Podcasts about liberation war

APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today  Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence.  Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning.  Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden.  Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day.  Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year?  Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very-  Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did-  Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever?  Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan.  Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too.  Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org.  Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.”  Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even-  Cayden: No …  Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah …  Cayden: excluded  Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again.  Samir: Right.  Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.”  Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways.  Sharmin: Right.  Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government.  Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know-  Cayden: Yeah …  Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person.  Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this.  Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because-  Cayden: Hmm …  Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm.  Cayden: Yeah …  Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving]  is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like-  Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.”  Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we-  Cayden: Contest every space.  Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks,  Cayden: dad …  Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now.  Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media.  Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you?  Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so…  Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived.  Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And  Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like-  Cayden: Yeah. …  Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really-  Cayden: Yeah …  Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon.  Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys.  Samir:

Episode 234: Veterans, Memory and Transnational Networks of Solidarity: Connected Histories of Yugoslavia and Algeria Centering on the exchanges between Yugoslav Partisans and Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) during and after the Algerian war of independence, the lecture explores the role of memory and war legacies in Yugoslav socialist internationalism and anti-colonial solidarity. The lecture focuses on the narratives of the shared struggle for liberation, the sharing of the Yugoslav experiences of the People's Liberation War (1941-1945) and the postwar building of state socialism in Algeria, and transfers of knowledge in war commemoration. The memory of the People's Liberation War – the antifascist struggle and socialist revolution during the Second World War in Yugoslavia – played a connecting role with liberation movements such as the FLN. The war memory surfaced in the Partisans' deep identification with the Algerian liberation struggle, and different spheres of Yugoslav assistance to Algeria were based on the wartime and postwar experiences in Yugoslavia. Medical assistance represents an illuminating example, focusing on the care for the wounded and disabled Algerian soldiers, based on the Yugoslav know-how in the establishment of military medicine and disability care for the Partisans. Finally, veterans' internationalism developed between the two countries in the 1970s, involving exchanges in the field of war remembrance. Jelena Đureinović is a historian of Yugoslavia interested in memory and legacies of war in the 20th and 21st centuries. She is a researcher at the Research Centre for the History of Transformations (RECET) at the University of Vienna. Her current project, funded through the APART-GSK program of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, investigates Yugoslav socialist internationalism and the connected history of antifascism and anticolonialism. It examines the role of war legacies in the relations between the Yugoslav Partisan veterans and liberation movements from Africa, with Algeria in focus. Her main research interests include memory studies, global Cold War history and the history of Yugoslavia. Her book The Politics of Memory of the Second World War in Contemporary Serbia: Collaboration, Resistance and Retribution was published by Routledge in 2020. This episode was recorded on the 02nd of December 2025 at the Centre d'Études Maghrébines en Algérie (CEMA) Prof. Sidi Mohamed Lakhdar Barka, Professor of Comparative Literature from the Department of English at University of Oran 2 moderated the lecture. To see related slides please visit our web site www.themaghribpodcast.com We thank our friend Ignacio Villalón, a doctoral candidate at the University of Crete / Institute for Mediterranean Studies, for his guitar performance for the introduction and conclusion of this podcast. Recorded and edited by  Hayet Yebbous Bensaid, Librarian, Outreach Coordinator, Content Curator (CEMA).

