Podcasts about Myanmar

Un puissant séisme frappe la Birmanie, causant plus de 1 000 morts et des milliers de blessés, selon les autorités locales.​Traduction : A powerful earthquake strikes Myanmar, causing over 1,000 deaths and thousands of injuries, according to local authorities. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Masked ICE agents in Minneapolis have shot a US citizen dead -- the second such killing this month - sparking further protests in the city. The Department of Homeland Security says he was violent and armed with a gun. Also, we report from Myanmar on the final stage of elections, with the dominant pro-military party on course for a landslide victory; Ukraine's president, Volodymyr Zelensky, has described the first three-way peace talks with Russia and the United States in Abu Dhabi, as "constructive"; and an exhibition at Britain's National Archives of Love Letters across the generations. The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight.

Crowds gather in Minneapolis at the site where US federal immigration agents shot dead 37-year-old Alex Pretti. We'll hear from a friend and colleague. Also on the programme: the weirdness of election day in Myanmar from our correspondent there; and has Saudi Arabia's hugely ambitious mega city project run into the sand?(Photo: A woman chants 'peace' at a makeshift memorial for Alex Pretti in south Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA, 25 January 2026. Credit: EPA/Shutterstock)

There's been renewed protests and anger in Minneapolis following the fatal shooting of a man by federal immigration agents; the second such incident in the US city in three weeks. Also on the programme, a third and final stage of voting is taking place in Myanmar in what are widely viewed as sham elections; and, a new record for sailing round the world.(Photo: A federal agent fires a munition toward demonstrators near the site where a man identified as Alex Pretti was fatally shot by federal agents trying to detain him, in Minneapolis, Minnesota, U.S., January 24, 2026.REUTERS/Tim Evans)

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Heftige Proteste in Minneapolis nach Tötung eines Mannes durch ICE-Beamte, Wirtschaftsflügel der CDU will Recht auf Teilzeitarbeit deutlich einschränken, Dritte und letzte Runde der Parlamentswahl in Myanmar beendet, Entwaffnung der Hamas im Gazastsreifen stockt, Fast 180 Millionen Menschen in den USA von Schnee und Eisregen betroffen, Ergebnisse des 19. Spieltags der Fußball-Bundesliga, Schwere Ausschreitungen beim Fußballspiel Magdeburg gegen Dresden mit etwa 64 verletzten Polizisten, Deutschland besiegt Norwegen mit 30:28 bei Handball-Europameisterschaft, Unglücklich fliegende Skier bei Skiflug-Weltmeisterschaft in Oberstdorf, Das Wetter Hinweis: Die Beiträge zur Fußball-Bundesliga und zur Handball-Europameisterschaft dürfen aus rechtlichen Gründen nicht auf tagesschau.de gezeigt werden.

In the face of widespread protests, the Iranian government ‘switched off' the country's access to the internet on 8th January. In Uganda, prior to recent elections, the government of president Yoweri Museveni prevented its citizens from accessing the internet. Worldwide, Afghanistan, Myanmar, India and Bangladesh – to name only a few - have all taken the decision to severely restrict internet access at times of perceived political crisis or challenge. Yet it was only fifteen years ago, during the Arab Spring, that internet access and digital media were seen as game-changing communications tools for democratisation. Now, how vulnerable is protest and political opposition to being taken offline? This episode of The Documentary comes to you from The Fifth Floor, the show at the heart of global storytelling, with BBC journalists from all around the world. Presented by Faranak Amidi. Produced by Laura Thomas, Caroline Ferguson and Hannah Dean. (Photo: Faranak Amidi. Credit: Tricia Yourkevich.)

Send us a textThe YardsA family crime drama set in New York City with a sick mother, ambivalently abusive father figure, and nudity along with a role for Domenick Lombardozzi (The Wire's Herc)? Get out your James Gray bingo cards, because Season 16 Gray Poop On (working title) persists with TGTPTU continuing in Episode 3 its temporal pincer movement covering the auteur's second film THE YARDS (2000).  Filmed on film in the spring and summer of 1998 but due to studio delays and reshoots not released until the fall of 2000, The Yards stars the still up-and-coming Mark Walburg as Leo Handler just out of jail and being led back into a life of crime by Joaquin Phoenix as Willie Gutierrez, the guy dating and soon betrothed to Leo's cousin and possible love interest Erica Soltz played by a pre-Monster Charlize Theron. This trio of rising stars is supported by a trio of 70s hall of famers (James Caan, Ellen Burstyn, and Faye Dunaway) in a story about NYC train maintenance, government corruption, family loyalties, and the need for proper bannisters.    Cowritten with Matt Reeves (opinions vary) and shot with multiple POV characters, Gray would find the story in the editing room (and subsequent reshoots) by winnowing it down to Walburg's singular perspective only to have that story mollified (or straight-up mauled from Gray's perspective) by a studio-noted happier ending.   This ep, you won't be getting Ken's half-hour discussion with Ryan about Theron's surprising nude scene, but Thomas will provide context for international and homeschool listeners in the U.S., Myanmar, and Liberia. Thank you for choo-choo-choosing to listen. THEME SONG BY: WEIRD A.I.Email: thegoodthepodandtheugly@gmail.comFacebook: https://m.facebook.com/TGTPTUInstagram: https://instagram.com/thegoodthepodandtheugly?igshid=um92md09kjg0Bluesky: @goodpodugly.bsky.socialYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC6mI2plrgJu-TB95bbJCW-gLetterboxd (follow us!):Podcast: goodpoduglyKen: Ken KoralRyan: Ryan Tobias

Episode #473: “The military was pursuing an illiberal strategy to peace, and Norway became complicit, not necessarily by design, but by its effect, it became a de facto sponsor of a strategy for illiberal peace building by the military.” Kristian Stokke draws on decades of research across Sri Lanka, South Africa, and Indonesia, where Norway's peace efforts often reinforced state dominance rather than confronting inequality. He argues that Myanmar followed the same trajectory. “Norway became the envoy of the West that went in to test the waters,” he recalls, acting as a diplomatic go-between for Western powers eager to engage Myanmar's generals. “When we came to Myanmar, it was very clear that Norway's engagement was interest-based. It was no longer pretending to be just altruistic.” Norway's involvement, he continues, was driven as much by self-interest as by moral aspiration: “as a diplomat, as an aid donor and as an investor.” He goes on to describe that as a result, the so-called democratic opening of the 2010s was not a genuine transition: “This was not the negotiated transition of South Africa or Latin American countries in the 1980s,” Stokke explains. “It was an authoritarian-led transition to less closed dictatorship or electoral autocracy.” He believes Norway's peacebuilding “actually undermined the forces for power sharing and democracy,” focusing too much on the state and too little on democratic and ethnic movements. Reflecting on the years since the coup, Stokke laments Norway's caution: “At times, I find it surprising or unfortunate that they don't come out in support of those actors who are really at the forefront of the struggle for better democracy in Myanmar.”

