Podcast appearances and mentions of chris brooke

David, Helen and Chris Brooke have one more go at making sense of the tangled web that is British politics. Can Johnson really survive, and even if he does, can his brand ever recover? Is this a scandal, is it a crisis, or is it something else entirely? Does history offer any guide to what comes next? Plus we explore what might be the really big lessons from the last two years of Covid-dominated politics.Talking Points: It's obvious why Boris is a problem, but it's not clear who would replace him.There will probably need to be a decisive marker, either the May local elections or the police report could be it.The strategic question for the Conservative party is, can it win enough seats to form a stable majority government?Boris won't go voluntarily. But can he survive?Newer MPs are not loyal to Johnson, but older ones are more wary of defenestrating a leader who won big majorities.A lot of people have left number 10. It will be hard for him to govern.In 2015, Ed Miliband was leading in the headline polls. But there were signs of weakness.Labour wasn't winning local elections. And Cameron was polling better on two key questions: leadership and the economy.Labour has now moved ahead on both. It would still be hard for Labour to win an overall majority, but defeat in local elections might spook the Conservatives.The politics of scandal are different from the politics of crisis.Scandals change how politics are conducted, but they don't usually trash the party's reputation.Helen thinks that it is a politics of chaos.This particular scandal is bound up in Johnson's appeal. On most issues, the outrage of the other side works for Johnson.Outrage about the parties is different: Johnson was a hypocrite.He has trashed his own brand this time, but he still doesn't think the game is over.Were the pandemic years a dress rehearsal for the politics of climate change?To reach net zero, governments will need to ask people to make sacrifices. Will future politics be a politics of limits?The pandemic has also deepened generational divides. Mentioned in this Episode: Recent polling dataFurther Learning: Isaac Chotiner asks David about hypocrisy and Partygate Shadow Chancellor Rachel Reeves on Labour optimismDavid on Dominic Cummings' blogFrom the archive… Who is Boris Johnson?And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/talkingpolitics.

Come along for the latest Endless Season Outdoors Podcast – Part 2 where we go in-depth on Truman Lake with the Truman Fisheries Management Biologist. In this episode, we answer viewer questions from our first interview with Chris Brooke and discuss walleye, hybrids, and spoonbill.

Come along with Tyler Mahoney and Jeff Faulkenberry as they interview the Truman Lake Fisheries Management Biologist, Chris Brooke. During the episode, they focus in on native species like crappie, catfish, and largemouth bass. On Chris Brooke's next visit, they will discuss more in-depth the species that are supported with supplemental stockings like hybrids, walleye, and spoonbill.

This week we discuss the government's post-Budget economic strategy and the new dividing lines in British politics. Have the Tories stolen Labour's clothes? Is there a new consensus emerging on tax and pend? What can Keir Starmer do to carve out a distinctive economic position? Plus we consider whether a new Labour leader in Scotland can kickstart a revival of the party's fortunes there. With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke.Talking Points: Rishi Sunak’s plan in the short-term is to concentrate on economic recovery and to end pandemic support in a reasonably—but not entirely—gradualist fashion.In the medium-term, he’s saying there has to be an emphasis on paying for the pandemic and bringing the level of debt as proportion of GDP back down.Sunak wants the Conservatives to go into the next election as the party that claims to be serious about the economy, ie, cautious about debt.Both of the parties seem to be hoping that the past will come back—but it probably won’t.Starmer put a heavy bet on the competence case against Johnson. That worked well for much of 2020. The bet was that Brexit would make things chaotic. But the pandemic has gone on longer than people expected, and the vaccine rollout is going well. The furlough scheme has also been continued. In two-party politics, the two parties often tend to converge. Is this happening in the UK?Both parties have an interest in constructing the convergence as an illusion; but is it?Brexit has produced some convergence because Labour isn’t trying to rejoin Europe.Financial and monetary market conditions make it possible to sustain huge levels of debt. Most of the Western world have responded to China’s industrial strategy by calling for an industrial strategy.The Tories are now putting a big emphasis on green energy; this also brings them closer to Labour.The politics for each party are different.Labour needs to persuade people it has a plausible growth strategy because that is what they need to flourish. The big risk for the conservatives is unemployment.Labour needs to expand its electoral coalition; this won’t be easy, but the return of mass unemployment might provide one way of doing this.Further Learning: More on Rishi Sunak’s budgetJohnson’s green energy plansWhy public debt is not like credit card debtOn Starmer’s response to the budgetWho is Anas Sarwar?And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking  See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/talkingpolitics.