Iqbal Chand Malhotra is a distinguished media producer and author known for his work on geopolitical history and strategic affairs. He holds a first-class degree in Economics from Queens' College, University of Cambridge.Media Career: He is the Chairman and Producer of AIM Television Pvt. Ltd. Over his career, he has produced over 500 hours of television programming and served as an advisor on India to media mogul Rupert Murdoch (1993–1995), helping to launch MTV in India.Malhotra has directed several award-winning documentaries, often focusing on historical mysteries and security issues. Notable titles include The Legend of Malerkotla, Netaji Bose and the Lost Treasure, and Kashmir's Troubled Waters. He is a long-standing member of the International Academy of Television Arts and Sciences and has served as a juror for the International Emmy Awards.He has written extensively on conflict and strategy. His books include Red Fear: The China Threat and Dark Secrets: Politics, Intrigue and Proxy Wars in Kashmir. He also co-authored Kashmir's Untold Story: Declassified.Subroto Chattopadhyay is a veteran media executive and former civil servant with a diverse career spanning the public sector, corporate leadership, and cultural preservation. He is an alumnus of St. Stephen's College and the Delhi School of Economics.He began his career in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) before moving to the corporate sector. He has held senior leadership roles, including Executive Director at PepsiCo South Asia and Managing Director of HMV Saregama, where he played a pivotal role in the Indian music industry.He is the Chairman of The Peninsula Studios, a content creation house based in New Delhi that focuses on recording and archiving Indian folk and classical music.Chattopadhyay directs the Brains Trust India initiative. This audio-visual series acts as a "confederacy of great minds," featuring eminent scholars and experts from India and the UK who discuss significant non-partisan issues. The project is often produced in partnership with the British High Commission.The two have collaborated on literary projects, most notably co-authoring the book "Bangladesh: Humiliation, Carnage, Liberation, Chaos" (2023), which explores the geopolitical dynamics surrounding the 1971 Liberation War.

In this episode, host Ray Powell sits down with Dr. Lailufar Yasmin, a renowned political scientist at the University of Dhaka, to unpack Bangladesh's dramatic recent political crisis and explore why what happens in this densely populated South Asian nation matters to the broader Indo-Pacific regional stability.Recorded just one day after Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal sentenced former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to death in absentia for crimes against humanity--this conversation provides crucial context for understanding a nation in transition. Powell and Dr. Yasmin discuss the uprising that toppled Hasina's government, the interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, and the geopolitical implications for great power competition in South Asia.Dr. Yasmin explains how the July 2024 student protests escalated into a nationwide uprising after Hasina's government responded with lethal force, killing over 1,400 protesters. The movement, known as the "July Uprising," ultimately forced Hasina to flee to India on August 5, 2024, ending her 15-year authoritarian rule. The conversation explores how Hasina transformed from a democracy icon into an increasingly autocratic leader who rigged elections, suppressed opposition, and dismantled democratic institutions.The episode delves into the "July Charter," a reform blueprint calling for constitutional changes including a bicameral parliament, proportional representation, prime ministerial term limits, and restoration of the caretaker government system. Dr. Yasmin discusses the upcoming February 2026 referendum and elections, explaining the challenges of ensuring credible democratic transition amid deep political divisions, the banning of the Awami League political party, and security concerns.The conversation reveals how India's strong historical support for Hasina and the Awami League—rooted in India's assistance during Bangladesh's 1971 War of Independence—has created tension following her ouster. Dr. Yasmin describes India's initial disinformation campaigns falsely blaming Pakistani intelligence for the uprising, and how the interim government's engagement with China has also caused concern in New Delhi. She argues that Bangladesh must pursue an independent foreign policy that serves its national interests rather than simply accommodating regional powers.The discussion also provides essential historical context, tracing Bangladesh's origins from the 1971 Liberation War when East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) fought for independence from West Pakistan, resulting in genocide that killed an estimated three million people. Dr. Yasmin explains how this history continues to shape contemporary politics, including emotional debates over justice and national identity.Dr. Yasmin also addresses the selection of Muhammad Yunus as interim leader, describing how the Nobel Peace Prize winner's global credibility and pioneering work in microcredit made him an acceptable figure to unite a divided nation. She discusses both the promise and challenges of his leadership, including concerns about whether the interim government can remain truly neutral given that many of its coordinators are former student protesters.Dr. Yasmin challenges Western misconceptions about Bangladesh, emphasizing the nation's resilience, innovation in climate adaptation, economic progress, and warm hospitality.

