase. In the first year and a half, the Party Center focused on three problems that kept returning in different forms: how the "united front" would be defined—especially what the CCP's relationship to the National government should be; how to coordinate military strategy and tactics with Nationalist units without losing control of its own operations; and how leadership should be consolidated, particularly for Mao Zedong in a party that still contained rival centers of authority. These disputes mattered not just for doctrine but for survival, because the CCP's autonomy was constantly being tested by the very alliance that was supposed to protect it. Mao's own approach to the united front combined cooperation with a refusal to surrender independence. Publicly, the CCP praised Jiang Jieshi and the KMT and promised unity, but it did so in language that was deliberately broad. In private (and in internal party debates), Mao treated unity as conditional: the CCP must not split the united front, but it also must not be "bound hand and foot." The strategic idea that emerged was political initiative under constraints—fighting when it could plausibly claim justification, keeping enough restraint that the CCP would not appear self-interested or anti-national, and deciding for itself when to engage and when to withdraw. This balance was reinforced through military reorganization. In August–September 1937, CCP forces were reorganized as the Eighth Route Army (8RA), with roughly 30,000 men drawn from Long March survivors, local forces, and new recruits. The 8RA was divided into three divisions: the 115th, 120th, and 129th, commanded by Lin Biao, He Long, and Liu Bocheng respectively. Shortly after the war began, the National government also authorized a second major Communist force: the New Fourth Army (N4A), to operate in central China. Its core came from those left behind when the Long March began in 1934—small groups surviving in difficult conditions against continuing KMT pressure. Officially authorized at 12,000, it took months to reach that strength. Nominally commanded by Ye Ting, actual military and political control rested with Xiang Ying and Chen Yi. From the start, then, the CCP's wartime "integration" with the National system coexisted with a clear effort to preserve internal control. Ideologically, the CCP worked to make its revolutionary program compatible—at least in appearance—with a national resistance coalition. On the New Democracy demonstrated how this strategy operated on two levels. In KMT-controlled spaces, its language could be read as aligning with liberal-democratic expectations: public participation, multi-party governance, legally protected civil rights. But in CCP-controlled areas, the same text could carry sharper class-based and authoritarian implications. The Party wanted a united front that broadened support without becoming committed to Nationalist limits on how society itself might be reorganized after victory. Meanwhile, even as the rhetoric of unity rose, the CCP worried about something more dangerous than military setbacks: the possibility that the KMT might accommodate Japan. Late 1939 and early 1940 made this fear harder to dismiss. Japan pursued collaboration with Wang Jingwei, culminating in the establishment of a "reorganized" government at Nanjing in March 1940. At the same time, Japanese intermediaries sought approaches to Chiang Kai-shek himself—an effort that the CCP tracked closely as a sign that peace negotiations might be possible even when battlefield conditions looked grim. Propaganda was involved, but the anxiety was real: if Japan and the Nationalists reached an arrangement, the CCP's whole wartime legitimacy-building effort could collapse overnight. As a result, the united front was interpreted inside the CCP not as a permanent coalition with the KMT, but as a flexible strategy with a cardinal purpose: to prevent peace between Japan and the Nationalists. Mao's position on the united front reflected this. For him, the alliance was meant to suspend the possibility of a China–Japan settlement, not to end the CCP's separate identity. The CCP could participate in a reconstituted national framework—possibly even a "democratic republic"—to gain legality and influence, but it should remain politically and, where possible, physically separate from the KMT. By 1939, however, the practical meaning of "flexibility" collided with reality. What had seemed, to some observers, like an unusually cordial entente began to fade. The KMT Central Committee adopted measures early in 1939 aimed at restricting Communist expansion, and armed clashes increased through the summer and continued into autumn and winter—especially around North China Communist bases. The period of rising conflict was later labeled by the CCP as the "first anti-Communist upsurge" (roughly spanning December 1939 into March 1940), but the crucial point was that both sides viewed each confrontation as a test of legal rights, moral legitimacy, and control over territory. Strategically, the CCP understood the KMT's effort as an attempt to check unauthorized growth of Communist armed power and to recover areas where influence had already slipped away—either to the Communists or, by indirect effect, to Japan. The KMT emphasized its traditional legal authority; the CCP countered with its claim to an "evolutionary" moral right to challenge the government's legitimacy. In practice, the conflict took the form of increasingly systematic military pressure, including a blockade around the Shen–Gan–Ning region. By this point, the blockade involved large numbers of troops (on the order of hundreds of thousands), halting Communist expansion and disrupting direct contact with other Communist forces farther afield, even as fighting flared along border zones and around vulnerable points in the Communist defensive perimeter. So, by the edge of the "middle years," the wartime alliance had not broken into open civil war—but it had also stopped being secure. The united front survived, yet it operated under strain: its language of cooperation continued, while "friction" between partners hardened into a central feature of the resistance struggle. Transition into the war's second phase began in early 1939, shaped by the stalemate Mao had already anticipated at the sixth plenum in late 1938. Mao argued that during this prolonged "new stage" the forces of resistance—above all, Communist-led forces—would strengthen. The overall result, however, was mixed. In Shandong and Central China, new Communist bases did take shape. But across much of North China, Japanese consolidation cost the resistance heavily in manpower and population. Base-area economies suffered serious strain, and the peasantry endured hardships more severe than at any earlier point. This stalemate had two main dimensions. The first was the growing resentment of the Nationalists toward Communist expansion—resentment made especially sharp by their own losses. As the Nationalists were driven out of regions that had previously provided them their greatest wealth and power in the central and lower Yangtze basin, they also lost the "cream" of their armies. In contrast, the CCP was spreading through the wider countryside behind Japanese lines, extending its influence and winning broader popular support. The second dimension was Japan's desire—and need—to consolidate territories it had only nominally conquered and to extract economic value from them. After all, the logic of the "China Incident" was to draw on China's labor and resources to strengthen Japan, not to bleed Japan's gains away by draining wealth into China's vast interior. A Japanese colonel, lamenting the situation, captured the frustration of this drift into deeper entanglement: he regretted that Japan had not ended the "China Incident" once its initial objectives were reached. Instead, Japan was drawn into the hinterland and became bogged down in endless attrition—leaving it with little more than "real estate" rather than the popular support it believed it would secure from those it claimed to "liberate." To improve their position, Japanese authorities—still fragmented by internal rivalry—pursued several strategies. One was a new peace offensive aimed simultaneously at Jiang Jieshi, alongside efforts to establish a "reformed" Nationalist government under Wang Jingwei, who had fled Chongqing in December 1938. Japan also recruited more collaborators and puppet officials. Finally, it carried out forceful military, political, and economic measures intended to establish effective territorial control and eliminate opposition. During the middle years of the war, the Communists described their conflicts with the Nationalists using the euphemism "friction". By 1939, what many observers—possibly incorrectly—had viewed as an unusually warm alliance began to break down. In early 1939, the KMT Central Committee adopted measures meant to restrict the CCP. From the summer onward, military clashes began and continued into autumn and winter with increasing frequency and intensity, most of them concentrated around and within the North China base areas. The Communists later labeled the period from December 1939 to March 1940 the "first anti-Communist upsurge." Naturally, each side accused the other of aggression and claimed self-defense against unjust attacks. Strategically, though, the North China "upsurge" functioned as a Nationalist attempt to limit the CCP's expansion beyond the areas assigned to it and to regain influence in regions the Communists—or the Japanese—had already taken from the KMT. Jiang Jieshi framed the matter as a defense of legal rights grounded in tradition, while the Communists asserted an "evolutionary" right to challenge the moral legitimacy of those legal claims. During 1939, the Nationalists began to blockade Shen–Gan–Ning around its southern and western perimeter. Within a year, this blockade grew to nearly 400,000 troops, including some of the last remaining Central Army units under the command of Hu Zongnan. The blockade stopped further Communist expansion, especially into Gansu and Suiyuan, and severed direct contact between SKN and Communists operating in Xinjiang (Chinese Turkestan) adjacent to Soviet Central Asia. The Xinjiang Communists—including Mao Zedong's brother—were eliminated in 1942. Meanwhile, fierce fighting erupted along the Gansu–Shaanxi border and in the north-eastern corner of SKN near the Great Wall at Suide, as the blockading forces probed for weak points. Elements of He Long's 120th Division were even pulled back from the Jin–Sui base across the Yellow River to strengthen SKN's regular defenses. Economically, the blockade was even more damaging. During 1939, central government subsidies to the Border Region budget were cut off. Trade between the Border Region and other parts of China nearly stopped, a devastating blow to a region unable to supply itself with many basic commodities. At the same time, Nationalist and regional forces also attempted to expand their military and administrative authority into Hebei, Shanxi, Henan, and Shandong—areas the CCP now considered its base zones. In resisting these efforts, the CCP predictable accused its rivals of harming resistance work and damaging the people's interests. The "experts in dissension" were said to cooperate with the Japanese and their puppets. Based on increasing collaboration by regional units with Japan, the CCP implied that this was a deliberate and cynical strategy—described as "crooked-line patriotism"—intended to preserve those units for future anti-Communist operations. Even so, the CCP tried to avoid an open break with the Nationalist regime in Chongqing. In public, it consistently portrayed these clashes as being initiated by local commanders acting beyond orders from higher authority—despite knowing this depiction was false. Jiang Jieshi, unable to refute the claim outright, effectively permitted it to serve as the justification for a firm Communist response. Mao Zedong outlined the general resistance policy as "justification, expedience, and restraint". The CCP was to fight when it could claim justification and when it could gain advantage, but not to press attacks beyond what the Nationalists would tolerate or in ways that could damage its image as selfless patriots. Communist forces were expected to keep initiative as much as possible in their own hands—deciding when to engage, whether to engage, and when to disengage. The most striking episode of the "first anti-Communist upsurge" was the rupture with Yan Xishan in December 1939. Tensions in Shanxi had been rising throughout the summer and autumn, as Yan and his conservative supporters—associated with the "Old Army"—linked the Sacrifice League and the Dare-to-die Corps of the "New Army" with Communist forces. When base areas and Japanese occupation eventually took over much of his province, Yan was forced into exile at Qiulin across the Yellow River in Shaanxi. In November, Yan ordered his Old Army to disarm the Dare-to-die forces with help from central units dispatched by Hu Zongnan. In the bloody fighting that followed, these elements gradually broke free of even nominal provincial control and fully completed their connection with Communist forces. More than 30,000 people went over to the Communists. One KMT intelligence agent described the process with bitterness and a sense of inevitability: the Communists were first "full of sweet words," flattery, and distortions designed to open things up and conceal their actions. But once they had fully entrenched themselves, and once the low-level base had been established, they turned and bit. The agent suggested they had suspected things might end this way, but were not aware how quickly events would move—or that it could happen precisely while Communist calls for "united front" and "maintenance of unity for resistance" filled the air. About a month later, in February and March 1940, elements of the 8RA beat back this so-called upsurge. Zhang Yinwu's forces were disarmed and dispersed across the plains of north Hebei. To the south, Chu Huaiping and Shi Yusan were pushed out of the base area, as was the KMT-appointed provincial governor Lu Zhonglin. Although some non-Communist forces remained in the region, the CCP's and CCLY bases were never again seriously threatened by forces affiliated with the central government. Reinforcing the CCP's accusations, Shi Yusan was later executed in 1940 by the central government for collaboration with the Japanese. By late 1939, CCP central authorities maintained that the areas where the CCP could expand its armed strength were mainly limited to Shandong and Central China. In those regions, the CCP continued trying to carve out bases where they could operate. The situation in Shandong was complicated. After the Japanese invasion, most Nationalist-affiliated forces stayed in the province, while Communist forces and bases were weaker and more scattered than further west. Only in late 1938 did major 8RA units from the 115th and 129th Divisions—led by Xu Xiangqian and Luo Ronghuan—enter Shandong to link up with the Shandong column and local guerrillas, including survivors of a large band recently decimated by the Japanese. Even with these efforts, Communist actions led to clashes not only with Japanese forces but also with various Nationalist-affiliated groups—groups that were stronger than the Communists at the time. Until late 1940, the CCP's clashes with Nationalist forces in Shandong were actually bloodier than clashes with the Japanese. The CCP understood that its Chinese rivals mistrusted one another, and that their attitudes toward the CCP varied widely. The main Nationalist forces were often not tightly affiliated with Chiang Kai-shek or the central government. Instead, they operated under independent—and at times disgruntled—regional commanders. Communist tactics were expressed through slogans emphasizing ways to win support and isolate hardliners: develop progressive forces and win over fence-sitters while isolating "die-hards"; flatter top echelons, enlist the middle ranks, and hit the rank and file; and win over Yi Xuezhong, isolate Shen Honglie, and eliminate Qin Qirong. Still, unlike other North China base areas, the Communists were unable for several years to neutralize Nationalist forces in Shandong. Even if Japanese mop-up campaigns had not weakened those Nationalists, the text suggests the Communists may still have struggled to do so. By November 1940, Xu Xiangqian claimed meaningful progress while admitting Shandong had not yet become a fully consolidated base. CCP successes were greatest along parts of the Shandong–Hebei border, around the Taishan massif in central Shandong, and near the tip of the peninsula far to the east. Elsewhere, "progressive forces" remained weak. Communist regular troops numbered about 70,000, which was far below the party center's goals of 150,000 regulars and between 1.5 and 2 million self-defense forces. Moreover, systematic economic reforms had barely begun. The CCP relied on familiar practices—confiscations, collections of "national salvation grain," contributions, and loans—alongside a conventional taxation system adjusted to favor poorer peasants. Communist expansion in Central China was even riskier, with a greater likelihood of large-scale conflict with central government forces than in the north. In much of North China, "friction" came primarily from rapid Communist expansion into areas with partial vacuums. In Central China, however, base-building required displacing an existing Nationalist military-administrative presence closely tied to Jiang Kai-shek and the Chongqing government. The burden of this expansion was carried mainly by the 6th Detachment (northern Anhui and Jiangsu) and the 5th Detachment, which was reinforced by 15,000 to 20,000 8RA troops under Huang K'o-ch'eng. As Chen Yi's 1st Detachment crossed from south to north through the corridor provided by Guan Wenwei's local forces, it became actively involved as well. This expansion—driven by increasingly urgent directives from Mao and Liu during the latter part of 1939 and into 1940—brought the N4A north of the river into ever more frequent and sharper clashes with Nationalist authorities in Anhui and Jiangsu, especially with units under Jiangsu governor Han Deqin. South of the river, though, Xiang Ying did not directly challenge Chongqing's commanders. Mao later charged that Xiang Ying may have been influenced by Wang Ming, or else he may simply have seen no realistic alternative. His forces—three detachments plus a headquarters unit—were heavily outnumbered by Qu Chutong's Nationalist units, not to mention Japanese forces and their puppets. Even if Mao insisted bases could be built "anywhere," the Shanghai–Hangzhou–Nanjing triangle was especially difficult terrain. Xiang Ying and his followers had survived with extraordinary tenacity in the mountains of South China between 1934 and 1937, enduring brutal search-and-destroy operations that were not lifted until the war began. It therefore seems unlikely that such survivors would suddenly become "right-wing capitulationists."  