We look past Covid and Brexit to ask where the long-term opposition to Johnson's government is going to come from. Can Corbynism remain a force in British politics, even without Corbyn? Is there room for a challenge to the Conservatives from the right? Will climate politics drive street protest politics or can it help the Greens? Plus we consider whether Nicola Sturgeon is really the leader of the opposition. With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke.Talking Points:Corbynist energy levels are low these days.There is a strong Corbynist presence on Twitter and in certain media institutions, but it’s not clear that it extends far beyond those bubbles.Much of the radical left politics in the near future will be defensive.When Starmer ran for leader, he essentially offered Corbynism without Corbyn.The manifestos of 2017 and 2019 were popular inside the Labour Party and reasonably popular with the public. Corbyn did move the party out of New Labour’s shadow. Starmer has inherited a party that is firmly outside the New Labour mainstream.Although some Corbynists fear a return to New Labour-esque politics, Labour now seems to be a social democratic party in the European mold. Will the Green Party benefit from these developments?Helen thinks that we are more likely to see increased green activism than a resurgence in Green Party politics.Many on the left are disenchanted with parliamentary politics.And over the last couple of years, the major parties have shifted on climate. If Johnson is really committed to greener politics, does that open space on the right?Farage is positioning himself in this gap.This could intersect with a rebellion against lockdown.What should Starmer do about Scotland?Could Starmer make a case that the democratic voice of the people of Scotland must be heard, and then make a social democratic case for the Union?A more federal union is going to require stronger institutions in England, which is probably to Labour’s disadvantage. Time for the SNP to weaken is probably the best way forward for both unionist parties.Mentioned in this Episode:This Land by Owen JonesFurther Learning: James Butler on the Corbyn project for the LRBMore on Macron, the constitution, and climate politicsFrom our archives… Labour’s Fault LinesA profile of Andy Burnham from The GuardianAnd as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

This week we come back to Brexit and ask whether Boris Johnson has a good way out of the current negotiations with the EU over a trade deal. First we talk with Kenneth Armstrong, Professor of European Law, about the thinking and the reality behind the government's Internal Market Bill. Then David, Helen and Chris Brooke explore the politics of success and failure in the negotiations. Can the Union survive? Does the government have a coherent strategy? And how much trouble is Johnson really in?Talking Points:Is the Internal Market Bill just a negotiating tactic, or is it a genuine safeguard for a future world in which there is no trade deal? The government is worried that the wording of the Northern Ireland Protocol risks the possibility of the EU overreaching in its interpretation in ways that would make it more difficult for the UK to pursue its own state aid policy, for example.The government is now saying that it would only invoke these provisions if the EU acts in ‘bad faith.’The problem with that argument is that the agreements already have their own safeguard mechanisms. Why do you need a domestic legal mechanism?The substance of the Internal Market Bill is also getting serious pushback from the devolved authorities.The EU has launched infringement proceedings against the UK. It’s a structured process with different phases. The imperative is to try to seek a resolution without needing to take the action before the Court of Justice.The Commission’s argument is that the UK is acting on bad faith. In the transition period, the UK is effectively treated as a member state. What happens when the UK is fully outside of the transition period? For now at least, all this political theatre isn’t immediately derailing the process of getting an agreement on a future relationship.The ultimate obstacles to a deal are existential: the UK wants to guarantee respect for its autonomy, so does the EU.The EU’s great fear is that the model of a social market economy that it has been building among its member states would be threatened if the UK could engage in regulatory competition or distorted subsidies with the EU.That’s why the level playing field rules and state aid are so important for the EU. There’s also the geopolitical question: the consequences for both sides of not reaching a deal would be significant.Johnson gave his conference speech and he barely mentioned Brexit.The stakes of the ongoing negotiations are as high as they were a year ago, but the political heat—at least for now—has gone out of it.Johnson hopes that if you can get through the next few years and stabilize the Union from the present threats then it will be possible to put the Union on more solid constitutional groundings.This is a politics of crisis. There’s not a clear strategic vision.The pandemic has made the politics of devolution even more complicated because it’s created a de facto English government, which is the UK parliament.The more the Scottish government, the Northern Irish government and the Welsh government disagree about what the rules should be, the more the fact that there is an English government comes to the surface.This becomes an electoral issue too.Is Johnson on his way out?His track record may be a liability where the Union is concerned. There may be better people to lead the Conservative party on the Scottish question.Making a deal with the EU could hurt him with the Spartans of the European Research Group.Johnson’s health could also be an issue; that’s why he’s determined to show that he doesn’t have long-COVID.Mentioned in this Episode:

This week we talk about the politics of incompetence: when does it matter and when can politicians get away with it. Have repeated u-turns during the pandemic damaged the government? Has Nicola Sturgeon had a better crisis than Boris Johnson or is it just competence theatre? Is the government's incompetence going to be enough to get Keir Starmer into Downing Street? With Helen Thompson, Chris Brooke and Chris Bickerton.Talking Points:Competence: does it matter? What kinds of incompetence are likely to do this government the most harm?There have been a lot of u-turns in the policy and rules around COVID.Are these u-turns or is the government improvising in an unprecedented situation?The u-turns that do the most harm are those that are seen as a breach of trust.The important context for u-turns in British politics is Margaret Thatcher’s 1980 speech to the Conservative Party Conference.Her predecessor, Ted Heath, did not stick to the manifesto line in government.She actually was making a u-turn in macroeconomic policy, but she had concluded that voters saw pragmatic chopping and changing as incompetence.The difficulty for Johnson is that there’s a general perception that the government isn’t entirely on top of things. The competence issue comes back to the surface.The internal market bill is being published and it will apparently renege on some aspects of the withdrawal act.Being perceived as seeing yourself above international law is a risk for any government.In the context of Brexit, this is the consequence of how boxed in the Johnson government was when it came into power.COVID has revealed big differences between Westminster and the devolved governments.Sturgeon in particular has pitched her government as more competent than the Johnson government.Critics of the SNP say that this is theatre. But the handling of the pandemic may well feed into the SNP’s pitch heading into what appears to be an increasingly imminent referendum, which they are increasingly confident of winning.But it’s not just the pandemic; it’s also the whole Brexit process.Can Starmer use competence as a lever? Can you win power through competence?The opposition is not in a great place to set the agenda. A number of very important decisions will be made in the next year or so that change the political situation.Don’t underestimate the power of the Conservatives to replace Johnson.Many of Johnson’s ministers are creatures of his politics.What’s interesting about Sunak is that he doesn’t quite fit that template.Mentioned in this Episode:Margaret Thatcher’s 1980 speech to the Conservative Party Conference (‘the lady’s not for turning’)Scottish support for independence rises in the pandemicWho is Boris Johnson?Further Learning: More on the Internal Market BillThe Guardian’s view on the Internal Market... See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