The Paranormal Liberation War Arc of My Hero Academia represents a pivotal moment in the series, where the stakes are elevated significantly as the heroes confront formidable adversaries. Christian Ashley and Liz Clyde delve into the profound implications of this arc, exploring the multifaceted challenges faced by the characters as they grapple with the reality of war. They address the harrowing question of how one might vanquish an invincible foe, a theme that resonates throughout the narrative. Furthermore, the episode examines the psychological and emotional toll that warfare exacts upon both heroes and villains, underscoring the moral complexities inherent in their respective struggles. As the discussion unfolds, listeners are invited to reflect on the broader themes of heroism, sacrifice, and the quest for justice amidst chaos.The Paranormal Liberation War Arc in My Hero Academia unveils a tumultuous chapter in the ongoing saga of heroes versus villains, marked by significant character development and profound thematic explorations. This arc, sprawling across numerous episodes, delves deep into the fabric of hero society, presenting the audience with a stark portrayal of the consequences of war. Christian Ashley and Liz Clyde embark on an analytical journey, examining the intricacies of this arc, where the stakes have never been higher. They dissect the strategies employed by both the heroes and the villains, contemplating the implications of betrayal, sacrifice, and the quest for justice in a society riddled with moral ambiguity.The panelists highlight pivotal moments that define character arcs, particularly focusing on the emotional weight carried by characters such as Hawks, Twice, and Toga, whose narratives intertwine in a tragic yet compelling manner. The discussions reveal how the clash between the Paranormal Liberation Front and the heroes serves as a catalyst for personal growth and reflection among the protagonists, compelling them to confront their values and beliefs amidst chaos. Moreover, the episode underscores the arc's exploration of systemic flaws within hero society, challenging the audience to question the efficacy of the established order and the true meaning of justice.In conclusion, this episode of Systematic Geekology not only reviews the action-packed sequences of the arc but also delves into the philosophical underpinnings that drive the narrative forward. The conversation encapsulates the essence of what it means to be a hero in a world where the lines between good and evil are increasingly blurred, leaving listeners with much to ponder as they await the unfolding of future events in My Hero Academia.Takeaways: The Paranormal Liberation War Arc is a significant turning point for the series, showcasing the devastating impacts of war on both heroes and villains. This arc highlights the complexities of moral ambiguity, as the heroes face the repercussions of their actions while the villains reveal their motivations. The deaths of characters such as Twice and Midnight serve to elevate the stakes, profoundly affecting the emotional landscape of the narrative. The reveal of Dabi's true identity as Toya Todoroki adds depth to the familial themes within the series, complicating the hero-villain dichotomy. Deku's decision to separate himself from his friends illustrates the burdens of heroism and the sacrifices that come with it in the face of overwhelming odds. The arc serves as a critique of societal structures, questioning the efficacy and morality of the hero system in a world rife with prejudice and power imbalances. .We discuss all this and more in this one! Join in the conversation with us on Discord now!.Support our show on

Chris Hani's convicted murderer Janusz Walus is expected to arrive in his country of origin, Poland, this morning. He left South Africa on a flight from the O.R. Tambo International Airport last night following government's announcement of his deportation. Hani's 1993 murder shook the country, with fears that his death would plunge South Africa into civil war.  At the time of his assassination Hani was chief of staff of Mkhonto we Sizwe and the General Secretary of the South African Communist Party. For reaction Bongiwe Zwane spoke to  Convenor of the Umkhonto Wesizwe Liberation War Veterans, Dan Hato.....  

Our guest this week is Lt (Rtd) Joseph Sabena,  a soldier who fought and was gravely wounded during the Liberation War (1990-1994). He joins us to discuss his life growing up as a Rwandan refugee in Uganda, surviving the camps,  joining the Ugandan army in 1987 and later the RPF-Inkotanyi in the Virunga mountains. He also takes us to the fateful day that he lost his ability to walk and how he has managed to live with his disability. YouTube/ @thelongformrwandaListen to the Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya podcast on Apple PodcastsListen to the Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya podcast on SpotifyFollow Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya on Twitter: @TheLongformrwFollow Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya on Instagram: @thelongformrwFollow Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya on TikTok: @sannyntayombyaFollow Sanny Ntayombya on Twitter: @SannyNtayombyaAbout Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya:The Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya is a weekly podcast intent on keeping you up to date with current affairs in Rwanda. The topics discussed range from politics, business, sports to entertainment.If you want to share your thoughts on the topics I discuss use the hashtag #LongFormRw on Twitter and follow us on Twitter and Instagram on our handle @TheLongFormRwBe a part of the conversation.

