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The Napoleonic Wars saw naval combat as far away as East Asia. The Royal Navy may have had the upper hand, but it struggled against the French corsairs, who waged an unorthodox form of privatized warfare on British trade. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Six great Asian river systems have their origins in the Tibetan glacial region: the Brahmaputra, the Irrawaddy, the Salween, the Mekong, the Red and the Yangtse ('BISMRY'). Together they comprise the largest concentration of fresh water on the planet outside of the polar regions, and they support one third of humanity. In the age of imperialism, Western colonial powers dreamed of harnessing the economic potential of these great rivers, as if an ‘empire of men' challenged a much older ‘empire of rivers'. This is the theme of Iftekhar Iqbal's conceptually ambitious new book, The Range of the River: A Riverine History of Empire across China, India, and Southeast Asia, just published by Stanford University Press this year. This neo-Braudellian history of Asia's great rivers encourages us to re-examine our thinking about the impact of imperialism, historical agency, Cold War regional categories of ‘South Asia', ‘Southeast Asia', and ‘East Asia', into which the study of Asian history is usually divided, and even the humble mule, which played a crucial role in connecting this mountainous, watery region. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.
Six great Asian river systems have their origins in the Tibetan glacial region: the Brahmaputra, the Irrawaddy, the Salween, the Mekong, the Red and the Yangtse ('BISMRY'). Together they comprise the largest concentration of fresh water on the planet outside of the polar regions, and they support one third of humanity. In the age of imperialism, Western colonial powers dreamed of harnessing the economic potential of these great rivers, as if an ‘empire of men' challenged a much older ‘empire of rivers'. This is the theme of Iftekhar Iqbal's conceptually ambitious new book, The Range of the River: A Riverine History of Empire across China, India, and Southeast Asia, just published by Stanford University Press this year. This neo-Braudellian history of Asia's great rivers encourages us to re-examine our thinking about the impact of imperialism, historical agency, Cold War regional categories of ‘South Asia', ‘Southeast Asia', and ‘East Asia', into which the study of Asian history is usually divided, and even the humble mule, which played a crucial role in connecting this mountainous, watery region. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.
An independent commission has found Manchester City guilty of breaching over 100 rules. What penalty will the Premier League exact? Russia's increasingly brazen attempts to provoke and undermine Europe. And why cute Chiikawa, star of a Japanese blockbuster, gives comfort in anxious times. Subscribers can listen to “Kidulting” on “The Weekend Intelligence”Guests and host:Sonny Loughran, Britain correspondentJonathan Rosenthal, international correspondentMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Jason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Man City, Abu Dhabi, Premier LeagueRussia, Europe, grey-zone, droneChiikawa, kawaii, mangaListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
An independent commission has found Manchester City guilty of breaching over 100 rules. What penalty will the Premier League exact? Russia's increasingly brazen attempts to provoke and undermine Europe. And why cute Chiikawa, star of a Japanese blockbuster, gives comfort in anxious times. Subscribers can listen to “Kidulting” on “The Weekend Intelligence”Guests and host:Sonny Loughran, Britain correspondentJonathan Rosenthal, international correspondentMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Jason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Man City, Abu Dhabi, Premier LeagueRussia, Europe, grey-zone, droneChiikawa, kawaii, mangaListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
As high-level meetings between Donald Trump and Xi Jinping keep regional security front and center, how do Taiwan and North Korea connect within China's broader strategic calculus? In this episode, we sit down with Dr. Shuxian Luo to examine the concept of "issue linkage" connecting two of East Asia's most sensitive security flashpoints. Drawing from primary Chinese-language sources, authoritative government reports, and high-level interviews, Dr. Luo breaks down her article featured in Volume 9, Issue 4 of the Texas National Security Review: "A Plum for a Peach: Taiwan, Issue Linkage, and China's Policy toward North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program." The conversation explores how Beijing leverages its influence over Pyongyang based on US assurances regarding Taiwan, tracing four distinct historical phases of issue linkage and evaluating a practical "middle path" for foreign policy strategy . Guests: Dr. Shuxian Luo | Assistant Professor of Asian Studies at the University of Hawaii, Manoa Hosts: Sheena Chestnut Greitens | Editor-in-Chief of the Texas National Security Review Ryan Vest | Executive Editor of the Texas National Security Review Producer: Jordan Morning | Digital and Technical Manager of the Texas National Security Review
.Written with a mix of reverence, approachability, and deadpan wit by a funeral industry insider, Morbid Magic is the first multicultural guide to death spirituality and traditions from all over the world and from different historical eras. Tomás Prower presents an impressive array of topics, including each culture's views on the hereafter, mourning periods, the deceased's legacy, handling of remains, and more.Discover the lore and magic of death, both on the physical and spiritual planes. Explore hands-on activities, spells, and prayers that will open your eyes to new practices. Experience personal stories and anecdotes by modern people from various regions and religions. This fascinating book makes death a more approachable topic and helps you understand and utilize the profound wisdom of cultures around the globe. From Judaism in the Middle East to shamanism in East Asia, Morbid Magic presents an amazing, in-depth look at how the world deals with death.
As China will soon enter one of its busiest travel periods during an ultra-long Golden Week holiday, destinations in Asia are gearing up to attract more tourists from the region's top outbound travel market.随着中国即将迎来最繁忙的出行高峰之一——超长黄金周假期，亚洲各旅游目的地正全力以赴，积极吸引这一区域内最大的出境游客源市场。"The extended Golden Week is particularly significant for Asian destinations because the potential for a long travel period creates greater opportunities for short-haul and multi-destination travel within Asia," said Noor Ahmad Hamid, CEO of the Pacific Asia Travel Association.太平洋亚洲旅游协会（PATA）首席执行官努尔·阿哈迈德·哈米德（Noor Ahmad Hamid）表示：“延长的黄金周对亚洲各目的地而言意义非凡。更长的假期潜能为亚洲内部的短途游以及多目的地串联游创造了更大空间。”The upcoming National Day holiday from Oct 1 to 7, which is also known as a Golden Week holiday, and the Mid-Autumn Festival holiday from Sept 25 to 27 together yield a 10-day break, longer than the eight-day holiday last year. Many Chinese workers have chosen to extend the break to 13 days by taking leave during the three days between the two holidays.今年的十一国庆节假期（10月1日至7日）与中秋节假期（9月25日至27日）相连，形成了长达10天的假期，比去年的8天假期更长。不少中国打工者选择在两假之间的3个工作日请假，从而拼出了长达13天的“超级长假”。According to a report released on Sept 21 by Chinese online travel platform Trip.com, more than half of the outbound flight bookings made by Chinese travelers are for departures before the Golden Week officially begins on Oct 1.根据中国在线旅游平台携程（Trip.com）于9月21日发布的报告，中国游客预订的出境航班中，超过半数的起飞时间都在10月1日黄金周正式开始之前。Apart from traditional popular destinations in East Asia and Southeast Asia, long-haul destinations in Australia and New Zealand have also gained traction, according to the report.报告指出，除了东亚和东南亚等传统热门目的地外，澳大利亚和新西兰等长线游目的地今年也备受追捧。Destinations are preparing in different ways. For example, on Sept 14, Thailand unveiled the "Nihao Month 2026" campaign to deepen the country's engagement with the Chinese market, while a "Seoul Welcome Week: Autumn Edition" is being held in South Korea through Oct 11 to welcome international tourists, including those from China.各大旅游目的地正通过多种方式做足准备。例如，泰国于9月14日启动了“2026你好月”活动，以深化与中国市场的互动；韩国首尔则正在举办“首尔欢迎周·秋季篇”活动（持续至10月11日），热情迎包括中国游客在内的全球旅客。Businesses in the tourism sector in destinations such as the Maldives and Bali have also launched targeted campaigns for Golden Week.此外，马尔代夫和巴厘岛等地的旅游企业也纷纷面向黄金周推出了针对性强营销活动。The potential surge in outbound tourism during the ultra-long holiday is particularly important for Asian destinations this year as the tourism industry has experienced difficulties due to the Middle East conflict and rising oil prices, Gary Bowerman, managing director of the weekly industry newsletter Asia Travel Re: Set, told China Daily.每周产业通讯《Asia Travel Re:Set》的董事总经理加里·鲍尔曼（Gary Bowerman）在接受《中国日报》采访时表示，鉴于近期中东冲突以及油价上涨对旅游业造成的冲击，今年超长假期带来的出境游爆发潜能对亚洲各国而言显得尤为关键。Noting that Seoul was ranked as the top holiday destination during the Golden Week this year by flight bookings in the Trip.com report, followed by Tokyo and Bangkok, An Yong-ju, a former professor of global leisure and tourism at South Korea's Sun Moon University, said that improved bilateral relations have become a catalyst for rising tourism demand.携程报告显示，根据机票预订量排序，首尔位列今年黄金周热门目的地的榜首，东京和曼谷紧随其后。对此，韩国鲜文大学全球休闲与旅游学系前教授安庸注指出，双边关系的改善已成为推动旅游需求增长的强劲催化剂。【词汇提炼】gearing up /ɡɪərɪŋ ʌp/ phr.做好准备；蓄势待发outbound /ˈaʊtbaʊnd/ adj.出境的；往外地的short-haul /ˈʃɔːt hɔːl/ adj.短途的；近程的yield /jiːld/ v.产生；产出（假期/成果等）gain traction /ɡeɪn ˈtrækʃn/ phr.获得拉动力；受追捧；受欢迎unveil /ˌʌnˈveɪl/ v.揭幕；推出；首次公布targeted /ˈtɑːɡɪtɪd/ adj.有针对性的；定向的surge /sɜːdʒ/ n./v.激增；奔涌；爆发catalyst /ˈkætəlɪst/ n.催化剂；促进因素
