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5 episodes with nationalist party
4 episodes with nationalist party
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3 episodes with nationalist party
3 episodes with nationalist party
2 episodes with nationalist party
2 episodes with nationalist party
In this episode of Battleground 45, Saul is joined by, Professor Alexander V. Pantsov, a renowned historian and author specialising in 20th-century Chinese history. Together, they delve into the complex and often controversial figure of Chiang Kai-shek, the leader of the Nationalist Party of China and a pivotal player in the tumultuous events of World War II and the Chinese Civil War. If you have any thoughts or questions, you can send them to - podbattleground@gmail.com Producer: James Hodgson X (Twitter): @PodBattleground Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
We are back this time with our theme of Double Lives. Mike discusses the Grant Bristow and the infiltration of the Far Right in Canada. Sourceshttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZpysniuXyPwhttps://www.nizkor.org/csis-and-the-heritage-front/https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grant_Bristowhttps://www.thestar.com/news/gta/decades-later-csis-s-white-supremacy-infiltrator-tells-his-story/article_0787c24b-6950-555b-9878-ebc7de3cfdf9.htmlhttps://thewalrus.ca/front-man/https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heritage_Fronthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nationalist_Party_of_Canadahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wolfgang_Droegehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canadian_Security_Intelligence_Servicehttps://www.canada.ca/en/security-intelligence-service/corporate/mandate.htmlhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Don_AndrewsBrew CrimeWebsite, Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Facebook Group, Youtube, patreon, Supporter
Excerpt:Here are five planks to be published broadly by Christian Nationalist Party members. As the Christian Nationalist Party seeks to establish the reign of God and codification of His law at the center of our nation and states' governmental authority, let it state the fundamentals of that rule and law established by God at Creation:First, we call for* * *Support Warhorn here.Music is Rise Up, O Lord, a recording of Psalm 10 by My Soul Among Lions.
PREVIEW: EU VOTE: Conversation with colleague Anatol Lieven of the Quincy Institute re the nationalist trend in the EU vote - and the surprise that liberal-minded Sweden now features a nationalist party - and that the future of the EU appears rightward toward states regaining their borders. More later on nationalism in the EU. 1898 Brussels major reovations
The Labour Party has won the 2024 MEP elections but the difference between the two major parties has been reduced considerably. After the final votes were counted, the gap between the Labour Party and the Nationalist Party being 8,454 votes. - Il-Partit Laburista rebaħ l-elezzjonijiet tal-Parlament Ewropew 2024, imma d-differenza tal-voti bejn iż-żewġ partiti ewlenin tnaqqset b'mod konsiderevoli. Wara li kienu magħduda l-aħħar voti, id-differenza bejn il-Partit Laburista u l-Partit Nazzjonalista kienet ta' 8,454 vot.
This episode explores the possibility of a super left-wing group composed of so-called "red sovereigntists" after the elections. Political opposites often attract each other, so would a political group merging populists from the left and right be such a long shot?Radio Schuman is Euronews' new go-to podcast to spice up your weekday mornings with relevant news, insights, and behind-the-scenes stories from Brussels and beyond. Credits: The team behind Radio Schuman consists of Maïa de la Baume as host and producer, Elenora Vasques as production assistant, and Zacharia Vigneron in audio editing. The music is by Alexandre Jas. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, student protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, student protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, student protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies
Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, student protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history
Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, student protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies
Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, student protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/education
Joining Dan Delmar, who is in for Elias, on the Big 5 is Andrew Caddell, a town councillor in Kamouraska, columnist for the Hill Times in Ottawa and President of the Task Force on Linguistic policy and Jimmy Zoubris, special advisor to the Mayor. François Legault's New Year's message: How will his year go? There's a fear that 2024 could be a setback for Montreal. Are Quebec Liberals a nationalist party now?
Since the October 7 Hamas attacks, India has become a hub of fake news and Islamophobic content. On social media, as well as on 24-hour news channels, the conflict between Israel and Hamas has inflamed Hindu extremists, venting their hatred of Muslims under the guise of support for Israel. For the ruling Hindu nationalist BJP party and its supporters, backing the Netanyahu government has become a way to promote their own Islamophobic agenda. Ahead of legislative elections scheduled for spring 2024, many are denouncing the weaponising of the Middle East conflict for electoral purposes. Our correspondents report.
After the Northern Expedition, the Guomindang (KMT) ejected Communists from the Nationalist Party. The Communist Party of China had no army.Zhou Enlai had inserted Communists into the Nationalists' Army and the Nanchang Uprising was a coup planned to carve a Red Army out from the Guomindang's troops. It succeeded and they briefly formed a Revolutionary Committee in Nanchang and He Long took command. They retreated before Zhang Fakui could attack them.While Moscow hoped they would march south and support the Canton Commune, instead they headed south east to Shantou, along the coast. The hoped for resupply ship from Russia never arrived and the Red Army troops were scattered.Zhu De, future Commander-in-Chief of the People's Liberation Army, survived by assuming a fake name and briefly joining the Nationalist Army again and pretending to be loyal. Then he and his troops escaped north and formed Soviets and burned villages under orders of the Communist Party. He then joined forces with Mao Zedong.Mao had already been in the Ridge of Wells area along with the remainder of troops from the unsuccessful Autumn Hills Uprising. Mao had joined forces with bandits and then taken over those gangs and absorbed them. His forces were raiding and looting from "the rich", which included farmers with a few hens.Mao and Zhu and 3000 troops then moved in 1929 before Chiang Kai-shek's troops could capture them. These early days for the Red Army and for Mao's leadership in the countryside held plenty of lessons. They were surviving and learning.Please let me know what you think of my recent podcast changes here !Image: "People's Liberation Army" by Kent Wang is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
I'm Roberto Diaz. I'm the coordinator editor for Democracy Watch News Latin America with a new report about the upcoming Mexican election on June 2nd of 2024 that will elect for the first time a female president of Mexico. This is something without precedent and can help to develop what is going to be the Mexican internal and external policy during the coming six years. So this is something great. This is something good. We have to understand that 2024 will be a definitive year for Mexico's political life. 2024 Mexican general election The first candidate comes from the Morena party. It is the party that was launched by the current president Andres Manuel Obrador or AMLO, as he is famously known here in Mexico. She is Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, who became the first female governor of Mexico City. She is a physicist with a specialization in green energy development and the founder of social justice efforts, especially crimes against women. She recently won Morena's internal poll to become their next candidate. If the USA wants to keep the New Green Deal, she is the best for the Democrats in Washington. Claudia Sheinbaum has developed a close relationship with the Energy Secretary of Mexico, Rocío Nález. to strengthen the position of green energies in Mexicano. She shows herself as a progressivist, a social democrat, and part of Mexico's left wing. Claudia Sheinbaum started in 2000 as the Secretary of Environment of the Federal District during the government of Lopez Obrador and as the Mexico City mayor. From there, in 2015, she became the delegation chief of Tlalpan, a city of neighborhoods in Mexico City. It's similar to the mayoralty down in the US. Then, unfortunately, in 2017, a private school collapsed during the Mexico City earthquake, killing 26 people in total. 