Podcast appearances and mentions of Silvio Berlusconi

Der Finanzminister arbeitet weitgehend geräuschlos. Der Kulturstaatsminister sorgt sich um die Zukunft von ProSiebenSat.1. Und: Nach dem Beben in Afghanistan laufen die Bergungsarbeiten. Das ist die Lage am Dienstagmorgen. Die Artikel zum Nachlesen: Mehr Hintergründe hier: Wenn die Linkenchefin Karaoke singt und der Finanzminister auf die Kirmes geht Das ganze Interview hier: »Meine Sorge ist, ob die journalistische Unabhängigkeit gewahrt bleibt« Mehr Hintergründe hier: Lehmhäuser in der Bebenzone werden zu Todesfallen +++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

Helms, Franz-Paul www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Studio 9

Il rilancio di Mps su Mediobanca; Wall Street torna agli scambi; Risiko bancario, si chiude la partita Banca Ifis-Illimity; Prosiebensat, Berlusconi a Berlino per spiegare i piani di MFE; Stellantis e il mercato dell'auto. Puntata a cura di Adolfo Valente - Class CNBC Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Der umstrittene italienische Konzern Media for Europe der Familie Berlusconi steht vor der Übernahme von ProSiebenSat.1 - ein heikler Deal. Kulturstaatsminister Wolfram Weimer drängt in Verhandlungen unter anderem auf journalistische Unabhängigkeit. Balzer, Vladimir www.deutschlandfunk.de, Informationen am Morgen

Aktien hören ist gut. Aktien kaufen ist besser. Bei unserem Partner Scalable Capital geht's unbegrenzt per Trading-Flatrate oder regelmäßig per Sparplan. Alle weiteren Infos gibt's hier: scalable.capital/oaws. Aktien + Whatsapp = Hier anmelden. Lieber als Newsletter? Geht auch. Das Buch zum Podcast? Jetzt lesen. Der Kalender zum Podcast? Jetzt kaufen. Schweinebauch teuer für Hormel Foods. Pure Storage liebt Meta. Best Buy & HP feiern PC. Bei Dick's feiert niemand Foot-Locker-Deal. Europäer kaufen Autos, aber kaum Teslas. Berlusconis kontrollieren ProSieben. S&P 500 über 6.500. Buffett kauft Mitsui & Mitsubishi. Talanx (WKN: TLX100) ist breit gebaut. An der Börse performanter als Allianz und Münchener Rück. Und ein DAX-Kandidat. Der MSCI Tobacco hat's vorgemacht. Pernod Ricard (WKN: 853373) soll's nachmachen. Diesen Podcast vom 29.08.2025, 3:00 Uhr stellt dir die Podstars GmbH (Noah Leidinger) zur Verfügung.

Thomas Bimesdörfer und Michael Meyer sprechen mit dem ARD Rom-Korrespondenten Andreas Strobel über den Kauf von ProSiebenSat1 durch den Berlusconi-Konzern MFE? Droht im deutschen Fernsehen jetzt populistische Dauerberieselung? Welche Pläne sind bekannt?

Diventa un supporter di questo podcast: clicca qui.➨ Iscrivetevi al nostro canale Telegram: clicca quiMilano, 2015. Lezione del professor Roberto Biorcio (Dipartimento di Sociologia e Ricerca Sociale, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca).Si ringrazia il Laboratorio Lapsus per la condivisione del reperto.Tra gli argomenti trattati durante la lezione: 1) Sulla rinascita del populismo, in Italia; 2) Il problema del populismo come «intrinseco alla democrazia»; 3) Una «rinascita» che parte dagli anni Ottanta; 4) Il tramonto dei partiti di massa. L'appello al popolo «contro le élite»; 5) Sulle varie «tipologie» di populismo; 6) Il ruolo dei partiti di sinistra; 7) La destra populista; 8) La Prima repubblica e il «limitato spazio» per il populismo; 9) La «crisi» di fine anni Ottanta; 10) Tangentopoli e l'inizio della cosiddetta «Seconda repubblica»; 11) Gli anni Novanta. La Lega Nord; 12) Berlusconi e il «tele-populismo»; 13) I Cinque stelle; 14) «I politici sono un po' spaventati quando la gente va a votare su un argomento»; 15) Renzi.

Becker, Birgid www.deutschlandfunk.de, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft

®Ha dedicato una vita allo studio del rapporto tra economia e borghesia, risultati pubblicati in una imponente trilogia: Le virtù borghesi, Dignità borghese, Eguaglianza borghese (trilogia pubblicata in italiano da Silvio Berlusconi editore). I titoli spiegano in poche parole l'intero compito che la McCloskey ha deciso di intraprendere: rivalutare, nella storia dell'economia e delle società moderne, il ruolo che ebbe la borghesia. Classe sociale disprezzata a lungo da artisti e intellettuali europei, ritenuta responsabile (con il capitalismo) della povertà finanziaria, dello scadimento morale, delle guerre, e non solo. Da Platone a Trump, l'economista statunitense ci guida lungo secoli di stereotipi legati alla borghesia, inserisce il dubbio sul rapporto tra etica e mercati, ci illustra il legame tra dignità e libertà individuale, dallo sviluppo di idee e dall'innovazione. Oltre il capitalismo, oltre l'accumulazione, esiste una ricchezza dovuta soprattutto all'”invenzione del modo di inventare”. Prima emissione: 2 luglio 2025

Allweiss, Marianne www.deutschlandfunk.de, Informationen am Abend

Ohne Aktien-Zugang ist's schwer? Starte jetzt bei unserem Partner Scalable Capital. Alle weiteren Infos gibt's hier. Aktien + Whatsapp = Hier anmelden.  Lieber als Newsletter? Geht auch.  Das Buch zum Podcast? Jetzt lesen. Der Kalender zum Podcast? Jetzt kaufen.  Pinault will raus aus Puma. Berlusconis wollen raus aus Villa. Ørsted will raus aus Trump-Krise. DoorDash holt Mega-Talent. Netflix landet Mega-Hit. Deutsche Bank und Commerzbank sind mega viel wert. Pinduoduo wächst nicht stark, aber spart. Die Reimann-Milliardäre sind raus aus dem Kaffee-Biz. Zumindest großteils. JDE Peets (WKN: A2P0E9) geht nämlich an Keurig Dr Pepper (WKN: A2JQPZ). Und das verliert seine Coke. Vergesst Palantir & Rheinmetall. Die Bank of America glaubt an V2X (WKN: A12BGS). Diesen Podcast vom 26.08.2025, 3:00 Uhr stellt dir die Podstars GmbH (Noah Leidinger) zur Verfügung.

Ohne Aktien-Zugang ist's schwer? Starte jetzt bei unserem Partner Scalable Capital. Alle weiteren Infos gibt's hier: scalable.capital/oaws. Aktien + Whatsapp = Hier anmelden. Lieber als Newsletter? Geht auch. Das Buch zum Podcast? Jetzt lesen. Merger Monday mit Übernahmen von: Exklusiv-Club Soho House, Dayforce, Amphenol kauft Kabelhersteller für Rüstungsboom und Berlusconi failed bei Pro7. Den Wind- und Solaranbietern geht's sonnig und Novo Nordisk gewinnt sogar mal gegen Elli Lilly. Hologic (WKN: 879100) setzt sich für die Gesundheit von Frauen ein und das tut nicht nur dem Gewissen, sondern auch dem Geldbeutel gut. Blue OWL (WKN: A2QPLU) produziert Milliardäre mit Privatkrediten an KI-Unternehmen Diesen Podcast vom 19.08.2025, 3:00 Uhr stellt dir die Podstars GmbH (Noah Leidinger) zur Verfügung.

La Bella Italia! Ja, der er bare noget særligt over Italien og ikke mindst den skønne Serie A, der gennem årene har huset nogle af de bedste danske fodboldspillere. Ja, altså hvis bare de ikke har været målmænd. Men tænk Elkjær, Laudrup, Jørgensen, Helveg og Guld-Harald, og så med det særlige tvist, at det udelukkende er tiden i Italien, som tæller med. Ikke resten af karrieren. DR's helt eget nyhedsanker, Juve-fan og Italiens-kender Kåre Quist gæster studiet og afslører blandt andet, hvordan han endte med at sidde til middag med selveste Silvio Berlusconi. Derudover dobbelt denim i Udine, en falsk onkel i Palermo samt den helt særlige forbindelse mellem Klaus Berggreen og Eros Ramazotti - til hest! Vært: Thomas Loft

Der italienische Konzern „Media for Europe“ steht kurz davor, die Pro Sieben Sat 1-Gruppe zu übernehmen. Dahinter steht die Familie Berlusconi.