Episode #472: “Where is my grandmother's vote?!” asks Thiri. Her core argument is that Myanmar's struggle today is not a failed revolution, but the evolution of a long, cyclical people's movement, whose legitimacy most recently derives from a valid election overturned by the military, and from the accumulated sacrifice and sustained moral agency of ordinary people. For Thiri, the most powerful form of resistance now is preserving dignity, voice, and mutual care amid prolonged uncertainty. She grounds this argument in lived experience. Her grandmother, eighty-two at the time, insisted on voting in person in the November 2020 general election despite being eligible for early voting at home. On election day morning, she woke before dawn and went to the polling station to cast her ballot for the National League for Democracy; a week later, she died. She never witnessed the coup that overturned the election results, sparing her the pain of seeing what she regarded as a sacred civic duty rendered meaningless. For Thiri, the legitimacy crisis begins there: millions of votes, like her grandmother's, were cast in good faith but never honored. From this starting point, Thiri argues that any new election organized by the same military lacks moral and political legitimacy. She describes it as an attempt to erase their unresolved theft. Democracy, she insists, cannot be reset without reckoning with the original violation. The election matters deeply to the military and to some international actors seeking closure, but not to people living with airstrikes, displacement, and fear. To the junta, it functions as an exit strategy that just sustains their oppressive rule in the guise civilian governance. To put the despair surrounding these times in Myanmar in context, Thiri turns to movement theory. She describes movements as cyclical, marked by peaks of hope followed by repression and exhaustion. The downturn now, she emphasizes, is but a natural phase, and to not get overly caught up in it. Thiri believes the present moment calls for reflection, role clarity, and recognition of small victories that preserve people power. Survival itself becomes a form of resistance. She frames emotional self-preservation as defiance, concluding, “I would rather choose to remember the kindness and the community and the resilience of people that are against any form of oppression.”

What is Buddhism? How could it help your daily life? Is it a religion? And what does the statue we always see really represent? Jack Kornfield, one of the leading Buddhist teachers in America, introduces the basic principles behind Buddhism, discusses the steps involved in mindful living and offers practical tips on how to grow your own spiritual practice. His teachings begin with the idea that people are born whole and good, and that later, they can choose to turn back to their innate goodness. Jack also shares his best advice on how to stay in the now, quiet your thoughts and lead a truly awakened life. Jack trained as a Buddhist monk in the monasteries of Thailand, India and Burma (now Myanmar). He has taught meditation internationally for decades and is one of the key people to introduce Buddhist mindfulness practice to the West. His best-selling books, including "The Wise Heart," "Living Dharma" and "No Time Like the Present," have been translated into 20 languages. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

After five years of brutal civil war, Myanmar's ruling military is holding an election that many say is a sham.But it has a major backer: China. So why is Beijing suddenly interested in democracy in this conflict-stricken country?Venetia Rainey and Arthur Scott-Geddes speak to the Telegraph's Global Health Security correspondent Sarah Newey about her recent trip to Yangon and Joe Freeman, researcher for Amnesty International. Read Sarah's dispatch: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/global-health/terror-and-security/why-china-is-forcing-myanmars-junta-to-stage-an-election/Watch Sarah talking about scam centres in Laos: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6nRBG037FT0Producer: Sophie O'SullivanExecutive Producer: Louisa WellsStudio Operator: Meghan Searle► Sign up to our most popular newsletter, From the Editor. Look forward to receiving free-thinking comment and the day's biggest stories, every morning. telegraph.co.uk/fromtheeditorContact us with feedback or ideas:battlelines@telegraph.co.uk@venetiarainey@ascottgeddes Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

အီရတ်က ဆက်ဒမ်ဟူစိန်ကနေ ဗင်နီဇွဲလားရဲ့ မာဒူရိုအထိ ကမ္ဘာ့အာဏာရှင်တွေ နည်းမျိုးစုံနဲ့ ဇာတ်သိမ်းခဲ့ပေမယ့် မြန်မာအာဏာရှင်တွေကတော့ ဘာကြောင့် အခုထိ "ကံကောင်း" ပြီး လွတ်မြောက်နေရသလဲဆိုတာနဲ့ ပတ်သက်ပြီး ဧရာ၀တီရဲ့ ဒီတပတ် Opinion Talk အစီအစဉ်မှာ အယ်ဒီတာ ကျော်စွာမိုး သုံးသပ်ထားတာကို နားဆင်နိုင်ပါပြီ။Podcast#မြန်မာ #အာဏာရှင် #ကဒါဖီ #ဆက်ဒမ်ဟူစိန် #မင်းအောင်လှိုင် #ခုံရုံး #စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်  #Myanmar #junta #US #military #MinAungHlaing #dictator #ICC #ICJ #OpinionTalk #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting.    #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month.  These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island.  Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light.  When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.  

Episode #471: Sebastian Copija's journey from being a Buddhist monk to embracing lay life is a story of deep introspection and balance. Monastic life had afforded him security and structure, but Sebastian felt detached from the broader world. So after ten years as a monk in Thailand and Myanmar, he disrobed, and returned to Europe to care for his parents.Lay life introduced him to new ways to apply his practice, including re-engaging in relationships. The challenges of navigating the strong and sometimes messy emotions that often accompany social and personal interactions has become an essential aspect of his practice, testing his ability to stay open-hearted amidst everyday struggles. He speaks of his present, romantic relationship as a spiritual partnership, focusing on mutual support and non-attachment.Sebastian emphasizes that the lay path is not a lesser one, requiring mindfulness and insight just as being a monastic does. He is now a lay Dhamma teacher in Poland, focusing on integrating mindfulness into daily life and creating supportive community environments where students openly share their challenges and growth. “When you disrobe, it's just gone! Ten years of your life is gone, and suddenly, the only thing you have is the clarity of the Dhamma you've developed. It's not the robes that define my practice but the application of Dhamma to every moment of life.”