19 of them were children. As a member of the Tlalpan delegation,Sheinbaum was accused of being responsible for this incident. Although the school director was sent to prison, after it was revealed that the school didn't have permission to build more floors. Nonetheless, Claudia Sheinbaum won the election for the Mexico City Regency in 2018. During her administration, the Mexico City Cable Bus was built and launched for Mexico City citizens. Also in close work with the governor of Mexico state, Alfredo del Mazo-Mazza, they created a strategy to put COVID-19 detection centers in every delegation and neighborhood. Unfortunately, in 2021, the Mexico City light train Linea 12 collapsed. The political opposition blamed Claudia for that, although a thorough investigation showed that the problems of the line weren't because of lack of maintenance, as the media pointed out, but because of construction deficiencies. The line was built in 2012 by a series of construction companies owned by Mexico's rich man, Carlos Slim Tesis. Twenty-two people died in the event, and the millionaire decided to make reparations to the families and rebuild the old structure for free. The investigations are still in process. During the presidential visit to a welfare bank branch in Mexico City, AMLO was seen with Claudia. And to the eyes of all watchers, the president raises her hand into the sky. Political analysts like Denis Dresdner and Sergio Sarmiento still believe that was the definitive moment in which Claudia Sheinbaum was picked by AMLO to be his successor. In 2021, Claudia started to walk Mexico City streets in what was expected to be, what we call here in Mexico, an advanced campaign act. These are illegal, I have to say. In 2022 and 2023, she started to support Morena candidates for the governor election. And so she visited those states, building support from the Morena party members, at the same time she painted walls with the legend "Es Claudia" in several states, as well as plenty of banners. The other candidate is Berta Xochiti Galvez Ruiz, or Xochiti Galvez as she likes to be known, labeling herself as an indigenous heritage, well, she has indigenous heritage candidate. She's an indigenous heritage candidate. Xochiti has become a recent social media phenomenon. Her simple speech tries to appeal to major sectors of the Mexican population, although with some elitist remarks, as she quotes, for example, infamously, that southern Mexicans don't like to work eight hours shift because it isn't part of their culture, as well as putting an end to some of the welfare programs, like the for young students. So, she'll appear as the reaction of the Mexican political opposition bloc, an alliance of three different parties. The National Action Party, or FAN in Spanish. This party is conservative and right-wing. And then we have the Institutional Revolution Party, or PRI in Spanish. The PRI used to be a center party or a nationality. Nationalist Party, but right now it's a neoliberal party, and the Revolutionary Institution Party, or PRD in Spanish. This is a center-left party. She came from a poor municipality in the State of Hidalgo. Her grandfather was an Ottoman speaker native. She tells the story of how she used to sell jellies to pay for her studies in computational systems engineering in the UNAM. This is one of the most renowned, let's say the most famous university in Mexico. She was an active member of the Mexican Communist Party and labeled herself as a trustee. Although, she had a 180 degree ideological shift when she was picked by Mexico's president in the year 2000. During her time working in the delegation for development in indigenous settlements, Xochiti used her connections to give some public contracts to her husband. This is illegal in Mexico. We are talking about 17 contracts. In 2015, she became the Miguel Hidalgo delegate in Mexico City. In her administration, the crime in the delegation increased by 30%. She ended the scholarship to young students and sports players. She used her position in the Miguel Hidalgo to once again give public contracts to her company during Enrique Peña Nieto's presidential administration. And then during the first years of the AMLO administration, she reprimanded the president for canceling her contract. In 2018, Xochiti Galvez became a senator for the National Action Party, where she became one of the most antagonistic and vocal against AMLO's administration. Recorded: 2023-09-30 Duration: 25:13 #MexicanFemalePresident #MexicanElection2024 Our published content is on our podcast host http://democracycast.libsyn.com Send Listener feedback by sending an email to: democracycast@earthlink.net http://www.DemocracyWatchNews.org https://twitter.com/dwatchnews?lang=en https://facebook.com/dwatchnews https://www.instagram.com/democracywatchnews/ https://www.linkedin.com/company/35464830 https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCRhWxBiRG-01eLS9A_vlVuA We also augment the news on Twitter globally DWatchNews Eastern Asia Curates and covers news for West Asia, North Africa & Central Asia #democracy #HumanRights #PressFreedom #environment #OpenGov DWatchNewsPacific Curates and covers news for Polynesia, Melanesia, Micronesia, Australia, & New Zealand Aotearoa #democracy #humanrights #opengov #environment DWatchNews MENA Curates and covers news for West Asia, North Africa & Central Asia on #democracy #HumanRights #PressFreedom #environment #OpenGov DWatchNews Europe Augments/covers news throughout Europe #Democracy #HumanRights #PressFreedom #PublicPolicy #MediaEthics #environment #transparency DWatchNews Latin America, Caribbean & Atlantic Curates and covers news for Latin America & South Atlantic. #HumanRights #OpenGov #PressFreedom #NonviolentConflict #Environment in #SouthAmerica #Caribbean #CentralAmerica. 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This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit www.americanprestigepod.comDanny and Derek are back with Lisandro Claudio, associate professor at UC Berkeley, going through the history of the Philippines. They touch on changes by the Wilson administration to US colonial policy toward the Philippines, the “Filipinization” of the archipelago's bureaucracy, Manuel Quezon and the Nationalist Party, Francis Burton Harris, state bui…
Josie Muscat huwa politiku ta' hafna esperjenza. F'din il-konversazzjoni mimlija daqs bajda qbadniha fuq bosta affarijiet bhall-konservattivizmu, il-haddiema barranin, u l-abort. Ma stajniex ma naqbduhiex ukoll fuq l-istat attwali tal-politika f'Malta. ************************************************* Chapters 07:24 - Josie Muscat's childhood 15:52 - The fight for Malta's Independence 25:52 - Malta's history - the island with no natural resources 29:59 - Benefits of Malta being a small country 32:39 - Party tribalism 34:48 - Malta 1981 Election 39:32 - Malta 1966 Election 46:14 - Eddie Fenech Adami, Agatha Barbara and Lorry Sant 54:39 - Josie Muscat's motivation to do politics 59:28 - Lack of discipline in Malta 01:05:46 - Losing culture and values over money 01:11:17 - Entrepreneur vs minister 01:12:49 - PN and PL debts, the lack of discipline 01:19:35 - Objective and Subjective morality 01:25:22 - Rights and Responsibilities 01:33:13 - Josie's biography and family life 01:41:47 - History vs Media - Konservativizzmu 01:48:25 - Conservatism 01:58:34 - Zejtun story 02:07:20 - Appreciating our history 02:12:38 - Violence within the PN 02:18:08 - Mintoff 02:41:47 - Entrepreneurship and Leadership 02:50:59 - Third Party 02:55:50 - Foriegners in Malta and Integration 03:32:07 - Josie in politics again 03:34:52 - Present state of Maltese politics 03:40:31 - Abortion, mental health and euthanasia 04:08:20 - Josie Muscat's relationship with the Nationalist Party 04:12:06 - Seeking opportunities from problems 04:15:11 - "We are living in a leaderless world" 04:19:46 - Combat Sports 04:25:43 - The possibility of a 3'rd party ************************************************* Dan il-podcast ma' kienx ikun possibli minghajr l-ghajnuna ta'; Maypole - https://www.maypole.com.mt/ Derek Meats - https://www.facebook.com/derekmeats/ Cutrico - https://www.cutrico.com/en/home.htm eCabs - https://ecabsapp.onelink.me/v3ih/a9df Browns - https://www.browns.pharmacy/ Stretta - https://strettabeer.com/home Aphex Media - https://aphexmedia.com/ Garmin Malta - https://www.eurosportgarminraces.com Vini e Caprici by Abrahams - https://www.viniecapricci.com/ Hungry Hippie - https://hungryhippie.com.mt/ Ferrara Casa - https://www.ferraramalta.com/ ************************************************* Ghal iktar informazzjoni zur https://www.jonmallia.mt #jonmallia #malta #josiemuscat #patrunitajon #podcast #podcastmalta #politics ************************************************* Thabbeb Maghna fuq; Patreon https://www.patreon.com/jonmallia YouTube https://www.youtube.com/jonmalliapodcast Facebook https://www.facebook.com/jonmalliaofficial TikTok https://www.tiktok.com/@jonfuqtiktok Instagram https://www.instagram.com/jon.mallia Tista' wkoll tkellimna fuq community@jonmallia.mt ************************************************* Il-hsibijiet espressi mill-mistiedna tal-Podcast huma esklussivament taghhom, jigifieri l-produtturi, l-haddiema tal-Podcast u wisq aktar l-isponsors rispettivi ma' jassumu l-ebda responsabbilita' f'dan ir-rigward. Dan il-programm fih lingwagg ghaddattat biss ghal udjenza.
Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence. Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latino-studies
Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence. Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence. Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence. Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies
Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence. Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/caribbean-studies
Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence. Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence. Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
The historical legacy of the Liberation War has played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of Bangladesh. With the challenges faced by the ruling Awami League government and the leadership crises within the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the lead-up to the parliamentary elections raises stakes for the political future of the country. In this episode, Carl Jaison is joined by Prof. Dr. Sreeradha Datta who teaches at the Jindal School of International Affairs, O.P Jindal Global University. Dr. Sreeradha, who is one of the foremost experts on Bangladesh's political history and foreign policy, delves into the impasse between the two main political parties, the state of media in the country, and the regional implications of Bangladesh's political future with India, and China watching closely. Correction: A segment in this episode inadvertently mentions the one sided 2014 parliamentary elections as 2008. Do follow IVM Podcasts on social media. We are @IVMPodcasts on Facebook, Twitter, & Instagram. https://twitter.com/IVMPodcasts https://www.instagram.com/ivmpodcasts/?hl=en https://www.facebook.com/ivmpodcasts/ You can check out our website at https://shows.ivmpodcasts.com/featured Follow the show across platforms: Spotify, Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, JioSaavn, Gaana, Amazon Music Do share the word with your folks! See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Welcome. Thank you for joining us for this edition of the Modlin Global Analysis newsletter. I am pleased to be joined with Dan Modlin, who will be offering a series of questions on US-China relations, China-Taiwan relations, and US-Taiwan relations this week. We're going to be giving some background history on Taiwan relations and its origin story and how that traces back largely to China's history and its cycles of revolution, and how that contextualizes the politics that we see today. May 4th at 7 pm I will be hosting a conversation on Tawain and China at the River Birch Room at Lost River Cave in Bowling Green. Dan I think it's true that a lot of times we have a better understanding of the current situation if we can go back a little bit in history and kind of find out how we got here. Isn't it true it an awful lot of the current situation with Taiwan and China really relates to history in the 20th century. Kevin We need to look at the history of these relations, but also recognize throughout these periods that a number of decisions are made by those actors that influence us today, but also actors today have a range of choices. We know starting off that under the Qing dynasty was facing break up in the early 1900s by a series of challenges. These challenges included the effects of the war with Japan and then after that, the war that Japan had with Russia that further solidified gains that Japan had control over parts of what we call territorial China today. Also, that contributed to nationalist sentiments throughout China. That capitalized on the instability and weaknesses of the Qing dynasty and led to the overthrow of the dynastic system that we saw prevalent throughout most of China's history. That only really changed in the last 100 years or so, and that system rose to power and had gained strength largely through playing on these grievances as well as grievances that contributed from the colonial era that the Western powers gained access to Chinese ports largely through force. And to acquire goods and export those through the Opium War as well as the Open Door policy. Dan OK. And then as we move ahead, it's important to look at the origins of the Chinese nationalists. Kevin So that Chinese Nationalist Party, we often associate with Chiang Kai-shek. But he was not in charge of that movement to begin with. He comes later to the stage, but the Chinese nationalists also have difficulty facing external threats and internal challenges, including the rise of Mao Zedong. Through his Long March and other efforts lead a revolution throughout China that really challenges China at the worst time that they could imagine. So, they are facing an internal revolution as well as an external threat with Japan, and we see actually even the Russians intervene and assist sometimes the nationalists against Japan, other times they assist the Chinese Communists against Japan. But in all cases, they are playing against each other and particularly the Chinese Communists gain leverage and influence both by playing off the weaknesses of the Nationalist Party. But also, they had some victories against the Japanese, which garnered additional support. Dan OK. So then as you refer to the Chinese Nationalist Party ran into considerable trouble with the emergence of the Chinese Communist Party. Kevin Exactly. And Mao was very effective in garnering support. So, unlike other Communist movements that we saw before, this movement emphasized the agrarian culture and transformation and well-being for the agrarians. Whereas other communist movements look more towards the industrial workers. This agrarian angle has always been a point of distinction, but it also was a point of strength for Mao. He was able to draw supply and support from the rural parts of China, which is of course a considerable space, especially in that time period and always had a harbor there but also drew much of his political support from that region. Dan OK. And then as the military victories mounted up for the Chinese Communist Party, how did Taiwan become a more important location for the Chinese nationalists? Kevin So, the Chinese Nationalists again had to face both the threat of Japan and the communists simultaneously. And we do see this pattern come up that if communist elements or initiatives rise, they seem to do better in situations where you already have internal strife, especially the causes of an existing conflict. More so overtime, the Chinese communists gained power throughout China, and they are able to have victories largely because of the decline of the nationalists and the nationalists decide to flee. And the best choice they have, of course, is to go to Taiwan as we know today. Dan Kevin, isn't it true that Taiwan itself has a very interesting history? Kevin Taiwan was part of the Qing dynasty and number of Chinese would live and trade from Taiwan. Afterwards, the Portuguese gain control of that and colonial period, and during the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese gained control of Taiwan, so Taiwan loses Japanese control. Of course, when Japan loses in World War II and 1945 and Chiang Kai-shek decides with the decline of his party's movement, to go into exile and occupy Taiwan. It should be noted that even though Chiang and his forces moved to Taiwan, they did not ever see claim of. I mean, the true government of China. So that is part of the complexities of the relationship to start right from the beginning. The Republic of China and the People's Republic of China claim to be the true government of the whole of China, and they mean the whole of China both what we call the mainland China as well as Taiwan. Even though there are rich differences as far as policies and distrust between the sides they both claim the same sovereign right over that territory. Dan And I believe it's true that a lot of conservative interests in the United States were very supportive of Chinese Government for many years. Kevin Right. So that's comes back to the US. So the US was not entirely super interested as a whole, especially its politics until the rise of communism in China, and found that as a threat in the same sense that it's all the revolution in Russia as a threat. And so any movement contrary to that they found sympathies with including Chiang Kai-shek. Dan OK. And so all of these elements working together play a role in what we're facing today. Kevin They do play a role in what we're facing today and we're going to talk through this series about that. It should be noted how the Long March and the Chinese Communist Revolution, as well as the government of Chiang Kai Shek and these competing claims continue to come up in the discourse that we see today between. China and Taiwan. So after Chinese party have their major meetings, they will go on a retreat and they will reference this Long March or they will reference other seminal events in their origin story for the Communist Party. In the same regard, the Chinese nationalists will remember the legacy of atrocities under communism as well as the hardships that they faced in these tension points. On both sides they have rationales and arguments that they referenced throughout these dialogues. In the past both determines where they are physically located. The animosities that they have, but there's also referenced continuously in trying to define who they are. Dan So we're getting kind of an overview here of the background of this very important issue. I know Kevin, you have a presentation coming up on May 4th at the River Birch Room at Lost River Cave in Bowling Green in which you will be talking about these issues and also some of the international relations strategy that perhaps is involved. Kevin Right, so I want to welcome people to come and join us on May 4th at the River Birch Room at 7:00 o'clock in Lost River Cave in Bowling Green, KY. I will be glad to take people's questions on these issues. Prior dynamics that we see in Taiwan, so we'll talk about both the points of division and why they continue to exist, but also why the US has this interesting policy that's called strategic ambiguity where its policy is actually not ever enunciated or it's intentionally. Ambiguous for both Taiwan's position as well as China's position. Dan Strategic ambiguity is an interesting term, and I know you gave a a paper on this at the political science conference in Chicago just a couple of weeks ago. So this will be a chance for people to kind of get an idea of some of the strategy that's going on behind the scenes when people discuss Taiwan and China. Kevin And what we're going to focus on is not just the ambiguity and how that is a concept and complicated, but also we're going to spend a lot of time thinking about the threats that Taiwan faces and how China may respond in the coming years, as well as what those could entail. And of course, how that may affect economic decision makers in the United States. This event is open to the public and free, and I've always found that the best part of these conversations are the question and answer. So we will have equal amounts of time for robust questions and I found we have excellent conversations to those angles. I know when I talk with people and throughout the community there is genuine interest in this question around Taiwan and I think just exploring these questions further will at least help us prepare and think more carefully about what's transpiring. Dan OK. And that's coming up May 4th at 7:00 PM at the River Birch Room lost River Cave in Bowling Green, KY and no admission. Charge and a very interesting presentation on the subject of strategic ambiguity and how that relates to China and Taiwan. Kevin Thank you very much. Dr. Garcia's article on China and Latin American relations in Foreign Affairs Latin America (Spanish)For news and analysis on Congress and the Debt Limit debate follow Liam Donovan. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit modlinglobal.substack.com
Football legend John Barnes joins The Michael Anthony Show in Episode 143 this week for a wide ranging discussion into a variety of topics. Although the Jamaican born, former PFA Player of the Year had one of the most memorable careers of 1980's football, the seventy-nine time capped Barnes possesses a curiosity and passion for issues that far exceed the sporting sphere. The shallow understanding society has towards racism, corporal punishment, the black manager problem, classism, football fandom and a variety of other subjects are delved in to, as Barnes also provides a fascinating insight in to a career which saw him at the centre of Watford's glory days during the Elton John era, before winning two leagues at Anfield prior to witnessing the infamous 'Spice Boy' age.The product of what he describes as an "elite family" in which his grandfather was a key figure of the People's Nationalist Party in Jamaica and mother rubbed shoulders with the likes of Bob Marley, the eccentric Barnes has lost none of his energy or capacity for deep thought. A truly unique character.Out now on Spotify and Apple Podcasts. Rate/Review.TUNE IN. MA Show.Support the show
Malta held general elections on 26th March, which were won by the incumbent Labour Party of PM Robert Abela in another landslide victory. This outcome was never really in doubt, given all polls pointed towards it. The Labour government has been constantly dogged with corruption allegations, most famously the murder of journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia who had exposed two Labour politicians. This led to the resignation of PM Joseph Muscat in 2019, who was replaced by Abela. Despite this Labour cruised to another easy victory over the Nationalist Party. Please rate and subscribe wherever you're listening, and follow us on Twitter @ballotword.