La società MediaForEurope della famiglia Berlusconi vorrebbe annettere il gruppo televisivo privato tedesco ProSiebenSat1 e, come ci racconta Agnese Franceschini, entro settembre Pier Silvio Berlusconi potrebbe annunciare di averne acquisito la maggioranza. Ci si può aspettare un cambiamento sul mercato televisivo tedesco? Lo abbiamo chiesto a Klaus Davi, giornalista ed esperto di mass media in Italia. Avete domande o suggerimenti? Volete ascoltare un podcast su un tema particolare? Scriveteci a cosmoitaliano@wdr.de Seguiteci anche su Facebook: Cosmo italiano E qui trovate tutti i nostri temi: https://www1.wdr.de/radio/cosmo/sprachen/italiano/index.html Von Francesco Marzano.

Think business is boring? What about when your streaming bill goes up, or your favorite restaurant files for bankruptcy? Do you ever wonder what's going on behind the scenes? Business Wars gives you a front row seat to the biggest moments in business, to explain how they shape our world. In the latest season, they explore the AOL Time Warner merger, a deal that became one of the most expensive and chaotic corporate disasters on record, one that permanently scarred both companies. Listen to Business Wars: The AOL Time Warner Disaster right now wherever you get your podcasts: Wondery.fm/BW_IFDSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Félagarnir Hermann Rijkaard og George Gullit fóru með skipi frá Surinam til Hollands árið 1957. Í septembermánuði fimm árum seinna áttu þessir félagar báðir eftir að eignast syni, Frank Rijkaard og Ruud Gullit, sem áttu eftir að breyta fótboltanum í Hollandi og víðar.Við fórum yfir ótrúlega áhugaverðan ferill þessara æskuvina, sem leikmenn undir Sacchi og Berlusconi og sem þjálfarar sem vinna meistaradeildina og fá Shearer og Big Duncan brjálaða inn á skrifstofu til sín!Njótið vel!

Dieses Jahr feiert die erste Verfilmung von Arthur Conan Doyle's "THE LOST WORLD" das hundertste Jubiläum - aus dem Grund haben wir uns eine komplett andere Verfilmung des Buches angesehen! In unserem verlängerten #CineRex besprechen wir diese kanadische TV-Adaption der Verlorenen Welt an, mit Gimli aus Herr der Ringe und Will von Will & Grace. Was Der Film mit Silvio Berlusconi und Butternut Kürbissen zu tun hat erfahrt ihr in der Folge!#TheLostWorld #Dinosaurier #ArthurConanDoyleThe Lost World OST by Lawrence ShraggeBesucht uns auf unseren Socials⁠⁠⁠⁠https://linktr.ee/dinosdaemonendoktoren⁠⁠⁠⁠und vergesst nicht unsere Community-Frage zu beantworten:"Was ist die hässlichste Dinopuppe die ihr je in einem Film gesehen habt?"

PSD face apel la decență, dar cine s-a lepădat de fapt de Ion Iliescu? Cum l-au executat fără jenă „tovarășii de drum” din Kiseleff (HotNews) - Motivul real pentru care PSD refuză să mai participe la ședința coaliției, acuzând USR de ”lipsă de respect” față de Ion Iliescu (G4Media) - Moartea lui Ion Iliescu şi momentul de singurătate al României. De ce marile ţări nu au trimis niciun mesaj de condoleanţe, cu excepţia Ambasadei Federaţiei Ruse (Ziarul Financiar) Ultima „oprire” la Cotroceni a lui Ion Iliescu: scandal politic, reticență și nostalgie după primul președinte postcomunist (Libertatea) Ion Iliescu rămâne un fost președinte care continuă să dividă societatea și clasa politică și după moarte. Funeraliile sale au dus la un scandal politic monstru, în timp ce unele personalități publice au ales să-i cinstească memoria, în frunte cu Emil Constantinescu și Traian Băsescu, iar alții au absentat, fie din reticență politică, fie din alte motive. Totodată, pe la catafalcul fostului președinte au trecut nu doar numeroase grupuri de social-democrați, ci și oameni simpli. Primul mare fost demnitar care a venit să-și ia adio de la fostul șef de stat a fost Emil Constantinescu, ex-președinte în perioada 1996-2000. Fără a spune un cuvânt, Constantinescu a mers în sala Unirii, apoi a plecat cum a venit. În tăcere. Au urmat câțiva reprezentanți ai Guvernului, în frunte cu Ilie Bolojan (PNL) și Cătălin Predoiu (vicepremier), alături de Petre Florin Manole și Alexandru Rogobete, ultimii fiind miniștri PSD. De altfel, Bolojan și Predoiu au fost singurii liberali prezenți, pe lângă primarul interimar al Capitalei, Stelian Bujduveanu. În perioada în care a fost deschis accesul pentru exprimarea condoleanțelor, printre cei care nu au venit au fost Klaus Iohannis (fost președinte), Petre Roman (fost premier), Theodor Stolojan (fost premier), Adrian Năstase (fost premier) sau Călin Popescu Tăriceanu (fost premier). Poate cea mai importantă absență a fost cea a Ninei Iliescu, soția lui Ion Iliescu timp de 74 de ani. Nu în ultimul rând, nu a venit nici președintele în exercițiu Nicușor Dan. Spre deosebire de funeraliile pentru regele Mihai, în cazul lui Ion Iliescu, numărul celor care au vrut să treacă să-și ia „adio” de la primul președinte al României de după 1989 a fost infinit mai mic. Coada din fața Palatului Cotroceni, la intrarea Leu, nu depășea mai mult de 50 de metri, oamenii fiind grupați mai ales doi câte doi. PSD face apel la decență, dar cine s-a lepădat de fapt de Ion Iliescu? Cum l-au executat fără jenă „tovarășii de drum” din Kiseleff (HotNews) Ion Iliescu este purtat, după moartea sa, ca o icoană făcătoare de minuni de liderii PSD. În viață, le-a fost indiferent în ultimii 15-20 ani și au încercat, pe cât au putut, să se delimiteze de el. Lipsa de identitate, de valori și principii solide, prăbușirea noului PSD în sondaje, îi obligă pe Sorin Grindeanu, Marcel Ciolacu sau Victor Ponta să se lipească de imaginea unui fost președinte cu care nu au împărțit vreo idee, cu care nu au mai nimic în comun.  În Kiseleff, într-o adevărată procesiune de ipocrizie, liderii PSD lansează mesaje elogioase în care se feresc să vorbească despre crimele și victimele de la Revoluție, Mineriade sau vreo pată care ar putea să întineze imaginea lui Ion Iliescu. Pentru trei zile, fostul președinte de onoare redevine „Patriarhul” de la sediul central, așa cum era alintat când puterea sa era de necontestat. Mort sau retras cum a fost în ultimii ani nu mai reprezintă un pericol. Pe 27 noiembrie 2014, la câteva zile după ce Victor Ponta a pierdut alegerile prezidențiale în fața lui Klaus Iohannis, cine îi declară război lui Ion Iliescu? Sebastian Ghiță. Nu uitați, la acel moment, Iliescu nu mai era parlamentar, nu avea funcții în partid, era doar un președinte de onoare.  „La 84 de ani, Iliescu nu mai poate să fie simbolul PSD. În patru ani, la fiecare moment important, Ion Iliescu a venit și s-a așezat lângă președintele PSD. Ce credeți că înțeleg oamenii de 25 de ani că stă lângă noi și decide lucruri?”, a intervenit Sebastian Ghiță, la Digi24. A fost primul gest. Au urmat și altele. EXCLUSIV Motivul real pentru care PSD refuză să mai participe la ședința coaliției, acuzând USR de ”lipsă de respect” față de Ion Iliescu (G4Media) Motivul real pentru care PSD refuză să mai participe la ședința coaliției, care ar fi trebuit să aibă loc ieri la ora 11, este refuzul baronilor pesediști de a ceda 6 posturi de prefecți și subprefecți, împărțirea a 60 de agenții guvernamentale și stabilirea datei alegerilor pentru Primăria București, au declarat pentru G4Media.ro multiple surse din coaliție. Potrivit acestora, la ședință ar fi trebuit tranșată împărțirea posturilor în administrația locală, precum și celelalte funcții din agenții. Moartea lui Ion Iliescu şi momentul de singurătate al României. De ce marile ţări nu au trimis niciun mesaj de condoleanţe, cu excepţia Ambasadei Federaţiei Ruse (Ziarul Financiar) La 24 de ore de la anunţul oficial al decesului fostului preşedinte, Ion Iliescu, o singură ambasadă, cea a Federaţiei Ruse, transmisese un mesaj de condoleanţe. Nicio delegaţie străină nu şi-a anunţat prezenţa la funeraliile fostului preşedinte. Ion Iliescu a fost o personalitate politică controversată şi în ochii celor din ţară şi în ochii celor de afară. Dar a fost preşedintele României, totuşi. Şi, formal, aceste mesaje ar fi trebuit să existe. Şi nu sunt. Tăcerea este de înţeles, dar doar într-un anumit fel. Ion Iliescu a murit la o vârstă înaintată (95 de ani) şi i-a îngropat pe mulţi, aşa că cei cu care s-a cunoscut nu au mai putut să reacţioneze. Primul şef de stat care a vizitat România după căderea lui Ceauşescu a fost preşedintele francez Francois Mitterand, în 1991. Acum Mitterand nu mai este. Nu mai este nici Gorbaciov (cu care Iliescu s-a întâlnit la Moscova în 1990) a cărui sfaturi le-a urmat. Papa Ioan Paul al II-lea, care a pus umărul serios la prăbuşirea comunismului, şi pe care Iliescu l-a întâlnit de cinci ori la Vatican a murit în 2005. Elisabeta a II-a pe care a întâlnit-o la Londra, în 2004, a murit în 2022. Fostul premier italian, Silvio Berlusconi, cu care s-a întâlnit în 2004, s-a stins şi el acum trei ani. Mai sunt în viaţă Vladimir Putin cu care s-a întâlnit la Moscova în 2003, dar care este acum ocupat cu războiul, fostul cancelar german Gerhard Schroeder (care a venit la Bucureşti în 2004), fostul prinţ Charles, actualul monarh al Marii Britanii, George al III-lea sau George W. Bush, preşedintele american pe care Iliescu la întâlnit atât la Washingron cât şi la Bucureşti (în 2002). De trei luni de la schimbarea puterii, nicio delegaţie străină nu a vizitat Bucureştiul. Nici la nivel de miniştri, cu atât mai puţin la nivel de prim-miniştri sau preşedinţi. Nu este, aparent, nicio legătură între cele două situaţii. Dar rămâne sentimentul unei singurătăţi: nu te caută nimeni nici când ţi-e bine nici când ţi-e rău.