Matthew Friedman joins Dr. Sandie Morgan as they explore how pig butchering scams work, why they're so effective, and how they're tied to forced labor and human trafficking, while explaining what prevention can look like from personal red flags to safeguards in financial systems.Matthew FriedmanMatthew Friedman is the Founder and CEO of The Mekong Club, a pioneering organization that mobilizes the private sector to fight modern slavery across Asia. A globally recognized expert on human trafficking, Friedman has spent over three decades working at the intersection of business, government, and humanitarian action to combat exploitation and promote ethical leadership. Before founding The Mekong Club, Friedman served as Regional Project Manager for the United Nations International Project on Human Trafficking (UNIAP/UNDP), overseeing a six-country initiative spanning China, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Vietnam, and Thailand. He also served as Deputy Director for the USAID Office of Public Health (Asia Region), managing a $100 million annual portfolio. Friedman holds a Master's degree in Health Education from New York University and is a renowned keynote speaker who has delivered more than 900 presentations in 20 countries, inspiring individuals and organizations to take a stand in the fight against modern slavery.Key PointsPig butchering scams are sophisticated romance scams where criminals build trust over weeks before convincing victims to invest life savings in fake cryptocurrency schemes, with the metaphor referring to "fattening the pig before the slaughter."An estimated 300,000 to 400,000 young professionals have been trafficked into scam centers across Southeast Asia, where they are forced under extreme violence and coercion to run online scams targeting victims in wealthy nations.The Prince Group sanctions marked one of the most significant global crackdowns on forced-labor scam centers, with the UK freezing real estate assets and the US freezing $15 billion in cryptocurrency, signaling increased international cooperation.Financial institutions can help prevent pig butchering by monitoring unusual withdrawal patterns, such as when customers who haven't touched their accounts for 30 years suddenly liquidate everything, and by contacting clients before large transfers are completed.Victims in scam centers face brutal violence including being tasered, beaten, and in some cases tortured to death with videos sold as "hardcore" content, creating a level of violence unprecedented in modern slavery according to Friedman's 35 years of experience.Only 0.2% of the 50 million people in modern slavery receive assistance globally, not because counter-trafficking organizations don't care, but because the $236 billion generated by criminals vastly outweighs the $400 million available to fight it.Public education and awareness are critical for prevention, as people in North America remain largely unaware of pig butchering scams while Asian communities have become more informed through widespread media coverage and victim testimonies.The Mekong Club has developed multilingual e-learning tools including a three-and-a-half-minute video to help raise awareness about both human trafficking into scam centers and the scams themselves, emphasizing that prevention must be widespread.ResourcesThe Mekong ClubThe Mekong Club - Tools & ResourcesValid8 FinancialEnding Human Trafficking Podcast - Episode 269Matthew Friedman on LinkedInContact Matthew FriedmanEnding Human Trafficking Website

In Sudan, UN rights chief Türk highlights plight of people uprooted by warIn Yemen, children are dying and it's going to get worse, warns OCHAMyanmar rejects accusations of genocide at UN's top court 

Episode #470: This episode of Insight Myanmar continues our three-part series covering the Decolonizing Southeast Asian Studies Conference at Chiang Mai University, bringing together voices exploring how colonial legacies still shape knowledge, identity, and power in the region. Thai scholar-activist Thiti Jamkajornkeiat argues that true decolonization requires more than inclusion—it demands structural transformation. “The problem about Southeast Asian studies,” he explains, “is that it has a colonial baggage and is exterior—it's been developed outside of Southeast Asia.” He calls for scholarship that centers local thinkers as equal contributors and research that serves the needs and livelihoods of Southeast Asians. For Thiti, decolonization must confront global hierarchies of knowledge, funding systems, and academic validation that continue to privilege Western authority. His vision is both intellectual and emotional: a call for courage, tenderness, and solidarity in reclaiming the power to define one's own story. From Myanmar, Kyaw shares reflections rooted in his upbringing within the country's monastic education system. Growing up as a novice, he experienced how Buddhist and secular teachings intertwined, shaping his understanding of education as a moral as well as intellectual pursuit. Today, amid crisis and repression, he highlights the resilience of Myanmar's people. “Despite everything going in a negative way, the resilience of this community is huge,” he says. For Kyaw, endurance is an act of care—protecting the collective spirit and reimagining the nation's future together. Khaing expands on this, focusing on the importance of communication and advocacy in a time when truth itself is dangerous. Having long listened to Insight Myanmar, she describes it as a vital platform allowing citizens to speak and be heard despite censorship and internet blackouts. “Your podcast is more than useful,” she insists. “It's advocacy, and information awareness.”

Against the backdrop of Donald Trump's tariffs, America's closest ally, Canada, has struck a trade agreement with its rival, China. Speaking in Beijing, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney said the relationship with China had been "more predictable" than the one with the US. Is President Trump pushing his allies into Beijing's orbit? Also: Taiwan's tech firms will invest $250 billion in the US in exchange for lower tariffs. The government of Myanmar has begun its defence at the International Court of Justice against charges that it committed a genocide of the Rohingya people. South Korea's former president Yoon Suk Yeol is sentenced to prison for his 2024 attempt to impose martial law. And we take a look at the Africa Cup of Nations football tournament, as host nation Morocco prepares to face Senegal in the final. The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight.Get the news that matters, delivered twice a day on weekdays and daily at weekends, plus special bonus episodes reacting to urgent breaking stories. Follow or subscribe now and never miss a moment.Get in touch: globalpodcast@bbc.co.uk

Still largely viewed as a peaceful philosophy, across much of south-east Asia, the religion has been weaponised to serve nationalist goals By Sonia Faleiro. Read by Dinita Gohil. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/longreadpod