A brief, concise history of China from the 1850s to 1949. Covers: Qing Dynasty Opium Wars / Relationships with Western nations in late 1800s-early 1900s Sino-Japanese Wars Establishment of ROC (Republic of China), Sun Yat-sen, Nationalist Party, Chiang Kai-shek WWI, Warlord Era, WWII Rise of CCP (Chinese Communist Party) Mao Zedong, Long March Civil War between Nationalist & Communists Nationalists leave for Taiwan PRC (People's Republic of China) born, 1949 Source List Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/wiserworldpodcast/Website (sign up for email newsletter): https://wiserworldpodcast.com/To join the email list, click on the website link, and it will take you there! Song credit: "Heart of Indonesia" by mjmusics
I continue my explanation about the death of the Republican party and the birth of the Autocratic White Nationalist Party. I will be spending this week ranting about this new party and how they will rise to power in America. Hopefuel A Christian planner to help you be prayerful and productive. ShareASale Get your affiliate marketing strategy off the ground today with ShareASale.Layla Sleep Mattress with flippable firmness so you have two chances to find the right fit for you.Swyft Filings Started by an experienced lawyer who saw a need to automate the business filing process.Readability The only smart Reading & Comprehension Learning App your child can use anytime, anywhere.Nolah Sleep LLC Finally, a Mattress Made for Side and Back Sleepers.Disclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=R98ACZW2FNSSW)Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/622a9079e8fb640012cb94f3. I pray that God would "give you spiritual wisdom and insight so that you might grow in your knowledge of God. 18I, pray that your hearts will be flooded with light so that you can understand the confident hope he has given to those he called his holy people who are his rich and glorious inheritance" https://plus.acast.com/s/blueprint-of-faith. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
I continue my explanation about the death of the Republican party and the birth of the Autocratic White Nationalist Party. I will be spending this week ranting about this new party and how they will rise to power in America. Hopefuel A Christian planner to help you be prayerful and productive. ShareASale Get your affiliate marketing strategy off the ground today with ShareASale.Layla Sleep Mattress with flippable firmness so you have two chances to find the right fit for you.Swyft Filings Started by an experienced lawyer who saw a need to automate the business filing process.Readability The only smart Reading & Comprehension Learning App your child can use anytime, anywhere.Nolah Sleep LLC Finally, a Mattress Made for Side and Back Sleepers.Disclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=R98ACZW2FNSSW)Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/622a9079e8fb640012cb94f3. I pray that God would "give you spiritual wisdom and insight so that you might grow in your knowledge of God. 18I, pray that your hearts will be flooded with light so that you can understand the confident hope he has given to those he called his holy people who are his rich and glorious inheritance" https://plus.acast.com/s/blueprint-of-faith. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
I continue my explanation about the death of the Republican party and the birth of the Autocratic White Nationalist Party. I will be spending this week ranting about this new party and how they will rise to power in America. Hopefuel A Christian planner to help you be prayerful and productive. ShareASale Get your affiliate marketing strategy off the ground today with ShareASale.Layla Sleep Mattress with flippable firmness so you have two chances to find the right fit for you.Swyft Filings Started by an experienced lawyer who saw a need to automate the business filing process.Readability The only smart Reading & Comprehension Learning App your child can use anytime, anywhere.Nolah Sleep LLC Finally, a Mattress Made for Side and Back Sleepers.Disclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=R98ACZW2FNSSW)Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/622a9079e8fb640012cb94f3. I pray that God would "give you spiritual wisdom and insight so that you might grow in your knowledge of God. 18I, pray that your hearts will be flooded with light so that you can understand the confident hope he has given to those he called his holy people who are his rich and glorious inheritance" https://plus.acast.com/s/blueprint-of-faith. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
In this episode, I rant about the death of the Republican party and the birth of the Autocratic White Nationalist Party. I will be spending this week ranting about this new party and how they will rise to power in America. Hopefuel A Christian planner to help you be prayerful and productive. ShareASale Get your affiliate marketing strategy off the ground today with ShareASale.Layla Sleep Mattress with flippable firmness so you have two chances to find the right fit for you.Swyft Filings Started by an experienced lawyer who saw a need to automate the business filing process.Readability The only smart Reading & Comprehension Learning App your child can use anytime, anywhere.Nolah Sleep LLC Finally, a Mattress Made for Side and Back Sleepers.Disclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=R98ACZW2FNSSW)Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/622a9079e8fb640012cb94f3. I pray that God would "give you spiritual wisdom and insight so that you might grow in your knowledge of God. 18I, pray that your hearts will be flooded with light so that you can understand the confident hope he has given to those he called his holy people who are his rich and glorious inheritance" https://plus.acast.com/s/blueprint-of-faith. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
In this rant, I continue my explanation about the death of the Republican party and the birth of the Autocratic White Nationalist Party. I will be spending this week ranting about this new party and how they will rise to power in America. Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=R98ACZW2FNSSW)Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/622a9079e8fb640012cb94f3. I pray that God would "give you spiritual wisdom and insight so that you might grow in your knowledge of God. 18I, pray that your hearts will be flooded with light so that you can understand the confident hope he has given to those he called his holy people who are his rich and glorious inheritance" https://plus.acast.com/s/blueprint-of-faith. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
During Las Fallas celebrations, which this year will be held from 1-5 September, there will be six purple points or Puntos Violetas with the aim of preventing acts of sexual aggression. The SNP have warned the British Government that they will reject any attempt to keep Britain's nuclear submarines north of the border in the event of an independence vote. Afghan refugees will be taught about British values, culture and civic duties to help them integrate into society, it was revealed today. Ministers are said to want to emulate schemes in countries such as France and Germany where hours of language classes are given to newcomers. Top UK universities are chartering flights to bring Chinese students into the country next month. The flights come amid warnings that UK institutions are at risk of overlooking the needs of British students while trying to cater to international students in a bid to avoid losing millions of pounds in overseas fees due to coronavirus travel restrictions.
Mike: I assure you there are fascists in the US. [Theme song] Nazi SS UFOs Lizards wearing human clothes Hinduism's secret codes These are nazi lies Race and IQ are in genes Warfare keeps the nation clean Whiteness is an AIDS vaccine These are nazi lies Hollow earth, white genocide Muslim's rampant femicide Shooting suspects named Sam Hyde Hiter lived and no Jews died Army, navy, and the cops Secret service, special ops They protect us, not sweatshops These are nazi lies Mike: One of the more pernicious lies I hear about US fascism is that it doesn't exist, particularly in the present day. So I'm here today with journalist and sociologist Dr. Spencer Sunshine, PhD from CUNY's Grad School. Spencer has written for Colorlines, Truthout, and The Daily Beast and has an organizing guide out through PopMob called 40 Ways to Fight Fascists: Street-Legal Tactics for Community Activists. Thanks for coming on the pod. Spencer Sunshine: Thanks for having me on the show, Mike. Mike: Of course! So Spencer's here to talk about the American Nazi Party; its successor, the National Socialist White People's Party; and its remnants today. So let's start with a brief history of US fascism before the American Nazi Party. Spencer: Sure, so fascism as an actual political current is about 100 years old in the United States. The first Nazi group, or Nazi cell, in the United States formed in 1922 by German expats in the Bronx. And there were probably earlier groups that were Italian Fascist groups. Like many radical political traditions that started in Europe, in the United States these were first brought to the country by immigrants from Europe. If we look further than that, if we use fascism as a broader term involving any organized white supremacist groups, of course we'd easily go back to the 1860s and the Ku Klux Klan and similarly styled far right groups go back in the United States well before that. So fascism is a longstanding political tradition in our country. It's a century old. The fact that people can't acknowledge this shows something interesting about the psyche of the United States where people just can't admit that there are radical political movements here, or that such a noxious political movement such as fascism could take fairly, what looks like permanent roots in our country. Mike: Okay, so let's talk about the American Nazi Party itself. How was it founded? What did it do? Spencer: So before the war there were two groups that were pro-Nazi. There was the German American Bund, who were tied to the Nazi Party in various ways; and an American group called the Silver Shirts. As you may imagine, during the war, nazism became taboo in the country. A lot of the leaders were arrested. After the war it took quite a while for, what then became neo-nazism, neo-nazi groups to establish themselves. There was a group called the National States Rights Party who mostly recruited from Klan members and were the core organizers for nazis, but they did not say on the– On the outside of the package it did not say that; although on the inside it was. So the American Nazi Party was sort of special because it was the first group to openly declare itself a nazi group and to, the phrase they used was, “raise the swastika,” to actually appear in public. You know, at the time they used the old stormtrooper uniforms, these brown uniforms with a swastika armband. You rarely see it these days, but this was pretty common through the early 90s for nazi groups to do this. So the American Nazi Party was founded in 1959. There was a precursor group in 1958 by George Lincoln Rockwell. He had done advertising; was very good. And came from a vaudeville family. This is a really crazy story, but Bob Hope was actually at his christening. He used these advertising techniques to form this group. It was designed to get media attention, and the idea was for him that conservatives could never become radical enough and could never really attract the people they needed. So by using this imagery, he could attract the kinds of people that he wanted, and he could use the presence of nazis– He used to say, “No one can ignore nazis marching in the streets.” –use this public image to gain media attention which he could then use as a recruiting tool. The party was never very big. It continued through the 60s. They did a lot of– It was almost an agitprop kind of project. The kind of murders that we associate with the nazi movement these days– They had punch ups at rallies and stuff. But the kind of violence and murders that we associate with neo-nazism these days did not come until later, which is an interesting thing. He was assassinated by a fellow party member in 1967. Right before then