On the Early Edition with Ryan Bridge Full Show Podcast 2026, the Government's decided to put council amalgamation on ice, Canterbury Regional Council Chair Dr Deon Swiggs tells Ryan councils aren't happy with the decision. Fonterra farmers are getting a pretty healthy payout, Dairy NZ CEO Campbell Parker tells Ryan if it's enough to keep farmers going through El Nino. The American diplomat who famously called New Zealand's anti-nuclear stance a 'relic' says it wouldn't rank in the top 10 problems for the US in the Pacific today, former US Ambassador and East Asia/pacific Assistant Secretary Christopher R. Hill shares his thoughts with Ryan. Plus, UK Correspondent Vincent McAviney has his last international cross on Early Edition after a decade, sharing the latest on a fire at a Starlink satellite station in central Poland and German prosecutors investigating a man aged 105 over allegations that he was an accessory to multiple counts of murder at a Nazi prisoner of war camp in World War Two. Get the Early Edition Full Show Podcast every weekday on iHeartRadio, or wherever you get your podcasts. LISTEN ABOVE See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Ever thought about taking a career break? Ever wanted to travel the world? Ever been pressured to show your tattoos on a podcast? Adam (@mister_muinteoir_) has done all three, and he's back with Jane and Hugh to tell us all about it.From putting in the application for career break (and letting us know which Circular to find it in), planning his way around East Asia, to unexpectedly appearing in Vancouver and ultimately coming home to teach 2nd Class, Adam takes us on a wonderful journey through his last 12 months. He tells us about his amazing experiences abroad, but also how it's been coming back to the classroom this year. What's changed? What's the same? How much does he miss Infants? (A lot.)If you liked the podcast, please leave us a review, and make sure to follow us @thatllteachyoupodcastMake sure to follow Adam @mister_muinteoir_) too Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Washington this month comes amidst continuing tensions over Beijing's strategic ambitions, US arms sales to Taiwan, and restrictions on US chip exports to China. Congress has just passed a bill pledging sanctions against countries which, like China, import Russian oil, while Donald Trump's recent Greenland deal seems targeted at both Beijing and Moscow. So what are the chances of the two countries extending the truce on trade tariffs they reached last year — to say nothing of reaching a consensus on AI governance, or even building the ‘constructive relationship of strategic stability' that they agreed to create during Mr Trump's visit to Beijing in May? Professor Rana Mitter, historian of modern China and ST Lee Chair in US-Asia Relations at the Harvard Kennedy School, shares his views on the state of the relationship between the two nations.Photo credit: Daniel Torok / White HouseFor information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: steve.tsang@soas.ac.uk________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0
The Federal Reserve has raised interest rates for the first time since July 2023. For the central bank's new chair Kevin Warsh, that decision was a test both of monetary policy and politics. A governor's election in Okinawa is a boon to Japan's military ambitions. And why summer is a casualty of climate change.Guests and host:Archie Hall, acting economics editorMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterAndrew Miller, special correspondentRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Federal Reserve, Kevin Warsh, interest rates, inflationOkinawa, JapanSummer, climate change, heatwaveListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The Federal Reserve has raised interest rates for the first time since July 2023. For the central bank's new chair Kevin Warsh, that decision was a test both of monetary policy and politics. A governor's election in Okinawa is a boon to Japan's military ambitions. And why summer is a casualty of climate change.Guests and host:Archie Hall, acting economics editorMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterAndrew Miller, special correspondentRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Federal Reserve, Kevin Warsh, interest rates, inflationOkinawa, JapanSummer, climate change, heatwaveListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
In today's edition of The Final Deposition, Jake Russell '26 sits down with distinguished alumna, Ambassador Ann Marie Yastishock '94, to reflect on her distinguished legal and foreign service career which started right here at of Widener University Commonwealth Law School. Ambassador Yastishock reflects on her time at Widener as an evening division student, balancing her work in the Pennsylvania government with her legal studies. Soon after graduating, Ambassador Yastishock took her Widener Law Commonwealth degree and entered the global stage. The ambassador discusses the beginning of her legal career rebuilding the legal institutions of former Soviet states and her move to a decades-long career with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The ambassador represented American development interests abroad in many wartime theaters during her tenure and took postings in the Middle East, East Asia, and Europe. In 2024, she was nominated by President Joe Biden to serve as the United States Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and the Solomon Islands. Every case leaves a record. Welcome to Widener Law Commonwealth's student-run podcast series: The Final Deposition, where law meets world. From science and technology to sports, entertainment and pop culture, we sit down with attorney's, policymakers, innovators, trailblazers, and influential voices shaping the moments everyone is talking about. Each episode examines how the law works when it matters most. Curious, compelling and critical conversations you don't just hear. You feel them long after the record is closed. Time Stamps 00:00 - Introduction & Welcome 00:48 - Early Career & State Government Experience 03:34 - Transitioning from Local to International Law 05:22 - Influential Law Professors & Academic Roots at Widener 06:55 - Work in Central Asia: Kazakhstan and Tajikistan 09:10 - USAID Role in the South Caucasus Region 11:15 - Applying Legal Mindsets to High-Stress Diplomacy 12:00 - Senior Legal Advisor Role in Afghanistan 14:44 - Inter-Agency Collaboration & Relationship Building 16:34 - Regional Leadership in Ukraine and Eastern Europe 19:14 - Path to Ambassadorship in the Pacific 22:22 - The Senate Confirmation Process 26:13 - Leading Overseas Embassies & Key Milestones 30:00 - Returning to the State Department & Looking Forward Transcript: https://drive.google.com/file/d/1YhO0DVzPTixe4JjqcnHmJxF7L8BtWFpb/view?usp=sharing Music Credit: "The Verdict Is In" by KyivNightsMusic https://www.pond5.com/royalty-free-music/item/320251718-verdict Widener University Commonwealth Law School is the Pennsylvania capital's only law school, with four specialized centers of legal scholarship through its Law & Government Institute, Environmental Law and Sustainability Center, Business Advising Program, and Center for Equity and Justice. Widener Law Commonwealth offers an exceptional learning experience that is personal, practical, and professional. Visit commonwealthlaw.widener.edu for more information.
When a child, grandchild, or friend completely rejects your faith, the instinct is to push back with rules or logic, but that only deepens the divide. In this highly practical discussion, Chip and Aaron share an entirely different way forward. Through a raw, real-world roleplay, they reveal the exact questions that bypass defensive walls and trigger a genuine craving for truth. If you want to stop feeling helpless and discover how to leverage curiosity, empathy, and unconditional love to bring them back, don't miss today's program.ResourcesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
Why does the next generation seem so radically different, and why are traditional church approaches falling flat? Aaron Pierce takes you behind the scenes of today's global youth culture to expose the hidden forces shaping how our kids and grandkids think. From the illusion of "my truth" to the silent epidemic of loneliness, this conversation reveals the deep emotional undercurrents driving their skepticism. If you want to understand the heartbeat of today's youth and uncover the unexpected desires they are secretly longing to fulfill, you cannot afford to miss this.ResourcesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
This episode is from All Things Go, a podcast about the board game Go, also known as Baduk in Korea and Weiqi in China.Episode Summary In this episode, we explore what historic Go boards can tell us about the development of the game across East Asia. The conversation looks at unusual board designs, including historic star and flower points and the mysterious 8th-century Sandalwood Goban, while also discussing the research process behind uncovering these stories and the motivation to contribute that work back to the Go community. ResourcesThe Origins of the Sandalwood Goban — a deep dive into one of the oldest surviving wooden Go boards, its craftsmanship, and the debate over its origins. Some Historic Star Point Designs — examples of Korean flower points, Chinese designs, Sunjang Go boards, and other historical variations. Classical Board Games Review — the broader collection of historical board-game research.Shōsōin Treasure House – Sandalwood Goban — the official Japanese collection page for the historic board referenced in the research.Full transcript, related episodes, and additional resources:https://allthingsgogame.comJoin the All Things Go Discord community:https://discord.gg/uf3jgEAA4JTheme music by UNIVERSFIELD & background music by PodcastACShow your support hereEmail: AllThingsGoGame@gmail.comEpisode SponsorsBadukPop - Learn the rules of the ancient Chinese board game Go - also known as Baduk (바둑) or Weiqi (圍棋) - with a fun, interactive tutorial. Sharpen your Go skills with daily random Go problems (Tsumego) at your choice of difficulty level. Play games online or with a variety of AI opponents, each with its own unique playing style and strength.SmartGo One - Your complete app for the game of Go. Learn to play, practice against the computer, study master games, solve problems, and read Go books. Free to download.
Nothing has caused more animosity between the Church and the culture than issues surrounding sexual freedom, gay rights, and transgenderism. Guest teacher Aaron Pierce explores how we can engage people on these sensitive subjects with unconditional love, without compromising the truth.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
A new report from Defense Priorities has a radical proposal: End US alliances with South Korea, Japan, Australia, and the Philippines; drastically cut US military presence in East Asia; declare a non-intervention policy on Taiwan; and shift US military strategy from defending a "first-island chain" defense perimeter to the "second-island chain." Dr. Van Jackson explains the meaning and implications of this proposal and evaluates it from the perspective of anti-militarist anti-imperialism. Based on previous research, he also proposes the standard for "progressive foreign policy," whether progressives and socialists should support this new proposal, and no proposal for changing military strategy has a chance of stabilizing Asia if it does not prioritize the concept of the "Asian Peace." Also this episode: why the 1995 Michael Moore comedy Canadian Bacon explains the US fixation with colonizing Canada in 2026. In the back half of the episode: a mini-lecture on imperialist accounts of World War One, comparing how W.E.B. Du Bois and V.I. Lenin both theorized empire as the cause of World War One but in starkly different ways. W.E.B. Du Bois, “The Souls of White Folk” (1920), https://loa-shared.s3.amazonaws.com/static/pdf/Du_Bois_White_Folk.pdf. V.I. Lenin, “Chapter 1: The Principle of Socialism and the War of 1914-15,” in Socialism and War (1915), https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1915/s-w/ch01.htm. Subscribe to the Un-Diplomatic Newsletter: https://www.un-diplomatic.com/ Watch Un-Diplomatic Podcast on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@un-diplomaticpodcast Disclaimer: The views expressed are those of the individuals and not of any institutions.