Francesco Agnoli racconta la dissoluzione della Prima Repubblica Italiana nel 1992, suggerendo che l'indagine "Mani Pulite" e il processo "Tangentopoli", pur legittimi nella lotta alla corruzione, furono influenzati da potenze straniere, in particolare gli Stati Uniti. Viene ipotizzato che l'obiettivo fosse destabilizzare la vecchia classe dirigente (DC e PSI), non più necessaria dopo la caduta del comunismo, per favorire una nuova configurazione politica. L'analisi si concentra sulla presunta selettività dell'inchiesta, che avrebbe risparmiato l'ex Partito Comunista Italiano, e sul ruolo di figure chiave come il magistrato Antonio Di Pietro, i cui presunti legami con ambienti americani e il successivo ingresso in politica a sinistra sollevano interrogativi. Infine, Francesco racconta come l'improvviso arrivo di Silvio Berlusconi in politica, e la conseguente indagine a suo carico, abbia alterato i piani preesistenti, portando a una politica italiana caratterizzata da figure non elette come Ciampi, Monti e Draghi, segnando la fine della vera democrazia partitica.https://fedecultura.com/collections/francesco-agnoli

En esta edición de Chequia en 30': Aila Aliieva, periodista musulmana de RPI cuenta en perimera persona qué tan difícil es vivir acorde a su fe en la capital checa | Descubrimos las novedades en economía de esta semana, que tienen como protgonistas a Donald Trump, los Berlusconi y los Kellner.

En esta edición de Chequia en 30': Aila Aliieva, periodista musulmana de RPI cuenta en perimera persona qué tan difícil es vivir acorde a su fe en la capital checa | Descubrimos las novedades en economía de esta semana, que tienen como protgonistas a Donald Trump, los Berlusconi y los Kellner.

E oggi dopo il colpo di scena dei dazi, il commento di Mario Ajello è sulla discesa in politica dei figli di Berlusconi, quindi andremo a Milano con l'inviata Federica Pozzi e gli arresti per l'inchiesta sull'urbanistica, da Milano a New York con Angelo Paura e la scomparsa di Bob Wilson, quindi lo spettacolo con la morte dell'attrice Adriana Asti e il ritratto di Gloria Satta.

It's not that hard to kill a planet. All it takes is a little drilling, some mining, a generous helping of pollution and voila! Earth over. When you take stock of what's left, it starts to look like a crime scene: decapitated mountains, poisoned rivers, oil-soaked pelicans, maybe a sun-bleached cow skull in a dried-up lake bed. The only thing missing is yellow caution tape. On each episode of Lawless Planet, host Zach Goldbaum reveals the scams, murders and cover-ups on the frontline of the climate crisis, and the life and death choices people are making to either protect our world – or destroy it.Listen to Lawless Planet: Wondery.fm/LawlessPlanetSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Ep.7 - Sonetti-Milan, l'aneddoto per il dopo Sacchi e il capolavoro dello scudetto. Come Berlusconi prese Gullit

El fútbol italiano es mucho más que un deporte: es un espejo que refleja todas las contradicciones de un país fascinante y complejo. Desde la eterna rivalidad entre el próspero norte industrial y el empobrecido sur dominado por el crimen organizado, hasta el uso del calcio como herramienta de propaganda fascista y plataforma política para figuras como Berlusconi. Un viaje por la península donde cada partido cuenta una historia de poder, identidades regionales enfrentadas y resistencia popular, y donde entender el fútbol es la clave para comprender Italia. Hoy en "No es el fin del mundo" hablamos de Italia a través del fútbol junto a la Revista Panenka. Prueba gratis Podimo durante 60 días y escucha REALPOLITIK FC: https://podimo.com/es/shows/real-politik-fc Libros mencionados: Unico grande amore - Toni Padilla

Ep.6 - Berlusconi, Maurizio Mosca e l'aneddoto del Processo. L'inizio dell'epoca d'oro

Il Napoli si è ritrovato a Castel Volturno per i test fisici prima del ritiro a Dimaro, in Trentino. Tra i presenti, Kevin De Bruyne, la stella belga primo acquisto del mercato del Napoli che non si ferma più, dopo Lang in arrivo anche Lucca e Beukema. Ne parliamo con Antonio Giordano, giornalista.Oggi è stato il giorno della presentazione di Pioli come nuovo allenatore della Fiorentina. Tifosi divisi: Pioli is on fire anche a Firenze o no? Lo chiediamo al nostro Dario Baldi, Radio 24.Infine sfogliamo il libro dei ricordi del Milan che fu con Rodolfo Tavana, ex responsabile medico del Milan di Berlusconi e il nostro Carlo Pellegatti.

Non è una discesa in campo, ma nemmeno un disinteresse totale. Il giovane Berlusconi non è il Cavaliere, ma il di lui figlio, Pier Silvio. Parafrasando le sue parole alla presentazione dei palinsesti Mediaset, pare che per un suo impegno attivi in politica ci siano da attendere ancora due anni, quando ne avrà 58 proprio come accadde per suo padre. Insomma, ancora troppo giovane.Parleremo di questo, e non solo, assieme a Maria Latella, Barbara Alberti e con l'On. Carlo Fidanza, europarlamentare di Fratelli d'Italia.

Le dichiarazioni di Pier Silvio Berlusconi che non ha escluso una sua discesa in campo, magari tra due anni. Poi c'è il caso Grok, l'intelligenza artificiale di Elon Musk che pare sia diventata antisemita e infine un aggiornamento sui dazi all'Unione europea di Donald Trump, che sono in dirittura di arrivo. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

E dopo l'apertura sull'Ucraina, oggi con Angelo Paura torniamo sui dazi e sulle ultime schermaglie di Trump, con Lorenzo Vita andiamo a Gaza dove si continua a morire di fame, mentre della politica italiana alle presa con una possibile scesa in campo di Pier Silvio Berlusconi ci parla Andrea Bulleri, quindi andiamo a scuola con Lorena Loiacono e gli studenti italiani meno dispersivi ma anche meno preparati, per la cronaca le inviate Camilla Mozzetti e Federica Pozzi sentiamo cosa è successo nella cella del presunto killer di Villa Pamphili, per lo spettacolo ci trasferiamo a Spoleto con Antonella Manni e finale del Due Mondi, e per chiudere Moltosalute l'inserto gratuito del Messaggero e le anticipazioni di Alessandra Camilletti

Trump e le: “stronzate di Putin”;E se Pier Silvio Berlusconi scendesse in campo?