he had changed his organizing strategy. He had a very successful rally in Marquette Park, Chicago, which was actually against Martin Luther King's plan to desegregate. It was some of his late marches doing housing desegregation in Chicago. It was in an Eastern European neighborhood, a lot of Eastern European immigrants who were resisting Black Chicagoans from moving into their neighborhood. Thousands of people came to this rally. He then changed his tack a bit. He renamed the party the National Socialist White People's Party which is a mouthful, and we'll call it the NSWPP from now on. And he renamed the party newspaper to White Power which is the slogan we know today that he coined. So it was a move from being an antisemitic nazi party to kind of being an aggressive white nationalist party because it was the first time that he had drawn a lot of grassroots support. He was assassinated. He was replaced by his subordinate Matt Koehl. At first it was three people. It was Robert Lloyd, Koehl, and William Pierce (Who's important. He later formed his own party called the National Alliance. Mike: We'll talk about them in a bit. Spencer: And he wrote a very influential book called The Turner Diaries. These three that ran the party for a while, and then, what's a nazi party without a führer? Or tin pot führer at least? Kicks the other two out. And runs the party until his death a few years ago. In 1983 the party became called New Order and actually degenerated into a Hitler-worshipping, almost private Hitler-worshipping cult. It still exists. Koehl died a few years ago and was replaced by his subordinate Martin Kerr. Mike: So before we talk about the remnants today, I want to talk about some of the splinter groups that formed in the 70s. I'm thinking the second NSLF, the National Alliance that you mentioned, the NSPA, the NSWWP. Spencer: A mouthful of alphabet soup. Mike: Yes. Spencer: So the importance of Koehl taking control is that Rockwell was a very charismatic guy. A lot of his followers really adored him. They ended up fetishizing him almost as a god-like figure. The way they had– Some of them, you know, praised him the way they had Adolf Hitler before him. In the post-war period, people had started almost worshipping and sometimes literally worshipping Hitler and made altars to him and treated him as a kind of demigod. So Koehl did not have charisma and acted in ways that alienated most of his party membership. Over the years, especially between 1973 and 1974, a lot of the party members left; the active units, they called them units the chapters, left and formed their own groups. And this became very important because this is what laid the groundwork for there to be a decentralized neo-nazi movement in the United States, the kind of which we see today. So it laid the epistemological foundation for it because before there had been a single party, a single organization with chapters. Now there were all these separate groups that had different relationships with them and that could pursue different strategies. And they did pursue different strategies. So the first big split was in 1970 when William Pierce is kicked out. This takes a little while for the real splintering to happen. So the first group I'll talk about is the National Socialist Liberation Front because their influence can be felt today on the alt-right, on the terrorist wing of the neo-nazis today. It was originally the name was used in the late 60s as a college student group that William Pierce actually ran that was associated with the party. They were trying to take off the energy of the New Left. You know, there were a lot of liberation fronts was a popular name for armed new left groups. This was an attempt to recruit college students. It only got one good organizer which we can talk about later which was David Duke. It was never an independent entity. The name was revived in 1974 when, probably the best organizer in the United States, Joseph Tommasi, who was based in Los Angeles, was suspended by the party, and he founded his own group. They used the NSLF name. Mike: Can you talk about why he was suspended? Spencer: He was– There's a lot of discussion about this. Accusations that he was– Some of it was cultural clashes within the nazis. He was pulling off the counterculture. He had long hair. They didn't like to dress in uniform. They wore like fatigues and stuff. He was accused of bringing his girlfriends over to the party headquarters. Koehl was making all of the party members (They had bought their own headquarters. This was a time they still had physical headquarters was an emphasis.) sell their headquarters. They made all the chapters sell their headquarters buildings and give the proceeds to Koehl which angered a lot of people and caused a lot of these splits because the people themselves had bought them, and they just thought he was trying to enrich himself which he probably was. He was basically shutting the party down and making a cult around himself and taking all the money. But there was a very interesting– What probably really prompted it is– It's attached to the Watergate scandal. Someone in the C.R.E.E.P. (The group, the Nixon support group that got involved in Watergate, it was an acronym for them.) hired Tommasi's nazis to help get another far right, a little more moderate, party on the ballot in California to pull votes away from Republicans. This was the American Independent Party. It has a funny history. It comes out of the George Wallace campaigns earlier. Then later, I think Cliven Bundy from the Bundy ranch actually joined. Remnants of the party exist today and have attracted people from the militia movement. [Spencer's correction to this story: https://twitter.com/transform6789/status/1388206831630180362?s=19] Anyway, these nazis were hired by Republicans to get another far right party on the ballot to pull votes away in a certain election. I forget the details now. I'm sorry. The party– Koehl was angry that he had made this deal. This made the newspapers. It made the New York Times and stuff. This angered the party that he had done this without their permission. And they took money from it. So that may have been– A lot of more serious people think that was the actual reason for the initial suspension. And then there was a break when Tommasi formed his own group. The NSLF was important because they openly advocated armed resistance and bombings and such and did do a few of these, although rather moderate in Los Angeles. This was a break from the parent party which always stressed legality. While there had been violent currents in it, they were really kept kind of under the rug, and it was just a sort of wing of the party of certain people including William Pierce. And then Tommasi didn't last long, though. He was killed in a scuffle with members of the former party at his former headquarters. He accosted one and the guy had this kid, an 18-year-old, and he shot him. Tommasi again, another charismatic organizer, founded this group, but didn't last long. That group however did continue it had four different leaders and continued until 1986. James Mason, who we'll talk about later, joined that group after Tommasi's passing. Mike: Okay so that's the NSLF. What about the National Alliance? Spencer: The National Alliance is a group founded by William Pierce after he got kicked out of the NSWPP. He was flirting with Willis Carto, another major nazi leader who became, amongst other things, the main popularizer of Holocaust denial in America. They had a falling out. Carto had a falling out with everyone. Pierce founded– The group was originally the National Youth Alliance, then became the National Alliance. It was a membership based group. They tried to recruit professionals. Pierce had been an engineering professor out in Oregon before he joined the party. He was very articulate. He did not have the sort of crass approach, you know. He produced more sophisticated propaganda as well as sort of more interesting theoretical documents. So they continued. The remnants of the group exists today. They had up to a thousand members. They ended up having a huge group property out in West Virginia. It was the headquarters building. He lived there. He wrote a book in the 70s called The Turner Diaries which is a really badly written book. It's a fantasy novel about how some white supremacists will form a terrorist movement, and they will help promote a race war, through terrorism will promote a race war in America. And you know this will end up in the Day of the Rope where the white supremacists kill people of color and Jews and create a white ethnostate. It's a tremendously popular book around the world. It's sold up to a half a million copies. You can still get it today. It still inspires people today. So Pierce's group, they didn't do a lot of public actions especially till later in life. Although, their probably biggest rally was in 2002. It was a supposedly pro-Palestine rally in Washington, D.C., that blamed Israel for 9/11, and hundreds of people came to it. They tended to shy away from this stuff. But it was the biggest group, and the most serious group, in the United States for many years. After Pierce died, of course they tried to continue the group and everyone broke up into squabbling. One of the main organizers who's come out of it who's still active today is Billy Roper who's part of the Shield Wall project in Arkansas. I think there's one chapter left. The headquarters of the party still exists. There's been a bunch of legal fights with everyone engaged in lawsuits and various other physical conflicts with each other, and the group has sort of degenerated. So that's the second one, that's the National Alliance. Mike: Okay, so let's talk about–you actually mentioned this on Twitter kind of the other day–the NSPA. Spencer: The NSPA actually was another one of the early splinters that left in 1970. Led by a fellow named Michael Collin. [The name is actually Frank Collin -Mike] They were based in Chicago. They had seen or taken part in Rockwell's popular organizing in Marquette Park in the 60s, and they didn't understand why the party wouldn't follow up with that. And that's what they wanted to do. Again, there was a fighting over the headquarters building. They split off formed their own group. A very small group until they started having rallies in Marquette Park that were still resisting desegregation and attracted community support. Basically, no one wanted to side with this white community that did not want Black people to move in, and they became their champions. And part of the– The thing here is that people in the neighborhood, there were a lot of like Ukrainian immigrants, people who had been from countries that were occupied by the Nazis, who were pro-Nazi. A lot of the areas the Nazis occupied people, you know what I mean, supported them. There were a lot of people, basically, with collaborationist backgrounds, and they didn't have a problem with this. And the nazis championed their cause. And they would hold large rallies in Marquette Park. Some of them attracted thousands of people. They became most famous for the Skokie incident which apparently is being forgotten today by younger people. but was known to everybody in the United States of a certain age. The Chicago city tried to stop them from having their Marquette rallies by putting a bunch of legal barriers. They had to have a huge insurance– Had to take insurance out to do it that was unaffordable. So to get around this they threatened a march in Skokie, Illinois, which was a largely Jewish suburb, wealthy suburb. A lot of Holocaust survivors lived there. Skokie resisted them through legal means. Eventually the case went to the Supreme Court. It was in the national news for like a year or so. It started in 1977. Went to the Supreme Court. The ACLU championed it. The ACLU had been defending nazis before this but this became what they're famous for. Their most famous case. The Supreme Court upheld that local cities could not put unreasonable blocks such as insurance requirements on political groups from marching including nazis. They couldn't stop them from using particular symbols or something. They attempted to ban that. So everyone knew there were neo-nazis in America. It also made the NSPA briefly the most important nazi group, neo-nazi group in America, because