Is it possible to discuss hot-button issues–like politics, social justice, or cultural movements–with those we love without starting an argument? Guest teacher Aaron Pierce says: Absolutely! He describes how to move past divisive topics and clear the way for the Gospel to pierce people's hearts, helping you maintain relationships while standing on Truth.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
God's Word is clear that believing in Jesus is the only path to genuine salvation. Guest teacher Aaron Pierce, from Steiger International, shares practical ways to discuss the Bible with those who don't recognize it as absolute truth. Learn how to bridge the gap and share the message of the Gospel with clarity and compassion.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Resources Mentioned in TeachingTom Holland - "Domnion"Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
Zachary and Jeremi are back this week to speak with University of Washington professor Daniel Bessner about his essay collection Imperialist Realism. They discuss shifting public attitudes across age cohorts, limits of U.S. power in East Asia and changing warfare, and connect these themes to the approaching 25th anniversary of 9/11 and the dashed hopes of the Global War on Terror.
The Second-Sino Japanese War began with a bang around the picturesque riverbanks surrounding the old Marco Polo Bridge. While it was only a skirmish by itself, its aftermath saw a complete breakdown in relations between the two titans of East Asia and the start of an eight-year conflict that is going to be a huge thread in our continued narrative.
As we continue our “AI With Purpose: Student Pathways to What's Next” series, we are joined by Nicholas Beaudoin, Director of AI Programs at Caltech's Center for Technology and Management Education. He works across industry and education to make artificial intelligence practical and useful for organizations, and he emphasizes that there is no single route into an AI-related career. In this episode, Nicholas explores the expanding range of AI opportunities available to students, including roles in writing, technical documentation, and project management — not only engineering and coding. He encourages students to follow their curiosity, explore passion projects, participate in hackathons, and build community around what excites them most. Whether you pursue an internship, an entry-level role, or another hands-on experience, find out how to stand out as a strong candidate for opportunities with technology companies. Nicholas completed his M.I.A. in International Economics at UC San Diego School of Global Policy and Strategy, and he received his Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and Government at Lewis and Clark College in Portland, Oregon. He also serves as AI Program Advisor and Instructor at Caltech's Center for Technology and Management Education, where he designs and leads courses that bring faculty, researchers, and industry practitioners together to teach executives, managers, and engineers how to apply AI strategy and implementation. Alongside this, he has advised Fortune 500 companies and U.S. federal agencies through consulting, with engagements spanning Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia. His background covers hands-on AI/ML engineering, curriculum design, and enterprise strategy, and he has guided organizations from early proof of concept through production deployment. To learn more about Nicholas and his work, connect with him on LinkedIn.
Have you ever had a chance to share Jesus with someone but got too nervous or scared in the moment to do it? Guest teacher Aaron Pierce assures us that we've all been there. He shares practical, approachable steps to help us boldly talk about Jesus—even with people we fundamentally disagree with.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Resources Mentioned in TeachingTom Holland - "Domnion"Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
Has social media and the 24/7 news cycle convinced you that winning an argument is the most important thing—even when talking to your kids, grandkids, or friends about Jesus? Guest teacher Aaron Pierce offers a challenging look at how we communicate our faith. Learn how to move past the debate and foster healthy, spiritual conversations that naturally attract those you care about to the Gospel.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
In the construction world, a "sole plate" is a small but integral piece of wood that sits on top of a foundation. Without it, you simply couldn't build the floors or walls above. Guest teacher Aaron Pierce uses this illustration to reveal a vital, foundational step we often miss when sharing our faith. Discover how this principle helps us connect our lost friends to the anchoring hope of the Gospel.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
Watch all of our Guy interviews here: • Guy Anderson Guy on YouTube / @teslaandthecabbagepatchkids Kris Millegan is a writer & researcher and the publisher of Trine Day Books Publishing House, which has been in business for over 20 years and has a catalog of over 130 published books, to include One Nation Under Blackmail, Barry & ‘the Boys', The True Story of the Bildergerg Group, The Franklin Scandal, and The Last Circle, which was also made into a Netflix series. Millegan's father was in the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), Military Intelligence (G2), and later was in the CIA, rising to Branch Chief, Head of Intelligence Analysis for East Asia. His father told Kris some things that he didn't understand in the late 60's. These revelations led to over thirty years of research into the subjects of CIA-drugs, clandestine operations, conspiracy theory and secret societies. Millegan is also an author himself, having published Fleshing Out Skull & Bones: Investigations into America's Most Powerful Secret Society. www.trineday.com Buy Fleshing Out Skull & Bones: Investigations into America's Most Powerful Secret SocietyGet this book! Bitly link: https://bit.ly/4a2bIV7For over 30 years Guy Anderson has been researching conspiracies such as cloning, fake moon landings, the lost continents of Atlantis, Tartaria and the Old World Reset. To completely erase an entire civilisation from the pages of history, not just literally but physically too, is the biggest act of conspiracy to ever take place. Guy joins Shaun for another deep dive.
Send us Fan MailAt the NORML conference around 2000, the Drug Policy Alliance's leader Ethan Nadelmann was entertaining, informing and inspiring the converted. At one point, he exclaimed along the lines of "I haven't tried that drug............ yet." That unleashed my laughter, coming from this well respected and effective leader to dismantle the drug wars and to replace them with lawful intravenous needle exchange, legal injection sites, overhauling the imprisonment system that made the United States a leading incarcerator on the planet, and more. Over two and a half decades later, Ethan this week interviewed with me on my Beat the Prosecution podcast, where among many other items he explains the importance for him of personally experiencing the effects of many of the drugs for which he argued to reform. How many past college professors (Elliott taught at Princeton) make such public admissions? That is his persuasive transparency at work. My opposition to the drug wars were a major catalyst for me to transition from a corporate law firm to criminal defense, where I have delighted in eroding the drug wars from my own corner of the earth, defending people charged with many other crimes, and constantly summoning the Bill of Rights. This interview with Ethan is a battery charger, with his wide-ranging energy, optimism, imagination, and ability to find common ground with even the most otherwise seemingly virulent opponents. With conservatives supporting the drug wars, he has found commonality in opposing civil asset forfeiture that relates even ever so thinly with allegedly illegal drug activity. With Milton Friedman and other free economy people is the aversion to the drug wars as a major socialist enterprise. Ethan has met with drug policymakers and enforcers in many parts of the globe. With tough on crime nations in East Asia and beyond, he has seen reforms that ease up on drug enforcement when that reduces the spread of HIV and AIDS. For criminal defense and other trial lawyers, Ethan's example shows how to persuade even with the otherwise most recalcitrant of listeners, with appropriate and genuine humor, humanity, and finding points of mutual interest. The work of dismantling the drug wars never ends. Ethan has been a major force in setting this movement in the right direction and inspiring its next generations. This interview with Fairfax criminal defense lawyer Jon Katz and Ethan Nadelmann is available in full on YouTube https://youtu.be/MGm0wansD2g on podcasting https://podcast.beattheprosecution.com/2293867/episodes/19750008 , and on Apple podcasts https://podcast.beattheprosecution.com/2293867/episodes/19750008-winning-like-ball-of-fire-ethan-nadelmannThis podcast with Fairfax, Virginia criminal / DUI lawyer Jon Katz is playable on all devices at podcast.BeatTheProsecution.com. For more information, visit https://KatzJustice.com or contact us at info@KatzJustice.com, 703-383-1100 (calling), or 571-406-7268 (text). If you like what you hear on our Beat the Prosecution podcast, please take a moment to post a review at our Apple podcasts page (with stars only, or else also with a comment) at https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/beat-the-prosecution/id1721413675
As faithful followers of Jesus, we are called to be both salt and light in our society. But what does that look like in the midst of today's hostility and division? Guest teacher Aaron Pierce shares how we can remain both holy and relevant, offering practical ways to connect with people who might never walk into a church.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Resources Mentioned in TeachingDale Carnegie - "How to Win Friends and Influence People"Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
In this episode, host Marcy Winograd shares testimony calling on the Los Angeles Unified School District Board to keep Israel propagandists out of our classrooms, where the Brandeis Center on Human Rights seeks to conflate criticism of Israel with antisemitism. This episode also features segments from a recent CODEPINK webinar: China is Not our Enemy. Webinar hosts Jodie Evans and Megan Russell challenge US imperialism in East Asia, where over 300 US military bases surround China.