Guest: Md. Delwar Hossain khan Rajib, Freedom Fighter, Sector : 11 & Md. Salauddin, Freedom Fighter, Sector: 02 Welcome to 2 Cents Podcast, where we honor the bravery and sacrifices of those who fought for freedom. In this special episode, we are privileged to sit down with two distinguished freedom fighters from Bangladesh, Md. Delwar Hossain Khan Rajib and Md. Salauddin. Join us as they share their deeply personal and poignant experiences from the historic liberation war of 1971, offering insights into the courage, resilience, and spirit of unity that defined a nation's struggle for independence.

The historical legacy of the Liberation War has played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of Bangladesh. With the challenges faced by the ruling Awami League government and the leadership crises within the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the lead-up to the parliamentary elections raises stakes for the political future of the country. In this episode, Carl Jaison is joined by Prof. Dr. Sreeradha Datta who teaches at the Jindal School of International Affairs, O.P Jindal Global University. Dr. Sreeradha, who is one of the foremost experts on Bangladesh's political history and foreign policy, delves into the impasse between the two main political parties, the state of media in the country, and the regional implications of Bangladesh's political future with India, and China watching closely. Correction: A segment in this episode inadvertently mentions the one sided 2014 parliamentary elections as 2008. Do follow IVM Podcasts on social media. We are @‌IVMPodcasts on Facebook, Twitter, & Instagram. https://twitter.com/IVMPodcasts https://www.instagram.com/ivmpodcasts/?hl=en https://www.facebook.com/ivmpodcasts/ You can check out our website at https://shows.ivmpodcasts.com/featured Follow the show across platforms: Spotify, Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, JioSaavn, Gaana, Amazon Music Do share the word with your folks!  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

MHA is back with one of the most HYPE arcs in the SERIES. The Simps review the fights, the heroes, and of course...the WAIFUs

In Episode 15 of the GHM Podcast, We talk about Chainsaw Man finally ending and our final thoughts on the first season, different anime fan bases, and also where the other schools and classes were during the Liberation War arc in My Hero Academia.

Welcome to the first episode of Season 4 of the L7C!! Andrea kicks off the new season with talking about the end of season 6 part one of My Hero Academia Season 6 where we see the conclusion of the war! With heroes Blue Jeanist and Lemillion returning for the final stand for the heroes, they were about to push the villains back, but with so much death, mistrust, and more, did the heroes lose more than they won?! Andrea breaks this all down and more on this episode! --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/level-7-crew/support

Andrea is back to talk about the first four episodes of My Hero Academia Season 6!! These episodes will contain spoilers! We talk about the key plots of each episode, our MVPs of each episode, our questions and so much more! Sit back, relax, and let's talk Paranormal Liberation War! --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/level-7-crew/support

We made it MHA fans! Season 6 is just around the corner! Andrea is here to let you know what you need to know before the biggest season in My Hero Academia begins! Andrea gives a quick recap of season 5, what she expects in season 6! We ask the question, is someone going to die, what plot or twist are we going to see, how are the heroes going to win?! So many questions in so little time, but it is time to go Plus Ultra because My Hero Academia Season 6 is here! https://culturedvultures.com/my-hero-academia-season-6-release-date-story/ https://hypebeast.com/2022/9/my-hero-academia-season-6-trailer-release-info --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/level-7-crew/support