Berlusconi jr promuove Meloni, 'io in politica? Non lo escludo.

Pier Silvio Berlusconi dice che serve gente nuova dentro Forza Italia. Ma i giovani di Forza Italia non hanno mai voluto prendere il potere perché il parricidio politico - ovvero la rottamazione dei padri e dei capi - non è mai stata contemplato. Ai tempi c'era il Presidente, cioè Silvio Berlusconi, e via. La politica però è naturale competizione per il potere. I volti nuovi di Forza Italia nel frattempo sono invecchiati, quelli troppo nuovi non hanno spazi politici adeguati. Non li hanno mai cercati, non sono culturalmente attrezzati a contestare lo status quo

 #notizie #podcast #politica #rassegnastampa

Ha dedicato una vita allo studio del rapporto tra economia e borghesia, risultati pubblicati in una imponente trilogia: Le virtù borghesi, Dignità borghese, Eguaglianza borghese (trilogia pubblicata in italiano da Silvio Berlusconi editore). I titoli spiegano in poche parole l'intero compito che la McCloskey ha deciso di intraprendere: rivalutare, nella storia dell'economia e delle società moderne, il ruolo che ebbe la borghesia. Classe sociale disprezzata a lungo da artisti e intellettuali europei, ritenuta responsabile (con il capitalismo) della povertà finanziaria, dello scadimento morale, delle guerre, e non solo. Da Platone a Trump, l'economista statunitense ci guida lungo secoli di stereotipi legati alla borghesia, inserisce il dubbio sul rapporto tra etica e mercati, ci illustra il legame tra dignità e libertà individuale, dallo sviluppo di idee e dall'innovazione. Oltre il capitalismo, oltre l'accumulazione, esiste una ricchezza dovuta soprattutto all'”invenzione del modo di inventare”.

Ep. 648 - Si chiude un'era. Ma c'è stato un Monza pre e dopo Silvio Berlusconi

Giandomenico Crapis"La democrazia non è un talkshow"Saggio storico sulla televisione italianaBaldini + Castoldiwww.baldinicastoldi.itOggi la televisione non è più quella che vide la luce il 3 gennaio del 1954. Da quella data, infatti, non è mai rimasta un giorno identica a sé stessa, accompagnando e riflettendo nei suoi mutamenti quelli che sono avvenuti nella società, nei costumi, nella politica. Fino ad assistere e assorbire l'avvento del web, uno scenario che a molti è sembrato segnarne la fine. Tuttavia, nonostante le tantissime trasformazioni e le mille età condensate in un secolo scarso, la morte della Tv non solo non c'è stata, ma probabilmente ancora non ci sarà per molto tempo. Come ha dimostrato la pandemia da Covid, infatti, la televisione rimane per le comunità uno strumento fondamentale nei momenti di emergenza, di gran lunga più forte di qualsiasi più recente mezzo di comunicazione. Raccontando la Tv dagli albori – dal successo di Lascia o raddoppia? ai ruggenti anni Sessanta tra sceneggiati e programmi d'informazione, dalla fine del modello bernabeiano di Tv alla nascita del sistema misto, dalla stagione militante della nuova Rai 3 alla «discesa in campo» del magnate della Tv privata, fino ai giorni nostri – La democrazia non è un talkshow racconta e spiega quanto radicalmente la televisione abbia contribuito a plasmare il nostro Paese, il modo in cui lo guardiamo e noi che lo viviamo.Giandomenico Crapis è uno storico della Tv. Ha pubblicato diversi saggi tra i quali: Televisione e politica negli anni Novanta (2006), Enzo Biagi. Lezioni di televisione (2016), Matteo Renzi dal pop al flop (2019), Umberto Eco e la politica culturale della Sinistra (con C. Crapis, 2022) e Il frigorifero del cervello. Il Pci e la televisione da «Lascia o raddoppia?» alla battaglia contro gli spot (2024). Ha scritto per «Problemi dell'informazione», «l'Unità», «il manifesto» e attualmente è commentatore del «Fatto Quotidiano».IL POSTO DELLE PAROLEascoltare fa pensarewww.ilpostodelleparole.itDiventa un supporter di questo podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/il-posto-delle-parole--1487855/support.

Was haben US-Präsident Donald Trump und Gangsterboss Al Capone gemeinsam? Eine ganze Menge, meint Georg Seeßlen – vor allem sind sie ein Spiegelbild ihrer Anhänger. Hannah Schmidt-Ott spricht mit dem Autor und Kritiker über das Leben in der Gangwelt, Trump als Meme und die Sprache der Empathielosigkeit. Außerdem geht es um Silvio Berlusconi, Technofeudalismus und Populärkultur als Vorbild sowie Spiegel gesellschaftlicher Entwicklungen.Literatur:Georg Seeßlen: „Trump & Co. Der un/aufhaltsame Weg des Westens in die Anti-Demokratie“, Bertz + Fischer 2025Georg Seeßlen: „Trump! POPulismus als Politik“, Betz + Fischer 2017 Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Oggi il commento di Mario Ajello parla di Berlusconi a due anni dalla morte e della ripresa di Forza Italia, quindi andiamo in America con Angelo Paura e la guerra totale tra la California e la Casa Bianca, dall'America all'india con Anna Guaita e la tragedia dell'aereo precipitato; con Lorenzo Vita ci spostiamo a Gaza dove tra la vita e la morte corre uno spazio sempre più breve; per la cronaca la notizia arriva da Villa Pamphili con le inviate Camilla Mozzetti e Federica Pozzi; Brunello Cucinelli, l'imprenditore mecenate ha lanciato un nuovo progetto di bellezza, questa volta dedicato alle città, sentiamo quale da Cristiana Mapelli.

C'era solo una cosa che Berlusconi non sopportava della satira politica: le battute sul suo aspetto fisico.

The major political upheaval that befell Italy happened on 26th May, 1981, when Prime Minister Arnaldo Forlani and his entire cabinet resigned. This followed the exposure of a secretive Masonic lodge, known as P2 or Propaganda Due, intent on creating a shadowy state-within-a-state. Its 962 elite members included high-ranking military officers, civil servants, bankers, and a certain Silvio Berlusconi. The mastermind behind the sect, Licio Gelli, was a former fascist functionary who had reinvented himself as a powerful and well-connected businessman. Gelli fled to Switzerland, but despite being eventually arrested and later extradited to Italy, spent no time behind bars. In this episode, The Retrospectors unpick the involvement of ‘God's Banker', Roberto Calvi; consider Gelli's lengthy involvement with fascism; and discover a surprising use for old flowerpots… Further Reading: • ‘Licio Gelli, fascist and masonic chief' (FT, 2015): https://www.ft.com/content/7d3fdd08-a418-11e5-8218-6b8ff73aae15 • ‘Licio Gelli: Businessman who became the 'puppet master' of the sinister right-wing organisation, P2 (The Independent, 2015): https://www.independent.co.uk/news/obituaries/licio-gelli-businessman-who-became-the-puppet-master-of-the-sinister-rightwing-organisation-p2-a6783576.html • ‘PBS Newshour' (PBS, 1981): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M3yV8L3s7QQ Love the show? Support us!  Join 

Storia, caratteristiche e personaggi principali della Prima Repubblica italiana, il periodo storico compreso tra il 1948 e il 1994.

durée : 00:55:06 - Affaires sensibles - par : Fabrice Drouelle, Franck COGNARD - Aujourd'hui dans Affaires Sensibles, un scandale italien, une saga judiciaire de plus de 10 ans et des révélations souvent de très mauvais goût. - invités : Eric JOZSEF - Eric Jozsef : - réalisé par : David Leprince

In this episode of THE MENTORS RADIO, Host Dan Hesse talks with Robert Parker, a man widely considered the most powerful critic of any genre in history, about changing careers to pursue a passion. Pulitzer-prize winning media critic David Shaw, in his two-part Front Page profile for the Los Angeles Times, called wine critic Robert Parker “the most powerful critic of any kind, anywhere.” Parker's impact on the wine world has been unrivaled, and many others agree that no critic of any genre, be it theatre, movies, music, art or fashion, has been as influential in their industry as Robert Parker has been in wine. Internationally acclaimed and recognized, Parker is the only wine critic ever awarded France's highest Presidential honor, which he received twice, from France's Presidents Chirac and Mitterrand. Robert was the first critic given Italy's top honor by Italy's President Berlusconi. He was also the first critic given Spain's highest civilian honor by King Juan Carlos. Even though his influence is global, being hounded by paparazzi when he'd visit places like Japan, Robert Parker is an American writer who has had an enormous impact on America's interest in and fascination with wine, and many say he's been a major influence on how wine tastes and is made today. Listen to the show broadcast on Salem Radio in San Francisco, via live-streaming on iHeart Radio worldwide or anytime, on ANY podcast platform, including Apple Podcast, Spotify, iTunes, TuneIN, Stitcher, Google Play and all the others. Sign up for the podcast here. SHOW NOTES: ROBERT PARKER: BIO: BIO: Robert Parker Robert Parker (wine critic) – Wikipedia WEBSITE: https://www.robertparker.com/ VIDEO: Robert Parker's interview with Charlie Rose BOOK: The Emperor of Wine-The Rise of Robert M. Parker, Jr. and the Reign of American Taste  – Elin McCoy