No matter a person's background, religion, or age, we all long for connection and closeness with others. In this program, guest teacher Aaron Pierce explains why establishing trust is an essential first step in leading someone to Jesus. Learn what you can do to build authentic relationships with those who have drifted or are far from God.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Resources Mentioned in TeachingDale Carnegie - "How to Win Friends and Influence People"Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
"Norman kept saying, 'If you don't trust yourself to know that you're good, trust me because I know you're good. This is what you're meant to be doing.'" — Adrienne Barbeau, on working with Norman Lear on MaudeWelcome to 80s TV Ladies, where we look back in order to leap forward, and where we say everyone has the right to body autonomy and boundless joy! In this episode, hosts Sharon Johnson and Susan Lambert Hatem are joined by six-decade stage and screen icon Ms. Adrienne Barbeau.From her early performing days touring East Asia with the USO to her Broadway roots, Adrienne shares how she went from Fiddler on the Roof alongside Bette Midler to originating the role of Rizzo in Grease. She opens up about being selected by Norman Lear to play Carol, Bea Arthur's independent daughter on Maude, and reflects on the cultural impact of the landmark 1972 "Maude's Dilemma" abortion episodes.Plus, Adrienne takes us behind the scenes of her legendary genre career, her love for voice and audio description work, and her second career as an author!In this episode, we discuss:Broadway Roots to Sitcom Stardom: How playing Rizzo in Grease earned her a Tony nomination and caught the attention of Norman Lear.Working on Maude: What it was like working alongside Bea Arthur and Rue McClanahan, the family culture on set, and learning comedic timing on the job."Maude's Dilemma": The groundbreaking two-part episode about abortion, working in a healthcare clinic during hiatus, and writing her 2022 Guardian op-ed.Cult Horror & Sci-Fi Royalty: Stories from filming The Fog, Swamp Thing, Creepshow, and the secret garage shoot behind her death scene in Escape From New York.Classic 70s & 80s TV Guest Spots: Her memories from Fantasy Island (including full-face prosthetics), Murder, She Wrote, The Love Boat, Quincy, and playing a Romulan on Star Trek: Deep Space Nine.Life as an Author & Voice Artist: Writing her vampire mystery novels, her memoir, and describing films for blind audiences.Next Episode Teaser:Don't miss our next episode, where we begin our deep dive into the classic 1975–1984 Norman Lear sitcom One Day at a Time, starring Bonnie Franklin, Mackenzie Phillips, and Valerie Bertinelli, featuring 25 surprising facts about the show!
Are you struggling to keep up with the trending worldviews and pop culture beliefs shaping our culture? Guest teacher Aaron Pierce offers a roadmap to understanding the primary influences and philosophies of young people today. Learn how seeing the world through their eyes can help you build deeper, more authentic connections.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Resources Mentioned in TeachingNancy Pearcey - "Love Thy Body"Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
There is an ongoing battle for the hearts and minds of the next generation, leaving many Bible-believing parents wondering how to effectively share the Truth. Guest teacher Aaron Pierce, from Steiger International, shares practical ways to engage your children and offers a message of hope for reaching today's youth with the Gospel.ResourcesMessage NotesSpecial OffersConnect888-333-6003WebsiteChip Ingram AppInstagramFacebookYouTubePartner With UsDonate Online888-333-6003Resources Mentioned in TeachingNancy Pearcey - "Love Thy Body"Guest Speaker BioAaron Pierce is the International Mission Director of Steiger International, a rapidly-growing, worldwide mission organization that is called to reach and disciple the Global Youth Culture for Jesus. Steiger is active in over 100 cities around the world within the regions of Europe, Eurasia, Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, South America, Australasia, and North America.
Promising trade talks imploded after a literal 11th-hour change from the American side. We examine the new trade barriers being erected, and the complex calculation for Prime Minister Mark Carney. In Japan Gen X workers are even still bearing the costs of an economic bubble-burst from the 1990s. And how fates of civilisations have turned on sieges throughout history. Guests and host:Hal Hodson, Americas editorMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRichard Cockett, senior digital editorJason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Canada, the United States, tariffs, Mark Carney, trade warJapan, Gen X, labour marketsieges, world historyListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Promising trade talks imploded after a literal 11th-hour change from the American side. We examine the new trade barriers being erected, and the complex calculation for Prime Minister Mark Carney. In Japan Gen X workers are even still bearing the costs of an economic bubble-burst from the 1990s. And how fates of civilisations have turned on sieges throughout history. Guests and host:Hal Hodson, Americas editorMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRichard Cockett, senior digital editorJason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Canada, the United States, tariffs, Mark Carney, trade warJapan, Gen X, labour marketsieges, world historyListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
A simple country masturbator (Jason Newland) tags in for Tim and we discuss some recent and historical issues surrounding East Asia, more specifically the Republic of Samsung (South Korea). Celebrate the liberation from Imperial Japan, sure, excellent, but why not extend this to more recent colonizers? Shoutout to small but important Korean anti-imperialist groups like Nodutdol. Before all that, we revisit some old ideas about how to deal with climate catastrophe; encourage the destruction of Flock property (especially on Halloween); Randy Fine looks like Itamar Ben-Gvir ate his own twin made of swollen tumors and sadism, and his little sausage fingers can't help defend themselves from antisemitic mailboxes; heed those cautious optimism warnings about the wave of DSA insurgency; controversial tweet:My DonaldTrumpish friend saw a sign that said FREE PARKING and panicked that it said DONALD TRUMP IS A SYPHILITIC PEDOPHILE WHO BLEW BILL CLINTON.The Donalds are tiiiiiiiired.Recorded on Friday, August 21st, 2569 B.E. around 11.00AM Korea Standard Time. Commiserate on Discord: discord.gg/aDf4Yv9PrYNever Forget: standwithdanielhale.orgGenral RecommendationsJosh's Recommendation: Tires (Season 3)Jason's Recommendations: 1) My Name 2) Tenmaku no JaadugarFurther Reading, Viewing, ListeningShow notes + Full list of links, sources, etcEternal thanks to Rm Brown ("King of the Soundboard")More From Timothy Robert BuechnerPodcast: Q&T ARE / violentpeople.co Tweets: @ROHDUTCHLocationless Locationsheatdeathpod.comEvery show-related link is corralled and available here.Twitter: @heatdeathpodPlease send all Letters of Derision, Indifference, Inquiry, Mild Elation, et cetera to: heatdeathoftheuniversepodcast@gmail.comSend us Fan MailSupport the showSupport: patreon / buzzsprout
If China controls maritime East Asia, what would that mean for Taiwan, the Philippines, Japan, global trade, and U.S. security?In Episode 163, Ray Powell and Jim Carouso speak with retired U.S. Navy Captain Brent Sadler, a career submariner, former U.S. defense attaché in Malaysia, Heritage Foundation Senior Fellow and author of two books: U.S. Naval Power in the 21st Century and Naval Power in Action: Seizing the Initiative in the New Cold War with China.Sadler's answer is blunt: China is exercising growing control over maritime East Asia, as Beijing has spent decades building the military, commercial, and political leverage to do exactly that. He says this is not just a question of aircraft carriers, missiles, and hull counts, but also about China's strategic commercial footprint in ports, shipping and repair infrastructure, distant-water fishing fleets, maritime militia, and the China Coast Guard.Ray and Jim ask what it means that China's coast guard vessels are operating east of Taiwan. Are these deployments preparation for a possible blockade? Why are fishing fleets moving in organized formations? And how could Beijing use gray-zone coercion to change the status quo before anyone agrees that a crisis has begun?The conversation also examines the recent China-Russia naval exercises and potential for submarine technology transfer, Russian pressure on Japan around the Kuril Islands, and Beijing's efforts to turn even limited naval interactions with countries such as Indonesia into political and propaganda victories. Sadler explains why Southeast Asian leaders' rhetoric must be weighed against what matters on the water: maritime rights, military exercises, commercial ties, and freedom of navigation.Finally, Sadler assesses the military balance approaching the much-discussed 2027 window of war concerns, China's Taiwan contingency preparations, gaps in America's carrier presence in the Indo-Pacific, U.S. shipbuilding deficits, the future of unmanned vessels, and what Ukraine's drone war may mean for Taiwan and regional partners.Sadler's larger warning is that maritime control is no longer just a contest of fleets, but a contest of coercion, commerce, access, and political will; one in which Beijing can test regional governments, reshape behavior below the threshold of war, and learn whether America and its allies will respond before temporary pressure becomes a permanent advantage.Follow Brent Sadler at the Heritage Foundation, on LinkedIn or on X, @brentdsadlerFollow us on X, @IndoPacPodcast, LinkedIn or FacebookFollow Ray on X, @GordianKnotRay, or LinkedInFollow Jim on LinkedInSponsored by BowerGroupAsia
Cory Gardner is a former U.S. Senator and Congressman from Colorado and was one of the Senate's leading Taiwan and China experts, chairing the Foreign Relations subcommittee on East Asia and authoring the Taipei Act. He is now president and CEO of NCTA, the Internet & Television Association, whose members built the nation's largest broadband platform.In this episode of Summation, Cory and Auren discuss:Why the AI race gets won on spectrum, fiber, and memory chipsThe bottleneck raising the price of your iPhone, PlayStation, and routerWhy an open society is vulnerable to a campaign to turn Americans against AIWhat a China expert thinks about our dependence on chips made off China's coastYou can find Auren Hoffman on X at @auren and Cory Gardner on X at @CoryGardner
In this final installment of the series, John sits down with the rest of the team for a roundtable interview, celebrating the incredible ways God worked through and in them during the trip.___________________________________________________________Pick up your copy of John's new book, The Fundamentals of Our Faith, by clicking here! https://a.co/d/h0wLoVsWe post a weekly devotional episode every Thursday and our regular episodes on the 1st and 3rd Tuesdays of each month!Visit our website - Email us - Instagram - X - Facebook