It's been MONTHS since I've sat at my desk, put my headphones back on, dusted off the microphone and tuned back in. I'm about to take you on an emotional rollercoaster with this episode as we delve into my mother's past as well as many of your parents pasts as well. To fully understand the background of this fight for freedom in Bangladesh, we need to travel back to 1947, when India won its independence from the British. At this time India was a huge country, even bigger than it is today, but after British rule there ended, the country split into two new states: India and Pakistan, who would both rule themselves. Pakistan was split across two areas - Pakistan and East Pakistan - which were 1,240 miles apart. Partition happened in this way because the majority of Indian people were part of the Hindu religion, but the people living in the areas that became Pakistan and East Pakistan, were mainly Muslim. Although the people living in East and West Pakistan were both Muslim, they had little else in common with different cultures and language. Most people in East Pakistan were part of a racial group called Bengali, and were the majority in Pakistan overall. However they feared being dominated and controlled by minority group in West Pakistan. Over time people living in East Pakistan began to feel more and more controlled by the government in West Pakistan. To tell her perspective of this story, I invite my mother Nazma Begum on to the podcast who witnessed the war unravel and is still somewhat suffering from the generational trauma it carried with it. Just as a disclaimer, me and Ma are not historians so please keep in mind that not all of the information disclosed will be factually correct. Our aim was to provide a perspective and we hope you enjoyed our conversation, see you next time!

The People's School for Marxist-Leninist Studies presents this reading of Order No. 470 of the Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army by comrade Kim Il-sung, written July 27, 1953. Today the Korean people celebrate the 69th anniversary of their great victory in the war of liberation from the yoke of US imperialism. American communists must stand in unflinching solidarity with our comrades in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, whose country has been brutally bombed, pillaged, and sanctioned by the marauding imperialists of our own country. Long live the DPRK! Long live the victory of the Korean people over the US imperialist invaders! Connect with PSMLS: linktr.ee/PSMLS Literature Used: Congratulations on the Great Victory in the Fatherland Liberation War by Kim Il-sung (1953) www.marxists.org/archive/kim-il-sung/cw/07.pdf Recommended Literature: 10 Days That Shook the World by John Reed (1919) www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/john-reed/ten-days-that-sh… Foundations of Leninism by J.V. Stalin (1924) www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/jv-stalin/foundations-of-l… Guidelines on the Organizational Structure of Communist Parties, on the Methods and Content of their Work by the Third Congress of the Communist International (1921) www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/third-congress-of-the-comm… Imperialism and the Split in Socialism by V.I. Lenin (1916) www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1916/oct/x01.… Join the PCUSA: linktr.ee/partyofcommunists

Solidarity 637, 8 June 2022. Articles: Side with Ukraine! Russian troops out! Belarus: free the Railway Eleven Tories in turmoil: seize the chance to oust them Russia: repression prompts arson Next couriers' day of action 1 August Delusions of "Non-Alignment" Wrong about the Morning Star on Ukraine Labour's economic policy vacuum The baby formula shortage and capitalism Stopping the insect apocalypse Momentum to run new elections Blockchain: gimmick, not solution Action on Covid-19 Ukraine: making a war of liberation Workers' Liberty on trans rights Debate: Ill-informed repetition at a key moment for trans rights Debate: Autism is not a trauma Fight still on against Florida "Don't Say Gay" law Different debates on Ukraine at Lutte Ouvrière fête Yes, rejoin the Single Market! Protocol flux entwined with Tory fall-out Unison right wing plans pushback Imperfect victim Training to the tests? Diary of a Crossrail worker: A mixed mood UCU votes for new ballot Kino Eye: Transgender history on film CWU ballots in BT. What about Royal Mail? Stations strike shuts down the Tube Night Tube re-ballot successful: now escalate the action PCS pay ballot will start 1 September Rail strikes set for 21, 23 and 25 June More online: https://workersliberty.org/publications/solidarity/solidarity-637-8-june-2022