Per info sui corsi di italiano, scrivimi all'indirizzo salvatore.tantoperparlare@gmail.comNel 1996 arriva sulla scena politica italiana un uomo tranquillo, competente e rassicurante. L'antiberlusconiano perfetto!Se ti piace Salvatore racconta e vuoi avere accesso al doppio dei podcast ogni settimana, sblocca la serie premium riservata agli abbonati su Patreon a livello Pizza.La trascrizione di questo episodio è come sempre disponibile per le persone iscritte alla newsletter. Vuoi iscriverti? Fallo da qui: https://salvatoreracconta.substack.com Testo e voce di Salvatore GrecoSuoni da Zapsplat e da YouTubeAudio:Dichiarazione di Romano Prodi che accetta l'incarico di presidente del consiglio al palazzo del Quirinale;Dibattito politico tra SIlvio Berlusconi e Fausto Bertinotti su Rai3, condotto da Lucia Annunziata;Dibattito politico tra Silvio Berlusconi e Romano Prodi su Rai3, condotto da Lucia Annunziata.

Americans, it's time to move to Europe! The American geo-strategist Jason Pack anticipated last week's advice from Simon Kuper and moved to London a few years ago during the first Trump Presidency. Pack, the host of the excellent Disorder podcast, confesses to be thrilled to have escaped MAGA America. He describes the esthetics of contemporary Washington DC as "post-apocalyptic" and criticizes what he sees as the Trump administration's hostile atmosphere, ideological purity tests, and institutional destruction. Contrasting this with Europe's ideological fluidity, Pack warns that Trump's isolationist policies are increasing global disorder by fundamentally undermining America's global leadership role with its erstwhile European allies. Five Key Takeaways* Pack left America because he found the "esthetics" of working in policy and media spaces increasingly distasteful, particularly during Trump's first administration.* He argues that European political systems allow for greater ideological fluidity, while American politics demands strict partisan loyalty.* Pack describes Washington DC as "post-apocalyptic" with institutions functioning like zombies - going through motions without accomplishing anything meaningful.* Unlike European populists who want to control institutions, Pack believes Trump's administration aims to destroy government institutions entirely.* Pack warns that America's deteriorating relationships with traditional allies is creating a "rudderless world" with increased global disorder and potential for conflict. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. Over the last few days, we've been focusing on the impressions of America, of Trump's America around the world. We had the Financial Times' controversial columnist, Simon Cooper, on the show, arguing that it's the end of the American dream. He had a piece in the FT this week, arguing that it's time to move to Europe for Americans. Not everyone agrees. We had the London-based FT writer Jemima Kelly on the show recently, also suggesting that she hasn't quite given up on America. She is, of course, a Brit living in the UK and looking at America from London. My guest today, another old friend, is Jason Pack. He is the host of the Excellent Disorder podcast. Jason's been on the shows lots of times before. He's an observer of the world's early 21st century disorder. And he is an American living in London. So I'm thrilled that Jason is back on the show. Jason, did you have a chance to look at Simon Cooper's piece? Is it time for Americans to move to Europe?Jason Pack: You've already moved. Well, he's just popularizing what I've believed for eight or 10 years already. So yeah, I looked at the piece. I really enjoyed your podcast with him. I don't think many Americans will move because most Americans are not particularly global in their outlook. And as disenchanted as they will be, their networks of family and of perspective are in America. Some elites in media and finance will move. But for me, I just found the aesthetics of America becoming distasteful when I worked in D.C. during the first Trump administration. And that's why I pursued a European citizenship.Andrew Keen: Jason, it's interesting that you choose the word aesthetics. Two thoughts on that. Firstly, America has never been distinguished for its aesthetics. People never came to America for aesthetics. It's never been a particularly beautiful country, a very dynamic place, a very powerful place. So why do you choose that word aesthetic?Jason Pack: Because for most upper middle class Americans, life under Trump, particularly if they're white and heterosexual, will not change tremendously. But the aesthetics of working in the policy space or in the media will change. Having to deal with all the BS that we hear when we wake up and turn on the TV in the morning, having to interact with Republican nutcase friends who say, oh, the fat is being trimmed by the doge and don't worry about all those people who've been being laid off. The aesthetics of it are ugly and mean. And I have found among some Republican colleagues and friends of mine that they love the vileness of this dog-eat-dog aesthetic.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's an interesting way of putting it. And I understand exactly what you're saying. I'm less concerned with the aesthetics as with the reality. And my sense in some ways of what's happening is that the Trump people are obsessed with what you call aesthetics. They want to appear mean. I'm not actually sure that they're quite as mean as they'd like to think they are.Jason Pack: Oh, they're pretty mean. I mean, people are running around the NIH offices, according to colleagues of mine. And if you're out to the bathroom and your card is inserted in your computer, they go in, they steal the data from your computer.Andrew Keen: Actually, I take your point. What I meant more by that is that whereas most traditional authoritarian regimes hide their crimes against migrants. They deny wrongdoing. My sense of the Trump regime, or certainly a lot of the people involved in this Trump administration, is that they actually exaggerate it because it gives them pleasure and it somehow benefits their brand. I'm not convinced that they're quite as bad as they'd like to think.Jason Pack: Oh, I agree with that. They make Schadenfreude a principle. They want to showcase that they enjoy other people's pain. It's a bizarre psychological thing. Trump, for example, wanted to show his virility and his meanness, probably because he's an inner coward and he's not that feral. But we digress in terms of the aesthetics of the individual American wanting to leave. I experienced American government, like the State Department, and then, the bureaucracy of the policy space, say think tanks, or even the government relations trade space, say working for oil companies and government relations, as already authoritarian and ass-kissing in America, and the aesthetics of those industries I have always preferred in Europe, and that's only diverging.Andrew Keen: One of the things that always struck me about Washington, D.C. It was always uncomfortable as an imperial city. It always has been since the end of the Second World War, with America dominating the world as being one of two or perhaps the only super power in the world. But Washington, DC seems to always have been uncomfortable wearing its imperial mantle cloak in comparison, I think, to cities like London or Paris. I wonder whether, I'm not sure how much time you've spent back in America since Trump came back to power. I wonder if in that sense DC is trying to catch up with London and Paris.Jason Pack: I actually was giving a briefing in Congress to staffers of the House Foreign Affairs Committee only three weeks ago, and DC seemed post-apocalyptic to me. Many of my favorite restaurants were closing. There was traffic jams at bizarre hours of the day, which I think this is because the Trump people don't know how public transport works and they just ride their cars everywhere. So, yes, it seemed very bizarre being back. You were trying to gauge the interlocutor you were speaking to, were they merely pretending to be on board with Trump's stuff, but they actually secretly think it's ridiculous, or were they true believers? And you had to assess that before you would make your comments. So there is a slide to a kind of, again, neo-authoritarian aesthetic. In my conference, it became clear that the Republican Congressional staffers thought that it was all junk and that Trump doesn't care about Libya and he doesn't understand these issues. But we needed to make lip service in how we expressed our recommendations. So, fascinatingly, various speakers said, oh, there's a transactional win. There's a way that cheaper oil can be gotten here or we could make this policy recommendation appeal to the transactional impulses of the administration. Even though everyone knew that we were speaking in a Democrat echo-chamber where the only Republicans present were anti-Trump Republicans anyway.Andrew Keen: Describe DC as post-apocalyptic. What exactly then, Jason, is the apocalypse?Jason Pack: I don't think that the Trump people who are running the show understand how government works and whether you're at state or the NIH or USAID, you're kind of under siege and you're just doing what you're supposed to do and going through the motions. I mean, there's so much of like the zombie apocalypse going on. So maybe it's more zombie apocalypse than regular apocalypse, whereby the institutions are pretending to do their work, but they know that it doesn't accomplish anything. And the Trumpian appointees are kind of pretending to kind of cancel people on DAI, but the institutions are still continuing.Andrew Keen: I'm going to vulgarize something you said earlier. You talked about Trump wanting to appear bigger than he actually is. Maybe we might call that small penis syndrome. Is that, and then that's my term, Jason, let's be clear, not yours. Maybe it's fair or not. He probably would deny it, but I don't think he'll come on this show. He's more than welcome. Is that also reflected in the people working for him? Is there a bit of a small penis syndrome going on with a lot of the Trump people? Are they small town boys coming to America, coming to D.C. And in all their raison d'état trying to smash up the world that they always envied?Jason Pack: 100%. If you look at the Tucker Carlson and the Hegset, who went to Princeton in 03, and obviously Tucker Carlsen's WASP elite background is well known, they wanted to make it conventionally and couldn't. Hegson didn't achieve the rank of lieutenant general or colonel or anything in the army. He didn't make it in finance and Vance, obviously had just a minor career in finance, they didn't make the big time except through their hate and resentment of the establishment that succeeded on merit. So, I mean, you could call that small penis syndrome. I think another thing to point out is that many of them have been selected because whether they've been accused of rape or financial crimes or just meanness, they owe the great leader their ability to be in that position. And if he would throw them overboard they're entirely exposed, so that cash patels of the world and the Hexeds of the world serve at the mercy of the great leader, because if they were thrown to the wolves, they could be devoured for their misdeeds. And I think that that makes it a place where it's all about loyalty to the boss. But maybe we could pivot to the initial topic about how I think Europe is a place where you can reinvent yourself as an individual now. Certainly in the political and ideology space, and America really hasn't been for much of my left.