David is joined by Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke to try to get beyond the current crisis and work out where British politics is heading. How different is Starmer's political programme likely to be from Corbyn's? Can the Labour party become the party of the workers again? And is Brexit really going to happen without an extension and without a deal? Plus we explore the renewed influence of the trade unions and ask what it means for the political choices ahead.Talking Points:What kind of Labour Party is Keir Starmer looking to create?He never presented himself as a Corbynite, though there are some significant leftward moves policy wise.Labour is a more recognizably a social democratic party than it was during the new Labour era.We probably will see party management return to something that is more familiar from Ed Miliband’s era. Starmer seems to be moving away from a Green New Deal kind of Labour politics.Does moving back to being a workers’ party move you away from being a students’ party?Once you have enough people going to university and acquiring a lot of debt to do so, the question of separation between workers and students starts to fall away.The nature of work is changing.The current crisis may give Starmer a chance to cut across these divides. Issues about unions and workplaces go to the top of government policy at the moment.The unions will be pushing health and safety issues as far as they can.The unions can make a better case that they’re on the side of ordinary people.The universal basic income question has emerged again.Starmer doesn’t seem to be that keen.Public opinion isn’t fully behind UBI.A lot depends on the medium-term economic fallout, especially the employment damage.So far, the biggest hits have come in the service sector.Starmer is trying to move on from Brexit.Is this just tactical? The government will have to make decisions on Brexit. The virus could be easier for the government to move towards a no trade deal exit.From the point of view from the EU, negotiating a trade agreement with Britain is even less of a priority now.Mentioned in this Episode:Starmer’s column on VE dayPeter Sloman’s book, Transfer StateFurther Learning:The New Statesman on Keir StarmerUnion leaders sound warnings about the return to workIs Keir Starmer like John Smith?And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We are back for 2020 to talk about Labour's future after Corbyn. How can the party move the argument beyond Brexit? Does the voting system help or hinder Labour's chances of returning to power? And what to do about Scotland? Plus, we ask how much damage would be done if the next leader turns out to be the only man in the field. With Helen Thompson, Chris Brooke and Chris Bickerton.Talking Points: Electoral Reform seems to be a perennial issue for the Labour Party.Starmer says he wants to win a majority—but it’s hard to see how. Would electoral reform get Labour any closer to winning? In 1987, Tony Blair pointed out that there is a real risk of collapse for centre-left parties under proportional representation systems.We often think of alliance politics as being anti-Tory, but look at 2010: sometimes it works the other way.First Past the Post keeps Labour in place as the only alternative government.Is England a broadly conservative country or an anti-conservative country whose electoral system doesn’t reflect society?It’s hard to know—there does seem to be a core conservative voting bloc. One reason that pessimism isn’t evenly distributed in the Labour party despite the defeat is that people think the biggest problem was fighting an election with an unpopular leader.Corbyn and Brexit may have been sufficient conditions for a Labour defeat.Would Labour fare better with a different leader?The generational divide poses a challenge—how can Labour appeal to over 65’s without alienating young people.The leadership election appears to be Keir Starmer’s to lose.Will the fact that he’s facing three women be a problem?Rebecca Long-Bailey has a lot of prominent support, but she’s not a great media performer.Mentioned in this Episode:Tony Blair for The New Statesman in 1987Daniel Finkelstein’s column on Keir StarmerThe YouGov poll on the next Labour leaderThe 2019 election, broken down by ageFurther Learning: David’s lecture on the generational divide in politicsOur YouTube video on Labour leadershipAnd as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We gather the morning after the Tory triumph the night before to discuss how they did it and what it means. From Swinson's hubris to Corbyn's comeuppance, from Scottish independence to constitutional challenges, from the start of Brexit to the end of the Brexit party, we try to cover it all in a bumper edition. With Helen Thompson, Chris Brooke, Chris Bickerton, Alison Young, Peter Sloman, Kenneth Armstrong, and some overnight reflections from other TP regulars. If you want to hear more, David and Helen are also on 538 discussing the election result.Talking Points: It was a good night for the Conservatives, a bad one for Labour, and cosmically bad for the Lib Dems.The Lib Dems made a fatal mistake in backing Revoke and running a presidential style campaign.They lured fewer Tory remainers than they had hoped.Six months ago, the Conservatives were in existential crisis, and now they are like Thatcher in all her pomp.How grim are things for Labour? They lost