The Aesthetics of Risk in Franco-East Asian Literatures (Cambridge UP, 2026) is the first book that examines the concept of risk in non-anglophone world literature. Focusing on how risk is produced and reshaped by literary aesthetics, Li argues that risk is a creative rather than negative force in world literature. Instead of disaster narratives, Li approaches risk from the fresh perspective of ludic aesthetics, or playful, gamelike, illusionistic and experimental literary strategies. Comparatively analysing an original selection of texts by modern and contemporary French-Francophone and East Asian writers, each chapter focuses on a particular genre such as the novel, life-writing, poetry, and image-texts. The reimagination of risk in literature is revealed to be closely related to different forms of play such as structured games, masquerade, poetic and intermedial experimentation. Franco-East Asian literatures help us rethink risk in linguistically diverse and cross-cultural contexts, providing a new paradigm for comparative criticism and world literature. Guest Xiaofan Amy Li is Associate Professor in Comparative Cultural Studies at University College London and holds a PhD in French from Queens' College, Cambridge. Her research spans comparisons and exchanges from the 20th-21st centuries between France, China, and East Asia broadly speaking. Her first monograph Comparative Encounters between Artaud, Michaux and the Zhuangzi (Legenda, 2015) re-reads two avant-garde French writers and the imaginative classical Chinese text Zhuangzi through their intertextual, poetic, and conceptual dialogues. Besides her two monographs, she has published extensively on Surrealism, poetry, and literary translation. She is a member of the AILC/ICLA (International Comparative Literature Association) Research Committee on Literary Theory. Host Gina Stamm is Associate Professor of French at The University of Alabama, with research concentrated on the environmental humanities and speculative literatures of the 20th and 21st centuries, from Surrealism to contemporary science fiction and feminist utopias, in Metropolitan France and the francophone Caribbean, with a book manuscript underreview on posthumanist ecological engagement in the surrealist movement. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
The Aesthetics of Risk in Franco-East Asian Literatures (Cambridge UP, 2026) is the first book that examines the concept of risk in non-anglophone world literature. Focusing on how risk is produced and reshaped by literary aesthetics, Li argues that risk is a creative rather than negative force in world literature. Instead of disaster narratives, Li approaches risk from the fresh perspective of ludic aesthetics, or playful, gamelike, illusionistic and experimental literary strategies. Comparatively analysing an original selection of texts by modern and contemporary French-Francophone and East Asian writers, each chapter focuses on a particular genre such as the novel, life-writing, poetry, and image-texts. The reimagination of risk in literature is revealed to be closely related to different forms of play such as structured games, masquerade, poetic and intermedial experimentation. Franco-East Asian literatures help us rethink risk in linguistically diverse and cross-cultural contexts, providing a new paradigm for comparative criticism and world literature. Guest Xiaofan Amy Li is Associate Professor in Comparative Cultural Studies at University College London and holds a PhD in French from Queens' College, Cambridge. Her research spans comparisons and exchanges from the 20th-21st centuries between France, China, and East Asia broadly speaking. Her first monograph Comparative Encounters between Artaud, Michaux and the Zhuangzi (Legenda, 2015) re-reads two avant-garde French writers and the imaginative classical Chinese text Zhuangzi through their intertextual, poetic, and conceptual dialogues. Besides her two monographs, she has published extensively on Surrealism, poetry, and literary translation. She is a member of the AILC/ICLA (International Comparative Literature Association) Research Committee on Literary Theory. Host Gina Stamm is Associate Professor of French at The University of Alabama, with research concentrated on the environmental humanities and speculative literatures of the 20th and 21st centuries, from Surrealism to contemporary science fiction and feminist utopias, in Metropolitan France and the francophone Caribbean, with a book manuscript underreview on posthumanist ecological engagement in the surrealist movement. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies
The Aesthetics of Risk in Franco-East Asian Literatures (Cambridge UP, 2026) is the first book that examines the concept of risk in non-anglophone world literature. Focusing on how risk is produced and reshaped by literary aesthetics, Li argues that risk is a creative rather than negative force in world literature. Instead of disaster narratives, Li approaches risk from the fresh perspective of ludic aesthetics, or playful, gamelike, illusionistic and experimental literary strategies. Comparatively analysing an original selection of texts by modern and contemporary French-Francophone and East Asian writers, each chapter focuses on a particular genre such as the novel, life-writing, poetry, and image-texts. The reimagination of risk in literature is revealed to be closely related to different forms of play such as structured games, masquerade, poetic and intermedial experimentation. Franco-East Asian literatures help us rethink risk in linguistically diverse and cross-cultural contexts, providing a new paradigm for comparative criticism and world literature. Guest Xiaofan Amy Li is Associate Professor in Comparative Cultural Studies at University College London and holds a PhD in French from Queens' College, Cambridge. Her research spans comparisons and exchanges from the 20th-21st centuries between France, China, and East Asia broadly speaking. Her first monograph Comparative Encounters between Artaud, Michaux and the Zhuangzi (Legenda, 2015) re-reads two avant-garde French writers and the imaginative classical Chinese text Zhuangzi through their intertextual, poetic, and conceptual dialogues. Besides her two monographs, she has published extensively on Surrealism, poetry, and literary translation. She is a member of the AILC/ICLA (International Comparative Literature Association) Research Committee on Literary Theory. Host Gina Stamm is Associate Professor of French at The University of Alabama, with research concentrated on the environmental humanities and speculative literatures of the 20th and 21st centuries, from Surrealism to contemporary science fiction and feminist utopias, in Metropolitan France and the francophone Caribbean, with a book manuscript underreview on posthumanist ecological engagement in the surrealist movement. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literary-studies
Serhii Plokhy, Part Two: The second part focuses on the 2022 full-scale invasion, defined by Putin's catastrophic miscalculation that his troops would be welcomed as liberators. Instead, Ukraine demonstrated remarkable resilience under President Zelenskyy and military leaders like General Oleksandr Syrskyi. Plokhy highlights the "outright criminality" of Russian tactics, specifically the reckless use of nuclear sites like Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhia as military shields and tools of international blackmail. He notes that the defense of sites like the Azovstal steel plant in Mariupolbecame global symbols of Ukrainian resistance. The war has triggered profound global shifts, including Germany's "Zeitenwende" and Japan's move toward providing military support. Former "interlocutors" like Emmanuel Macronhave shifted from seeking accommodation to joining the US-led coalition, while diplomatic mediation has fallen to leaders like President Erdoğan of Turkey. Furthermore, Ukraine's effective defense has likely contributed to stability in East Asia by discouraging a Chinese military adventure in Taiwan. While Putin views the war through an imperial lens, NATO has rediscovered its purpose in defending the international order. Plokhy concludes that while Putin is destroying Russia's future, the war may eventually force the nation to rethink itself as a modern state rather than an empire. (2)
On this week's episode: We've always been at war with Eastasia ... An old Who's Woo subject gets in touch with an opportunity too good to turn down ... And presidential hopeful Tucker Carlson wants a house to go with his replacement theory.To support our show on Patreon, go here:patreon.com/skepticratTo hear more from Evil Giraffes on Mars, go here:facebook.com/EvilGiraffesOnMarsGet great deals while supporting the show by checking out our sponsors:mintmobile.com/skepticratquince.com/skepticratauraframes.com (code: SKEPTICRAT)groundnews.com/skepticratHeadline Sources: Trump basically resorts to threatening Iran with imaginary missiles: https://abcnews.com/Politics/crucial-us-missile-stockpiles-extremely-low-official/story?id=135428997 https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2026/08/05/trump-hegseth-clashed-camp-david-over-iran-missile-depletion-concerns/Playbooks, plagiarism and a pig's head: new claims surrounding a star Cambridge professor: https://www.theguardian.com/education/ng-interactive/2026/aug/01/playbooks-plagiarism-pigs-head-new-claims-surrounding-cambridge-professor-jason-arday The takedown of Jason Arday has overjoyed the right, and must be a wake-up call for the left: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/aug/06/jason-arday-dei-race-issues-university-of-cambridgeComey prosecution is absurd and Trump reminds us that he was a Russian asset: https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/us/james-comey-seashells-trump-secret-service.htmlhttps://www.axios.com/2026/08/05/trump-russian-asset-comey-fbi-investigationFauci takes the 5th: https://www.nytimes.com/2026/08/06/us/politics/fauci-contempt-of-congress.htmlMichael Marshall has a zoom call with an unsuspecting Brian Rose: https://www.facebook.com/reel/1580651800303373 TUCKER CARLSON puts out 10-point manifesto in possible bid for president: https://www.axios.com/2026/08/06/tucker-carlson-third-party-israel-trump
Last time we spoke about the ending of the Second Battle of Changsha. In late September and early October 1941, Chinese commander Chen Cheng planned an operation to retake Yichang, a strategic Yangtze River city whose control was essential for protecting the approach to Chongqing. Japanese forces were pulling back from Changsha, weakened by supply problems and casualties, which created an opportunity for Chen to intensify his campaign. Yichang had been captured by Japan in 1940, a defeat that Chen carried as a personal and political burden. He therefore moved to encircle the Japanese 13th Division inside Yichang and drive it to collapse. Although the Chinese held a clear manpower advantage—fourteen divisions against the encircled Japanese—progress was slowed by stubborn fighting from prepared, entrenched positions. The battle inside the city produced desperate close-quarters combat and heavy casualties, showing how the fate of Yichang and the wider defense of Chongqing were tightly linked. #214 War hits the Pacific Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The guns fell silent on October 9, 1941, as the Ninth War Zone's forces restored their pre-battle positions, marking the end of the Second Battle of Changsha. The balance sheet was grim on both sides, but it was China that bore the heavier cost. The Ninth Military Front suffered 70,672 killed, wounded, or missing. The concurrent Yichang offensive added a further 21,368 casualties to the Sixth Military Front, a force that outnumbered its Japanese opponents ten to one yet still failed to retake the city. By the time the dust settled, the Chinese army had lost nearly 100,000 men across both theatres. The Chinese command was frank, at least in private, about what had gone wrong. The Japanese had moved with a speed that recalled Blitzkrieg, advancing 130 kilometres in eleven days and withdrawing at twelve kilometres a day, catching the defenders perpetually off-balance. The 26th, 37th, 10th, and 74th Corps had been picked apart piecemeal rather than fighting in concert, the original plan to destroy the Japanese south of the Miluo River coming to nothing. Elite formations had paid a disproportionate price: the 74th Corps suffered 14,521 casualties, the 37th Corps 14,015, and the 58th Division alone lost 6,192 of its 11,907 men, nearly its entire fighting strength. Yet none of this was the story the public would hear. On October 