at this point there was all these splinter factions from the NSWPP and were all vying to be the most important group or to set up, or attract other groups to them, or to lead coalitions of them. There were different formulations of this. They all had, you know, weird relationships with each other as they were doing this. So the NSPA, because of this lawsuit and the attention it got, became the most popular of these groups, and certainly the most well known of these groups briefly. It eclipsed even the parent party for a while. So that was probably the high point of attention of neo-nazism in America in the 70s. Although, throughout the decade, nazis would consistently make the newspapers. They were a very small movement; had maybe a thousand people in the movement in the US. It became, unlike in the 60s, newspapers, the media started to really love them. So there's tons of coverage of various nazi splinter groups in the various cities for all of their actions. There's a documentary film called California Reich. You can watch it on YouTube. We'll talk about it in a minute. It's about a group in California and such. There was lots of stuff like that. These two things weren't outliers. Mike: Okay, so– Spencer: So Collin– Oh there's a funny ending to it. Collin and his people, they started running for alderman and like city council in Chicago. Some of them did quite well, got like 16% of the vote. But quickly the party started to wane in popularity. Collin's subordinates wanted to get rid of him, so they rifled through his desk and found child porn of him with young teenage boys. They turn him in to the police. He was arrested for child molestation. It also came out his father was a Jewish man who had been in a concentration camp. So there was some real deep stuff going on here. Even though he was a successful organizer, right, against the odds. He went to jail. He was replaced by Harold Covington. We can talk about Covington if we want. He's important in the Greensboro Massacre and then died only a few years ago. Remained an organizer. And then Covington was replaced by someone else and the party frittered away. But yeah, there was a real plot twist in that one after Skokie. Mike: Okay, do you want to talk about the NSWWP? Spencer: Sure, so this was a group– This was the California leader Allen Vincent. He, like everyone else, broke off of the parent party. Founded– He was important cause he was– He wasn't a charismatic organizer, but he could attract followers, and he really liked to get in street fights just as a person. He was a good, stable organizer unlike a lot of these people. Did a lot of crazy rallies in San Francisco. So of course there were fights at his events. At one point he opened a bookstore I believe in the Sunset neighborhood of San Francisco on the same block as a synagogue that a bunch of survivors went to. His bookstore was quickly burned down. He worked with James Mason. Worked with him for a while between 1978 and 1980. Was the editor of his paper The Stormer. Briefly, after the NSPA star faded, his group became a national group. This lasted a few years and it faded away like many of these other groups. So he was well known for the documentary California Reich was filmed about his group while it was still a chapter of the NSWPP before he broke away and became the NSWWP, just to totally confuse anybody about these acronyms. Mike: The National Socialist White– Spencer: White Workers Party. The original group is the National Socialist White People's Party. His group is the National Socialist White Workers Party. Although you might think they're more of an anticapitalist group from the parent party that wasn't true. He lived quite a while through the late 90s. He popped back up in the late 90s, met Jeff Shoep who at the time was running the National Socialist Movement, and became his mentor for a brief period of time. Then he passed away. Mike: Now let's talk about the groups that exist today or the various remnants of it today. So I was going to start with Don Black and Stormfront. Spencer: So Don Black was originally in the National Socialist Youth Movement. It was sort of part of the parent party for people who were under eighteen. There were all these names of these other groups, so people didn't– Their membership card didn't say American Nazi Party or NSWPP. You know he left like many other people. Many neo-nazis, almost all neo-nazis from the 70s were in the party at least at first. That was everybody's entre into this world. So he had been involved in the Dominica debacle. This was in 1981. A group of white supremacists were hired to invade the Caribbean island of Dominica and overthrow the government. They'd made a deal with the– The leader had been deposed and they were going to allow the white supremacists to keep a base there. They were turned in, of course, by somebody, and they all went to jail including Don Black. Later however, he founded Stormfront. It was an early– It wasn't the first at all, but it became the first very popular neo-nazi website. The important thing, it had all these forums where people could have discussions. And it was publicly available, so it was easy for reporters, especially, to go look at the discussions and be able to quote from them which became very important for its visibility. And this was the biggest neo-nazi or white nationalist website really until The Daily Stormer I believe in 2016-2017. So now it's a bit– If you look at it, it's clearly a web 1.0 website and looks a little old school. But it's still the main popular site throughout the 90s and the 00s. And it's still I think for people who are probably gen X and older who are white supremacists, it's still the place that they hang out at. So it had a very important place in the– You know, nazis and other white nationalists have always had a hard time because they were locked out–especially before social media in the last few years even–they were locked out of mainstream platforms. And they need to have alternative platforms. Nazis are actually early adopters to the bbs. The first Nazi or white supremacist bbs opened in 1983. It was actually founded by a former member of Hitler Youth that moved to the United States. And so they were very early adapters to this technology because it was a way for them to get around the media block out. I mean even if they printed newspapers, they couldn't sell them at newsstands. You know even these weird tankie communist sects could sell their newspapers at least some newsstands. Mike: Right. Okay so next up, I guess his story intersects with Don Black's story. We'll talk about occasional political candidate, former Klan leader, former NSLF member David Duke. Spencer: So Duke was a member of the original college student NSLF. He essentially took it over. He was at a party conference in the early 70s, and at this conference, they said NSLF will be– The group itself is changing its name to the White Student Alliance and Duke will be the leader. And this is interesting because it shows Duke's evolution from an outright neo-nazi– He went to school in Louisiana and would go do these free speech– There was a free speech zone, and he would go sell the NSLF newspaper and give neo-nazi speeches. It was a big– You know, he was very well known on campus for this and attracted a lot of attention. There's pictures of him in a Nazi uniform demonstrating against one of the lefty Jewish lawyers Kunstler who had gone to speak at his school. He had a sign that said “Gas the Chicago Seven” who was this left leaning, it was this left leaning political trial in the late 60s. So he took over this new group, and the group kept evolving. So it's originally the National Socialist Liberation Front; then it's the White Student Alliance; then it's the White Youth Alliance; and then it's the Nationalist Party. And then he forms a Ku Klux Klan group or joins one, it's a little vague, the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. And this is important because it shows his evolution from a nazi to a kind of white nationalist youth organizer– to a white nationalist student organizer to a white nationalist youth organizer to just a white nationalist organizer. So each time the pool is rippling out, and he's trying to find the right formula that attracts the most people, from very niche to much broader. He becomes– So he forms this newfangled Klan group that doesn't wear hoods, and he's very good with media. This was sort of a new thing to have somebody appear in media who was dressed nice and could talk well, wasn't trying to– You know, Rockwell had waved swastikas in people's faces and was trying to infuriate them, and Duke was doing exactly the opposite. Became very successful. Was very young. He was still in his twenties. He was running one of the more successful Klan groups. One of the things he's remembered for today, he started a Klan Border Watch on the California border to attempt to patrol for illegal immigrants. There he was working with Tom Metzger who later became popular for other things as well as Louis Beam. These were two white supremacist leaders in the 80's who promoted armed struggle. Were the most militant leaders. Started out in Duke's Klan. And as well as Don Black. And I believe Duke married Black's ex-wife. They were all entangled in these ways. So after the Klan stuff he starts running for office in Louisiana and does quite well. And at one point is elected state representative in Louisiana in 1989. This is sort of the high point of the wave of conservatism that goes along with Reagan's reign of power from 1980 to 88, which continues with Bush I to 92. There becomes a revival of popular mainstream American racism. And sort of white flight that had started is very ensconced. There's all these racial conflicts in the late 80s and early 90s like Howard Beach and the Hasidic Jewish and Black riots in Crown Heights. So there's an incredible amount of violent racial tension in the country at the time, and so he's sort of taking advantage of this. He runs for other offices, does quite well, but can't get elected again. And then he's mostly well known for this, and it's the slow burn for the next few decades. He was at Charlottesville which was an interesting moment. To me, this was a sort of handing of the torch from from him to Richard Spencer as the mainstream white nationalist leader. That's how I saw what went on. Although, you know, they didn't actually rally at Charlottesville. The rally itself was dispersed by the police before it began. There was no speeches or ceremony which he could do this, although there was some speeches in a park later. Mike: Let's talk about the National Socialist Movement. Spencer: Yes. The NSM was yet another splinter party. It was formed in 1975 by people who again had come out of the NSWPP. Robert Brannan was its leader. They were sort of going in different directions at the same time. Some of the elements, which included James Mason as well as a guy named Greg Hurls, wanted a more pro-armed struggle line. They were very close to the NSLF. Brannan wanted a more sort of traditional thing, what was called the “uniform and demonstrate” which meant that they would get people in nazi uniforms and hold a rally in public and attract a lot of media attention. People would come and protest and that would just spur that. One of the things they did–they were based in Ohio, southern Ohio–they used to hold a “Free Rudolph Hess” rally I think for over a dozen years in Cincinnati. He was a Nazi leader. He had parachuted to Britain with the intent of creating a peace deal with the British in the early 40s I believe, and then remained imprisoned until his death. I think he committed suicide in the– I think he died in the late 80s early 90s. He lived a long time in Spandau Prison. So this group had some popularity in the early-mid 70s. There was of course splintering of this as Mason left it and went to work with Allen Vincent's group. And it remained a tiny group with one or two units until the 90s when the then-leader, second leader Clifford Harrington, recruited a teenager named Jeff Shoep. Harrington wasn't a great organizer, but he did, unlike some people, understood there was a revival in neo-nazism in the 80s and 90s through the skinhead thing and wanted to recruit nazi skinheads. Got Shoep to take the party over for him, and then