seats they’ve held for decades. But they didn’t lose by that much. If the problems are Corbyn and Brexit, those won’t be there the next time around. Realignment in the North and Midlands may not be permanent.Labour is popular among young people and renters. There are more of them in cities, where Labour is already strong. Who can bridge the urban-rural, traditional base-new base divide? Now that there’s a clear majority, will Parliament go back to working as usual?It’s not only the two parties: there’s also the SNP.They will probably repeal the fixed term parliament act.What about the Supreme Court? Could Scotland be the next thing they weigh in on?What will happen to the Labour Party post-Corbyn? It’s not easy to separate the Corbyn factor from the Brexit factor. Corbyn’s record on security issues mattered—his support never recovered from the Salisbury poisoning. A lot of people don’t see him as a patriot. Mentioned in this Episode: Our video on Jo Swinson...and on the next Labour leaderFurther Learning: David and Helen talk about the election with our friends at 538Talking with Anand Menon before the electionsAnd as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We talk about the current election by talking about two previous ones: the February and October general elections of 1974. A lot of 2019 politics started back then, from the rise of the SNP to Liberals getting squeezed by the electoral system. But it was different too and we have stories of campaigning by landline and hovercraft, MPs on acid, naked civil servants and experts being taken seriously. Plus we discuss how the 1974 elections led to the rise of Thatcherism and changed British politics forever. With Helen Thompson, Chris Brooke and Peter Sloman.Talking Points: The election of February 1974 was the last winter election.The Conservative Edward Heath called the election, and tried to frame it as ‘Who governs Britain?’The election took place amid the National Union of Mineworkers strike, increased oil prices after the Yom Kippur War, and concerns about inflation. Heath’s policies were not aligned with the kind of election he wanted.The bigger backdrop was a deep sense of political uncertainty. Sir William Armstrong, the head of the civil service had a nervous breakdown.Enoch Powell encouraged people to vote for Labour. This act was at least informally coordinated with Wilson. Europe was also in the background.‘74 was a Liberal surge election under the leadership of Jeremy Thorpe.The Liberals broke the two party stranglehold on voters.Northern Ireland and Scotland also became electorally distinct. The SNP significantly increased their vote share.The election, which was set up as a binary choice, created an even more fragmented government.Heath got the first go at forming a government, but he miscalculated.Wilson knew this, and called the Liberals’ bluff.Wilson and his cabinet were incredibly experienced. Corbyn and his team are less so. Wilson had the luxury of waiting for a majority, but the Brexit timetable makes this impossible for today’s Labour party.Mentioned in this episode:“A Very English Scandal” (on the Thorpe Affair)That Christopher Mayhew interview“This House,” a play about the 1970s British Parliament by James GrahamFurther Learning:Peter’s book on the Liberal partyWhat happened in the 1974 election? And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After two significant votes in the House of Commons pointing in two different directions - one towards a Brexit agreement and the other towards a general election - we discuss where we might be heading. Does Johnson have enough to persuade the wavering MPs he needs to get his Brexit deal over the line? Do his opponents have enough to stop him? Can European leaders still force the issue? And if there is an election, does it all change again? Plus we ask: what's actually in the WAB? With Helen Thompson, Catherine Barnard and Chris Brooke.Talking Points:Last night was the first time since the Brady amendment that Parliament voted positively on something.The stop Brexit MP’s seem to be implementing tactics without a strategy.Are there any conditions under which the 14 Labour MPs would vote for Johnson’s deal for real?The Labour whipping operation is still working. So it seems unlikely that a WA will go through this House of Commons.Johnson’s deal is mostly Theresa May’s deal, with the exception of some really complicated legal points around Northern Island.Until people are given an either/or choice, they’ll probably keep dancing around.Where is the EU on all of this? They are unlikely to renegotiate another deal.Macron could still force a choice between no deal and revoke, but he doesn’t want to be blamed for the UK crashing out.At some point, an election is going to become inevitable.Can anything pass without an election?Things have changed for Johnson: now he’d be campaigning with a deal.Christmas could put a wrench in things: would a winter election be bad for Labour?How effective was a Benn act?Perhaps more so than people originally thought. A shorter extension could reveal the weaknesses in the Benn act. But Macron probably won’t force the issue. Mentioned in this Episode:Keir Starmer on trap-doorsKenneth’s blog post on the Withdrawal Bill Further Learning:Catherine explains the Brexit deal in less than five minutesWhere do the EU leaders stand? And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