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting. And this is how actually our conversation you're doing. You're a much better podcast host than I am, Jason. You're reminding us of the real conversation rather than getting led down one Trumpian byway or another. I did a show recently on why I still believe in the American dream. And I was interviewed by my friend, David Maschiottra, another old friend of the show. And I suggested I originally came to America to reinvent myself and that's always been the platform with which Europeans have come to America. You're suggesting that perhaps the reverse is true now.Jason Pack: I really enjoyed that episode. I thought you were a great guest and he was a natural host. But I realized how it wasn't speaking to me. Many of my European friends who work in law, finance, tech, startup, you know, they finished their degrees in Italy or in England and they moved to America. And that's where they raised venture capital and they go on the exact success trajectory that you explained and they fetishize, oh my God, when my green card is gonna come through, I'm gonna have this big party. That never resonated with me because America was never a land of opportunity for me. And it hit me in hearing your podcast that that's because what I've aspired to is to work in government slash think tank or to be a professional expert. And if you don't ally yourself with one of the major political movements, you're always branded and you can never move ahead. I'll give a few examples if you're interested in the way that my trying to be in the center has meant that I could never find a place in America.Andrew Keen: Absolutely. So you're suggesting that your quote-unquote American dream could only be realized in Europe.Jason Pack: So I moved to the Middle East to serve my country after 9/11. If Gore had been elected president, I likely would have joined the army or the Marines or something. But Bush was president and I knew I needed to do this on my own. So, you know, I lived in Beirut, then I went to Iraq. Where did you graduate from, Jason? I graduated from Williams in 2002, but I was changing my studies as soon as the 9-11 happened. I stopped my senior thesis in biology and I pivoted to doing the Middle East. I thought the Middle East was going to be the next big thing. But I didn't realize that if you wanted to do it your own way, for example, living in Syria prior to working in government, then you couldn't get those security clearances. But in the UK, that's not really a problem. If you go to Leeds or Oxford and you got sent to study Arabic in Syria, you can work for the UK government, but not in America. If your went and did that your own way, your loyalties would be questioned. You wouldn't get your security clearance. I got an internship to work at the U.S. Embassy in Muscat, where I fell afoul of my supervisors because I was someone who wanted to speak in Arabic with Omanis and, for example, go to hear prayers at the mosque and really be a part of the society. And I was told, don't do that. But aren't we here to understand about Oman? And they're like, no, it's really important to mostly socialize with people at the embassy. But my British colleagues, they were out there in Omani society, and they were, for example, really participating in stuff because the relationship between the Omanis and the Brits and the Americans is a happy one. That's just a small example, but I wanna make the kind of further point, which is that if you wanna get promoted in think tank world in America, it doesn't matter whether it's Cato or Heritage on the right or New America Foundation or Middle East Institute on the left. You have to buy in hook, line, and sinker to the party line of those institutions. And if that party line is DEI, as it was at the Middle East Institute when I was there, and you're a white heterosexual male, you're not going to get promoted. And if, for example, you want to then interact with some Zionist think tank like FDD, the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, I was going to a fellowship there for work that I had done about monitoring ISIS in Libya, and they had proposed a funding line for my project, which was just technically reading jihadi Facebook posts and monitoring them. And then they did some more research on me, ironically, after we had already signed the funds. And they said, oh, we're so sorry, we are going to have to pull back on this. We are going have to pay you a kill fee. We are really, really sorry. And I came to understand why that was. And it was because I had advocated that the Iranians should be allowed to get the bomb so that they could have mutually assured destruction theory with Israel.Andrew Keen: Well, Jason, I take your point, but everyone has their own narrative when it comes to why their career didn't did or didn't take off and how they know what that doesn't happen in Europe. I'm just making a contrast. Let me just come back to my argument about America, which is it isn't necessarily as straightforward as perhaps at first it seems. I think one of the reasons why America has always been a great place for reinvention is because of the absence of memory.Jason Pack: No, but what I'm saying is Google will inspire on you, and if you're not within the ideological cadre, you cannot progress at these kind of institutions.Andrew Keen: Okay, I take your point on that, but thinking more broadly, America is a place where you can, I've done so many different things in this country from being a scholar to being an internet entrepreneur to being an expert on technology to being a critic of technology to being against podcasts, to being a podcaster. And you can get away, and I've failed in practically all of them, if not all of them, but the fact is that because people don't have memory, you can keep on doing different things and people won't say, well, how can you get away with this? Last week you were doing X. My sense, and maybe correct me if I'm wrong about London or Europe, is there is much more memory. You can't get away with perpetual reinvention in Europe as you can in the U.S. and maybe that's because of the fact that in your language, living in Europe with its memory and respect for memory is more aesthetically pleasing. So I'm not suggesting this is as simple as it might appear.Jason Pack: I agree with that last point, but I think I'm trying to bring something else out. In spheres like tech or podcasting, there isn't credentialism in America. And therefore, if you're just good at it, you don't need the credentials and you can get going. And you and other Europeans who had great merit, as you do, have benefited from that. And in Europe, you might run up against credentialism, but, oh, but you didn't work at the BBC, so you don't get the job. I'm making a different point about ideological purity within the very specific realms of, say, working for an American presidential candidate or briefing a policymaker or rising up at a think tank. I have briefed labor MPs, Lib Dem MPs and Tory MPs. And they don't ask my politics. I can go in there and get a meeting with Keir Starmer's people on Libya, and they don't care about the fact that I want him to do something slightly different. Criticized him and praised him at different times on my podcast, try having an influence with some Trump people and then say, Oh, well, you know, I really think that I can help you on this Libya policy, but I happened to run a fairly anti-Trump podcast. No, you just can't get the briefing because America is about ideological purity tests and getting your ticket punch in the government and think tank and exporting professions, and therefore it's not some place you can reinvent yourself. If you're clearly an anti-Trump Republican McCainite, you can't all of a sudden become an AOC Democrat for the purpose of one meeting. But in Europe you can, because you can be a Lib Dem like Liz Truss and then be a Tory Prime Minister. And no one cares what my position on these topics are when they ask me to brief Keir Starmer's people and that's something that I find so fantastic about Europe.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting. I mean, you know this stuff better than I do. But isn't someone like Truss rooted in ideological purity? She was a Lib Dem when she was at Oxford. Yeah, but that was a long time ago. I can reverse that, Jason, and say, well, when Trump was young, he ran around with Bill and Hillary Clinton, he went to their wedding, he funded them. He never was even a Republican until 2014 or 15. So, I mean, he's an example of the very ideological fluidity that you idealize in Europe.Jason Pack: I agree with your point. I think that he's an exception there and he wouldn't have allowed it from his staffers. They now have essentially loyalty tested everything. It's not a place where if you were Democrat with ideas that would benefit the Trumpian establishment, you can be heard. I'll give an example. I like the Abraham Accords and I have a colleague who wants to help extend the Abraham Accords to Pakistan, she can only work with ideologically pure Republicans in the pitching of this idea. She can't work with someone like me because I don't have the ideological purity, even though this is a nonpartisan idea and it should be embraced if you can get the Trumpians to be interested in it. But that's not how America works and it has not been. Reagan, of course, if you said that you like taxes, and I'm someone who likes taxes and I don't believe in the Laffer curve, and neoliberalism is a sham, you couldn't be on that economic team. So there are different ideological tests. Trump was never a politician, so he's not an expert like me in the expert class where we've been litmus tested our whole careers.Andrew Keen: Interesting. Jason, yesterday I was talking to someone who was thinking of hiring me to do a speech in Europe to a business group, and we were discussing the kinds of speeches I could give, and one of the things I suggested was a defense of America, suggesting that we can believe in America and that everyone's wrong. And these people have hired me before. I've often made provocative counterintuitive arguments, there was a little bit of a silence and they said, you can't make that speech in Europe. No one will take it seriously to a business community. What's generally, I mean, you travel a lot, you talk to lots of different people. Have people really given up on the promise of America, particularly within the establishment, the business establishment, the political establishment?Jason Pack: I don't know. I think that many Europeans still think that this is a passing phase. I will comment on the fact that I do not see anti-Americanism in my daily life as a result of Trump, the way that, for example, you do see anti-Semitism as a results of Netanyahu's policy. The individual Jew is tarred by horrible things happening in Gaza, but the individual American is not tarred by the deporting and illegal detentions and sacking of people by Doge because people in Poland or London or even the Middle East understand that you're likely to not be a Trump supporter and they're not targeting you as an individual as a result of that. So I think they believe in the promise of America and they still might like to move to America. But on individual level if you want to be a political animal inside the beast of campaigns, rising up to be a David Axelrod kind of figure. America has been a place of these litmus tests. Whereas in Europe, you know, I feel that there's tremendous fluidity because in Italy they have so and so many political parties and in Germany, what's the distinction between the SPD at one moment in the CDU and the Greens and there's a tradition of coalitions that allows the individual to reinvent himself.Andrew Keen: One of the things that came up with Cooper, and he's certainly no defender of Marine Le Pen or Meloni in Italy, but he suggested that the Trump people are far to the right of Le Pen and Meloni. Would you agree with that?Jason Pack: Because they want to break down institutions, whereas Le Pen and Meloni simply want to conquer the institutions and use them. They're not full-blown, disordering neopopulists, to use the language of my disorder podcast. When Meloni is in power, she loves the Italian state and she wants it to function merely with her ideological slant. Whereas the Trumpians, they have a Bannonite wing, they don't simply wanna have a MAGA agenda, use the U.S. Government. No, they want to break the Department of Agriculture. They want to break the EPA. They simply want to destroy our institutions. And there's no European political party that wants that. Maybe on the fringe like reform, but reform probably doesn't even want that.Andrew Keen: But Jason, we've heard so much about how the Bannonites idealized Orban in Hungary. A lot of people believe that Project 2025 was cooked up in Budapest trying to model America on Orban. Is there any truth to that? I mean, are the Trump people really re-exporting Orbanism back into the United States?Jason Pack: That there is some truth, but it can be overplayed. It can go back further to Berlusconi. It's the idea that a particularly charismatic political leader can come to dominate the media landscape by either having a state media channel in the Berlusconi sense or cowing media coverage to make it more favorable, which is something that Orban has done geniusly, and then doling out contracts and using the state for patronage, say, Orban's father's construction business and all those concrete soccer stadiums. There is an attempt potentially in Trump land to, through an ideological project, cow the media and the checks and balances and have a one-party state with state media. I think it's going to be difficult for them to achieve, but Chuck Carlson and others and Bannon seem to want that.Andrew Keen: You were on Monocle recently talking about the Pope's death. J.D. Vance, of course, is someone who apparently had a last, one of the last conversations with the Pope. Pope wasn't particularly, Pope Francis wasn't particularly keen on him. Bannon and Vance are both outspoken Catholics. What's your take on the sort of this global religious movement on the part of right-wing Catholics, and how does it fit in, not only to the death of Francis, but perhaps the new Pope?Jason Pack: It's a very interesting question. I'm not a right-wing Catholic, so I'm really not in a position to...Andrew Keen: I thought you were Jason, that's why you could always come on the show.Jason Pack: I think that they don't have the theological bona fides to say that what they call Catholicism is Catholicism because obviously Jesus turned the other cheek, you know, and Jesus didn't want