Come sempre, apriamo la puntata con l'attualità. Dalla fine di dicembre, l'Iran è attraversato da grandi proteste in tutto il Paese. Ora il futuro dell'Iran dipende da chi riuscirà a resistere più a lungo: il governo o la popolazione. Con l'aumentare delle proteste, le opzioni a disposizione delle autorità iraniane si fanno sempre più limitate. Nella notizia successiva parleremo dell'apertura delle udienze presso il principale tribunale delle Nazioni Unite per stabilire se il Myanmar abbia commesso un genocidio contro i Rohingya. Il caso sostiene che le "operazioni di sgombero" condotte dall'esercito nel 2017 nello Stato di Rakhine abbiano violato la Convenzione sul genocidio del 1948. Il governo militare del Myanmar respinge le accuse. Questo procedimento rappresenta una fase cruciale di una lunga battaglia legale sul trattamento riservato alla popolazione Rohingya. Nella sezione scientifica discuteremo il significato di una recente estrazione di campioni di roccia dal sottosuolo della calotta glaciale della Groenlandia. L'analisi chimica indica che l'area era priva di ghiaccio circa 7.100 anni fa. E infine, parleremo della valanga di meme sui social media scatenata dalla tuta indossata da Nicolás Maduro.    La seconda parte della puntata è dedicata alla lingua e alla cultura italiana. L'argomento grammaticale di oggi è Adverbs of Place. Ne troverete diversi esempi nel dialogo dedicato alle Olimpiadi invernali, che si terranno il mese prossimo tra Milano, Cortina d'Ampezzo e altri luoghi di montagna del Nord Italia. Un evento molto atteso, capace di attirare l'attenzione internazionale, ma che in alcuni casi — come a Bormio — è vissuto con più dubbi che entusiasmo. Nel finale ci soffermeremo sull'espressione idiomatica di oggi: Bando alle ciance. La troverete all'interno del dialogo dedicato a un'opera d'arte allestita in piazza Maggiore, a Bologna, durante il periodo delle feste. Un'installazione lontana dall'immaginario tradizionale del Natale e che, proprio per questo, ha suscitato discussioni e opinioni contrastanti. - La più grande ondata di proteste in Iran minaccia il regime al potere - Il tribunale delle Nazioni Unite indaga sulle accuse di genocidio del Myanmar contro i Rohingya - Gli scienziati scoprono dati molto preoccupanti sullo scioglimento dei ghiacci in Groenlandia - La tuta di Nicolás Maduro scatena una valanga di meme sui social - Bormio e le Olimpiadi invernali, più dubbi che festa - L'installazione che fa discutere Bologna

Episode #469: “This is not simply about solving the conflict, but about understanding the conflict to begin with,” explains Bhanubhatra “Kaan” Jittiang, an assistant professor of political science at Chulalongkorn University and director of the Nelson Mandela Center for Conflict Resolution and Human Security. He argues that most external efforts to mediate or manage Myanmar's conflict fail because they begin from the false assumption that Myanmar functions as a centralized, coherent nation-state. In his view, this assumption collapses because Myanmar is structurally complex, rapidly changing, and shaped by fragmented authority, layered identities, and long-normalized violence. Any workable approach, he insists, must start from how power, legitimacy, and survival actually operate, rather than from abstract peace formulas or standardized political templates. Kaan describes that Myanmar is often perceived in Thailand as a centralized state similar to Thailand itself, with ethnic diversity acknowledged but poorly understood in political terms. Descriptions of Myanmar as “federal,” he argues, are filtered through a centralized Thai frame that mistakes rhetoric for lived governance. This frame breaks down in practice. During early fieldwork after the coup, he encountered a dense landscape of armed groups and organizations that defy simple categorization. That confusion becomes emblematic of Myanmar's reality: political and social organization operates through overlapping layers, and distinctions within ethnic groups matter deeply for authority and representation. Kaan argues that this complexity defines the conflict itself. Simplifying Myanmar leads outsiders to false solutions such as “bringing everyone to the table” without confronting who “everyone” actually is. He also emphasizes how quickly conditions change, warning that static narratives lead actors to misread shifts in control and governance. “In just two to three weeks, things change,” he notes. Anchoring his analysis regionally, he argues that Thailand experiences Myanmar's crisis as a direct security pressure, rather than as a pressing tragedy. Capital-focused engagement, he contends, misreads a fragmented reality shaped largely at the border. Turning to humanitarian and security policy, he insists that long-term displacement demands investment in dignity, livelihoods, and prevention, not emergency response alone. He concludes that durable engagement must center people rather than rigid state frameworks, stating, “People have to be at the heart, and it must always be at the heart.”

Wie immer beginnen wir unser Programm mit einer Diskussion über aktuelle Ereignisse. Seit Ende Dezember gibt es im Iran landesweit große Proteste. Nun hängt die Zukunft des Iran davon ab, wer länger durchhält: die Regierung oder das Volk. Mit dem Anwachsen der Proteste hat die iranische Regierung immer weniger Optionen. Danach sprechen wir über die Eröffnung von Anhörungen vor dem höchsten Gericht der Vereinten Nationen, wo darüber entschieden wird, ob Myanmar Völkermord an den Rohingya begangen hat. In diesem Fall wird argumentiert, dass die „Säuberungsaktionen" des Militärs von Myanmar im Jahr 2017 im Bundesstaat Rakhine gegen die Völkermordkonvention von 1948 verstoßen haben. Die Militärregierung von Myanmar weist die Vorwürfe zurück. In unserem Wissenschaftsteil diskutieren wir die Bedeutung einer vor Kurzem durchgeführten chemischen Analyse von Gesteinsproben unter dem grönländischen Eisschild. Die Analyse deutet darauf hin, dass die Region vor etwa 7.100 Jahren eisfrei war. Und zum Schluss sprechen wir über eine Flut von Memes auf Social Media, die auf Nicolás Maduros Trainingsanzug basieren. Der Rest des Programms ist der deutschen Sprache und Kultur gewidmet. Die heutige Grammatiklektion konzentriert sich auf Verbs with Prepositions (Part 2). Seit 2008 wird in Deutschland das „Instrument des Jahres" gewählt. Dies soll Musikinstrumente in den Mittelpunkt rücken, die zu wenig Aufmerksamkeit bekommen, obwohl sie aufgrund ihrer Vielseitigkeit viel populärer sein sollten. Das Instrument des Jahres 2026 ist das Akkordeon. In einem Interview im vergangenen Sommer mit der deutschen Fernsehanstalt ARD konnte – oder wollte – AfD-Politikerin Alice Weidel keine drei Dinge nennen, die in Deutschland richtig gut laufen. Vielleicht können wir beide ihr hier ein wenig aushelfen, Jana. Was ist denn alles in Butter in Deutschland? Genau das ist auch die Redewendung dieser Woche: Alles in Butter. Riesige Protestwelle im Iran bedroht das islamistische Regime UN-Gericht startet Völkermord-Prozess gegen Myanmar Beunruhigende Fakten über das Abschmelzen des Eises in Grönland Nicolás Maduros Trainingsanzug sorgt für Social-Media-Hype Akkordeon ist Instrument des Jahres 2026 Drei Dinge, die in Deutschland richtig gut laufen