A special edition recorded in front of an audience at the Podcast Live festival in London on Saturday: David, Helen and Chris Brooke discuss what we can learn from the early twentieth century about holding elections in the depths of winter. Constitutional crises, threats of civil breakdown, broken coalitions and very grumpy voters: we may have been here before. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

David talks to novelist Ian McEwan about his new Brexit parable, The Cockroach, and a lot else besides: counterfactual history, Labour party conferences, eighteenth-century satire, humanising judges and turning the economy on its head. But yes, it's all about the Brexit nightmare.Further Learning: You can buy The Cockroach hereAn extract from The CockroachMentioned in this Episode:Selected quotes from Johnson’s UN speechThe Children ActA Modest Proposal by Jonathan SwiftMachines like MeUpcoming Events:On 5 Oct. David, Helen, and Chris Brooke will be LIVE in London. Tickets here!And on 16 Oct. David and Helen will be LIVE at Cambridge Junction with Ayesha Hazarika. Get your tickets here.And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

A packed episode: we catch up with Catherine Barnard on the Supreme Court's unanimous decision against prorogation and we discuss what's going on in Italian politics. Plus we explore the links and differences between the two, from fears of an election to the role played by presidents and monarchs. Boris, Berlusconi, Baroness Hale and politics on the beach: it's all here! With Lucia Rubinelli and Chris Bickerton.Talking Points:Is it surprising that the Supreme Court’s judgement was unanimous?There’s a strength in unanimity—it also makes it harder to attribute political motives to individual judges.This is only the beginning of what could be a series of contentious judgments, but because the decision was unanimous, it’s hard to read the room.The Supreme Court didn’t want to get into motive… or monarchy, so it focused on the effect of prorogation.If the power to prorogue were unlimited, it could be used for unconstitutional purposes.But Parliament did have an opportunity to hold the government to account and it chose not to.Are there parallels between what’s going on in Italy and the UK?The government has broken down, and the opposition is scared of an election. Both Johnson and Salvini are polling at around 30% and facing divided oppositions.But in Italy, the opposition has behaved very differently. Despite extreme contempt for each other, Renzi and De Maio are in coalition.This is in part because of Mattarella, the President, and the EU.Does going into coalition with Renzi mark the end of 5 Star’s anti-establishment credentials? They might go forward with a new leader, Di Battista, who is more left wing. Renzi is trying to position himself as a Macron-like figure.The dominant feature of Italian politics is fragmentation: if you can get even 5-10% of the vote, you can be the kingmaker.Renzi thinks he can sweep up Berlusconi’s voters.But unlike Macron, Renzi isn’t an unknown entity. And the next election might be fought in the midst of a recession.Further Learning:Our video guide to thinking about the future of Labour leadershipCatherine on the Supreme Court’s decisionMore on SalviniUpcoming Events:On 5 Oct. David, Helen, and Chris Brooke will be LIVE in London. Tickets here!And on 16 Oct. David and Helen will be LIVE at Cambridge Junction with Ayesha Hazarika. Get your tickets here.And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We talk to historian Chris Brooke about ideas of a united Europe that long pre-dated the advent of the European Union. Since the eighteenth century philosophers, lawyers, diplomats and revolutionaries have constructed schemes to bring Europe together economically, legally and politically. How do these plans compare with what actually happened?Talking Points: Where does the idea of a union of European nation states come from?The conversation about union predates the consolidation of European nation-states.In the 18th century, Britain and France are long-established, but much of the rest of Europe isn’t really what we would call nation states.The common threads in these earlier projects are the notion of “perpetual peace” and commerce.How do you create a union when some states are much more powerful than others?You can’t escape geopolitics. From the 18th century onwards a widespread theme in arguments for European union are fears of growing Russian power.The European integrationists often take themselves to be critics of the balance of power, but at some point they realize that they’re actually trying to produce a new balance of power on the global level in response to the rise of America and East Asia.The Europeans want to both counter and copy America. The key predecessor to the customs union was the German Zollverein, which linked together the Western states in the German confederation.Union became a live political issue in the 1890s after the American tariff walls.In the end, these earlier projects failed because of animosity between the French and Germans over Alsace-Lorraine.The early legal conversations about union have disturbing racial and imperial subtexts. The First World War gave rise to the League of Nations, but this was not a purely European project.To understand the contemporary European union, you really need to look at the end of the Second World War.It’s hard not to think of the 18th century schemes and 19th century proposals as antecedents to what actually happened.But many things were still contingent. For example, the French were interested in cooperating because they wanted to shore up their empire in Africa, which collapsed soon after the Treaty of Rome.Further Learning: Follow Chris on Twitter @chrisbrookeA blog by Chris on the 18th century debate on European unionJeremy Bentham’s plan for “an universal and perpetual peace”On Napoleon and the European UnionRosa Luxemburg denounces “The United States of Europe in 1911And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We try to work out what the current favourite to be next Tory leader actually stands for. Can his time as Mayor of London tell us what kind of PM he might be? Will his journalistic past come back to haunt him? Does he have a political philosophy beyond 'doing Brexit'? Plus we discuss whether the Johnson-Trump comparisons really stand up. With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke.Talking Points:What does Boris Johnson stand for?He’s emphasizing is his experience as Mayor of London, especially his ability to assemble a good team (of course this can be debated). But the other side of his pitch is about Brexit, and the politics of that are going to overshadow everything that a Johnson cabinet could do. He would need a chancellor to do a lot of heavy lifting. Who would that person be? And is Johnson self-aware enough to see this?Johnson wallows in imperial nostalgia. This puts him in direct opposition to Corbyn. Could this lead to more public sparring over foreign policy?Could Johnson’s journalistic past create problems for him? On the one hand, the people he offends aren’t likely to vote for him anyways. It’s hard to imagine a skeleton that would cut across political divides.Michael Gove is clearly being held to a different standard right now. In some ways, Johnson has set himself outside of the traditional boundaries of political morality.At the end of the day, however, the Conservative Party needs someone who can appeal to the Brexiteers, even if it might lose them some support elsewhere.Does Johnson have a political philosophy?He’s not particularly ideological.His best pitch might be tax cuts plus Brexit, which looks a lot like Trump.A lot of Conservative MP’s don’t like Johnson at all—they think he’s only out for himself.Hunt is saying that the one thing we cannot have is an election; Johnson is saying the one thing that we cannot do is stay in the EU. Which is riskier?The Conservative Party is in a bind, and it’s not clear how it will get out of this crisis.But the problems run deeper than the Party.Part of the reason for this impasse is that politicians keep postponing the moment of reckoning. Nothing that has happened so far has changed the fundamental issues.Mentioned in this Episode:Johnson recites Kipling in MyanmarConstitutional BreakdownFurther Learning:Brexit LessonsMore on Boris Johnson, political satire, and “Have I Got New For You”On Johnson’s mayoral recordAnd as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here: lrb.co.uk/talking See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