50 years on from the Liberation War that gave birth to Bangladesh, De Montfort University's Dr. Fatima Rajina lends us her expertise on a nation and diaspora still scarred from one of the worst genocides in history. We start at the partition, when East Bengal became East Pakistan, chart the rise and hope brought by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League's newly won independent state, and the struggles and many coups and counter-coups that have so far marked a young country. /// SHOW NOTES /// /// CREDITS /// Hosts: Aarjan /// Ruairi Guest: Fatima Rajina Production: Connor Music: Cardio /// Khiyo - Amar Shonar Bangla

I discuss the history of the Neftenga and the Ethiopian state formation and how that period still lingers in the elite of Addis Abeba and Amhara state today. But also how this impacts the way forward. And my opinions on how I think it should be.

We are back My Hero Fans! After being gone for over a month. Andrea is back to break down all things My Hero! Andrea is excited to be back talk My Hero, and boy does she have a lot to talk about! We talk about the Meta Liberation War that is coming to season 5. We ask ourselves who can we trust, who are the traitors, how can Endeavor prepare the world without giving way that he knows it is coming thanks to Hawks?! How will the heroes organize and prepare themselves when most don't know what is even going on! We ask what role will Deku, Bakugo, and Shoto have in the war. Will they become strong enough under Endeavor to make a difference? Will the girls Ryukyu, Uraraka, Asui, and Nejire play a part in the war since they had an episode dedicated to themselves? We also have more family drama with the Todoroki family and Endeavor trying to atone for his sins as a father. We also wonder when we are getting the 3rdMy Hero Movie in America. Since it is coming out in Japan on the 6th! There is so much My Hero content to catch up on, and Andrea is here to help you with that! --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/level-7-crew/support

#196 EU Day 24 March Start Balkan Liberation War

Our podcast, Emancipated: Voices and Images from the Archive, continues with the third chapter of Toña's Crossing the River and Other Stories of Fight and Resistance from El Salvador, a series produced by our archival researcher Marta Valier and co-hosted by Rosie Rios and Marta Valier, using oral histories with people who lived in El Salvador during the Liberation War (1980–1992). This chapter centers on El Rescate human rights representative Linda Garrett's encounter with Salvadoran political prisoner Héctor Bernabé Recinos Aguirre, illegally detained for more than four years for organizing the first national strike in 1980. Recinos Aguirre co-founded the Committee of Political Prisoners of San Salvador (COPPES) while Garrett worked on the Index of Accountability, a database used by the United Nations Truth Commission for El Salvador, linking military officers to human rights violations committed during the war. This episode discusses the significance of accountability, reparation, and the weight of impunity on both the old and younger Salvadoran generation. Visit the Bradley Center website. Also, visit our digital collections and curriculum website.

Our podcast, Emancipated: Voices and Images from the Archive, continues with the second chapter of Toña's Crossing the River and Other Stories of Fight and Resistance from El Salvador, a series produced and hosted by our archival researcher Marta Valier, using oral histories with people who lived in El Salvador during the Liberation War (1980–1992). In the second chapter, we keep following Linda Garrett on her trip to San Salvador as a human rights representative for El Rescate and we meet Carlos Henríquez Consalvi, known as Santiago, who also traveled to San Salvador from Nicaragua with the intention to establish Radio Venceremos, a radio station that operated in areas controlled by the insurgency and that he kept clandestine for 11 years (episode hosted & produced by Marta Valier). Both of them traveled to San Salvador after the assassination of Salvadoran Archbishop Óscar Romero in March 1980, a time where thousands of Salvadorans were fleeing the country. Visit the Bradley Center website. Also, visit our digital collections and curriculum website.