In Gaza, 800,000 people now live in dangerous locations prone to flooding: OCHASudanese pushed to the brink amid war and famine: WFPRohingya faced longstanding discrimination and hate speech ahead of genocide, ICJ hears 

Hii leo jaridani tunakuletea mada kwa kina inayomulika Mkataba wa Kimataifa wa kulinda viumbe hai wa baharini kwenye Bahari Kuu na ujumbe wa Mzee Ali Haji, Naibu Katibu Mkuu anayehusika na Katiba na Sheria katika Ofisi ya Rais, Serikali ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar nchini Tanzania kuhus umuhimu wa mkataba huu.Kesi inaendelea katika Mahakama ya Kimataifa ya Haki, ICJ mjini The Hague, kuhusu madai kwamba Myanmar ilitekeleza mauaji ya kimbari dhidi ya watu wa Rohingya. Mawakili wa Gambia wameiambia mahakama hiyo kuwa jeshi la Myanmar lilichochea ghasia kupitia kauli za chuki, likiwaita Warohingya “mbwa Waislamu”kabla ya mashambulizi ya mwaka 2017.Baada ya zaidi ya siku 1,000 za mzozo, Sudan inakabiliwa na mgogoro mkubwa zaidi wa njaa na uhamaji wa watu duniani. Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Mpango wa Chakula Duniani WFP, leo linaonya kuwa operesheni zake za kuokoa maisha ziko hatarini kutokana na uhaba mkubwa wa ufadhili.Mamilioni ya raia wa Uganda leo walipiga kura katika uchaguzi mkuu wa Rais, wabunge na serikali za mitaa huku Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Kuhudumia Wakimbizi UNHCR likisisitiza umuhimu wa wakimbizi zaidi ya milioni moja nchini humo kubaki bila kuegemea upande wowote wa kisiasa. Shirika hilo limeonya kuwa kushiriki katika siasa kunaweza kuwakosesha wakimbizi usalama, kupelekea mateso kutoka nchi zao za asili, au kuathiri ulinzi na hali yao ya hifadhi nchini Uganda.Na katika kujifunza lugha ya Kiswahili na leo Dkt. Mwanahija Ali Juma, Katibu Mtendaji wa Baraza la Kiswahili, Zanzibar nchini Tanzania, BAKIZA anafafanua maana na ya neno "MLOWIMA"Mwenyeji wako ni Rashid Malekela, karibu!

Wie immer beginnen wir unser Programm mit einer Diskussion über aktuelle Ereignisse. Seit Ende Dezember gibt es im Iran landesweit große Proteste. Nun hängt die Zukunft des Iran davon ab, wer länger durchhält: die Regierung oder das Volk. Mit dem Anwachsen der Proteste hat die iranische Regierung immer weniger Optionen. Danach sprechen wir über die Eröffnung von Anhörungen vor dem höchsten Gericht der Vereinten Nationen, wo darüber entschieden wird, ob Myanmar Völkermord an den Rohingya begangen hat. In diesem Fall wird argumentiert, dass die „Säuberungsaktionen" des Militärs von Myanmar im Jahr 2017 im Bundesstaat Rakhine gegen die Völkermordkonvention von 1948 verstoßen haben. Die Militärregierung von Myanmar weist die Vorwürfe zurück. In unserem Wissenschaftsteil diskutieren wir die Bedeutung einer vor Kurzem durchgeführten chemischen Analyse von Gesteinsproben unter dem grönländischen Eisschild. Die Analyse deutet darauf hin, dass die Region vor etwa 7.100 Jahren eisfrei war. Und zum Schluss sprechen wir über eine Flut von Memes auf Social Media, die auf Nicolás Maduros Trainingsanzug basieren. Der Rest des Programms ist der deutschen Sprache und Kultur gewidmet. Die heutige Grammatiklektion konzentriert sich auf Verbs with Prepositions (Part 2). Seit 2008 wird in Deutschland das „Instrument des Jahres" gewählt. Dies soll Musikinstrumente in den Mittelpunkt rücken, die zu wenig Aufmerksamkeit bekommen, obwohl sie aufgrund ihrer Vielseitigkeit viel populärer sein sollten. Das Instrument des Jahres 2026 ist das Akkordeon. In einem Interview im vergangenen Sommer mit der deutschen Fernsehanstalt ARD konnte – oder wollte – AfD-Politikerin Alice Weidel keine drei Dinge nennen, die in Deutschland richtig gut laufen. Vielleicht können wir beide ihr hier ein wenig aushelfen, Jana. Was ist denn alles in Butter in Deutschland? Genau das ist auch die Redewendung dieser Woche: Alles in Butter. Riesige Protestwelle im Iran bedroht das islamistische Regime UN-Gericht startet Völkermord-Prozess gegen Myanmar Beunruhigende Fakten über das Abschmelzen des Eises in Grönland Nicolás Maduros Trainingsanzug sorgt für Social-Media-Hype Akkordeon ist Instrument des Jahres 2026 Drei Dinge, die in Deutschland richtig gut laufen