As Theresa May's premiership gets very close to the end, we talk about who and what might be coming next. Can her successor re-establish the authority she has lost? Can anyone govern in this parliament or do we need a general election? Is the age of long-serving prime ministers also coming to an end? Plus we discuss what lessons can be drawn from the recent election in Australia: what does it tell us about the politics of climate change? With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke.Talking Points:Theresa May’s prime ministership is nearing its last week. She has no authority left.Is it about her and her mismanagement, or has something happened to the office?Will her successor have any more luck? (It seems unlikely)It doesn’t seem like there was any realistic scenario in which May could have peeled off significant numbers of Labour MP’s. But the fight over the people’s vote within Labour could have turned out differently. If the leadership had succumbed, Labour MP’s in Leave constituencies might have done something different. October will be a month of high drama: both the Brexit deadline and the party conferences.Also the three options will look more like two: everyone has to take no deal seriously at that point. Could there be a general election in the autumn?If Labour doesn’t want to define itself according to Brexit, is there a plausible case for the Lib Dems to become the opposition?A revival of the Lib Dems hurts the Conservatives much more than Labour. Both main parties have a clear interest in having both Remain and Leave voters in their party. The problem is it means that neither of them can deliver Brexit.The long premierships of Margaret Thatcher, John Major, and Tony Blair are historical exceptions. A lot of what’s going on is the absence of a parliamentary majority: that’s the norm in British politics.But on the Conservative side, it’s also about the particular way they elect a leader. In parliamentary politics there’s a pressure towards a soft Brexit, but the Conservative leadership is in the hands of the members. We don’t know that much about them, but everyone seems to think that the membership is very Brexity. That sets up the instability.There are also substantive issues that have historically driven instability in UK politics: difficult questions about the UK’s relationship with the rest of the world, and difficult questions about the UK as a multi-national state.Did Australia just have a Brexit moment? Or is this something more familiar?There are parallels to the Major/Kinnock election in 1992.But there’s also the risk that the takeaway will be that going big on climate change is not a great strategy.Mentioned in this Episode:Paul Mason in The New StatesmanFurther Learning: The End of the Party?More on Corbyn and Labour’s strategyOn climate change and the Australian electionSocialism in this Country? And as ever, recommended reading curated by our friends at the LRB can be found here:

David talks to Chris Brooke about the history of ideas of justice and the long-standing political battles over who gets what. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After John McDonnell said he was still committed to the socialist transformation of Britain, we ask what that might mean. Does socialism really require the overthrow of capitalism? What's the difference between socialism and communism? And with successful Democratic candidates in the US starting to use the s-word in public, what does socialism have to offer in America? Plus we talk about whether social media and social networks offer the possibility of a new kind of socialism for the twenty-first century. With Helen Thompson, Chris Bickerton and Chris Brooke See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

This week we discuss how and why mental health has become a growing political issue. What are the differences in the way the political parties approach this problem? Is it something that unites or divides people across generations and classes? And what can politicians do to help us cope? Plus we talk about whether politics itself has become a more stressful job than it used to be. With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After the largest strike in the sector for a generation, we talk to Stephen Toope, Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge University, about the politics of higher education. How did the issue of pensions become so politically charged? What are the long-term consequences of treating students as consumers? How should universities respond to the challenge of Brexit? Plus we return to the question of why having a university degree is now one of the main dividing lines in contemporary politics. With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We talk about one of the central questions of British politics: what does Jeremy Corbyn really want? In the week he's been forced to answer questions about what he did in the Cold War, we ask where his past connects to his present and how long he can maintain his delicate balancing act on Europe. Plus we discuss his attack on the press barons who are attacking him: where does power now lie in the new media landscape? With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

With stock markets swooning and financial volatility back, we talk about the deeper trends underpinning our politics and our future. Why have British governments never managed to fix the housing crisis? What does the state of the American economy mean for Trump's long-term prospects? And will a period of economic growth make our politics more stable, or are the wild times set to continue? These are the fundamentals. With Helen, Chris Brooke and Aaron. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