Yet by spring 1940, Mao was pressing Xiang Ying more intensely. The Central Committee's message was explicit: expansion was necessary in all cases. It meant reaching into all enemy-occupied areas rather than being bound by the Kuomintang's restrictions—going beyond Kuomintang limits, not waiting for official appointments, not depending on higher-ups for financing, and instead expanding armed forces freely and independently. It also meant setting up base areas without hesitation, independently mobilizing the masses in those areas, and building united front organs of political power under Communist Party leadership. The struggle between Nationalists and Communists involved more than contests for control of territory behind Japanese lines. It also involved national-level politics, ideology, and leadership. One worrying development for the CCP was the campaign throughout 1939 to expand Jiang Kai-shek's prestige and formal power—adding more titles for him across major party, government, and military positions. In early 1939, the Central Executive Committee appointed him "director-general" of the Kuomintang, a title reminiscent of the one previously held by Sun Yat-sen. In addition, during the summer and autumn of 1939 there was talk of constitutional rule. In November, the KMT announced plans to convene a constitutional assembly the following year. If Jiang could fulfill these promises, he and his government could gain new legitimacy and wider popularity. Mao and his colleagues could not allow this to go unchallenged. If the Nationalists were to have a paramount leader and authoritative spokesperson, the CCP needed one as well. The timing of Mao's famous "On the new democracy"—written in late 1939 and published the next January—was therefore no accident. Its substance had been anticipated earlier, but its final timing and full development were shaped by the KMT's constitutional movement. The CCP's entry into this competition served as both a bid for support away from the KMT and a statement of the multi-class united front that the CCP wanted to lead. Although "On the new democracy" was written in a tone that seemed moderate, it persuaded many Chinese readers that the CCP had either diluted its revolutionary objectives or postponed them to a distant future. In Kuomintang-controlled areas, the work could be read through the liberal values associated with Anglo-American democracy—popular participation, multi-party government, legally protected civil rights. In CCP-controlled territories, the same language carried stronger authoritarian, class-based meanings. In internal documents meant for party audiences rather than public consumption, the ambiguity was removed, showing a tough but patient and flexible commitment not only to resistance but also to social control and social change. During this same period, the Communists expressed deep concern about Nationalist capitulation to Japan—not only on the battlefield behind Japanese lines but also at the highest levels. Some of this concern was propaganda, but beneath propaganda lay genuine anxiety. In late 1939 and early 1940, politically aware Chinese already knew that Japan was negotiating with the unpredictable Wang Jingwei, who had fled Chongqing a year earlier. A "reorganized national government" in Nanjing was finally established in March 1940, representing the most formidable collaboration with Japan to date. Less well known, but equally important, was that Japan was also seeking an understanding directly with Jiang Kai-shek through intermediaries in Hong Kong. This effort, called "Operation Kiri"—described as spreading a "feast for Chiang"—combined intrigue with a kind of dark comedy. Reports suggested Chiang's reported interest in peace could have been a stratagem designed to discredit Wang Jingwei by keeping him waiting. But even if Chiang had no intention of coming to terms with Japan, the Communists could not be sure what the outcome would be until after the multi-pronged peace offensive had failed. By the middle of 1940, China had never been so isolated. In Europe, the "phony war" ended in the spring when Germany launched a blitz across the Low Countries. France fell soon after, and England appeared likely to be next. Japan used this moment to press China to sever its last tenuous connections to the outside world: cutting the Burma Road, trade with neutral Hong Kong, and the rail link running from Hanoi to Kunming. At the same time, Russia was engaged in a difficult and embarrassing war with Finland and reduced military aid to the Nationalists. The United States was only gradually moving away from isolationism and clearly regarded England as more important than China. In Chongqing and elsewhere in "Free China," signs of war weariness, despair, and demoralization were visible. Under these circumstances, Mao's insistence on aggressive expansion was a calculated risk—either it would deter any Japanese advance, or it would place the Communists in the strongest possible position in case a split between the KMT and the CCP became unavoidable. In Central China, the size and pace of the fighting kept increasing, starting in the final months of 1939. One flashpoint was the clash between Luo Pinghui's 5th Detachment and units of Han Deqin's Jiangsu force near Lake Gaoyou. In the following months, Guan Wenwei's forces ranged along the left bank of the Yangtze, repeatedly running into Luo's troops as they operated farther north. Luo also began receiving some 8RA reinforcements, moving them south through areas controlled by the 6th Detachment. Clearly, a major showdown was taking shape across north and central Jiangsu. At the same time, the South Yangtze Command was doing poorly. Nationalist commanders Leng Xin and Qu Chutong restricted its activities so severely that Mao and Liu gradually abandoned the idea of building a unified, consolidated base in that region. During late spring and early summer, Chen Yi moved most of his 1st and 2nd Detachments north of the Yangtze. In September, the 3rd Detachment followed suit, crossing the river into the area around Lake Chaohu, where the 4th Detachment was already stationed. After these moves, only the Headquarters Detachment—under Ye Ting and Xiang Ying—remained south of the Yangtze, positioned at Qingxian in southern Anhui. As the military situation edged toward an open confrontation, negotiations began in June 1940 between representatives of the KMT and the CCP. The core issues were Communist operating zones and the authorized strength of the armies led by the CCP. Proposals were exchanged, followed by equally sharp and hostile counter-proposals, but no agreement was reached. The KMT viewed it as a concession to permit the CCP "free rein" north of the pre-1938 course of the Yellow River, with the exception of southern Shanxi, which was to remain under the influence of Yan Xishan. In exchange, the KMT demanded that all 8RA and N4A units evacuate Central China. In effect, the KMT was offering the CCP something it was already prepared to allow, in return for the CCP giving up what it might soon be able to obtain by force of arms. Nationalist authorities then issued a set of deadlines, but without clearly stating what would happen if those deadlines were violated. On the surface, the CCP appeared to be complying in part. The movements of Chen Yi and the South Yangtze Command could look like obedience, but in reality they were responses to orders coming from their own superior leadership rather than instructions issued by the Nationalists. Even so, Xiang Ying's continued delays and evasions during the autumn and winter of 1940 remained puzzling. One possibility is that he felt—quite reasonably—that Mao had already lost confidence in him and that once he crossed to the north bank of the river he would lose his command. Another complication was that directives from Yan'an were sometimes ambiguous and even contradictory. He may also have been trying to reach secure understandings with KMT commanders about evacuation routes and guaranteed safe conduct out of the area. For a period, Han Teqin kept most of his forces—estimated at about 70,000 men, far outnumbering the N4A—in north Jiangsu, thereby blocking the expansion of the 6th Detachment and slowing further southern intrusions by 8RA troops. But by mid-summer he realized he would have to counter the N4A build-up in central Jiangsu, or else risk writing that region off to the Communists. A confusing sequence of engagements then unfolded, culminating in a decisive battle in early October 1940 near the central Jiangsu town of Huangjiao. Over the course of four days, several of Han's main-force units belonging to the 89th Army were destroyed, while others were scattered. That battle also served as a signal for the 6th Detachment to advance more aggressively in the north. In the aftermath, one of Han's principal commanders entered collaboration with the CCP, while another defected to the Nanjing government under Wang Jingwei. Although Han Teqin managed to maintain a foothold in Jiangsu until 1943, his real power had been broken. Relatively little attention was paid to the battle of Huangjiao in the Chinese press. The KMT did not want to publicize what it considered a disastrous defeat, while the Communists were satisfied to stay silent about an episode that conflicted with their proclaimed policy of a united front. As could be expected, during the autumn—after Han Teqin's defeat—KMT-CCP negotiations deteriorated further. In early December, Jiang Kai-shek personally ordered that all N4A forces withdraw from southern Anhui and southern Jiangsu by 31 December. He also ordered that the entire 8RA be positioned north of the Yellow River by the same deadline, followed one month later by the N4A. Discussions then followed between Ye Ting and Qu Chutong's deputies concerning the route to be taken, safe conduct, and—astonishingly—the money and supplies that were to be provided to the N4A to help it move. On 25 December, Mao Zedong ordered Xiang Ying to begin evacuating immediately. Yet it was not until 4 January 1941 that Ye and Xiang actually started moving. Almost immediately, Qu Chutong's forces harassed and dispersed the N4A Headquarters Group, which included administrative personnel, wounded soldiers and dependents, as well as combat-ready troops. In an attempt to reorganize, they moved southwest toward Maolin, where they were surrounded by Nationalists and, over the next several days, were cut to pieces. Losses were heavy on both sides. The CCP suffered an estimated 9,000 casualties. Xiang Ying tried twice to break out of the blockade on his own, but failed. He was then denounced as a deserter by Ye Ting, who took over full command of the doomed forces. Xiang Ying eventually escaped, but he was killed a couple of months later by one of his own bodyguards, motivated by the N4A gold reserves that he had taken with him. Up to the very end, Xiang either failed or refused to seek refuge in Liu Shaoqi's domain north of the Yangtze. The unfortunate Ye Ting was arrested and spent the rest of the war in prison. He was finally released in 1946, only to die one month later in a plane crash, along with several other high-ranking party members. On 17 January, Jiang Kai-shek declared that the New Fourth Army was dissolved for insubordination. Direct contacts between Yan'an and Chongqing nearly came to an end, and CCP military liaison offices in several cities held by the Nationalists were closed. This is what became known as the New Fourth Army incident, also referred to as the South Anhui incident. Clearly, it functioned as an act of retaliation for the defeats suffered by Han Teqin in north and central Jiangsu. It ended any realistic prospect of establishing a consolidated Communist base south of the Yangtze. Still, from a strategic perspective, these losses were ultimately more than offset by the gains achieved farther north. In fact, only a few months later, the reorganized N4A quietly began reintroducing some units into this region, where they carried out guerrilla activities without possessing a secure territorial base. Unlike the relative silence surrounding the fighting at Huangjiao, the New Fourth Army incident sparked bitter, prolonged controversy. The CCP argued that it was a second "anti-Communist upsurge," even more serious than the first. Presenting themselves as martyred patriots, they depicted their opponents as people who wanted to end the War of Resistance through what they called "Sino-Japanese cooperation" aimed at "suppressing the Communists." In their account, the Nationalists wanted to replace the war of resistance with civil war, substitute capitulation for independence, trade unity for a split, and replace light with darkness. People were telling each other the news and were horrified. Indeed, they claimed that the situation had never been as critical as it was at that moment. The Nationalist response, of course, was that provocations had been numerous and serious, and that violations of military discipline could not be tolerated. But the KMT's unwillingness to describe in detail its own defeats at the CCP's hands left it speaking in broad generalities. In the propaganda battle, the CCP clearly gained the better position and won more political capital. If it was politically valuable to be regarded as a national hero, it was even more valuable to be seen as a national martyr.  Many Chinese—and some outside—observers were genuinely alarmed and feared that civil war might openly resume. Yet, with a few exceptions, the events that culminated in the New Fourth Army incident have generally been interpreted as marking the breakdown of the second united front. That interpretation, however, is described as being wrong in two respects. First, the CCP understood the united front not as a narrow arrangement limited to a few major partners, but as a strategy that could be applied flexibly to all political, military, and social forces in China—from the highest levels of the central government down to the smallest village. Relations with Jiang Jieshi and the Guomindang regime mattered, but they did not, by themselves, constitute the whole of the united front. Even regarding Jiang and the Nationalists specifically, the common reading is said to be misguided. Throughout the war, a cardinal objective of the united front was to prevent peace between Japan and the Nationalists. Therefore, if clashes between CCP forces and those of the central government on such a large scale as at Huangjiao and Maolin could occur without leading to peace with Japan and without triggering a full-scale resumption of civil war, then this should not be understood as the end of the united front—it should be seen as its fundamental vindication. If friction at that scale could nevertheless be tolerated by Jiang Jieshi, then fears about his future accommodation with Japan were greatly reduced. Following the New Fourth Army incident, the CCP reorganized its political and military presence in Central China. The Central Plains and South-east China Bureaus were merged and renamed the Central China Bureau, with Liu Shaoqi placed in charge, reflecting the area's importance to Party Central. The New Fourth Army was also reorganized completely and substantially regularized. Chen Yi became its new acting commander, since Ye Ting was imprisoned. He directed the force, now divided into seven divisions. Each division had territorial responsibilities, and in each region the CCP claimed the establishment of a base. Indeed, base construction proceeded in earnest only after the friction of 1940 and the New Fourth Army incident. In the years that followed, the operating areas of the First through Fourth Divisions contained expanding enclaves of consolidated territory, where military dominance was joined with open party work: administrative control, the development of mass organizations, local elections, and socio-economic reforms. The other three areas fluctuated between semi-consolidated and guerrilla status. With the incident, the worst phase of the KMT-CCP conflict was now over. When CCP documents later speak of a third upsurge in 1943, they refer to something openly political. With the exception of Shandong—where a fairly strong Nationalist presence persisted for a longer time—the overall balance of power among Chinese forces behind Japanese lines had shifted in favor of the CCP by mid-1941. In subsequent years the CCP's predominance became even more pronounced, until by the end of 1943 the Communists were virtually beyond challenge by Chinese rivals.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After the CCP and KMT entered the united front, cooperation felt conditional from the start. Mao pushed the New Fourth Army to reorganize and preserve Communist autonomy, even as the 1937 agreements publicly pledged obedience to KMT leadership. In 1939–40 the Communists worried that Chiang might negotiate peace with Japan; so they expanded bases and military presence, triggering repeated clashes. The pressure intensified when KMT orders forced the New Fourth Army to evacuate south Anhui in late 1940. 