It's Wednesday, January 14th, A.D. 2026. This is The Worldview in 5 Minutes heard on 140 radio stations and at www.TheWorldview.com. I'm Adam McManus. (Adam@TheWorldview.com) By Jonathan Clark Most dangerous countries for Christians: The 2026 Red List Global Christian Relief released its 2026 Red List of the world's most dangerous countries to be a Christian.  The report verified nearly 2,000 Christians were killed between November 2023 and October 2025. The country with the most killings of Christians was Nigeria. The country with the most violence and intimidation against churches was Rwanda. China led with the most arrests and sentences of Christians. Mozambique saw the most displacement of believers. And Mexico had the most abductions of Christians.  Other dangerous countries for Christians included the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, India, Iran, Myanmar, Nicaragua, Russia, Ukraine, and Vietnam. Psalm 37:14-15 says, “The wicked have drawn the sword and have bent their bow, to cast down the poor and needy, to slay those who are of upright conduct. Their sword shall enter their own heart, and their bows shall be broken.” Trump threatens Nigeria with more military strikes Speaking of Nigeria, the country could see more military strikes from the United States if violence against Christians continues. On Christmas Day last month, the U.S. launched deadly strikes in Nigeria against militants linked with the Islamic State.   U.S. President Donald Trump told The New York Times last Thursday, “I'd love to make it a one-time strike. But if they continue to kill Christians it will be a many-time strike.” Listen to President Trump's warning last November. TRUMP: “I'm hereby instructing our Department of War to prepare for possible action. If we attack, it will be fast, vicious and sweet, just like the terrorist thugs attack our cherished Christians.” Texas banned tax-funded abortion travel Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton claimed victory last Friday in a case against San Antonio's abortion travel fund. The city established its so-called “Reproductive Justice Fund” last year to support women traveling to other states to kill their unborn babies. However, Texas subsequently passed a law to ban such funding. Attorney General Paxton commented on the case. He said, “I will always do everything in my power to prevent radicals from manipulating the system to murder innocent babies. … San Antonio's unlawful attempt to cover the travel and other expenses for out-of-state abortions has now officially been defeated.” Trump wants to ban institutional investors in single-family homes President Donald Trump is calling for Congress to ban large institutional investors from buying single-family homes. Such investors have acquired thousands of single-family homes since the 2008 financial crisis.  President Trump hopes his ban on institutional investors would make single-family homes more affordable. The median price for an existing home hit a record $435,300 last year. On Truth Social, he wrote, “People live in homes, not corporations.” More immigrants left America than entered in 2025 A report by the Brookings Institute estimates that more immigrants left the U.S. than entered it last year. The report suggests net migration fell by anywhere from 10,000 to 295,000 in 2025. It's the first time in at least 50 years that net migration was negative for America. 2026 is also expected to see negative net migration. Actor Timothy Busfield arrested on child sex abuse charges NewsNation has confirmed that Emmy-winning actor Timothy Busfield has surrendered to law enforcement after an arrest warrant was issued last week amid allegations of sexual abuse involving minors in New Mexico. According to a criminal complaint, two young actors allege that Busfield, age 68, touched them inappropriately while on set filming the Fox series “The Cleaning Lady” from 2022 to 2024, where Busfield was an Executive Producer. The court documents detail a pattern of grooming, where Busfield would allegedly shower the children with gifts and praise, while also kissing and fondling the boys in a bedroom on set. They were 7 and 8 years old at the time. Record high of U.S. independents A new Gallup survey found a record-high 45 percent of U.S. adults identified as political independents last year. The last time that Americans were evenly split between Republicans, Independents, and Democrats was 2005. Since then, identification with Republicans and Democrats has dwindled to 27 percent each.  The rise of political independents comes as younger generations are less likely to identify with a party. However, slightly more Americans still lean Democrat than Republican.  Christian homeless shelter allowed to hire like-minded staff And finally, the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled unanimously in favor of Union Gospel Mission last Tuesday. The Christian homeless shelter in Washington state serves anyone but only hires employees who agree with their religious beliefs. A state anti-discrimination law would have required the mission to hire people who did not align with their beliefs. So, the mission challenged the law with the help of Alliance Defending Freedom. Jeremiah Galus, Senior Counsel with the Christian legal group, said, “Yakima Union Gospel Mission exists to spread the Gospel of Jesus Christ through its homeless shelter, addiction-recovery programs, outreach efforts, meal services, and health clinics. The Ninth Circuit correctly ruled that the First Amendment protects the mission's freedom to hire fellow believers who share that calling.” Hebrews 13:16 says, “But do not forget to do good and to share, for with such sacrifices God is well pleased.” Close And that's The Worldview on this Wednesday, January 14th, in the year of our Lord 2026. Follow us on X or subscribe for free by Spotify, Amazon Music, or by iTunes or email to our unique Christian newscast at www.TheWorldview.com.  I'm Adam McManus (Adam@TheWorldview.com). Seize the day for Jesus Christ.

There's a difference between constitutionally protected free speech and acts of civil disobedience that could lead to arrests. Still, it's not clear that Renee Good in Minneapolis was interfering illegally with ICE operations. And civil disobedience isn't terrorism under traditional definitions. Also: today's stories, including how the Trump White House wants to make sure Smithsonian museum exhibits conform to its ideology; how efforts to diversify rare earth supply chains are bringing new attention to war-ravaged Myanmar; and how since the start of the war in Ukraine and Western sanctions, getting from Russia to the rest of Europe has become a frustration. Join the Monitor's Ira Porter for today's news.

In episode 1988, Jack and Miles are joined by journalist, co-host of It Could Happen Here, and author of Against the State: Anarchists and Comrades at War in Spain, Myanmar, and Rojava, James Stout, to discuss… Continued Attempts At Controlling The Narrative, Turning Point Has SUCH A HUGE SURPRISE In Store For The Super Bowl…, At Least Zohran Is Getting Busy and more! WATCH: Kristi Noem Sputters After Tapper Rolls J6 Tape and Confronts Her On Whether Capitol Police Had Cause to Shoot Turning Point Has SUCH A HUGE SURPRISE In Store For The Super Bowl… LISTEN: Goblin Mode by Temporary BlessingsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Advocate Franca Zanovello shares her deep beliefs about beauty for women of all ages. Growing up in Italy, and living in six different countries, influenced Franca's earliest experiences with skin care. Experiencing massage by blind people in Myanmar helped her understand how touch alone elevates wellness through body massage. In a large family of women, she learned to take care of her skin, body and hair, and her grandmother, who was a mid-wife, taught her science and explained to her how the body functions at a very young age. Today, Franca works with Skintensive, a dermatologist, efficacy-driven skin care brand designed for maturing skin. Franca's approach to the innovation and science behind skin care is the reason we support and appreciate Skintensive's support of us. 20% discount at https://www.skintensive.com with code WO70 + free shipping. “Growing up in Italy and living in South Asia influenced my belief in the deep connection of body and mind and my view of beauty as a reflection of health.” - Franca Zanovella Fading Memories Women Over 70-Aging Reimagined is a member of the Age-Wise Collective, 13 women-led podcasts that feature women 50+ and topics that promote the pro-aging movement. This month's Collaborator is Jennifer Fink, who hosts Fading Memories, a podcast for caregivers of loved ones with dementia. It provides insights and guidance on communicating effectively, managing stress, and coping with grief and loss.