to punish his enemies and make poor black or Hispanic women suffer. But there is an interesting thing that has been going on since 1968, which is that there was a backlash against the student protests and free love and the condom and all the social changes that that brought about. And Catholics have been at the forefront, particularly Catholic institutions, in saying this has gone too far and we need to use religion to retake our society. And if we don't, no one will have children and we will lose out and the Muslims and Africans will rule the roost because they're having babies. And that right-wing Catholicism is caught up in the moral panic and culture wars since 1968. What I argued in the monocle interview that you referenced from earlier today is something quite different, which is that the Catholic Church has a unique kind of authority, and that that unique kind of authority can be used to stand up against Trump, Bannon, Orban, and other neopopulists in a way that, say, Mark Carney or Keir Starmer cannot, because if Mark Kearney and Keir Stormer say, you guys are not sufficiently correctly American and you're not following the American laws, blah, blah blah, the kind of Americans who support Trump are not convinced by that because they say, these are just, you know, pinko Brits and Canadians. I don't even care about Mark Kearny, but it's quite different if the next Pontiff is someone who comes not only from the school of Francis, but maybe more so is a great communicator vested in the real doctrines of the church, the Lateran Councils and Vatican too, and can say, actually this given thing that Trump has just said is not in line with the principles of Jesus. It's not inline with what the Vatican has said about, for example, migration or social equity. And I find that that is a unique opportunity because even the right-wing Catholics have to acknowledge the Pope and Christian doctrine and the ability of the Catholic hierarchy to say this is not in line with our teachings. So I think there's a very interesting opportunity right now.Andrew Keen: Perhaps that brings to mind Stalin's supposedly famous remarks to Churchill at Potsdam when they were talking about the Pope. Stalin said to Churchill, the Pope, how many divisions does he have? In other words, it's all about ideology, morality, and ultimately it doesn't really. It's the kind of thing that perhaps if some of the Trump people were as smart as Stalin, they might make the same remark.Jason Pack: That was a physical war, and the Pope didn't have divisions to sway the battles in World War II, but this is an ideological or an influence war. And the Pope, if you've just seen from media coverage over the last week, is someone who has tremendous media influence. And I do think that the new pontiff could, if he wanted to, stand up to the moral underpinnings of Trump and pull even the most right-wing Catholics away from a Trumpian analysis. Religion is supposed to be about, because Jesus didn't say punish your enemies. Don't turn the other cheek and own the libs. Jesus said something quite different than that. And it will be the opportunity of the new Catholic leader to point that out.Andrew Keen: I'm not sure if you've seen the movie Conclave, which was very prescient, made by my dear London friend, or at least produced by Tessa Ross at House Productions. But I wonder in these new conversations whether in the debates about who should the new Pope be, they'll mull over TikTok presence.Jason Pack: I hope they will. And I want to point out something that many people probably are not aware, which is that the College of Cardinals that constitutes the conclave does not have to pick one of their member to be pope. For the last six centuries, they have always chosen one of their own number, but they don't have to. So they could choose someone who has not only an ability to make great TikToks, but someone who can put forth a vision about climate change, about tax equity, for example, maybe about AI and what constitutes humanity from within the Catholic tradition, but reaching new faithful. And I think that they might actually consider we're doing this because in places like Western Europe, attendance is down, but in Eastern Europe and Latin America, it isn't. And in Africa, it's surging. So they may want to reach new millennials in Gen Z with a new message, but one which is rooted in their tradition. And I think that that would be a great counterbalance to what Trump and his ilk have done to how media coverage place things like climate change and migrants these days.Andrew Keen: Speaking of Trump and his ilk, Jason, lots of conversations here about the first cracks in his monolith. Speaking to me from London, I always look at the front page of The Telegraph, a conservative English newspaper. I refuse to give the money, so I never actually read any of the pieces. But I'm always curious as to the traditional conservative media attitude to Trump. What do not so much the Conservative Party, which seems to be in crisis in the UK, but what does Conservative media, Conservative thinkers, what's their take currently on Trump? Are you seeing a crack? Are people seeing this guy's absolutely insane and that the tariff policy is going to make all of us, everybody in the world poorer?Jason Pack: Well, Trump has always been a vote loser in the UK. So that even though Farage brags about his relationship, it isn't something that gets him more votes for reform. And whether it's Sunak or Badnak, and Badnak is the current leader of the Tory party, which is an opposition, she can't so closely associate herself with Trump because he's not popular in even right-wing British circles. However, the Tory media, like the telegraph and the spectator, they love the idea that he's owning the Libs. We talked about Schadenfreude, we talked about attacking the woke. The spectator has taken a very anti-woke turn over the last five to 10 years. And they love the ideal of pointing out the hypocrisies of the left and the effeminacy of it and all of that. And that gets them more clicks. So from a media perspective, there is a way in which the Murdoch media is always going to love the click bait, New York post bait of the Trump presidency. And that applies very much, you know, with the sun and the Daily Mail and the way that they cover media in this country.Andrew Keen: Although I was found in the U.S. That perhaps the newspaper that has been most persistently and usefully critical of Trump is the Wall Street Journal, which is owned by Murdoch.Jason Pack: Yeah, but that's a very highbrow paper, and I think that it's been very critical of the tariff policy and it said a lot of intelligent things about Trump's early missteps. It doesn't reach the same people as the New York Post or the Daily Mail do.Andrew Keen: Finally, Jason, let's go back to Disorder, your excellent podcast. You started it a couple of years ago before this new Trump madness. You were always one of the early people on this global disorder. How much more disordered can the world become? Of course, it could become more disorded in terms of war. In late April 2025, is the world more disordered than it was in April 2024, when Biden was still in power? I mean, we still have these wars in Gaza, in Ukraine, doesn't seem as if that much has changed, or am I wrong?Jason Pack: I take your point, but I'm using disorder in a particularly technical sense in a way by which I mean the inability of major powers to coordinate together for optimal solutions. So in the Biden days of last year, yes, the Ukraine and Gaza wars may be waging, but if Jake Sullivan or Blinken were smarter or more courageous, they could host a summit and work together with their French and British and Argentinian allies. Put forth some solutions. The world is more disordered today because it doesn't have a leader. It doesn't have institutions, the UN or NATO or the G7 where those solutions on things like the Ukraine war attacks could happen. And you may say, but wait, Jason, isn't Trump actually doing more leadership? He's trying to bring the Ukrainians and the Russians to the table. And I would say he isn't. They're not proposing actual solutions. They don't care about solving underlying issues. They're merely trying to get media wins. He wants the Japanese to come to Washington to have the semblance of a new trade deal, not a real trade deal. He's trying to reorder global finance in semblance, not in reality. So the ability to come to actual solutions through real coordinating mechanisms where I compromise with you is much weaker than it was last year. And on the Disorder Podcast, we explore all these domains from tax havens to cryptocurrency to cyber attacks. And I think that listeners of Keen On would really enjoy how we delve into those topics and try to see how they reflect where we're at in the global system.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's a strongly, I would strongly agree with you. I would encourage all keen on listeners to listen to Disorder and vice versa if this gets onto the Disorder podcast. What about the China issue? How structural is the tariff crisis, if that's the right word, gonna change US relations with China? Is this the new Cold War, Jason?Jason Pack: I'm not an economist, but from what I've been told by the economists I've interviewed on my podcast, it's absolutely completely game changing because whether it's an Apple iPhone or most pieces of manufactured kit that you purchase or inputs into American manufacturing, it's assembled everywhere and the connections between China and America are essential to the global economy. Work and it's not like you can all of a sudden move those supply chains. So this trade war is really a 1930s style beggar thy neighbor approach to things and that led to and deepened the great depression, right? So I am very worried. I had the sense that Trump might back off because he does seem to be very sensitive to the markets. But maybe this is such an ideological project and, you know, Andrew Ross Sorkin on CNBC was just saying, even though he's willing to back off if the T bill rate changes, he thinks that his strategy is working and that he's going to get some deals. And that terrifies me because that's not what's happening. It isn't working. And God forbid that they'll push this to its logical conclusion and cause a new recession or depression.Andrew Keen: I know you've got to run Jason. So final question, let's return to where we began with America and the changing nature of America. Your last episode of Disorder was with Corey Sharpe, who is a very, very good and one of Washington DC's, I think, smartest foreign policy analysts. She asks, what's America without allies? If this continues, what, indeed, I mean, you're happy in London, so I don't sound like you're coming back, whatever. But what will America become if indeed all these traditional allies, the UK, France, Germany, become, if not enemies, certainly just transactional relationships? What becomes of America without allies?Jason Pack: Wow, great question. I'm gonna treat this in two parts, the American cultural component and then the structural geopolitical component. I'm a proud American. Culturally, I work on Sundays. I don't take any holiday. I get angry at contractors who are not direct. I am going to be American my whole life and I want an American style work ethic and I wanna things to function and the customer to always be right. So I didn't move to Europe to get European stuff in that way, and I think America will still be great at new inventions and at hard work and at all of that stuff and will still, the NFL will still be a much better run sports league than European sports leagues. Americans are great at certain things. The problem is what if America's role in the world as having the reserve currency, coordinating the NATO allies. If that's eviscerated, we're just going to be living more and more in the global enduring disorder, as Corey Schacke points out, which is that the Europeans don't know how to lead. They can't step up because they don't have one prima inter Paris. And since the decline of the British Empire, the British haven't learned how, for example, to coordinate the Europeans for the defense of Ukraine or for making new missile technologies or dealing with the defense industry. So we're just dealing with a rudderless world. And that's very worrying because there could be major conflict. And then I just have to hope that a new American administration, it could be a Republican one, but I think it just can't be a Trumpian one, will go back to its old role of leadership. I haven't lost hope in America. I've just lost hope in this current administration.Andrew Keen: Well, I haven't lost hope in Jason Pack. He is an ally of ours at Keen On. He's the host of the Excellent Disorder podcast. Jason, it's always fun to have you on the show. So much to discuss and no doubt there will be much more over the summer, so we'll have you back on in the next month or two. Thank you so much. Keep well. Stay American in London. Thank you again.Jason Pack: It was a great pleasure. Thanks, Andrew. See you then. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