China launched the Tianzhou 10 robotic cargo mission on Monday morning in Hainan province, sending supplies and propellants to the Tiangong space station.中国于今天上午在海南省执行天舟十号无人货运飞船发射任务，向天宫空间站运送物资与推进剂。The cargo vessel's carrier — a 53-meter-tall Long March 7 rocket — lifted off at 8:14 am from a launch service tower at the Wenchang Space Launch Center in Hainan's southeastern coast.这艘货运飞船由高 53 米的长征七号火箭搭载，于上午 8 时 14 分从位于海南省东南沿海的文昌航天发射场发射塔架点火升空。After a short flight, the rocket placed the Tianzhou 10 into its preset low-Earth orbit, and the solar wings on the spacecraft unfolded, marking the successful completion of the launch mission.经过短暂飞行，火箭将天舟十号送入预定近地轨道，飞船太阳翼顺利展开，标志着本次发射任务圆满成功。As the 20th spaceship and the ninth cargo craft to connect with Tiangong, Tianzhou 10 is carrying nearly 6.2 metric tons of mission necessities, science equipment, and about 700 kilograms of fuel.天舟十号是第 20 艘与天宫空间站对接的航天器、第 9 艘货运飞船，本次携带近 6.2 吨任务必需品、科研设备以及约 700 公斤燃料。The cargo includes a new spacewalk suit, a new treadmill and six sets of experimental instruments, which cover scientific experiments in microgravity and fluid physics as well as new spacecraft technological tests.运送物资包含新型舱外航天服、新款跑步机以及六套实验设备，可支持微重力、流体物理领域科学实验及新型航天器技术试验。According to its designers at the China Academy of Space Technology, the Tianzhou 10 is designed to dock with the Tiangong space station for a whole year, making it the longest cargo mission in China's space industry.据中国空间技术研究院研制团队介绍，天舟十号设计在轨停靠天宫空间站一整年，是中国航天史上在轨驻留时间最长的货运任务。Tianzhou 10's predecessor, the Tianzhou 9, undocked from the Tiangong on May 6 after completing a 295-day flight with the space station. It re-entered the atmosphere the next morning under guidance from ground controllers. Most of the spacecraft disintegrated and burned during re-entry, with a small amount of debris falling into designated areas of the ocean, the China Manned Space Agency said.中国载人航天工程办公室表示，天舟十号的前序飞船天舟九号在轨伴随空间站飞行 295 天后，于 5 月 6 日与天宫空间站分离；次日上午在地面测控引导下再入大气层，飞船绝大部分器件在再入过程中解体烧毁，少量残骸落入预定海域。propellant /prəˈpelənt/n. 推进剂；燃料orbit /ˈɔːbɪt/n. 轨道microgravity /ˈmaɪkrəʊɡrævəti/n. 微重力debris /ˈdeɪbriː/n. 残骸；碎片