My mom is back this week! This is a heavy one, as my mom describes living through a brutal war 

"Women are taught to carry shame & honour for their families." In this episode, I speak with Leesa Gazi, the director of a critically acclaimed and highly impactful film about survivors of rape in Bangladesh during the war, who are now in their 70's and 80s. Leesa stayed with the women, connected with them and discussed their experiences – and has now turned this into an empathetic and impactful film. Leesa and I discuss: • How patriarchal attitudes in the culture prevent rape victims from coming forward • The horror and impact of rape on women and young girls in South Asian communities • How the burden of “honour” & “shame” are attached exclusively to women in South Asian culture ABOUT THE FILM ‘RISING SILENCE': https://www.risingsilence.co.uk/ MORE ABOUT LEESA: Leesa Gazi is a Bangladeshi-born British writer, actor, filmmaker and Joint Artistic Director of a London based arts company Komola Collective. She is the concept developer, co-writer and performer of the theatre production Birangona: Women of War, which she later developed into the documentary film Rising Silence, which has won multiple international awards. The film sheds light on the lives of rape survivors of the Liberation War of Bangladesh. Twitter: @LeesaGazi Insta: @leesagazi RESOURCES If you've been affected by the themes of this episode, please check out these resources: RAPE CRISIS Helpline: 0808 802 9999 (12-2:30 and 7-9:30) NHS VICTIM SUPPORT Supportline: 0333 300 6389 THE SURVIVORS TRUST Helpline: 0808 801 0818 SUPPORTLINE Helpline: 01708 765200 Email: info@supportline.org.uk SAFELINE

"Women are taught to carry shame & honour for their families." In this episode, I speak with Leesa Gazi, the director of a critically acclaimed and highly impactful film about survivors of rape in Bangladesh during the war, who are now in their 70’s and 80s. Leesa stayed with the women, connected with them and discussed their experiences – and has now turned this into an empathetic and impactful film. Leesa and I discuss: • How patriarchal attitudes in the culture prevent rape victims from coming forward • The horror and impact of rape on women and young girls in South Asian communities • How the burden of “honour” & “shame” are attached exclusively to women in South Asian culture ABOUT THE FILM ‘RISING SILENCE’: https://www.risingsilence.co.uk/ MORE ABOUT LEESA: Leesa Gazi is a Bangladeshi-born British writer, actor, filmmaker and Joint Artistic Director of a London based arts company Komola Collective. She is the concept developer, co-writer and performer of the theatre production Birangona: Women of War, which she later developed into the documentary film Rising Silence, which has won multiple international awards. The film sheds light on the lives of rape survivors of the Liberation War of Bangladesh. Twitter: @LeesaGazi Insta: @leesagazi RESOURCES If you’ve been affected by the themes of this episode, please check out these resources: RAPE CRISIS Helpline: 0808 802 9999 (12-2:30 and 7-9:30) NHS VICTIM SUPPORT Supportline: 0333 300 6389 THE SURVIVORS TRUST Helpline: 0808 801 0818 SUPPORTLINE Helpline: 01708 765200 Email: info@supportline.org.uk SAFELINE

https://thecommunists.org/2020/10/21/news/history/korean-victory-fatherland-liberation-war-70-years/ Music: 'Swear to Protect the Headquarters of the Revolution' by Korean Peoples Army

 In this episode we talk about the actual war for freedom that was lead by later king Gustav I, or Gustav Vasa as he is known by most here in Sweden. We will conclude the end of the Kalmar Union basically.Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/tardulvPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/thetimepodEmail: tardulv@gmail.comSources:Book: Gustav Vasa - Landsfader eller Tyrann (Lars-Olof Larsson)Book: The Early Vasas (Michael Roberts)Gustaf I (English): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gustav_I_of_SwedenThe Liberation War (English): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swedish_War_of_LiberationChristian II (English): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_II_of_DenmarkAudio from Sid Meier's Civilization 2Music from incompetech.comThanks for listening!