10th, China's National Day, radio stations announced the "Second Great Victory in Northern Hunan", the annihilation of over 40,000 enemy troops. Newspapers rushed out special editions. Congratulatory telegrams flooded in from government ministries and civic organizations. Senior officials seized on the moment: Sun Ke, Premier of the Executive Yuan, declared that the victory "laid the foundation for the counter-offensive and the recapture of Hankou and Guangzhou," while General Bai Chongxi called it "the pivotal moment for us to turn defeat into victory." Chiang Kai-shek, reading through the pages of triumphant commentary produced overnight by his propagandists, was reportedly impressed by their industry, if not convinced by their content. He had not wanted to call it a victory at all, but the political calculus was unavoidable: after four years of war, an exhausted nation needed the psychological sustenance that only "victory" could provide. The gap between public performance and private reality was nowhere more visible than in the arrival of a twenty-two-member international press delegation on October 13th. Journalists from Britain, the United States, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Hong Kong, and major Chinese newspapers were flown to Changsha and carefully guided through selected battlefields, where they inspected mountains of war trophies and heard testimony from soldiers and civilians. They left satisfied, presenting their war souvenirs—swords, binoculars, Japanese military flags—to their audiences back home as proof of Chinese heroism and Japanese defeat. Both China and Japan were claiming victory simultaneously. The only conclusion the foreign press could draw was that one side was lying, and it was not the side that had shown them the evidence. Chiang Kai-shek's real verdict came at the Third Nanyue Military Conference, held from October 16 to 21. His anger was withering. He condemned his generals for their obsession with defending sprawling outer perimeter lines while leaving city centres barely fortified, a mentality so rigid, he said, that the Japanese could announce the exact time of their advance and withdrawal in advance and still execute it on schedule without interference. "Generals, what a disgrace this is!" On the failure to capture prisoners, only 263 prisoners were claimed across the entire front, of whom only 16 names were actually published, he was almost incredulous: "We can definitely defeat the enemy, capture many enemy prisoners, and seize countless enemy weapons! Even if we cannot capture ten thousand prisoners, we should at least capture a thousand! If not a thousand, then at least a hundred! But now, you don't even have ten!" The conference handed down punishments to match the rhetoric. Liao Lingqi, commander of the shattered 58th Division, was sentenced to death for desertion and shot on October 22nd. His men were so outraged that three regimental commanders resigned in protest; the division was pulled from the order of battle entirely and given three months to rebuild. Li Yutang, commander of the 10th Corps, was dismissed—though the Third Battle of Changsha would begin before his replacement could take post, and he would be reinstated to play a key role in the city's defence. On the Japanese side, the 11th Army acknowledged 1,670 killed, 5,184 wounded, and 14 missing, far fewer than Chinese claims, though post-war regimental histories suggest the true figure was higher. Lieutenant General Anami, who had championed the operation, found himself stung by the charge that the battle had served mainly as material for Chinese propaganda. On November 23rd, he reportedly reacted with visible displeasure when someone in his headquarters said as much aloud. Anami's annoyance was easy enough to understand, but the accusation carried a troubling degree of accuracy. The Second Battle of Changsha had yielded no decisive strategic gain and no substantial alteration in the military balance. What it did generate, rather effectively, was a story and by the autumn of 1941, stories were one of the few things China still had in plentiful supply. The most consequential struggles were taking place not along the Miluo River, but in foreign ministries and embassies, in Washington and Moscow, in the messages passing between Chongqing and London, and in the increasingly strained calculations of statesmen trying to determine, amid rapidly changing circumstances, whom to support and for how long. For Chiang Kai-shek, the challenge was never merely military. It was structural, and had been so from the outset. He had always seen clearly, precisely because he understood China's weakness, that Japan could not be defeated by China alone. The country lacked the industrial base, the logistical reach, and after four years of relentless attrition more and more the manpower needed to force a decisive result on the battlefield. China's survival depended on making its war inseparable from the wars of other powers. Since 1937, Chiang's diplomacy had pursued that single objective: convincing enough great powers that their interests were aligned with China's, and holding that coalition together long enough for Japan to be subdued. That effort turned out to be vastly more difficult than it ought to have been. The problem started with the international order in which the war emerged. Chiang had hoped to assemble a concert of allies willing to help defend China against Japanese aggression. He was blocked not just by the reluctance of neutral states to aid China, but by the speed with which alliances shifted in the opening years of the Second World War. He had never welcomed the prospect of a general European conflict, correctly fearing that it would push China even further to the margins of world attention. Even so, he recognized that once the lines had hardened between the imperial democracies and fascism, new alignments might become possible. From his perspective, the growing amity between Berlin and Moscow was therefore disastrous. He had been eager to draw the USSR into war against Japan. Instead, the Soviets were now effectively aligned with the Nazis, who were themselves allied with Tokyo. The world created after Versailles had already enraged many Chinese. After all, the May Fourth demonstrations of 1919 had arisen directly from the settlement reached at the Paris Peace Conference. Yet that older order had at least possessed recognizable anchors, especially the dominance of the two great European empires and the United States. Now those empires were weakening, and no one could say with confidence what the new geopolitical order would be. For all Chiang knew, Germany might emerge as Europe's new dominant power. The early years of the European war produced a bewildering spectacle of diplomatic realignment. The Nationalist government had previously enjoyed a short-lived flirtation with Nazi Germany. In fact, Hitler's regime continued supplying Chiang with munitions in the first months of China's war against Japan. The Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936 had theoretically joined Germany, Italy, and Japan into the Axis, but mutual distrust prevented them from forming anything like a fully coherent alliance. Chiang found it useful to imply to Western powers that he might be pushed into closer alignment with Germany, a particularly disturbing possibility for the USSR, which faced enemies in both Europe and Asia. But eventually the contradictions in German policy toward East Asia became too severe. In April 1938, Germany yielded to Japanese pressure and ended its support for China. Britain offered little meaningful help. Neville Chamberlain became prime minister in May 1937 at the head of a Conservative-led National Government, and was quickly overwhelmed by the deteriorating European situation. If Czechoslovakia was for him a "far-off country of which we know nothing," China's fate was even more distant and obscure to many, perhaps most policymakers in London. The Nationalists had more success in cultivating the United States. At the Nine-Power Conference in Brussels in November 1937, the Chinese delegation failed to persuade Washington to impose sanctions on Japan and confront it directly. By the middle of 1938, however, American views were beginning to shift. As Japan pushed deeper into southern China, it became increasingly obvious that the occupied territory would be closed to foreign trade. In December 1938, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau arranged a private American loan of $25 million to China, to be repaid through shipments of tung oil, a varnish product whose real importance lay not in itself, but in what the arrangement signified: a quiet American expression of faith that Chongqing would survive. Chiang also held on to the hope of an even less likely partnership. He had become fiercely anti-Communist during the 1920s, yet in the early years of the anti-Japanese war his greatest hope still rested on Soviet entry into the conflict. Soviet advisers and pilots had aided China from 1937 to 1939, but the USSR never formally declared war on Japan. Still, as Japanese aggression in northern Asia intensified, it remained possible that the Soviets would eventually be drawn in. Then, as so often happened whenever Chiang tried to impose some control over the course of the war, events beyond China's borders altered the struggle in fundamental ways. While Western attention remained fixed on Europe's darkening horizon, a battle with major consequences for East Asia unfolded on the frontiers of Outer Mongolia, Manchukuo, and the eastern Soviet Union. Throughout much of 1938 and early 1939, one faction within the Japanese Imperial Army sought to pressure the Soviets along their eastern frontier. The USSR appeared vulnerable; Stalin's paranoid purges had executed or exiled many of the Red Army's best officers. In May 1939, fighting broke out near Nomonhan between forces from Soviet-backed Mongolia and Japanese troops from Manchukuo. Within days, both sides had reinforced heavily, until nearly 60,000 Soviet troops faced about 40,000 soldiers from the Kwantung Army. Over the next four months, until mid-September, they fought a major battle ending in a decisive Japanese defeat and establishing the reputation of General Georgi Zhukov, who would later become one of Stalin's most celebrated wartime commanders. The much-derided Soviet Army had fought with formidable effectiveness, and the result was not only a ceasefire but also a nonaggression pact between the two sides, extinguishing, in one stroke, Chiang's hopes for a Chinese-Soviet military alliance. The final blow came after developments in northern Europe. In the Winter War of 1939–1940, the Soviet invasion of Finland led Britain and France to back a motion expelling the USSR from the League of Nations. China, then a member of the League Council, declined to use its veto to block the resolution. Stalin was enraged by Chiang's failure to prevent Soviet expulsion, and mutual suspicion thereafter poisoned relations between the two leaders for the rest of the war against Japan. China would now have to continue without further major Soviet backing. By the spring of 1940, China's position had become deeply precarious. In March, senior Japanese negotiators sought an agreement with Chiang in Chongqing, while Wang Jingwei was trying to formalize his rival Nationalist government in Nanjing. This effort, known in Chinese as the Tong Operation, and in Japanese as Operation Kiri, led to talks in Hong Kong from March 7 to 10, 1940. Militarily, the Nationalists were in grave danger: the United States remained neutral, and Europe was in chaos. Indeed, that same spring, with France seemingly near collapse, the British government also sent out discreet feelers to explore the possibility of a negotiated peace with Germany. For China, Western assistance was nowhere in sight. The Japanese judged the moment favorable for pressing Chiang toward concessions. Faced with serious danger to his regime, Chiang allowed the door to