This week we try to work out who's up and who's down in the great game of European politics. Has May won anything significant in the Brexit deal? Is Merkel any nearer to forming a government? Is Macron the big winner from recent events? Plus we ask what prospect of Martin Schulz getting his United States of Europe, and what chance now of Jeremy Corbyn making it to No 10. With Helen Thompson, Chris Brooke and Chris Bickerton. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After some Tory politicians have started asking for details of what lecturers are saying about Brexit, we're joined this week by regular panellist Chris Bickerton to talk about what it's like being a pro-Brexit academic in an anti-Brexit university. Plus we catch up with Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke on where they think the Brexit negotiations have reached and what chance they see of a successful outcome. We also revisit Catalonia to discuss the latest developments there. Is Madrid winning, and what might that mean for the EU? See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In honour of Hillary Clinton's visit to the UK, we talk about some of the might-have-beens of recent politics. Where would we be now if Theresa May hadn't called an election, if Clinton had beaten Trump, if Brexit had never happened? Would things be a whole lot better or might they be even worse? With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

As the face-off between Madrid and Barcelona continues, we explore how this happened and where it might end. Marc Weller, chair of the independent commission on Catalan independence, explains the legal background and historian Brendan Simms sets out what is at stake for European politics. Could this be the crisis that brings the whole thing crashing down? With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

This week's episode is a recording of a live Talking Politics event as part of the Cambridge Alumni Festival, with questions from the audience. We talk about normalising Trump, neglecting Turkey and kicking Brexit down the road. Plus we ask what counts as a coup and whatever happened to cabinet government. With Gary Gerstle, Ayse Zarakol, Aaron Rapport and Chris Brooke. Recorded on Saturday 23rd September. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

With a long weekend approaching, Helen Thompson, Glen Rangwala and Chris Brooke talk about what's been on their summer reading lists. It's a surprising smorgasbord featuring: blogs on the economy; the literature of the Middle East ; novels about Vikings and academic books on the Conservative party. (We even squeeze in a dash of Verdi.) Enjoy!  See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

The PM lurches from crisis to crisis, but her government looks more secure than it did a week ago.  What gives?  We try to make sense of where British politics now stands, after the terrible Grenfell tower fire, further terrorist attacks, and the start of the Brexit negotiations.  We also ask why there is such a disconnect between political turmoil and serenity in the financial markets: why aren't they more spooked?  Plus we talk with John Naughton about the role of social media in Corbyn's unexpected success.  With Helen Thompson and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Less than a week on from the election result almost no one saw coming, we take stock.  What does Labour's unexpected success mean for the prospect of other parties of the left?  Can they learn from Corbyn or is British politics now following its own path?  Plus we discuss the rise and rise of Macron in France.  Will his new version of technocracy square the circle of elites doing democratic politics?  With a full house of Helen Thompson, Chris Brooke, Chris Bickerton and our very own Macroniste, Hugo Drochon. *This episode was recorded shortly before Tim Farron resigned as leader of the Lib Dems. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After a tumultuous campaign decision day is finally here: we explore what could happen next. We talk through the different scenarios suggested by the chaotic polling, from a hung parliament to a Tory landslide, and ask what each one would mean for British politics. We also talk about what's surprised us most over the last six weeks. What happened to the Lib Dems? When did Mrs May lose her nerve? Where is the economy? Then we'll reconvene for another episode when it's done to find out what really went down: stay tuned. With Helen Thompson, Finbarr Livesey and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We recorded this week in the aftermath of the Manchester terror attack, with the election campaign temporarily suspended. We take a step back to review some of the broad themes of the campaign so far and talk about how the main parties have been presenting themselves and what they are trying to achieve. We reflect on the importance of leadership style - what makes Theresa May different from Tony Blair? - and we ask why so little of the election has been about Brexit. With Helen Thompson, Glen Rangwala and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After UKIP’s dreadful performance in the local elections we ask about the historic legacy of Nigel Farage’s party. How big was its role in taking the UK out of the EU? Will UKIP turn out to be the gateway drug for turning Labour supporters into Conservatives? How do its fortunes compare with the Front National in France? Plus we catch up on the latest development across the Channel and discuss the prospects for Macron’s presidency. Can he find a solution to the perennial problem that hangs over French politics: Germany? With Helen Thompson, Hugo Drochon, Chris Bickerton and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