In 1397 Denmark, Norway and Sweden became a Union to be ruled under one monarch, and in 1523 it eventually collapsed entirely, and in todays episode we are looking at what lead up to what is usually called the Swedish liberation war, or Gustav Vasa's Liberation war. Thanks for listening!Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/tardulvPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/thetimepodEmail: tardulv@gmail.comSources:The Kalmar Union (English): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalmar_UnionMargaret I of Denmark (English): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Margaret_I_of_DenmarkKing Christian I of Denmark: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_I_of_DenmarkKing Hans (John) of Denmark: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John,_King_of_DenmarkKalmarunionen by Dick Harrison (2019, audio book): https://www.bokus.com/bok/9789177891130/kalmarunionen/Unionsdrottning: Margareta I och Kalmarunionen (1997): https://www.bokborsen.se/view/-/Unionsdrottningen-Margareta-I-Och-Kalmarunionen/6661546?gclid=Cj0KCQiAuefvBRDXARIsAFEOQ9FQIGbbAeT7ZNbMgA3-Ce1A2LMG0RB1Pm01Ycge9sUk8g7-cCPFKqAaAqkVEALw_wcBThanks for listening!

The lasting aftereffects of the Liberation War on Zimbabwe's society creates the backdrop for Tsitsi Dangarembga's new novel, "This Mournable Body". The story is set in 1999, 10 years after the war, taking a look at the daily life of Tambudzai Sigauke, a Zimbabwean woman who is trying to get ahead. It is part of Dangarembga's groundbreaking trilogy that began with her award-winning novel "Nervous Conditions", but can be read as a standalone book. Dangarembga spoke to Africa: Stories in the 55 about this poignant look at Tambudzai, a Zimbabwean everywoman. Life is tough for university graduateTambudzai Sigauke-- she is sick of being taken advantage of at work, but she can't seem to catch a break... and then there is her living situation and rural family putting pressure on her. But societal pressure related to the aftermath of the Liberation War seems to ultimately undermine Tambudzai. Will she recover? Novelist and filmmaker Tsitsi Dangarembga speaks to Africa:Stories in the 55 about her strong female characters, and the lasting effects of war on society.  

In Novuyo Rosa Tshuma's debut novel, House of Stone, readers are regaled with a story of the Mlambo family, as told by Zamani, their lodger and a master manipulator. In his quest to re-write his own personal history, he delves into the lives of 'surrogate parents' Abednego and Mama Agnes, and unravels their family secrets that are seemingly tightly wound amidst the backdrop of the post-liberation massacre in Ndebeleland, the Gukurahundi. Zimbabwean author Tshuma speaks to RFI's Africa: Stories in the 55, about the impact writing this book has had on her, and how the characters reflect the spirit of Zimbabwe. Tshuma says that the novel came from a desire to examine first-hand accounts of the violence, the disappearances and the deaths in Ndebeleland in western and southwestern Zimbabwe during the early 1980s. "We speak about the Liberation War all the time. But when it comes to the genocide, it is always a matter of shutting it down," she says, adding that by not addressing the psychological, social and communal issues, by not acknowledging people have died, healing cannot begin. House of Stone unwinds tightly held secrets, touching on the role that Black Jesus, a fictionalized version of Perence Shiri, Zimbabwe's current agricultural minister, played during the Gukurahundi. Ultimately, can history be rewritten? Can personal history be rewritten? Tshuma examines this and more, as she presents Zimbabwe's past that some find hard to remember.

In this month's Africa: Stories in the 55, Zimbabwean author Joe Ruzvidzo explores coming-of-age in the years after the Liberation War, in his short story collection, Behind Enemy Lines.   Ruzvidzo writes on the cutting edge-- his characters pawns or kings, depending on the readers' perception.  In "The Order", set in 2023, Ruzvidzo's story of a military takeover of the country reveals some interesting parallels to Zimbabwe's own recent history and new president. His characters live through bullying, love, even deception by a parent, packing a seven-story punch with a bonus ending poem.  

May 21, 2014. Bangladeshi-American poet Tarfia Faizullah read from and discussed her first collection of poetry, "Seam," which explores the history of the Birangona, Bangladeshi women raped by Pakistani soldiers during the Liberation War of 1971, and the ethics of interviewing. For transcript, captions, and more information, visit http://www.loc.gov/today/cyberlc/feature_wdesc.php?rec=6522