Episode #467: “We still believe that engaging is more useful than not engaging,” says Kiat Sittheeamorn , former Thai Deputy Prime Minister and international trade negotiator. In this discussion, Kiat draws on decades of experience in engineering, business, and international diplomacy to reflect on the tough moral and practical choices facing Southeast Asia today. Kiat's approach to public service was shaped by hardship, self-reliance, and a code rooted in early struggle. From power plant engineer to director of the Board of Trade, to an “accidental” entry into politics at the height of Thailand's 1997 economic crisis, he moved quickly into three terms as Member of Parliament and one as Deputy Prime Minister. Carrying technical expertise into public life, Kiat saw integrity as the only defense against the temptations and the “confusion” of power. In Parliament, he explains how he fought corruption, intimidation and bribery, and helped force the repayment of billions in ill-gotten gains. Internationally, Kiat rejects “market fundamentalism,” insisting that global progress requires fairness alongside growth. For this reason, he prefers the term “free and fair trade” than “free trade” alone. Kiat views Southeast Asian economic integration as essential, but laments that Thailand's “bad politics”—corruption, disunity, and passive excuses—have held the country back. His perspective on Myanmar is equally blunt. Thailand has borne refugee burdens faithfully, he says, while Western partners fail to deliver on their promises. On the value of sanctions or “megaphone diplomacy,” Kiat argues that quiet engagement—pragmatic, persistent, and rooted in genuine empathy—offers a better path forward, even when dealing with deeply flawed elections and authoritarian regimes.

The latest from Tehran as protests enter a third week and US president Donald Trump warns that Washington is ready to intervene. Plus: Myanmar heads to the polls, Nato’s position on Greenland, Nordic news, the Golden Globes and our chairman Tyler Brûlé on the fall of luxury retailer Saks.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

US President Donald Trump mulls options in Iran, including restoring internet service and "serious" military action. International Court of Justice kicks off 3-weeks of hearings into whether Myanmar committed genocide against Rohingya Muslims. BC Premier David Eby on 6-day trade mission to India to find new markets for British Columbia's softwood lumber, natural gas, and critical minerals. Members of the Canadian Arms Forces begin helping Pimicikamak Cree Nation with recovery operation, after days-long power outage. Chair of US Federal Reserve says he is being threatened with criminal indictment by US President Donald Trump because of his stance on interest rates. Canadians behind 'K Pop Demon Hunters' and 'The Studio' win big at the 83rd annual Golden Globes.

Las liberaciones en Venezuela son un paso, pero insuficiente frente a obligaciones de derechos humanos, dice la Misión Independiente.  Guterres pide a Irán frenar la represión y respetar el derecho a la protesta pacífica. Muere otro bebé por frío en Gaza. La Corte Internacional de Justicia abre el caso por genocidio contra Myanmar por crímenes contra los rohinyá

Comprehensive coverage of the day's news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice. Peace Palace, home of International Court of Justice Fresno activists join nationwide protests of ICE killing in Minneapolis; Republican state attorneys general blast trans athletes on eve of Supreme Court hearing of cases from Idaho and West Virginia; UN Security Council holds emergency session after Russia's weekend strike on Ukraine; Myanmar genocide case goes to hearing in International Court of Justice; State legislation could require medication to treat mental health emergencies, building on SF Mayor's plan The post Fresno activists protest Minneapolis ICE killing; Myanmar genocide case goes to hearing in International Court of Justice – January 12, 2026 appeared first on KPFA.

Episode #466: Jonathan Moss, a Free Burma Rangers (FBR) volunteer and former U.S. Explosive Ordnance Disposal officer, speaks on the topic of landmines. He notes that the Burma Army routinely employs these devices around military camps, along roads and trails, and in villages. After the military takes a village, often accompanied by widespread looting and arson, it routinely seeds the ground with landmines near homes, places of worship and transit routes. Displaced villagers returning home face a stark choice: conduct ad hoc demining now or live with constant danger.“Mines are being laid, not only for defense, but to target civilians,” Moss says. “IDP routes, food paths, water access points – they're increasingly contaminated.” Mines have been found at church entrances and home doorways, deliberately targeting civilians, in violation of international humanitarian law.More than 1,600 mine and UXO casualties were recorded in Myanmar in 2024 – the worst in the world for the second year running. Beyond deaths and injuries, contamination creates fear and economic hardship for communities.“Demining, it's already happening with or without international support,” Moss says. “People just really can't wait. They're clearing paths to farms, water sources, medical clinics and schools out of necessity.”In partnership with communities, FBR is working to establish an Explosive Hazard Mitigation Center that would support existing efforts and upholding International Mine Action Standards as much as possible. In the midst of the uncertain conflict and a shortfall of international support at the local level, demining efforts face considerable challenges but also solutions that are in sight.

Irans Regime gibt nicht nach – seine Gegner auch nicht. Der Internationale Gerichtshof befasst sich mit einer Genozidklage. Und: Vizekanzler und Außenminister treffen US-Vertreter in Washington. Das ist die Lage am Montagmorgen. Die Artikel zum Nachlesen: Mehr Hintergründe hier: So breiten sich die Proteste in Iran aus Mehr Hintergründe zur Krise des Völkerrechts hier: »Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof dümpelt führungslos dahin« Mehr Hintergründe hier: Mit dänischen Kampfjets in Richtung Washington+++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

This week, we're pre-releasing an interview with James Stout on his upcoming AK Press book: Against The State: Anarchists and Comrades at War in Spain, Myanmar, and Rojava, due out early January. You may recognize James as a contributor to the Cool Zone podcast It Could Happen Here (including the recent four parter, "Darién Gap: One Year Later" December 1-4th episodes, 2025), distributed by IheartMedia. For this episode, we talk about the idea of anarchist armies, discuss those three conflicts, left libertarian approaches to formalized armed resistance beyond a guerrilla unit, some of the novel technologies and international solidarities that have developed and a lot more. Other podcasts James has worked on Migrating To America: A Dream Worth Dying For Myanmar: Printing The Revolution Reports Related To Child Soldiers and Conscription among the SDF https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/10/02/northeast-syria-military-recruitment-children-persists https://snhr.org/blog/2025/10/08/condemning-the-widespread-detention-for-forced-conscription-by-the-syrian-democratic-forces-in-raqqa-and-deir-ez-zor-since-29-september-2025/

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube

Lage im Iran eskaliert weiter: Laut Aktivisten fast 500 Demonstrierende getötet, Deutscher Wetterdienst warnt vor Eisregen, Kritik am Krisenmanagement der Bahn, Influenza-Welle belastet Kliniken, Zweite Runde von umstrittener Parlamentswahl in Myanmar, Rythmus-Gitarrist Bob Weir gestorben, Ergebnisse des 16. Spieltags der Fußball-Bundesliga, Wintersport, Das Wetter Hinweis: Die Beiträge zur Fußball-Bundesbundesliga und zum Skispringen dürfen aus rechtlichen Gründen nicht auf tagesschau.de gezeigt werden.