Activists fighting for female suffrage faced a series of hurdles during their decades-long battle before they achieved victory. Suffrage was a campaign that had many starts and stops and was filled with tensions over race and class. Join me this week as I dive into a bit of this history: where did female suffrage stand after Reconstruction? Why did the movement splinter? And where did it end up in the Gilded Age? Find out all of this and more! Support the show

STREAM THE MAKING OF THE JOHN BATCHELOR SHOW, WEDNESDAY 4-8-20262897 FRANCE IRONCLADGuests: Gordon Chang, Charles Burton, Rebecca Grant, and Rick Fisher. (1)Headline: Global Shifts: China's Economic Leverage, Naval Triumphs in Operation Epic Fury, and the Laser-Powered Moon Race (2)Summary: John Batchelor and his guests analyze the geopolitical landscape following UN vetoes by Russia and China that protected Iran. Gordon Chang and Charles Burtonargue that China is enabling Iranianterrorism and weaponizing its economy to gain leverage over traditional US allies like Canada,,. They highlight a concerning trend where Canadian elites are shifting toward a "China-compliant" regime, increasingly viewing China as a more stable partner than the United States,. (3)Shifting to military operations, Rebecca Grant details the success of Operation Epic Fury, where US Navy carriers successfully defended against Chinese-made supersonic missiles,. Despite some technical glitches, the Navy demonstrated "outstanding" capability in drone defense and sea-based missile intercepts, effectively neutralizing the Iranian fleet,. (4)Finally, Rick Fisher discusses the technological breakthroughs of the Artemis 2 mission, specifically the demonstration of laser communication between the moon and Earth,. He warns that a new "race for the moon" is underway, with Chinarapidly developing Long March 10 and 9 heavy-lift rockets to establish a permanent lunar presence by 2030, making real-time lunar surveillance a military necessity,,. 

New Discourses Bullets, Ep. 149 The Long March Through the Institutions is a Marxist strategy for infiltrating the West through its institutions. Realizing by the 1960s that they would not be able to take the United States and Western Civilization from the outside, Marxists started formulating strategies in the "Western Marxist" canon to take it from the inside. That required taking over its institutions and transforming them and their culture. In this episode of New Discourses Bullets, host James Lindsay explains this insidious concept and strategy and how it continues to this day, now infiltrating conservative institutions too. Don't miss it. Latest from New Discourses Press! The Queering of the American Child: https://queeringbook.com/ Support New Discourses: https://newdiscourses.com/support Follow New Discourses on other platforms: https://newdiscourses.com/subscribe Follow James Lindsay: https://linktr.ee/conceptualjames © 2026 New Discourses. All rights reserved. #NewDiscourses #JamesLindsay #institutions

Episode: S05E63  |  Date: Saturday, 14 March 2026 Hosted by Anna & Avery  |  Astronomy Daily Podcast Network — Bitesz.com   From galactic migrations to Pi Day planets, Episode 63 covers six stories that span the breadth of the solar system and beyond. Our Sun turns out to have hitched a ride outward from the Milky Way's interior billions of years ago — and brought thousands of stellar companions with it. China has named a leading candidate for its first crewed Moon landing. Russia is dusting off the legacy of the legendary Soviet Venera programme with an ambitious 2036 return to Venus. NASA's nuclear-powered Titan drone is now being physically built. China's Mars sample return mission is constructing actual spacecraft. And in honour of Pi Day, we visit the exoplanet whose year lasts almost exactly 3.14 days.   Story 1: The Sun Was Part of a Galactic Migration of Solar Twins A new study in Astronomy & Astrophysics by researchers at Tokyo Metropolitan University and the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan has built the largest-ever catalogue of solar twins — 6,594 Sun-like stars. Using ESA's Gaia satellite, they found a clustering of stars aged 4–6 billion years, suggesting the Sun migrated outward from the Milky Way's inner regions billions of years ago, possibly when the galactic bar was still forming and its 'corotation barrier' was weak enough to allow mass stellar movement. This migration may have placed Earth in a calmer, more life-friendly region of the Galaxy.   •      Journal: Astronomy & Astrophysics (March 2026) •      Lead researchers: Daisuke Taniguchi (Tokyo Metropolitan University) & Takuji Tsujimoto (NAOJ) •      Data source: ESA Gaia satellite — catalogue of ~2 billion stars •      Key finding: Sun likely formed ~10,000 light-years closer to the Galactic Centre than its current position   Story 2: China Eyes Rimae Bode for Its First Crewed Moon Landing A study published in Nature Astronomy (9 March 2026) proposes Rimae Bode — a volcanic region near Sinus Aestuum on the lunar near side — as a prime candidate for China's first crewed lunar landing, targeted for 2030. The site contains five distinct terrain types including pyroclastic deposits, mare basalts, rille systems and highland material. Researcher Jun Huang (China University of Geosciences, Wuhan) described it as a 'geological museum.' Four specific landing spots within the region have been proposed.   •      Journal: Nature Astronomy (March 2026) •      Lead researcher: Jun Huang, China University of Geosciences, Wuhan •      Site: Rimae Bode, near Sinus Aestuum, lunar near side •      Oldest volcanic activity in region: ~3.2–3.7 billion years ago •      China's crewed lunar landing target: 2030   Story 3: Russia Plans Venera-D Mission to Venus in 2036 Russia's First Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov confirmed on 10 March 2026 that Russia plans to launch the Venera-D mission — comprising a lander, atmospheric balloon, and orbiter — to Venus in 2036. The mission would extend the legacy of the Soviet Venera programme (1961–1983), which remains the only national programme to have successfully landed on Venus. Scientific goals include searching for microbial life in Venus's clouds and studying the planet's atmosphere.   •      Mission: Venera-D (lander + balloon + orbiter) •      Planned launch: 2036 •      Agency: Roscosmos •      Heritage: Soviet Venera programme — 16 missions, 1961–1983 •      Science goal: Search for biosignatures in Venusian cloud layers (48–60 km altitude) •      Source: TASS, citing Razvedchik Journal interview with Denis Manturov   Story 4: NASA Begins Building Dragonfly — Nuclear-Powered Drone for Titan NASA and Johns Hopkins Applied Physics Laboratory (APL) officially began integration and testing of the Dragonfly rotorcraft on 10 March 2026. The car-sized, nuclear-powered octocopter is designed to fly across the surface of Saturn's moon Titan, targeting a 2028 launch on a SpaceX Falcon Heavy and arriving at Titan in 2034. It will explore diverse terrain including organic dunes and the Selk impact crater, studying prebiotic chemistry relevant to the origins of life.   •      Mission: Dragonfly | Agency: NASA / Johns Hopkins APL •      Launch: No earlier than summer 2028 (SpaceX Falcon Heavy) •      Arrival: Titan, 2034 | Mission duration: ~3.3 years •      Power: Radioisotope thermoelectric generator (nuclear) •      Range: >108 miles (175 km) across Titan's surface •      Quote: "This milestone essentially marks the birth of our flight system." — Elizabeth Turtle, PI   Story 5: China's Tianwen-3 Mars Sample Return Enters Construction Phase China's Tianwen-3 mission chief designer Liu Jizhong announced on 12 March 2026 that the mission has achieved key technology breakthroughs and is entering flight model development — building the actual spacecraft. Two Long March 5 rockets will launch in late 2028, carrying a lander/ascent vehicle and an orbiter/return spacecraft respectively. The goal is to return at least 500 grams of Martian samples to Earth by 2031 — what would be humanity's first Mars sample return.   •      Mission: Tianwen-3 | Agency: CNSA •      Launch: Late 2028 (two Long March 5 rockets) •      Sample return: Earth, targeted 2031 •      Sample target: Minimum 500 grams of Martian rock and soil •      Landing site candidates: 19 remaining (narrowing to 3 by end of 2026) •      Primary science goal: Search for biosignatures / signs of past life on Mars •      Note: NASA's Mars Sample Return was effectively cancelled in early 2026   Story 6 (Pi Day Special): K2-315b — The Exoplanet with a 3.14-Day Year In honour of Pi Day (3/14), NASA's Astronomy Picture of the Day features K2-315b — an Earth-sized exoplanet orbiting a cool red dwarf star approximately 185 light-years away. Its orbital period of almost exactly 3.14159 days makes it one of the most mathematically charming exoplanet discoveries on record. Discovered using Kepler K2 mission data and announced in 2020, the planet orbits so close to its star that its surface is extremely hot and definitely uninhabitable — but delightfully pi-shaped in its year length.   •      Exoplanet: K2-315b •      Distance: ~185 light-years •      Host star: Cool red dwarf (M-type) •      Orbital period: 3.14159 days •      Discovery: Kepler K2 mission data, announced 2020 •      Surface: Extremely hot — far too close to its star for habitability •      Today's NASA APOD (14 March 2026): astronomydaily.io for linkBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/astronomy-daily-space-news-updates--5648921/support.Sponsor Details:Ensure your online privacy by using NordVPN. To get our special listener deal and save a lot of money, visit www.bitesz.com/nordvpn. You'll be glad you did!Become a supporter of Astronomy Daily by joining our Supporters Club. Commercial free episodes daily are only a click way... Click HereThis episode includes AI-generated content.