Shoep grew it into the leading neo-nazi party in the United States. It had dozens of chapters in the 00s in particular. I think around 2006 was its height which is a very unusual time for it to be successful. Partly they were pulling from the rest of the movement. The National Alliance collapsed, and other groups in the movement collapsed and they were able to sort of steal their local units and absorb them. But that group still exists today. They were at Charlottesville. They make the news. They just were in the news. There was a rally in Arizona. They're the main group, if you want a nazi group that's going to go and march in uniforms or use nazi symbols–instead of the old brownshirt uniforms, they use black uniforms–and put swastikas on a flag to get attention, that's the group that will do that. So they are on their fourth leader now, Burt Colucci I believe, who like many of them just got arrested. A number of the members have murdered people over the years. A lot of people who– They're sort of the least together group. Yeah they're the kind of group that if you have some sort of countercultural affiliation, if you're not interested in being a professional organizer that you might want to join, if you're a biker, if you're like a skinhead, and if its important for you to have a card saying you belong to a nazi party and you want to yell at people in public that you're a nazi and beat your chest about that and talk about how much you love Adolf Hitler, this is the group for you. It's not a sophisticated organizing project. Mike: Alright, so you have a book in the works about this next one. Let's talk about James Mason, Universal Order, and Siege. Spencer: So I've been working on this book for a while. One day it will be done. James Mason was a teenage member of the American Nazi Party in the 1960s although he never met Rockwell. His mentor in the party was William Pierce. So he met Pierce when he was I believe sixteen years old. Pierce let Mason, who was having a hard time at home, run away from home and stay with him at the party headquarters. Taught him how to– Or got him to learn how to use a printing press which was important before computers. A lot of groups would physically produce their own newspapers themselves with their own printing presses. This helped him out since it was very difficult for nazis to find a printer that would print their publications. So he was in the American Nazi Party. He was in it as it became the NSWPP. He hung around for a while and didn't leave until later. But then he ended up starting to join these other splinter groups while staying in the party. He left in 76. By that time he had already helped form the NSM, and he had also joined secretly the NSLF. This was after Tommasi died, so under the second leader. And he was a supporter of the National Alliance. So at one point, he's a super insider who's like a member of four different neo-nazi parties. And he's always wrangling in the mid 70s as the different groups try to create– try to become the lead group or create an alliance of different groups to overtake the NSWPP. What unites them is that they all hate Koehl who's that leader. They can't do it, as I said before. The NSPA become the leader for a moment because of the Skokie incident. Mason fought with everyone. He did this thing you see from some activists who are sort of sectarian, is they get more and more theoretically specific and crankier and crankier; they fall out with more and more people until they run a project that's really just them and whoever is helping them directly. So he has a falling out with the NSM, and he joins Allen Vincent's group. Runs his newspaper, but he doesn't really like Vincent because he's not radical enough. Mason is deciding more and more that it's hopeless to do public organizing. He comes up with some very strange ideas, not just that nazis should engage in guerilla warfare, but at the time there starts to be these nazi serial killers. Nazis start doing these multiple murders, like Joseph Paul Franklin are serial killers. He killed up to 22 people. He was another former NSWPP member. Roved around he country as a sniper killing mixed race and other couples– Mixed race couples and others, Black people, Jews. And other people just start butchering people, either just doing these random murders or doing workplace massacres. One of the first of them was in New Rochelle by Fred Cowan in New Rochelle, New York. It's just north of New York City in 1977. And there's a lot of serial killers at this time. It's the height for serial killers in America. And so Mason comes up with this theory that not just is guerilla warfare good but these racially based murders are good by nazis and by others. And that the nazis can use them as an attempt to destabilize the system–he starts calling it the system–because nazis can never work through legal means to build a party that will be able to take over the system. He's like every time we try to do this, we get shut down. We either get shut down in the streets, or the courts shut us down, or just shut out of the media. That had been Rockwell's strategy was to attract media attention and build an organization. He's like, “We can't do any of that. We really don't need organization. We need mass chaos to disrupt the system, and only after the system is disrupted will nazis have a chance to take power. He eventually later on starts to praise armed radical left and Black nationalist groups who are coming into conflict with the system, which he doesn't in the 70s but he starts doing it in the 80s. So he has a falling out with Vincent. The NSLF, this is revived under its third leader in 1980, becomes public again. It had actually been absorbed into Allen Vincent's group and then it comes back out as a separate group. He restarts Siege. It's originally the NSLF newspaper. It's sort of their theoretical paper. But it's just him running it, and he's developing these ideas about how murder can be used to forward the nazi cause. Then he comes into contact with Charles Manson. Starts to promote that Manson should be the new nazi guru, just like George Lincoln Rockwell had been, just like Adolf Hitler had been. Portrays him as this spiritual racist figure. Manson had carved a swastika in his head in prison and was sympathetic. He mentions– A lot of people don't know he was extremely racist and antisemitic. This creates yet another tiff between James Mason and the people he's working with. The leader of the party at that point, the fourth leader Karl Hand, who by the way is a big fan of yours. Can I tell a story on your podcast? Mike: Yeah. Spencer: So do you know about the interest of Karl Hand in you? Mike: No. Spencer: Oh you don't? So I actually wrote– As part of this book, I'm writing people who were involved in this movement. And Karl Hand lives upstate, runs a party called the Racial Nationalist Party of America, and he was based for a long time in upstate New York. He is obsessed with you, Mike. After your appearance on Tucker Carlson, he wanted to have a fight with you. Like some sort of, go into a boxing ring, and have a fight. He's an older man now, he's in his 70s. And so I wrote him, and he sent back a whole packet of literature and it included a flier about you with a description of his attempts to contact you and arrange a fist fight with you. Mike: Huh… Spencer: So you have a fan. You have a fan. I think he said he wrote to the school you were teaching at. Anyways you have a fan in this generation of neo-nazis. And so, anyway, Hand and Mason had a falling out. In what must have been unique in the anals of– the annals? I don't know. You can see I read a lot and don't know how to say certain words. In the history of American neo-nazism, they had an amicable split. Hand actually gave Mason some money to continue Siege. So after 1982 until 1986 Siege is just run by James Mason. It's a very small. It's like a newsletter. He printed it himself. It was six pages long. There was almost no graphics in it. It had a sort of red– It doesn't– Although Mason was a talented graphic designer, I think, it was very plain. It was mostly text. It had a red banner that was it. He ran it off on his own mimeograph machine. Made like 75 copies of it. So this small newsletter that was running 75 copies will become quite influential in retrospect. He ran this till 1986. After the split with the NSLF in 1982, Mason started saying it was published by the Universal Order which directly said that Charles Manson was their spiritual leader. Although, he didn't talk about Manson that much. He never describes what Manson's supposed to do other than, they're not just a neo-nazi group. It's neo-nazism and more. It was a kind of really spiritual national socialism. Although, he's never specific about what that means. But he clearly has been enchanted by Charles Manson and essentially become a follower of him. So this sort of peters out. He becomes more and more cynical. He even gives up that these random murders are going to do anything. He doesn't think that the system will be able to be destabilized, but he does advocate–and this is what's influential today– He says, “Either you can drop out and wait through the apocalypse,” you know that's coming. He becomes convinced that the whole system is going to crumble. And this sort of pessimism is very popular in the 80s across the political spectrum. Partly driven by the Cold War and the survivalist movement. But he says, “You can hide out and wait for the end to come, and then live through it, and we'll have our chance. Or if you're going to go be a terrorist, do it with style. Do it in a way– Don't just kill somebody and be killed. Do it in a way that has panache, and that will inspire people, and that's done well. Plan it well. Don't just freak out and shoot somebody and be killed by the police.” And this philosophy is what becomes popular with Atomwaffen remnants and others today. Like these are your two options. I think it was called “Total attack or total drop out.” By 1986, he's pretty burned out, and that's the end of it. Basically in short order, his book becomes– His newsletters become found by people in the industrial music scene, by Boyd Rice, who's this industrial musician, who's still alive today, and that denies all of this stuff that happened. He recruits several other people. He's in contact with Adam Parfrey, who founded Feral House Press which is still around today; [Michael] Moynihan, who was an industrial and then neo-folk musician; and Nicholas Schreck, a Satanist who's married to Anton LaVey's daughter Zeena. They all work to promote James Mason. They start publishing him in various things. Moynihan takes the newsletters and turns them into a book.which he publishes. It's an anthology of the newsletters. He publishes them himself called Siege in 1993. It becomes a cult classic. It's promoted by this network of people. Basically it's part of the punk rock and assorted underground music and cultural scene, there was a real right wing edge to it, part of which is a predecessor to the alt-right. People like Jim Goad who was the direct inspiration for people like Gavin McInnes of the Proud Boys. There's a lot of nazi imagery circulating, so actual nazis can function in the scene, and it's never clear who's using nazi imagery ironically, or with some interest in nazism but they're not an actual nazi, and who's an actual nazi. It's very unclear, and in this confusion, they can hide, circulate their things, and get some attention. And they do get attention with this book. It gets– There are interviews and it's covered in the alternative weekly newspapers, which were very popular at the time since the internet wasn't what it is now, many which had circulation in tens of thousands in different cities. So they were able to use this network to popularize James Mason's ideas. The book goes out of print. Gets reprinted in 2003 by a fellow in Montana. And he keeps it in circulation, and then it gets picked up with the alt-right, with the Iron March platform which is a discussion board that all these contemporary terrorists, alt-right terrorist groups, neo-nazi terrorist groups come out of, Atomwaffen and others come out of. And they reprint the book yet again. It continues to be circulated as a pro-terrorism cult classic. Mike: So do you think there are any other individuals or groups