As anti-government protests in Tehran escalate with symbolic acts of defiance like pot-banging, the Iranian parliament is threatening to strike U.S. and Israeli bases if Washington intervenes militarily. Kurdish fighters have completed their withdrawal from Aleppo under an internationally mediated deal, ending a decade of control and a week of deadly clashes with Syrian government forces. Myanmar is holding the second phase of a controversial three-part election widely condemned as a sham designed to formalize the military's power five years after its 2021 coup. China's gold capital, Zhaoyuan, is pivoting to "gold culture" tourism to diversify its economy as record-high prices drive away traditional buyers. Hollywood's best gather tonight as the 83rd Golden Globes honour top movies and TV. Grateful Dead co-founder and rock legend Bob Weir has died at 78 following a battle with cancer, ending a six-decade career that defined the San Francisco sound.

Lage im Iran eskaliert weiter: Laut Aktivisten fast 500 Demonstrierende getötet, Deutscher Wetterdienst warnt vor Eisregen, Kritik am Krisenmanagement der Bahn, Influenza-Welle belastet Kliniken, Zweite Runde von umstrittener Parlamentswahl in Myanmar, Rythmus-Gitarrist Bob Weir gestorben, Ergebnisse des 16. Spieltags der Fußball-Bundesliga, Wintersport, Das Wetter Hinweis: Die Beiträge zur Fußball-Bundesbundesliga und zum Skispringen dürfen aus rechtlichen Gründen nicht auf tagesschau.de gezeigt werden.

Regime erhöht Druck auf Protestierende im Iran, Opposition weitgehend ausgeschlossen bei zweiter Runde der Parlamentswahl in Myanmar, 50 Jahre Skateboarding in Kiel, Der Sport, Das Wetter Hinweis: Die Beiträge zur Fußball-Bundesbundesliga dürfen aus rechtlichen Gründen nicht auf tagesschau.de gezeigt werden.

Saturday on PBS News Weekend, ICE shootings spark protests around the U.S. as the Trump administration deploys more Border Patrol agents to Minneapolis. Why critics say Myanmar's first elections since a military coup five years ago are a sham. Plus, a new book offers a glimpse into one of the most secretive and controversial companies in Silicon Valley. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy

The second phase of elections is underway in Myanmar this weekend. It's the first election since the ruling military regime seized power five years ago, but with major opposition parties barred from participating, leaders jailed and an ongoing civil war keeping many from voting, the process is being widely criticized as a sham. Special correspondent Kira Kay reports. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy

The second phase of elections is underway in Myanmar this weekend. It's the first election since the ruling military regime seized power five years ago, but with major opposition parties barred from participating, leaders jailed and an ongoing civil war keeping many from voting, the process is being widely criticized as a sham. Special correspondent Kira Kay reports. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy

Presidents Donald Trump and Volodymyr Zelensky say there's been progress in talks over the Russia-Ukraine war, but difficult issues remain unresolved, including whether Kyiv should give up territory. President Trump said they would know in a few weeks whether a deal is possible. Also: China announces fresh war games around Taiwan. It will practice deterring anyone coming to the island's defence. Myanmar's military is desperate for the country's first general election in five years to be a success, but critics say it's a sham. We look at how Pope Leo is making his mark. And the French film actress and sex symbol Bridget Bardot has died. The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight. Get the news that matters, delivered twice a day on weekdays and daily at weekends, plus special bonus episodes reacting to urgent breaking stories. Follow or subscribe now and never miss a moment. Get in touch: globalpodcast@bbc.co.uk

Five years after seizing power in a coup, the military junta in Myanmar is holding an election. Yet all credible opposition has been banned. And war has inspired so many films over the past century. Our correspondents battle it out to pick the best one. Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Voting has begun in the opening phase of Myanmar's heavily restricted general election, the first since the military seized power nearly five years ago in a coup, an act that sparked civil war. The first round of voting takes place in around a quarter of the country; two more rounds are due to take place next month. Also: we look at how deportation fears in the US are driving money transfers to Honduras. A Siberian tiger gives birth to a record five cubs, it's China's first documented case of a tiger having quintuplets in the wild. Research suggests that a mysterious force called Dark Energy - which drives the expansion of the Universe - might be changing, in a way that challenges our current understanding of time and space. And Aryna Sabalenka takes on Nick Kyrgios in what's been dubbed the 'Battle of the Sexes' tennis match. We look at why it's polarising opinion.The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight. Get the news that matters, delivered twice a day on weekdays and daily at weekends, plus special bonus episodes reacting to urgent breaking stories. Follow or subscribe now and never miss a moment. Get in touch: globalpodcast@bbc.co.uk

Thailand and Cambodia have agreed to an immediate ceasefire, ending weeks of deadly border clashes. It paves the way for prisoner exchanges and for a million displaced civilians to return to their homes. Also: President Trump claims US strikes "decimated" IS targets in Nigeria; the latest on Russia-Ukraine peace talks; Myanmar lifts a curfew after four years; China's high-speed railway races to a new milestone; the Iranian actress, Taraneh Alidoosti, speaks out against women's oppression; how TV adverts fight - and reinforce - stereotypes; an elusive wild cat is rediscovered in Thailand; and we meet the Slovenian ski jumpers heading to the Winter Olympics.The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight. Get the news that matters, delivered twice a day on weekdays and daily at weekends, plus special bonus episodes reacting to urgent breaking stories. Follow or subscribe now and never miss a moment. Get in touch: globalpodcast@bbc.co.uk