How did World War II break out in Asia in 1937? Why did Mao Zedong and his fellow communists live in caves after the Long March? How did the notorious Nanjing Massacre occur? ** Binge all six episodes of the series on Chairman Mao by joining the Empire Club today at ⁠empirepoduk.com⁠. ** Anita and William are joined once again by Rana Mitter, author of China's War with Japan 1937-1945, The Struggle for Survival (or Forgotten Ally, China's World War II), and Modern China: A Very Short Introduction. Join the Empire Club: Unlock the full Empire experience – with bonus episodes, ad-free listening, early access to miniseries and live show tickets, exclusive book discounts, a members-only newsletter, and access to our private Discord chatroom. Sign up directly at empirepoduk.com  For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk Blue Sky: @empirepoduk X: @empirepoduk Editor: Adam Thornton Researcher: Imogen Marriott Assistant Producer: Alfie Norris Producer: Anouska Lewis Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Today the boys talk life, kids, work and Canadian Moto news from WSX in Calgary to Walton moving on the schedule. Justin Balkos of Yamaha Motor Canada Joins to talk about Yamaha Canada's success and future plans for the SuperFinale event at MXdN every year. It's an incredible event that provides unbelievable opportunities to Canada's brightest and Blu'est stars, and has been a huge success thus far. Very interesting interview plus some questions and answers for Newf and Gauldy from all of you.  Race Tech!!! CJR Suspension KTM, Husqvarna and GasGas Heavy Metal Equipment & Rentals Hall race Fuels and Renegade Gopher Dunes Yamaha Motor Canada Matrix Concepts Canada AMO Grip 'N' Rip MX SECO Seat Covers As always, the best way to support us, is to support them!    

Why did the communists and nationalists join forces with the USSR during the Chinese Civil War? When did the nationalists purge communists in what is known as the “White Terror”? Why did 80,000 communists walk across the country in the “Long March”, and how is this retreat reframed in Chinese political memory today? ** Binge all six episodes of the series on Chairman Mao by joining the Empire Club today at ⁠empirepoduk.com⁠. ** William and Anita are joined once again by Rana Mitter, author of A Bitter Revolution: China's Struggle with the Modern World, and Modern China: A Very Short Introduction, to discuss the Chinese Civil War and the Long March.  Join the Empire Club: Unlock the full Empire experience – with bonus episodes, ad-free listening, early access to miniseries and live show tickets, exclusive book discounts, a members-only newsletter, and access to our private Discord chatroom. Sign up directly at empirepoduk.com  For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk Blue Sky: @empirepoduk X: @empirepoduk Editor: James Clayden Researcher: Imogen Marriott Assistant Producer: Alfie Norris Producer: Anouska Lewis Executive Producer: Dom Johnson Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Hotel Mars with Rick Fisher, Weds, 2-11-25Our special Hotel Mars guest was Rick Fisher who returned to discusses China's recent Long March 10 A test which was a very important test for the development of their lunar rocket. The Long March 10 A is planned to be a reusable rocket for China's lunar missions. The development of the Long March 10 A illustrates China's evolving moon architecture compared to U.S. efforts. Our guest, Rick Fisher who is a national security China watcher on all fronts, including space, explained China's ambitious “Tiangong Kaiu” 100-year plan to establish solar system hegemony, exploiting Moon and Mars resources to secure economic and military dominance. We also compared China's 100 year planning and the seriousness of such planning to the short term way the U.S. does its planning, even for large and very capital expensive projects lasting longer than a 4 year presidential term of office.This was a two segment Hotel Mars program.Special thanks to our sponsors:American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, Helix Space in Luxembourg, Celestis Memorial Spaceflights, Astrox Corporation, Dr. Haym Benaroya of Rutgers University, The Space Settlement Progress Blog by John Jossy, The Atlantis Project, and Artless EntertainmentOur Toll Free Line for Live Broadcasts: 1-866-687-7223 (Not in service at this time)For real time program participation, email Dr. Space at: drspace@thespaceshow.com for instructions and access.The Space Show is a non-profit 501C3 through its parent, One Giant Leap Foundation, Inc. To donate via Pay Pal, use:To donate with Zelle, use the email address: david@onegiantleapfoundation.org.If you prefer donating with a check, please make the check payable to One Giant Leap Foundation and mail to:One Giant Leap Foundation, 11035 Lavender Hill Drive Ste. 160-306 Las Vegas, NV 89135Upcoming Programs:Broadcast 4506 Zoom Open Lines | Sunday 15 Feb 2026 1200PM PTGuests: Dr. David LivingstonOpen Lines discussion. All topics welcome Get full access to The Space Show-One Giant Leap Foundation at doctorspace.substack.com/subscribe

Communism is a religion. It's not a political ideology. And it doesn't share. Want evidence? Jesse Kelly breaks it all down. Best of I'm Right with Jesse Kelly on The First TV Choq: Visit https://choq.com/jessetv for a 17.76% discount on your CHOQ subscription for life PureTalk: Save on wireless with PureTalk—get unlimited talk, text, and data for just $25 a month, plus 50% off your first month at https://PureTalk.com/JESSETV Cowboy Colostrum: Get 25% Off Cowboy Colostrum with code JESSETV at https://www.cowboycolostrum.com/JESSETVFollow The Jesse Kelly Show on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TheJesseKellyShowSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Guest: Rick Fisher. Fisher discusses China's recent Long March 10A test, a reusable rocket for lunar missions, and outlines their evolving moon architecture compared to U.S. efforts.JANUARY 1961

The success marks a major step in advancing the country's reusable launch vehicle technology. The Long March-10 carrier rocket is designed primarily for manned lunar exploration and also supports space station operations.

In today's episode of Astronomy Daily, Anna and Avery unpack six major space stories. China has achieved a crucial milestone in its crewed lunar programme, successfully testing the Mengzhou capsule's abort system at maximum dynamic pressure while also demonstrating SpaceX-style rocket recovery with the Long March 10 first stage. ULA's Vulcan Centaur rocket is set to launch its longest mission yet, delivering GSSAP space surveillance satellites directly to geosynchronous orbit for the US Space Force. We explain why NASA's Artemis 2 Moon mission has remarkably few launch opportunities — just 11 dates across March and April — and what orbital mechanics, solar power constraints, and hydrogen leaks have to do with it. In astronomy news, NASA's Hubble Space Telescope has produced its clearest image yet of the Egg Nebula, a pre-planetary nebula offering a rare glimpse of a Sun-like star in its death throes. A provocative new study in the journal Astrobiology argues that the 1976 Viking missions may have detected signs of Martian life after all, with perchlorates masking the organic signatures. And finally, astronomers continue searching for remnants of Comet C/2019 Y4 ATLAS, which spectacularly disintegrated during the 2020 pandemic — but may not be entirely gone.   Timestamps [00:00] Introduction [01:30] China's Mengzhou capsule abort test & Long March 10 rocket recovery [05:30] ULA Vulcan USSF-87 launch — GSSAP satellites for Space Force [08:30] Artemis 2 launch windows — why only 11 chances in 2 months [11:30] Hubble's stunning Egg Nebula image — a dying star's final act [14:00] Did NASA's Viking missions find life on Mars? New evidence says maybe [16:30] The mystery of 'dead' Comet ATLAS — could fragments survive? [18:00] Sign-offBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/astronomy-daily-space-news-updates--5648921/support.Sponsor Details:Ensure your online privacy by using NordVPN. To get our special listener deal and save a lot of money, visit www.bitesz.com/nordvpn. You'll be glad you did!Become a supporter of Astronomy Daily by joining our Supporters Club. Commercial free episodes daily are only a click way... Click HereThis episode includes AI-generated content.

Stoke Space has announced an extension of its previous Series D financing, bringing the total amount raised in the round to $860 million. Starcloud has revealed plans to launch Amazon Web Services' AWS Outposts to space. Eutelsat has signed for €1bn Export Credit Agency financing for the procurement of satellites for its OneWeb constellation, and more. Remember to leave us a 5-star rating and review in your favorite podcast app. Be sure to follow T-Minus on LinkedIn and Instagram. T-Minus Guest Our guests today are Stacey Connaughton and Jon Ferency from Purdue University.  You can find out more about Purdue University's Space Policy, Science, and Technology Symposium on their website. Selected Reading Stoke Space Technologies Extends Previously Announced Series D Financing to $860 Million Starcloud to launch AWS Outposts hardware in space, aims to deploy fleet of 88,000 satellites Eutelsat Signs Almost €1bn in Export Credit Agency Financing for the Procurement of LEO Satellites for its OneWeb Constellation China moves toward manned lunar landing with Long March-10 rocket test - CGTN Alpha FLTA007 2026 International Day of Women and Girls in Science- UNESCO Share your feedback. What do you think about T-Minus Space Daily? Please take a few minutes to share your thoughts with us by completing our brief listener survey. Thank you for helping us continue to improve our show.  Want to hear your company in the show? You too can reach the most influential leaders and operators in the industry. Here's our media kit. Contact us at space@n2k.com to request more info. Want to join us for an interview? Please send your pitch to space-editor@n2k.com and include your name, affiliation, and topic proposal. T-Minus is a production of N2K Networks, your source for strategic workforce intelligence. © N2K Networks, Inc. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

China has successfully conducted a low-altitude demonstration and verification flight test for its Long March-10 carrier rocket in the southern island province of Hainan.