Platon has made over 20 Time magazine covers with his portraits of people like Donald Trump, Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, George Clooney, Silvio Berlusconi, Mohammed Ali, Adele and Sinead O'Connor. But he has also photographed people who are the opposite of famous and powerful - and recently published a book called The Defenders: Heroes of the Global Fight for Human Rights - which contains work done over 15 years around the world telling the stories of refugees and other oppressed people. He tells us what makes a true leader, and how the meaning of a photograph can change over time, and depending on who is looking at it. About this episode:  Platon is a World Economic Forum Cultural Leader Transcript:    Related Podcasts: Meet The Leader - Adam Grant: Future leaders won't succeed without this key trait Ballerina Misty Copeland: Unlocking potential and a leader's most ‘vital' role:  

2024 was an unpredictable year, and 2025 seems to be cut from the same cloth. So for this episode of Switched On Pop, Nate, Charlie, and Reanna look into the crystal ball of pop music to create a (playable) bingo card of predictions for the coming year – including AI songs on the Hot 100, a return of boy bands, and... kazoos? The Album of the Year race for this upcoming Grammys is similarly unpredictable, with a stacked nomination list including Grammy darlings Beyoncé and Billie as well as Gen-Z favorites like Charli and Chappell. The team takes a crack at guessing who will take home the award by debating the nominees, bracket-style. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive your own bingo card! Songs discussed: The Traveling Wilburys – Handle With Care Ghostwriter – Heart On My Sleeve (ft. AI Drake and AI The Weeknd) Songs from Silvio Berlusconi, Imelda Marcos, and Randi Zuckerberg Chino Pacas, Drake, Fuerza Regida – Modo Capone Elton John – Your Song Luis Fonsi, Daddy Yankee – Despacito Jack Black – Peaches Tyla – Water Rema, Selena Gomez – Calm Down Bloodhound Gang – The Bad Touch Megan thee Stallion, Yuki Chiba – Mamushi Joan Osborne – One of Us FKA Twigs – Eusexua Katy Perry – Woman's World David Bowie – Moonage Daydream Jimi Hendrix – Crosstown Traffic Jack Harlow – Lovin On Me Billie Eilish – CHIHIRO Billie Eilish – BIRDS OF A FEATHER Charli XCX – guess Charli XCX – 360 Charli XCX – i think about it all the time Charli XCX – 365 Beyoncé – TEXAS HOLD 'EM Beyoncé, Miley Cyrus – II MOST WANTED Beyoncé – YA YA Taylor Swift – I Can Do It With A Broken Heart Sabrina Carpenter – Espresso Chappell Roan – HOTTOGO Chappell Roan – Pink Pony Club Chappell Roan – Red Wine Supernova Outkast – Hey Ya! Andre 3000 – That Night In Hawaii When I Turned Into A Panther And Started Making These Low Register Purring Tones That I Couldn't Control ... Sh*t Was Wild Andre 3000 – I swear, I Really Wanted To Make A "Rap" Album But This Is Literally The Way The Wind Blew Me This Time Jacob Collier – 100,000 Voices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

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