negotiation to open just slightly. As a consequence, the Japanese delayed full recognition of Wang Jingwei's new government. Through the summer and autumn of 1940, Tokyo remained uncertain about the defector. Prominent Japanese figures such as Count Arima Yoriyasu of the Privy Council said Wang's conduct demonstrated his untrustworthiness, and Foreign Minister Matsuoka Yōsuke continued to express interest in an agreement with Chongqing. Zhou Fohai captured the defectors' frustration, men who believed they had made the highest patriotic sacrifice when he wrote: "Chongqing sees us as collaborators, we see ourselves as heroes. We think only peace can save the country — that's why we think of ourselves as heroes. If we end up classed as heroes, then China and Japan will be at peace. If we end up classed as collaborators, then China and Japan will never be at peace."That formulation conveyed something genuine about the moral dizziness of the period. Most of the defectors were not men devoid of principles; they were men whose principles had carried them to a place that history would find exceptionally hard to pardon. The "New Fourth Army Incident" brought to a close one of the most consequential years in modern Chinese political history. The battle of ideas unfolding in 1940 was already visible to informed contemporaries. Early in 1941, US Ambassador Nelson Johnson sent Washington a detailed assessment of the Chinese political situation in reply to another report passed along by Major Evans Carlson, an American officer who had made an extensive journey through the Chinese interior. The contrast between the two documents revealed a widening split in American views of China. Carlson, together with his travelling companion, the New Zealander Rewi Alley, had become increasingly sympathetic to the Communists after visiting their territories in 1938 and admiring their discipline. Carlson described the Nationalists as moving toward "fascism," and argued that American aid should be conditioned on Chiang's government being compelled to adopt more "democratic" institutions. Johnson strongly disagreed. It was "only normal and natural," he wrote, that the Nationalists wanted to retain power, but during the war they had established the National Political Consultative Council, in which multiple parties, including the Communists, were represented. He also noted that the CCP could publish its own newspaper in Chongqing in a way that would have been impossible before the war. One might have expected the Nationalists to use the war as a justification "to extinguish . . . all political opposition," yet instead they had chosen to "muddle along." Johnson further thought that the influence of competing cliques inside the Nationalist Party had been overstated. Chiang Kai-shek, by contrast, had "grown in stature, as he has come to be recognized as the symbol of united resistance to Japanese encroachment"; ultimately, "it is he who makes the final decisions." Johnson did agree with Carlson that Chiang's regime was hesitant to encourage a broad-based popular movement animated by anything beyond anti-Japanese feeling, though he also pointed to Nationalist cooperative programs and county-level reforms. But he rejected the idea that American support should depend on sweeping political transformation. Chiang was committed to continuing the war against Japan, and Washington should back him in that effort. In a notably farsighted passage, Johnson wrote: "It is my view that since the fall of the Manchu dynasty and the collapse of the traditional Chinese concept of government the Chinese people have been feeling their way along toward a new evolving form of government. A definitive form of government has not yet been established and may not be established for decades; it may or may not be in the form of a democracy, but it will be a type of government that will be adapted to the needs of China and its people." The tension between these two American interpretations, Carlson's idealized belief in the Communists and Johnson's pragmatic support for Chiang was more than a minor bureaucratic dispute. It foreshadowed a debate that would dominate American foreign policy for the next decade, and would still echo when the People's Republic was proclaimed in 1949. The disastrous experience of 1940 seemed to cast doubt on whether any future for China existed outside the Japanese Empire. As 1941 wore on, another dreadful event shook the exhausted wartime capital. On June 5, Chongqing endured roughly five hours of bombing, driving the population into air-raid shelters. In one tunnel in the Shibati district, the conditions were even worse than usual. The large shelter was supposed to have lights and electric fans, but the generators had never been connected. Inside, the air was dark, hot, and suffocating. Around ten that evening, people began emerging from the tunnel when rumors spread that the Japanese were returning with poison-gas bombs. Air-raid wardens forced people back inside, even as others were still trying to come out. Bodies toppled over one another, and panic spread as people realized they could not breathe. Over the next few hours, hundreds died underground in the darkness. The exact number was never definitively established: the official figure was 461, though a contemporary police report placed it far higher, at 1,527. What rescuers remembered most vividly were the tortured expressions of the dead, people tangled together in each other's arms as they lost consciousness, clothing ripped to shreds by desperate hands clawing at one another, and bodies so drenched in sweat that they looked as though they had been soaked in water. One survivor, Tang Zhengchang, remembered a hand reaching out from a pile of corpses and pleading, "Sir, please help me . . ." The grip on Tang's shorts was so tight that it pulled them off; he escaped the tunnel naked from the waist down. Official descriptions of the disaster were softened. Even so, the tragedy deepened the city's gloom and in a place already saturated with grief, an added layer of darkness mattered a great deal. Yet events elsewhere would soon offer the National Government a narrow margin of hope. Late in 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt won re-election as president of the United States. "I am not going to send your boys into any foreign wars," he had proclaimed during the campaign against Wendell Willkie. But Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull both understood that Nazi domination of Europe posed a grave challenge to American influence there. And with China's "Open Door" to trade effectively shut by Japanese occupation, it was becoming increasingly clear that strict neutrality might not remain viable. In a 1941 report on China's domestic and foreign situation, Ambassador Johnson noted that during Germany's sweeping victories across Europe in mid-1940, the Chinese had become anxious about whether the Allies would remain committed to their cause. Britain's refusal to surrender, however, together with continuing Soviet goodwill, lifted public morale in China. People now looked toward the United States and Britain for support and felt that "victory" was "virtually theirs." Then, on June 22, 1941, the world awoke to news that roughly three million German soldiers were advancing into the Soviet Union. Operation Barbarossa, Hitler's invasion of the USSR, dramatically overturned the nonaggression that had governed relations between the two major European dictatorships for the previous two years. It transformed the war in Europe entirely. Less obviously, it also transformed the war in Asia. Thanks to intelligence leaks, Chiang Kai-shek had already realized that war between Germany and the USSR was likely. After the neutrality treaty between the USSR and Japan was signed on April 13, 1941, Chiang predicted that the United States would be drawn into the Asian war, and even that Japan might eventually reverse course and strike the Soviet Union. If that happened, China would become the critical Asian ally of both Washington and Moscow. Stalin had been caught off guard by the German assault — largely because he ignored increasingly urgent warnings from senior colleagues receiving intelligence from well-placed spies in Germany and the Comintern, eager to preserve its alliances, now pressed the Chinese Communists to cooperate more closely with the Nationalists. On June 23, 1941, the CCP Central Committee responded with a declaration that it would "persevere in the Anti-Japanese United Front, persevere in Nationalist-Communist cooperation," and would align itself with the British, the Americans, and others resisting the "fascist rulers" of the Axis. In Chongqing and Yan'an, the German attack on the Soviet Union was interpreted as a hopeful sign that Japan's fortunes might be beginning to turn. In Nanjing, the reaction was different. On June 22, Zhou Fohai recorded in his diary that, although the outcome "cannot be predicted," members of the Nanjing regime "all believe Germany will win and will take Moscow within two months." Zhou speculated that Japan could not easily reconcile its neutrality treaty with the USSR and its membership in the Anti-Comintern Pact, which was supposed to unite the Axis against Soviet expansionism. Still, because Germany had struck first, Japan was under no formal obligation to help. Zhou also continued to view events through a lens he had never abandoned: that of Chinese nationalism. "If Chongqing joins the Allies and they win," he wrote, "then this is good for China." If they lost, it would be disastrous for Chiang Kai-shek; but because Wang Jingwei had established a government in Nanjing under Japanese sponsorship, China now had "a foot in both boats." It was a ruthless calculation, but not a wholly dishonorable one. Zhou was not merely advancing Japanese interests. He was hedging, wagering on multiple futures in the name of a China he believed would endure beyond whatever constellation of powers happened to dominate at the moment. Whether posterity would judge that conduct prudent or collaborative was a question he could neither settle nor live to see resolved to his satisfaction. The summer of 1941 marked a major geopolitical turning point in the war. Until then, the conflicts in China and Europe had remained separate, if desperate, struggles on the Eurasian continent. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union now forced Japan to decide whether it too would enter war against the USSR. Debate in Tokyo was brief. Although some officials, including Foreign Minister Matsuoka, favored striking north before moving south, both the Kwantung Army and the Navy advised against helping Germany at least until Germany had succeeded in drawing substantial Soviet forces away from Siberia and into Europe. Konoye, once again prime minister, agreed. With the northern option set aside, Japanese leaders turned toward another great power instead: the United States. Japan's failure to gain further decisive momentum in China had fueled demands for broader regional expansion, especially into Southeast Asia, with its abundant oil, rubber, and other strategic resources. From 1940 onward, measures such as the pressure to close the Burma Road made it increasingly obvious that Tokyo had adopted a more aggressive posture in Asia. Unable to subdue China, Japanese policymakers chose instead to escalate the conflict still further. Japanese political life had become ever more dominated by the unresolved war in China. As early as 1938, military expenditures consumed about 70 percent of the national budget, and that same year a National Mobilization Bill granted the government "total war control" over the zaibatsu, Japan's major industrial conglomerates. By 1940, the New Order was making itself felt throughout everyday life, with campaigns against luxury and extravagant consumption taking on new prominence. In February 1940, a parliamentarian was expelled from the Diet simply for daring to criticize the "holy war" in China. In such an atmosphere, retreat from imperial ambitions became increasingly unthinkable. That figure, 70 percent of the national budget devoted to the military is worth dwelling on, because it reveals something essential about the trap in which Japanese strategists had placed themselves. The war in China had not been won, yet abandoning it would have meant admitting a failure so severe that it would have shaken the ideological and institutional foundations of military supremacy in Japanese politics. The only apparent ways out required pushing further in: more conquest, more extraction, more expansion. The logic was brutally clear, and profoundly destructive. The Roosevelt administration watched these developments with growing alarm. Though still formally neutral, the United States was already using Lend-Lease to provide major assistance to Britain and the Soviet Union in their struggles against Germany. It now expanded aid to China as well. On February 10, Roosevelt's representative Lauchlin Currie visited Chongqing to inform Chiang Kai-shek that the United States would soon provide $45 million in military equipment. General John Magruder, head of the small AMMISCA mission, the American Military Mission in China had been sent to Chongqing in September 1941, as part of quiet preparation for possible Chinese entry into an alliance against Japan. The China branch of the OSS, precursor to the CIA, was led by General William "Wild Bill" Donovan, whom Roosevelt had dispatched to China in early 1941. The Americans repeatedly tried to discourage Japan from moving south into Southeast Asia, but relations only grew more confrontational. Japan occupied the southern part of French Indochina, and in response the United States imposed an oil embargo in July 1941. The consequences were immense. Japan imported around 80 percent of its oil from the United States. Without that supply, its navy, the essential instrument for southern expansion had reserves for perhaps eighteen months. The real question facing Tokyo, then, was not whether it must act, but how soon. Unable any longer to resist mounting military pressure for war, Konoye resigned on October 16 and was replaced as premier by General Tōjō Hideki. Tokyo accelerated its preparations for conflict with the Western powers. Planned targets included Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaya, the Netherlands East Indies, and the Philippines. I should note, if you want to learn about all of this history in more detail, you can go check out the pacific war channel on youtube. I have a chronological series that is just now talking about events like the Japanese invasion of french indochina and the road to pearl harbor. Throughout the autumn of 1941, increasingly desperate negotiations took place between Japan and the United States. Washington insisted that Japan withdraw from China; Tokyo was equally firm that it would do no such thing. From the Japanese point of view, the demand to leave China was not a serious negotiating position but a demand for national humiliation a call to repudiate four years of war, vast casualties, and the ideological basis of Japanese militarism in a single diplomatic act. In the end, the gulf between the two positions could not be bridged. While civilian and military leaders in Tokyo argued over the pace at which they should move toward war, few among Japan's rulers doubted that war was coming. At the imperial conference of November 5, it was formally agreed that if no satisfactory diplomatic solution had been reached by December 1, war would follow soon after. Talks in Washington between Ambassador Nomura Kichisaburō, diplomat Kurusu Saburō, and Secretary of State Cordell Hull led nowhere. On November 26, Hull delivered a note repeating the American position that Japan must withdraw from both China and Indochina. On December 1, the imperial conference resolved to go to war; the following day, the date of attack was fixed as December 8, December 7 by American time. In one sense, this was the culmination toward which the entire previous decade had been moving. The war in China had started as a localized conflict, then expanded into a continental one, and was now about to become something larger still: a truly global war, stretching from the North Atlantic to the western Pacific. China's long, lonely resistance would suddenly gain new dimensions and new allies, though not the ones Chiang had spent four years trying to cultivate, and not under circumstances he would have chosen. In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet lay anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, its sailors and officers still largely asleep as dawn crept across the Pacific. The attack did not come without warning signs, American and Japanese diplomats had been locked in increasingly desperate negotiations throughout the autumn, each side hardening its position until no room remained to maneuver. Washington had demanded that Japan withdraw from China, a condition Tokyo viewed not as a serious opening offer but as a demand for national humiliation: a call to repudiate four years of brutal war, hundreds of thousands of casualties, and the entire ideological foundation upon which Japanese militarism rested. No agreement was possible on those terms, and both sides privately knew it. The strike force assembled in secret was formidable. Six aircraft carriers, the Akagi, Kaga, Sōryū, Hiryū, Shōkaku, and Zuikaku had sailed under strict radio silence across the North Pacific, launching their aircraft in two successive waves before the American base had any meaningful chance to respond. The first wave of approximately 183 planes swept in just before 8 a.m., targeting the rows of battleships moored along Battleship Row and the military airfields at Wheeler, Hickam, and Ford Island simultaneously, ensuring that American aircraft could not scramble in time to mount an effective defense. A second wave of roughly 170 planes followed less than an hour later, pressing the attack on damaged ships and harbor installations. The destruction was staggering. The battleship Arizona suffered a catastrophic magazine explosion after a armor-piercing bomb penetrated her forward decks, killing nearly 1,177 of her crew in minutes, almost half of the total American dead from the entire attack. The Oklahoma capsized after being struck by multiple torpedoes. The West Virginia and California sank at their moorings. In total, seventeen vessels were damaged or destroyed, and the vast majority of military aircraft at the nearby airfields were caught on the ground and obliterated before they could take flight. Around 2,400 Americans were killed and another 1,100 wounded, making it the deadliest single attack on American soil or territory in the nation's history to that point. Yet the attack was not a complete strategic success for Japan. The US Pacific Fleet's aircraft carriers, the vessels that would ultimately decide the naval war in the Pacific happened to be at sea that morning and escaped unharmed. The harbor's fuel storage and repair facilities were also left largely intact, allowing the fleet to reconstitute faster than Japanese planners had anticipated. What Japan achieved in tactical devastation, it partly squandered in strategic miscalculation. The attack ended American neutrality instantly and irrevocably. The following day, President Roosevelt addressed Congress, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy," and within hours the United States declared war on Japan. For China, after more than four years of fighting alone, the blow that devastated Pearl Harbor paradoxically carried a thread of desperate hope at last, the great power Chiang Kai-shek had spent years trying to draw into the conflict had arrived, not under circumstances he would have chosen, but arrived nonetheless. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After years of fighting, China's situation darkened in 1941 with intense bombing of Chongqing and fears of poison-gas attacks. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June shifted alliances and pressured Japan toward wider war. Japan escalated plans for Southeast Asia, suffered an oil embargo, and negotiations with the United States broke down over withdrawing from China and Indochina. Then the Pearl Harbor attack began the Pacific War.
The one federal agency no one has even tried to reform is also the most powerful: CIA. Jim Erdman just resigned after a long career as an operations officer. He says the agency is completely out of control and dangerous. (00:00) The CIA's Obstruction of Justice (30:59) Media Corruption and the Risks of Being a Whistleblower (47:17) Is the Head of the CIA Compromised? Why Hasn't He Pursued Reform? (51:56) What's Stopping the Government From Releasing the JFK and 9-11 Files? (59:55) What Really Happened With Building 7? Jim Erdman is the co-founder of Feds for Freedom (F4F), a 501c(3) dedicated to health freedom and constitutional governance. F4F is suing the CIA for treating CIA employees like spies when they refused the COVID vaccine. He has previous military experience as a non-commissioned officer at the 2nd Battalion, 75th Ranger Regiment, as well as Echo Company 1/162, an Oregon National Guard. He worked as a Senior bioinformatics and biometrics consultant in the private sector prior to joining the Department of State and CIA. He served in the Middle East, South and East Asia, and Africa and just finished a one-year joint duty assignment at the Office of Director National Intelligence in the Director's Initiatives Group (DIG). He was responsible for the DIG's investigations into COVID origins, Havana Syndrome, and Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena (UAP). He speaks Mandarin and Arabic and has earned the Director of National Intelligence Award and CIA's Intelligence Medal of Merit. He retired from the CIA on 30 June 2026. Check out fedsforfreedom.org to find out more. Find Erdman on X: https://x.com/jerdman2005?s=21 Paid partnerships with: American Financing: NMLS 182334, nmlsconsumeraccess.org. APR for rates in the 5s start at 6.327% for well qualified borrowers. Call 800-685-5696 for details about credit costs and terms. Visit http://www.AmericanFinancing.net/Tucker. Dose: Daily supplements for the systems that support you. Use code TUCKER for 35% at https://dosedaily.co/tucker Vulnerable People Project: Stand with Christians in the land where Christianity began, go to SaveWestBankChristians.com Ethos: Protect your family with life insurance from Ethos. Get up to $3 million in coverage in as little as 10 minutes at https://ethos.com/TUCKER Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Ukraine's president Volodymyr Zelensky has fired the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Oleksandr Syrsky. That follows days of protests at his sacking of the defence minister. Our correspondent analyses the fallout. America's murder rate is falling, so why are cops killing more people? And a shift in the Japanese taboo on living in homes where people have died.Guests and host:Shashank Joshi, defence editorDaniel Knowles, US Midwest correspondentMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Fedorov, Syrsky, Zelensky, UkrainePolice killings, gun crime, murderJapan, haunted houses, jiko bukkenListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Ukraine's president Volodymyr Zelensky has fired the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Oleksandr Syrsky. That follows days of protests at his sacking of the defence minister. Our correspondent analyses the fallout. America's murder rate is falling, so why are cops killing more people? And a shift in the Japanese taboo on living in homes where people have died.Guests and host:Shashank Joshi, defence editorDaniel Knowles, US Midwest correspondentMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Fedorov, Syrsky, Zelensky, UkrainePolice killings, gun crime, murderJapan, haunted houses, jiko bukkenListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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