0:30 - Student walkout – Mather, Northside Prep, Amundson, Streamwood… 20:16 - Trump on body cameras in MN 37:01 - Illinois Primary Check-in 01:02:15 - Midnight Meat Trains 01:16:36 - In-depth History with Frank from Arlington Heights 01:20:15 - Market Specialist for Market Day Report! Scott "the cow guy" Shellady: I'm for free trade... but I'm not for free trade if they're tariffing us and we're not tariffing them. Check out Scott’s Market Day Report! – 10:30am CT to 1pm CT- and The Cow Guy Close – 1pm CT to 1:30pm CT – both at RFD-TV 01:38:23 - Wirepoints founder Mark Glennon breaks down how benefits fraud is quietly draining billions from taxpayers. 01:54:02 - Morning Joe tries to have his Don Lemon moment 02:15:19 - Journalist Jasper Craven on America’s new gambling epidemic. Jasper is also the author of God Forgives, Brothers Don’t: The Long March of Military Education and the Making of American Manhood, which will be published in May.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Artemis II is entering its final preparations! This weekend, NASA rolls out the Space Launch System and Orion spacecraft to the launch pad for the first crewed mission to lunar orbit in over 50 years. We cover the crew, timeline, challenges, and what to expect in the coming weeks.Plus: The European Space Agency suffers a major cyberattack with over 700 GB of sensitive data stolen. We discuss what was compromised, how it happened, and the broader cybersecurity implications for the space industry.Also in this episode: China's successful dual satellite launches kick off an ambitious 2026, scientists discover Jupiter has 1.5 times more oxygen than our Sun, a mysterious iron bar is found hidden in the Ring Nebula, and we explore the fascinating legacy of the Apollo 14 Moon Trees.New episodes every weekday!---## EPISODE TIMESTAMPS**[00:00]** Intro  **[01:15]** Story 1: Artemis II Final Preparations  **[04:45]** Story 2: European Space Agency Cyberattack  **[08:30]** Story 3: China's Satellite Launches  **[11:45]** Story 4: Jupiter's Oxygen Surprise  **[14:30]** Story 5: Ring Nebula Iron Mystery  **[17:00]** Story 6: Apollo 14 Moon Trees Legacy  **[19:30]** Outro---## STORIES COVERED### 1. NASA Enters Final Preparations for Artemis II MissionNASA is entering the final stages of preparation for Artemis II, the first crewed mission beyond Low Earth Orbit in over fifty years. The Space Launch System rocket and Orion spacecraft will roll out to Launch Pad 39B this Saturday, January 17th.**Key Points:**- **Launch Window:** February 6 - April 2026 (subject to readiness)- **Crew:** Reid Wiseman (Commander, USA), Victor Glover (Pilot, USA), Christina Koch (Mission Specialist, USA), Jeremy Hansen (Mission Specialist, Canada)- **Mission Duration:** 10 days circumlunar flight- **Rollout:** 6.5 km journey takes ~12 hours on crawler-transporter-2- **Recent Updates:** Valve replacement on Orion hatch pressurization system (Jan 5), leak repair on ground support hardware- **Upcoming:** Wet dress rehearsal end of January with 2.65 million liters of cryogenic fuel- **Next Steps:** Flight readiness review, final crew walkdown at pad- **Historical Context:** First crewed deep space mission since Apollo 17 (1972)- **Looking Ahead:** Artemis III lunar landing scheduled for 2028**Why It Matters:**This mission is a crucial stepping stone for returning humans to the lunar surface and eventually sending astronauts to Mars. It will validate all systems needed for deep space exploration and demonstrate international cooperation through the Canadian Space Agency's participation.**Read More:**- [Universe Today: NASA Enters Final Preparations for Artemis II Mission](https://www.universetoday.com/articles/nasa-enters-final-preparations-for-artemis-ii-mission)- [NASA Artemis II Mission Page](https://www.nasa.gov/mission/artemis-ii/)---### 2. Cyberthieves Hit European Space Agency in Major Data BreachThe European Space Agency suffered significant cyberattacks over the Christmas period, resulting in over 700 gigabytes of potentially sensitive data being leaked to dark web forums.**Key Points:**- **Initial Attack:** Boxing Day 2025 - Hacker "888" dumps 200+ GB of data- **Second Attack:** One week later - "Scattered Lapsus$ Hunters" claims 500+ GB more- **Data Compromised:** Proprietary software, authorization credentials, access tokens, project documentation, operational procedures, spacecraft details, contractor data- **Affected Contractors:** SpaceX, Airbus Group, Thales Alenia Space- **ESA Response:** Criminal investigation launched, cooperating with authorities- **Root Cause:** Possible "infostealer malware" harvesting browser-stored credentials- **Broader Issue:** Email credentials of ESA and NASA employees frequently found on dark web- **Security Gap:** Solar conjunction prevented communications blackout- **Expert Warning:** Data could be combined with future breaches to enable attacks on space systems**Industry Context:**Cybersecurity researcher Clémence Poirier warns that cyberattacks against space agencies are common and will continue. NASA faces similar threats with vulnerabilities disclosed almost daily via BugCrowd platform.**Why It Matters:**As space infrastructure becomes increasingly critical for communications, navigation, and national security, cybersecurity vulnerabilities represent a major threat to space operations and international cooperation.**Read More:**- [Space.com: Cyberthieves hit European Space Agency](https://www.space.com/space-exploration/esa-email-credentials-on-dark-web)---### 3. China's Long March Rockets Launch Key Satellites to Start 2026China successfully launched two Long March rockets on January 13, 2026, deploying the Yaogan-50 01 remote sensing satellite and multiple Guowang constellation satellites, marking an ambitious start to their space program's busiest year yet.**Key Points:**- **Launch Date:** January 13, 2026- **Launch Site:** Wenchang Space Launch Center- **Mission 1:** Yaogan-50 01 remote sensing satellite (Long March 6A rocket)- **Mission 2:** Guowang satellite constellation expansion (low Earth orbit)- **Yaogan-50 01 Features:** Unusual orbit design for enhanced Earth observation, unique viewing angles, applications in agriculture, disaster monitoring, resource management, scientific research- **Guowang Constellation Purpose:** Telecommunications enhancement, high-speed data transmission, improved global connectivity, support for future Moon/Mars missions- **Strategic Importance:** Part of China's expanding Earth observation capabilities- **2026 Outlook:** Expected to be record-breaking year for Chinese space launches**Why It Matters:**China continues to expand its space infrastructure at a rapid pace, positioning itself as a major player in Earth observation, telecommunications, and future deep space exploration. The Guowang constellation will provide crucial communication support for ambitious lunar and Mars missions.**Read More:**- [Daily Galaxy: China's Long March Rockets Propel Satellites Into New Orbits](https://dailygalaxy.com/2026/01/china-yaogan-50-01-guowang-satellites/)---### 4. Scientists Discover Surprising Amount of Oxygen in Jupiter's AtmosphereA groundbreaking study reveals Jupiter contains approximately 1.5 times more oxygen than our Sun, fundamentally changing our understanding of the gas giant's composition and formation.**Key Points:**- **Discovery:** Jupiter has ~1.5x more oxygen than the Sun- **Research Team:** University of Chicago and Jet Propulsion Laboratory- **Publication:** The Planetary Science Journal- **Previous Estimates:** Some recent studies suggested much less oxygen than the Sun- **Methodology:** Most comprehensive atmospheric model of Jupiter to date, integrating chemistry and hydrodynamics- **Additional Finding:** Molecular diffusion is 35-40 times slower than previously assumed- **Diffusion Impact:** Single molecule takes weeks (not hours) to move through one atmospheric layer- **Data Source:** Juno spacecraft measurements of upper atmosphere- **Significance:** Provides clues about Jupiter's formation and solar system evolution- **Broader Implications:** Understanding oxygen distribution helps explain habitable planet formation**Scientific Impact:**Lead researcher Jeehyun Yang calls this a "long-standing debate in planetary studies." The precise oxygen quantity offers crucial insights into how gas giants form and how planetary systems evolve.**Why It Matters:**Oxygen is a key element in water formation. Understanding its abundance and behavior on Jupiter helps scientists better understand the conditions necessary for potentially habitable worlds both in our solar system and around other stars.**Read More:**- [Daily Galaxy: Scientists Discover Surprising Amount of Oxygen in Jupiter's Atmosphere](https://dailygalaxy.com/2026/01/surprising-oxygen-jupiter-atmosphere/)---### 5. Mysterious Iron Bar Discovered Hidden in Famous Ring NebulaEuropean astronomers have discovered a massive bar-shaped cloud of iron inside the iconic Ring Nebula—a structure that went completely unnoticed for decades despite this being one of the most studied objects in astronomy.**Key Points:**- **Discovery Team:** UCL (University College London) and Cardiff University-led international team- **Publication:** Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society- **Instrument:** WEAVE (WHT Enhanced Area Velocity Explorer) on William Herschel Telescope- **Structure Size:** ~500 times the distance of Pluto's orbit around the Sun- **Mass:** Comparable to Mars' mass in iron atoms- **Location:** Bar-shaped strip fitting within Ring Nebula's elliptical inner region- **Detection Method:** Spectroscopy across entire nebula at all optical wavelengths simultaneously- **Previous Observations:** Missed by decades of studies, including JWST images- **Ring Nebula Background:** Planetary nebula in constellation Lyra, discovered 1779, formed ~4,000 years ago**Possible Explanations:**1. Reveals new information about nebula ejection process (uneven/directional outflow)2. Plasma arc from vaporization of destroyed rocky planet caught in star's expansion**Next Steps:**- Higher spectral resolution observations planned- Searching for other chemical elements alongside iron- Survey of additional planetary nebulae to find similar structures**Researcher Quotes:**- Dr. Roger WessBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/astronomy-daily-space-news-updates--5648921/support.Sponsor Details:Ensure your online privacy by using NordVPN. To get our special listener deal and save a lot of money, visit www.bitesz.com/nordvpn. You'll be glad you did!Become a supporter of Astronomy Daily by joining our Supporters Club. Commercial free episodes daily are only a click way... Click HereThis episode includes AI-generated content.