What makes the Conservatives so good at winning elections - the most successful party in modern political history? Is it money? Leadership? Luck? We talk with Helen Thompson, Chris Brooke and Aaron Rapport about Tory successes and failures and we explore some of the inbuilt quirks of the UK electoral system. Plus we answer some questions posed to us by listeners: How is Mayism different from Milibandism? And what hopes for a progressive alliance? See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Ahead of her LRB lecture at the British Museum, we talk to Mary Beard about women in power. Why are powerful women so often called phonies? What can we learn about women and power from the ancient world? We discuss what's wrong with the idea of glass ceilings and what Hillary Clinton's treatment at the hands of Trump and his supporters really says about political misogyny. Plus Mary tells us what she thinks has gone wrong with the Labour party. On that note, we also have Helen and Chris Brooke looking ahead to this week's by-elections: who has most to lose, Corbyn or UKIP? See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After another tumultuous week, we talk about Britain's place in the world under a Trump presidency. How much leverage does Theresa May have in Washington? What might a Trump administration want in return? And what does 'global Britain' really mean post-Brexit? Plus we're joined by Glen Rangwala to discuss the implications of Trump's arrival in the White House for US policy towards the Middle East. With Helen Thompson, Aaron Rapport and Chris Brooke. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kPtqB7yQLxw&feature=plcp In this episode of China Money Podcast, guest Chris Brooke, president & CEO at CBRE China, discusses whether China's property market recovery is real, and how can foreign investors make money in the crowded commercial real estate market in China. Listen to the full-interview in the audio podcast, watch the shortened video version or read an excerpt. Q: CBRE entered the Chinese market very early in 1988. Have you seen the commercial real estate part of the market as hot as it is now? A: As we stand here in the middle of 2012, the commercial sector has obviously grown considerably. In terms of investment volume, RMB88 billion of investment properties in the commercial property sector traded, compared to RMB84 billion in 2007. So it’s on a similar level to even the peak of the market. During the first half of this year, we’ve had RMB42 billion. We are expecting this year to turn out similar to 2007, even though it has been a bit subdued during the first half. Q: Since China loosened monetary policy, the overall property market looks to be recovering, is it? Or is this just a temporary blip on the way down? A: Well, you got to distinguish the residential or commercial part of the market. In residential, sentiment has definitely improved with sales and transactions recovered to some extent. I think the government will still remain a restrictive policy around anything that will result in more speculation and a rebound in prices. So residential prices will stay stable at least until the end of this year. Obviously, the leadership transition next year means policy uncertainties, so it’s difficult to see beyond that. On the commercial side, we still see rents increasing in major cities like Beijing. We are also seeing tenant demand moving to the western regions, like Chengdu, Chongqing and Wuhan. Q: Where do you see the biggest risks right now in China’s property sector? There have been lots of commercial building, and there is concern that they might not attract enough people to keep them afloat? A: I think that’s a genuine risk, particular in secondary cities or provincial capital cities. There is definitely a mismatch between the timing of supply and demand. A lot of cities are developing new CBD (Central Business District) areas and new commercial districts, and a lot of that supply are coming on simultaneously. Another broader risk relates to what happens globally. If demand continues to be impacted by uncertainties in the U.S. and Europe, it would mean some organizations might delay decisions on expansions, which will clearly impact the demand of office space. Q: From foreign investors’ perspective, where do you see they could most likely succeed? A: It’s clear that the time when foreign investors can come and buy assets at relatively low price, reposition them and resale them for capital gains – those days are over. Investors need to think about either coming in and pay true market value for high quality assets, or they have to develop their own projects. If you look at strategies employed by some Singaporean funds, such as CapitaLand and Mapletree Investments, they are clearly coming in and buying land for future hold of their fund. Flexibility is what investors need to get into their plan going forward. Q: So they need to get their hands dirtier. But there are another set of challenges in this, particularly when you go into second and third tier cities? A: Absolutely. There is a need for very strong local knowledge and having people on the ground, who understand the dynamics of the market. When you get into developing, there are a whole host of risks surrounding transparency of the market, the land acquisition process and bringing capital onshore, etc. Q: Lastly, is distressed opportunity a safe place for foreign investors to get into? A: There are obviously developers facing funding difficulties right now.

--{ Breaking Through -- A Clue -- Elite's Plan for You: "The Best-Laid Plans of Men are Laid To Prevent the Masses Making the Grade, Bottom Reality, Never Seeing the Light, Amongst Themselves They Swear and Fight, Oblivious to Forces Directing Their Actions, Supplied with Leaders to Guide Their Factions, Bombarded with Trivia, Never Knowing Of the Powers Directing Where They're Going, Few Leave Their Group, Afraid to Try it, Uncharted Course, Leaving Group to Riot, Upon Chaos the Rulers are Hell-bent On Crushing the Masses Whose Use is Spent" © Alan Watt }-- Many Directions Society Could Go - Born into a "Normal" System - Conformity of the Masses - Reigns of Terror, Lenin, Terrifying the Peasants, Henry VII - News Blitzes, Reports of Crime in Britain, Increased Policing - Conditioning, Identification and Emulation - BBC Propaganda Arm of Govt. - Levels and Versions of Reality. Military Think-Tank Reports and Projections (Planned) - Front-Men Politicians - Coming City-States, Supercities - Project for a New American Century, 2001 Kickoff, Long-term Plans. End of Consumerism and "Obsolete" Ways - Energy and Electricity Cutbacks and Fines (Punishments), Use of Shame - Vegetarian-Only Society - Taxpayers Funding World Agenda - Permanent Bases in Middle East for Elite - SWAT Teams, Militarization of Police. Information Warfare, Masters and Victims - Internet, Illusion of Empowerment - Survival of the "Fittest" - Promotion of Destructive "American" Culture Worldwide, Cultural Weapons. (Articles: ["Constant Conflict" by Ralph Peters, 'Parameters' Summer 1997, pp. 4-14 (carlisle.army.mil).] ["Parents seek £1m for hammer attack on white son at 'race bullies' school" by Daniel Bates (dailymail.co.uk) - Oct. 21, 2009.] ["Shocking CCTV images of girl gang kicking a male victim in drunken attack which left him with footprint on his face" by Chris Brooke (dailymail.co.uk) - Oct. 20, 2009.]) *Title/Poem and Dialogue Copyrighted Alan Watt - Oct. 21, 2009 (Exempting Music, Literary Quotes, and Callers' Comments)