China launched two carrier rockets on Tuesday, signaling the start of the country's annual space mission schedule, which will feature a robotic lunar landing and two manned spaceflights.中国在周二发射了两枚运载火箭；此举标志着中国年度航天任务计划正式启动，其中包括一次月球机器人着陆任务和两次载人航天飞行。At 10:16 pm, a Long March 6A rocket blasted off from the Taiyuan Satellite Launch Center in Shanxi province, and it soon placed the Yaogan 50A remote-sensing satellite into a preset orbit.1月13日22时16分，长征六号改运载火箭在太原卫星发射中心点火起飞，随后将遥感五十号01星送入预定轨道。The satellite, built by the Shanghai Academy of Spaceflight Technology, is tasked with obtaining data to support land resource surveys, agricultural yield forecasts, and disaster prevention and mitigation.这颗由上海航天技术研究院研制建造的卫星，肩负着获取数据以支持土地资源调查、农业产量预测以及防灾减灾的任务。Data obtained by the Yaogan family, the major series of remote-sensing spacecraft in China, has been widely used by governments, public service sectors and businesses.中国主要遥感卫星系列遥感家族获取的数据已被政府、公共服务部门和企业广泛应用。The Long March 6A, which was also developed by the Shanghai academy, is a medium-lift launch vehicle. It comprises a 50-meter liquid-propelled core booster and four solid-fuel side boosters. The rocket has a liftoff weight of 530 metric tons and is tasked with transporting satellites to multiple types of orbits, including sun-synchronous, low-Earth and intermediate circular ones.长征六号改运载火箭同样由上海航天研究院研制，属于中型运载火箭。该火箭由50米长的液氧煤油核心助推器和四台固体燃料侧助推器组成，起飞重量达530吨，可将卫星送入太阳同步轨道、近地轨道及中地球圆形轨道等多类轨道。The launch marked China's first space mission in 2026 and the 624th flight of the Long March rocket fleet.此次发射标志着中国2026年首次太空任务，也是长征火箭家族的第624次飞行。At 11:25 pm, a Long March 8A carrier rocket lifted off from the Hainan International Commercial Aerospace Launch Center, a coastal spaceport in Hainan province, deploying the 18th group of low-orbit satellites for China's State-owned satellite internet network.1月13日23时25分，中国在位于海南省沿海地区的海南商业航天发射场使用长征八号甲运载火箭，成功将卫星互联网低轨18组卫星发射升空，卫星顺利进入预定轨道，发射任务获得圆满成功。These satellites were designed and developed by the China Academy of Space Technology. With their deployment, the State-run mega internet satellite network now has more than 140 satellites operating in low orbits.这些卫星由中国航天科技集团公司设计研制。随着它们的部署，国家运营的超大规模互联网卫星网络现已在低轨道运行超过140颗卫星。The Long March 8A model, developed by the China Academy of Launch Vehicle Technology, is 50.5 meters tall, and it has a core booster and two side boosters. The carrier rocket has a liftoff weight of 371 tons and a liftoff thrust of about 480 tons.由中国运载火箭技术研究院研制的长征八号甲运载火箭，全高50.5米，由核心助推器和两个侧助推器组成。该运载火箭起飞重量达371吨，起飞推力约480吨。It is mainly tasked with placing satellites in sun-synchronous orbits, and is capable of transporting payloads weighing up to 7 tons to a typical sun-synchronous orbit at an altitude of 700 kilometers.该火箭的主要任务是将卫星送入太阳同步轨道，能够将重达7吨的有效载荷运送至高度700公里的典型太阳同步轨道。This was the seventh time a Long March 8A rocket deployed low-orbit internet satellites.这是长征八号甲运载火箭第七次部署低轨道互联网卫星。Last year, China conducted 93 space missions, setting a new national record for orbital launches in a single year.去年，中国实施了93次航天任务，创下单年轨道发射次数的新纪录。Observers said that 2026 will also be a busy year for China's space industry, with several launches scheduled before the end of January.观察人士指出，2026年也将是中国航天事业繁忙的一年，仅1月底前就计划进行多次发射。The Chang'e 7, a key mission in the fourth phase of the country's lunar exploration project, is scheduled for launch this year.嫦娥七号是我国月球探测工程第四阶段的关键任务，计划于今年发射升空。According to the China National Space Administration, the robotic probe is designed to land on the moon's south pole, and it will survey the surface environment, search for ice and volatile components in lunar soil, and carry out high-precision detection and analysis of lunar terrain, its composition and structure.据中国国家航天局介绍，嫦娥七号计划登陆月球南极，将对月表环境进行勘测，探测月壤中的冰与挥发物成分，并对月球地形、成分及结构进行高精度探测与分析。Program planners said the Chang'e 7 spacecraft will consist of an orbiter, a lander, a rover and a small flying probe capable of reaching lunar pits to search for ice.项目规划人员表示，嫦娥七号探测器将由环月轨道器、月球着陆器、月球车以及一台小型飞行探测器组成，后者能够抵达月球陨坑寻找冰层。This year, two manned missions — the Shenzhou XXIII and the Shenzhou XXIV — are also expected to take place to make crew shifts aboard the Tiangong space station.今年还将实施两次载人飞行任务——神舟二十三号和神舟二十四号，为天宫空间站执行乘组轮换任务。One of the three Shenzhou XXIII crew members will stay a whole year aboard the space station, attempting the longest orbital journey by any Chinese astronaut.神舟二十三号飞船的三名乘组成员中，将有一人将在空间站停留整整一年，这将成为中国航天员迄今为止最长的轨道飞行任务。Industry insiders said it is highly likely that a Pakistani astronaut will participate in a flight to Tiangong this year, and will become the first foreign national aboard the Chinese space station.业内人士表示，一位巴基斯坦宇航员今年极有可能参与天宫空间站的飞行任务，并将成为中国空间站首位外国宇航员。liquid-propelled core booster液氧煤油核心助推器payload/ˈpeɪ.loʊd/n.有效载荷

MDA Space has signed a partnership agreement with the Government of Canada and Telesat Corporation to develop and deliver military satellite communications (MILSATCOM) capabilities. SpaceX launched the NROL-77 mission on a Falcon 9 rocket from Cape Canaveral Space Force Station in Florida yesterday. China set a new record, launching three rockets in less than 19 hours, and more. Remember to leave us a 5-star rating and review in your favorite podcast app. Be sure to follow T-Minus on LinkedIn and Instagram. Selected Reading MDA Space Signs Strategic Partnership With The Department Of National Defence And Telesat To Deliver Military Satellite Communications Launches - NROL-77 China breaks record with 3 Long March rocket launches in 19-hour stretch-  Space Chinese astronauts install debris protection aboard space station- Reuters Federal Register Space Modernization for the 21st Century ESA - Artist's impression of the flaring, windy black hole in NGC 3783 (portrait) Share your feedback. What do you think about T-Minus Space Daily? Please take a few minutes to share your thoughts with us by completing our brief listener survey. Thank you for helping us continue to improve our show.  Want to hear your company in the show? You too can reach the most influential leaders and operators in the industry. Here's our media kit. Contact us at space@n2k.com to request more info. Want to join us for an interview? Please send your pitch to space-editor@n2k.com and include your name, affiliation, and topic proposal. T-Minus is a production of N2K Networks, your source for strategic workforce intelligence. © N2K Networks, Inc. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

### Episode Summary  A thrilling spacewalk at the Tiangong Space Station, the discovery of the oldest supernova witnessed by the James Webb Telescope, and new insights into the chaotic nature of Super Jupiters highlight today's episode. We also explore the powerful winds generated by a supermassive black hole, showcasing the dynamic interactions in our universe.### Timestamps & Stories  01:05 – **Story 1: Marathon Spacewalk at Tiangong Space Station****Key Facts**  - Two astronauts from the Shenshou 21 mission conducted an 8-hour spacewalk to inspect damage on the Shenshou 20 return capsule, struck by space debris.  - Installation of new debris protection systems highlights the growing threat of space junk.  03:40 – **Story 2: Record Launches by China****Key Facts**  - China set a national record with three Long March rocket launches in under 19 hours.  - Missions included broadband satellite deployments and classified military satellites.  05:20 – **Story 3: Bold Recommendations for Mars Exploration****Key Facts**  - A new report emphasizes the search for life as the top priority for crewed Mars missions.  - Proposed campaigns focus on glacier ice and deep subsurface exploration for biosignatures.  07:00 – **Story 4: Oldest Supernova Detected by JWST****Key Facts**  - James Webb Telescope identifies a supernova from 13 billion years ago, just 730 million years post-Big Bang.  - This discovery provides insights into the early universe and the lifecycle of massive stars.  08:40 – **Story 5: Super Jupiters Challenge Our Understanding****Key Facts**  - Research on exoplanet VHS 1256 b reveals a chaotic atmosphere, differing significantly from Jupiter's stability.  - The study suggests massive gas giants may exhibit turbulent weather patterns instead of organized bands.  10:15 – **Story 6: Winds from a Supermassive Black Hole****Key Facts**  - A supermassive black hole in galaxy NGC 3783 emits powerful winds at 1/5 the speed of light, impacting galaxy evolution.  - Observations from XMM-Newton and XRISM telescopes reveal the connection between black holes and their host galaxies.  ### Sources & Further Reading  1. NASA2. European Space Agency3. James Webb Space Telescope4. Mars Exploration Program5. NASA Black Hole Research### Follow & Contact  X/Twitter: @AstroDailyPod  Instagram: @astrodailypod  Email: hello@astronomydaily.io  Website: astronomydaily.io  Clear skies and see you tomorrow!

Mao, Purges, and Ideological Jargon. Joseph Turigian explores Mao Zedong's description of Xi Zhongxun: "The Party Interests Come First." The segment recounts Xi Zhongxun's detention in 1935, nearly facing execution before Mao's Long Marchers arrived. The discussion clarifies the legend that Mao personally saved him versus the complex facts of his eventual release and incomplete rehabilitation. Turigian defines confusing Chinese Communist Party jargon, explaining "leftist" as too ambitious and "rightist" as not serious enough about revolution. It concludes by detailing Mao's development of Marxism through sinicization. Guest: Joseph Turigian. 1901

Send us a textOver the past four episodes, we've traced how American political discourse became weaponized, how both parties learned to delegitimize elections, how political violence gets selectively remembered, and how two incompatible constitutional orders came to govern American life simultaneously. Today we're exploring how this transformation happened—not just through laws and court decisions, but through a systematic ideological takeover of American institutions.Support the show

Hotel Mars, #4449 with Rick Fisher as guest, Wednesday, Oct. 22,2025:Brief program summary:The Hotel Mars team discussed the US Acceleration of the Moon Race Against China. Guest Rick Fisher, John and David discussed how the US moon race is accelerating, driven by President Trump's demand to land on the moon by 2028 and concerns that China, using the Long March 10 booster, might get there by 2029. Interim NASA Director Sean Duffy reopened the lunar lander contract, previously held by SpaceX's Starship, to Blue Origin and potentially Lockheed Martin, seeking multiple pathways. The Chinese space program is viewed as a strategic maneuver aimed at distracting the US from other global conflicts.Special thanks to our sponsors:Northrup Grumman, American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, Helix Space in Luxembourg, Celestis Memorial Spaceflights, Astrox Corporation, Dr. Haym Benaroya of Rutgers University, The Space Settlement Progress Blog by John Jossy, The Atlantis Project, and Artless EntertainmentOur Toll Free Line for Live Broadcasts: 1-866-687-7223 (Not in service at this time)For real time program participation, email Dr. Space at: drspace@thespaceshow.com for instructions and access.The Space Show is a non-profit 501C3 through its parent, One Giant Leap Foundation, Inc. To donate via Pay Pal, use:To donate with Zelle, use the email address: david@onegiantleapfoundation.org.If you prefer donating with a check, please make the check payable to One Giant Leap Foundation and mail to:One Giant Leap Foundation, 11035 Lavender Hill Drive Ste. 160-306 Las Vegas, NV 89135Upcoming Programs:Broadcast 4455 ZOOM: Arkisys CEO David Barnhart | Sunday 02 Nov 2025 1200PM PTGuests:ZOOM, Dave Barnhart, CEO of Arkisys updates us with interesting news and developments Get full access to The Space Show-One Giant Leap Foundation at doctorspace.substack.com/subscribe

      US Accelerates Moon Race Against China. Rick Fisher and David Livingston discuss how the US moon race is accelerating, driven by President Trump's demand to land on the moon by 2028 and concerns that China, using the Long March 10 booster, might get there by 2029. Interim NASA Director Sean Duffy reopened the lunar lander contract, previously held by SpaceX's Starship, to Blue Origin and potentially Lockheed Martin, seeking multiple pathways. The Chinese space program is viewed as a strategic maneuver aimed at distracting the US from other global conflicts. 1954

US Accelerates Moon Race Against China. Rick Fisher and David Livingston discuss how the US moon race is accelerating, driven by President Trump's demand to land on the moon by 2028 and concerns that China, using the Long March 10 booster, might get there by 2029. Interim NASA Director Sean Duffy reopened the lunar lander contract, previously held by SpaceX's Starship, to Blue Origin and potentially Lockheed Martin, seeking multiple pathways. The Chinese space program is viewed as a strategic maneuver aimed at distracting the US from other global conflicts.

SHOW 10-23-25 CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR 1882 BLACK SEA RUSSIAN FLEET THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS ABOUT A UKRAINE RESOLUTION... FIRST HOUR 9-915 Delayed Budapest Summit and Ukraine Negotiation Sticking Points. Anatol Lieven discusses how negotiations between the US and Russia, including a planned Budapest meeting, are delayed despite some progress on security issues like Trump's position on Ukraine joining NATO. The major sticking point remains Russia's demand that Ukraine withdraw from the rest of the Donbas, which Ukrainian leaders deem politically impossible. While Russia has scaled back some territorial claims, a viable peace settlement likely necessitates a ceasefire along existing lines, coupled with lifting sanctions. Escalation risks remain high due to potential accidental military clashes. 915-930 Delayed Budapest Summit and Ukraine Negotiation Sticking Points. Anatol Lieven discusses how negotiations between the US and Russia, including a planned Budapest meeting, are delayed despite some progress on security issues like Trump's position on Ukraine joining NATO. The major sticking point remains Russia's demand that Ukraine withdraw from the rest of the Donbas, which Ukrainian leaders deem politically impossible. While Russia has scaled back some territorial claims, a viable peace settlement likely necessitates a ceasefire along existing lines, coupled with lifting sanctions. Escalation risks remain high due to potential accidental military clashes. 930-945 Trump Administration Sanctions Hit Russia's Oil Lifeline. Michael Bernstam discussed the Trump administration's politically significant sanctions targeting Russia's two largest oil producers, Rosneft and Lukoil, affecting 56% of Russian output. The sanctions caused world oil prices to jump temporarily and elicited an immediate angry response from Putin, who called it an "unfriendly act." The primary financial impact on Russia will be much deeper discounts demanded by buyers, significantly hurting the Russian budget. Europe is meanwhile nearing liberation from Russian energy dependence due to abundant US liquefied natural gas (LNG). 945-1000 UN Cyber Crime Treaty: Authoritarian Assault on Free Speech. Ivana Stradner discussed the controversial UN Cyber Crime Treaty, which she argues is an assault on international rule of law spearheaded by Russia and China. The treaty is feared because it enables digital authoritarianism, censorship, and surveillance by potentially forcing companies to grant government access to private data and share user information globally. The US should reject ratification and defer to the Budapest Convention, relying instead on powerful offensive and defensive cyber capabilities for deterrence. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 Political Shifts and Security Crises Across Latin America. Professor Evan Ellis reported on a shifting Latin American landscape. Argentina's Milei navigates a key election after implementing painful economic cuts, backed by a new US currency swap deal. Bolivia's Luis Arce seeks warmer US ties while managing a severe economic crisis. Peru's president declared a state of emergency to address rampant insecurity and extortion in Lima. Concurrently, the US is escalating pressure on Venezuela's Maduro regime, primarily targeting the criminal Cartel de los Soles leadership. 1015-1030 Political Shifts and Security Crises Across Latin America. Professor Evan Ellis reported on a shifting Latin American landscape. Argentina's Milei navigates a key election after implementing painful economic cuts, backed by a new US currency swap deal. Bolivia's Luis Arce seeks warmer US ties while managing a severe economic crisis. Peru's president declared a state of emergency to address rampant insecurity and extortion in Lima. Concurrently, the US is escalating pressure on Venezuela's Maduro regime, primarily targeting the criminal Cartel de los Soles leadership. 1030-1045 Political Shifts and Security Crises Across Latin America. Professor Evan Ellis reported on a shifting Latin American landscape. Argentina's Milei navigates a key election after implementing painful economic cuts, backed by a new US currency swap deal. Bolivia's Luis Arce seeks warmer US ties while managing a severe economic crisis. Peru's president declared a state of emergency to address rampant insecurity and extortion in Lima. Concurrently, the US is escalating pressure on Venezuela's Maduro regime, primarily targeting the criminal Cartel de los Soles leadership. 1045-1100 Political Shifts and Security Crises Across Latin America. Professor Evan Ellis reported on a shifting Latin American landscape. Argentina's Milei navigates a key election after implementing painful economic cuts, backed by a new US currency swap deal. Bolivia's Luis Arce seeks warmer US ties while managing a severe economic crisis. Peru's president declared a state of emergency to address rampant insecurity and extortion in Lima. Concurrently, the US is escalating pressure on Venezuela's Maduro regime, primarily targeting the criminal Cartel de los Soles leadership. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 Robert McNamara: From WWII Statistical Control to Kennedy's Star. Professor William Taubman detailed Robert McNamara's rise, beginning as a statistician in WWII advising General Curtis LeMay on firebombing techniques, a success McNamara later regretted as potentially criminal. After becoming president of Ford, he reluctantly joined JFK's administration as Secretary of Defense. McNamara's brilliance and efficiency led Kennedy to admire him as the cabinet's star, even considering him for vice president in 1964 and the presidential candidate in 1968. 1115-1130 Robert McNamara: From WWII Statistical Control to Kennedy's Star. Professor William Taubman detailed Robert McNamara's rise, beginning as a statistician in WWII advising General Curtis LeMay on firebombing techniques, a success McNamara later regretted as potentially criminal. After becoming president of Ford, he reluctantly joined JFK's administration as Secretary of Defense. McNamara's brilliance and efficiency led Kennedy to admire him as the cabinet's star, even considering him for vice president in 1964 and the presidential candidate in 1968. 1130-1145 Robert McNamara: From WWII Statistical Control to Kennedy's Star. Professor William Taubman detailed Robert McNamara's rise, beginning as a statistician in WWII advising General Curtis LeMay on firebombing techniques, a success McNamara later regretted as potentially criminal. After becoming president of Ford, he reluctantly joined JFK's administration as Secretary of Defense. McNamara's brilliance and efficiency led Kennedy to admire him as the cabinet's star, even considering him for vice president in 1964 and the presidential candidate in 1968. 1145-1200 Robert McNamara: From WWII Statistical Control to Kennedy's Star. Professor William Taubman detailed Robert McNamara's rise, beginning as a statistician in WWII advising General Curtis LeMay on firebombing techniques, a success McNamara later regretted as potentially criminal. After becoming president of Ford, he reluctantly joined JFK's administration as Secretary of Defense. McNamara's brilliance and efficiency led Kennedy to admire him as the cabinet's star, even considering him for vice president in 1964 and the presidential candidate in 1968. FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 The AI Infrastructure Gold Rush and Europe's Absence. Chris Riegel discusses how the AI revolution is driving a feverish rush to build large data centers (one gigawatt or better), though energy access is a critical choke point that may cause conflict between commercial demand and normal consumers by summer 2026. This intense global competition, likened to a gold rush, is primarily a two-horse race between the US and China. Europe is largely sitting out the advanced AI development wave, which is considered a tactical mistake that may leave them reliant on American or Chinese technology. 1215-1230        CBP Admits Fake Record Used to Jail Bolsonaro Advisor in Brazil. Mary Anastasia O'Grady discusses how US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) admitted an erroneous entry record was created and used by Brazilian Justice Alexandre de Moraes to jail Felipe Martins, an advisor to former President Bolsonaro. De Moraes used the apparently fake I-94 document, which contained a misspelling and a canceled passport number, to hold Martins for 183 days to extract information about an alleged coup plot. The unprecedented CBP admission confirms a file violation and suggests ongoing malfeasance. 1230-1245 US Accelerates Moon Race Against China. Rick Fisher and David Livingston discuss how the US moon race is accelerating, driven by President Trump's demand to land on the moon by 2028 and concerns that China, using the Long March 10 booster, might get there by 2029. Interim NASA Director Sean Duffy reopened the lunar lander contract, previously held by SpaceX's Starship, to Blue Origin and potentially Lockheed Martin, seeking multiple pathways. The Chinese space program is viewed as a strategic maneuver aimed at distracting the US from other global conflicts. 1245-100 AM US Accelerates Moon Race Against China. Rick Fisher and David Livingston discuss how the US moon race is accelerating, driven by President Trump's demand to land on the moon by 2028 and concerns that China, using the Long March 10 booster, might get there by 2029. Interim NASA Director Sean Duffy reopened the lunar lander contract, previously held by SpaceX's Starship, to Blue Origin and potentially Lockheed Martin, seeking multiple pathways. The Chinese space program is viewed as a strategic maneuver aimed at distracting the US from other global conflicts.

Hotel Mars: PRC Long March 9 booster for the Earth-Moon System. Rick Fisher, David Livingston 1958

It seems like the entire world is going mad. We're constantly told the most insane things imaginable, and that we're bad guys if we don't believe it. So how exactly did this happen? Where did it come from? What if there was one man who not only predicted most of the insanity that's going on today, but he was actually the author of it all?-----⭐ SPONSOR: Live Action Live Action has the largest online presence in the pro-life movement, reaching over 40 million people every month–changing hearts and minds on abortion. You'll be standing shoulder to shoulder with a movement that refuses to back down. With a monthly gift of $20.25, you'll get a free Live Action mug—your badge of support in this mission for life.

From the Taiping and Boxer Rebellions, to the Chinese Revolution and Civil War, through the Long March and the rise of Mao Zedong, to the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, all the way to Deng's Reform and China today, Professor of East Asian and Global History Dr. Ken Hammond walk us through 200 years of Chinese history to highlight in detail how modern China was forged through centuries of class struggle, resistance, rebellion, and revolution.  After listening to this mega-episode you will have a profound, and deeply inspired, understanding of the rich modern history of China, and be much better able to understand its present and future.   This series originally aired on Guerrilla History in the Spring of 2024 Support Guerrilla History HERE Learn More, Follow, and Support Rev Left Radio HERE