worth mentioning? Spencer: There are like scattered ones. There's a guy named Rocky Suhayda, I believe is his name who runs a group called the American Nazi Party. It used to get a lot of attention because he was good at using social media and various internet media. So people could always quote him and say the American Nazi Party says X or Y. Although, he was just a random NSWPP member. Art Jones came out of the party while he was in Chicago, and he's a sort of perennial candidate there. But in 2016, the Republicans failed to run someone against him in the primary. It was in a heavily Democratic district. And so in lieu of that he became the Republican candidate for– I forget what it was, US rep or something. And he's a nazi, a Holocaust denier. And so this was all in the news, you know “How is a Holocaust denier the Republican candidate?” This had been– This was a strategy that Nazis developed in the 70s. They would run for offices. Until the late 70s, it was a much more kind of benign movement in a way, not ideologically, but in their tactics, they had not moved into this murderous terrorism phase until a little later on. And so he continues that kind of– It's actually a toolbox of tactics that go back into the 60s: doing things that are kind of publicity stunts to get attention, one of which is running for office. So briefly Jones got in the press. He was in the press again. He tried to run again in 2020, but the Republicans finally like, they put somebody up. I mean, this is the problem, parties have limited resources. If you're putting someone up just to defeat somebody else in the primary even though you know you won't win in the general, that's a waste of your resources. It shows how nazis and other white supremacists can sort of drain resources from the mainstream in an attempt to just not let them get a foothold in the various places that they're trying to– In the various little cracks they're trying to stick their fingers in. Mike: And you mentioned Harold Covington. Do you want to talk about him too? Spencer: Sure. Covington died a couple years ago but had some influence even on the alt-right. He was again a member of the NSWPP. He had taken over the NSPA from Collin after he'd gotten Collin arrested for being a child molester and exposed him as of Jewish descent. Ran that party for a bit. He was also– Some members of his party–he was in North Carolina–took part in the Greensboro massacre in 1979 where a joint group of nazis and Klansmen had killed communists who unwisely held a “Death to the Klan” march but were not prepared for what they had prodded. He ran for attorney general around the same time in North Carolina, state attorney general, and got 40% of the vote. There are a few other instances like this where neo-nazis were able to get a huge amount of votes around this time period. This is around the period where Duke's– Well Duke's elected later, I guess. So he goes to this– He does all this crazy stuff. He goes to Africa to fight in Rhodesia. He was this contentious fellow. Had falling outs with everyone. Moves to the Pacific Northwest, and becomes the last of this old guard of people who are advocating the states in the Pacific Northwest, which are overwhelmingly white, break off from the rest of the country and form a white ethnostate. His last group was called the Northwest Front which I believe still exists today. And they would both advocate this idea, try to get involved in the various– There's a regionalist/independence movement called Cascadia that wants to break some of that area off, but it wants a kind of lefty leaning, ecological state or regionalist entity, and so he tried to give that a specifically racist cast. So this created, again, a lot of these groups in the Cascadian movement, whatever you think about it (There's a lot of kooks.) they had to move and take their resources just to fight the white nationalists within their ranks, to make sure the white na– Because it was popular. You go to Portland; you see people with Cascadian flags on their porches and stuff. There's a sort of intuitive popularity for it there. So they then had to redirect resources to fight against these people, to show that they weren't racist. It might have been good in a way because it forces groups to commit to an anti-racist stance. The presence of white nationalists sometimes does shape up these majority groups to affirm anti-racism. So maybe there is a silver lining to that. Mike: Dr. Sunshine, thank you again for coming on The Nazi Lies Podcast. You can keep up to date with Dr. Sunshine's writings through his newsletter the Sonnenschein Update which you can find on his website. And you can donate to his Patreon. It's also on his website, spencersunshine.com. This has been real fun. Hope we can have you back again for a book release. Spencer: Yeah, it was great chatting with you as always, Mike. [Theme song]
Mary Brazelton's new book, Mass Vaccination: Citizens' Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell UP, 2019) could hardly be more timely. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China was in the headlines of Euro-American media as the site of the first cases of the disease. China is also centerstage in Brazelton's insightful, antiracist book—not as a source of disease but as the source of an effective and pervasive global public health strategy that other nations during the Covid-19 pandemic have strained to implement: mass vaccination. As a historian of modern China and a historian of medicine, Brazelton offers a trustworthy and well-documented account of the National Epidemic Prevention Board and its successor agencies during the republic's war-torn twentieth century. The location—and relocation—of the Board and its refugee scientists was decisive, Brazelton argues. During World War II and Japanese occupation (1937-45), the Board's labs and scientists decamped from China's coastal cities to the mountainous southwest borderland of Yunnan—exactly because the area was rugged, sparsely populated, and far from China's urban hubs. In Yunnan, scientists were not isolated, but rather set within an idiosyncratic health infrastructure and network of longstanding political rivals vying for sway in the region—including France to the south, UK to the east, the League of Nations in the capital, and everywhere indigenous rulers, who retained local authority as the Nationalist Party struggled to consolidate power in the early years of the republic. The distinctive geography, epidemiology, and communities of health knowledge in Yunnan channeled the Board's research and strategies. This regional system, developed under the banner of the national Board, became the blueprint for public health interventions for the People's Republic of China after the Communist Revolution (1949). In the 1970s because of its repressive practices, China was officially excluded from the global health community, which was dominated by Europe and the US under the World Health Organization. Yet, China's program of mass vaccination and strategy of universal primary care directly informed practices of new and nonaligned countries. Brazelton's important new book addresses a classic puzzle of biopolitics in the history of science and medicine: when and why did governing regimes build public health programs that prioritized changing people's behaviors and values (sanitation, hygiene; mask wearing, social distancing) rather than changing people's health with quick technical fixes—such as vaccination. The interview refers to the image on the book's cover (also p130) and to the important, related work of Alicia Altorfer-Ong, Ruth Rogawski, and the Connecting Three Worlds project. The conversation was a collective interview by Vanderbilt students in Laura Stark's course, American Medicine & the World. Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University's Center for Medicine, Health, and Society, and Associate Editor of the journal History & Theory. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Mary Brazelton's new book, Mass Vaccination: Citizens' Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell UP, 2019) could hardly be more timely. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China was in the headlines of Euro-American media as the site of the first cases of the disease. China is also centerstage in Brazelton's insightful, antiracist book—not as a source of disease but as the source of an effective and pervasive global public health strategy that other nations during the Covid-19 pandemic have strained to implement: mass vaccination. As a historian of modern China and a historian of medicine, Brazelton offers a trustworthy and well-documented account of the National Epidemic Prevention Board and its successor agencies during the republic's war-torn twentieth century. The location—and relocation—of the Board and its refugee scientists was decisive, Brazelton argues. During World War II and Japanese occupation (1937-45), the Board's labs and scientists decamped from China's coastal cities to the mountainous southwest borderland of Yunnan—exactly because the area was rugged, sparsely populated, and far from China's urban hubs. In Yunnan, scientists were not isolated, but rather set within an idiosyncratic health infrastructure and network of longstanding political rivals vying for sway in the region—including France to the south, UK to the east, the League of Nations in the capital, and everywhere indigenous rulers, who retained local authority as the Nationalist Party struggled to consolidate power in the early years of the republic. The distinctive geography, epidemiology, and communities of health knowledge in Yunnan channeled the Board's research and strategies. This regional system, developed under the banner of the national Board, became the blueprint for public health interventions for the People's Republic of China after the Communist Revolution (1949). In the 1970s because of its repressive practices, China was officially excluded from the global health community, which was dominated by Europe and the US under the World Health Organization. Yet, China's program of mass vaccination and strategy of universal primary care directly informed practices of new and nonaligned countries. Brazelton's important new book addresses a classic puzzle of biopolitics in the history of science and medicine: when and why did governing regimes build public health programs that prioritized changing people's behaviors and values (sanitation, hygiene; mask wearing, social distancing) rather than changing people's health with quick technical fixes—such as vaccination. The interview refers to the image on the book's cover (also p130) and to the important, related work of Alicia Altorfer-Ong, Ruth Rogawski, and the Connecting Three Worlds project. The conversation was a collective interview by Vanderbilt students in Laura Stark's course, American Medicine & the World. Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University's Center for Medicine, Health, and Society, and Associate Editor of the journal History & Theory. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/medicine
Mary Brazelton’s new book, Mass Vaccination: Citizens’ Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell UP, 2019) could hardly be more timely. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China was in the headlines of Euro-American media as the site of the first cases of the disease. China is also centerstage in Brazelton’s insightful, antiracist book—not as a source of disease but as the source of an effective and pervasive global public health strategy that other nations during the Covid-19 pandemic have strained to implement: mass vaccination. As a historian of modern China and a historian of medicine, Brazelton offers a trustworthy and well-documented account of the National Epidemic Prevention Board and its successor agencies during the republic’s war-torn twentieth century. The location—and relocation—of the Board and its refugee scientists was decisive, Brazelton argues. During World War II and Japanese occupation (1937-45), the Board’s labs and scientists decamped from China’s coastal cities to the mountainous southwest borderland of Yunnan—exactly because the area was rugged, sparsely populated, and far from China’s urban hubs. In Yunnan, scientists were not isolated, but rather set within an idiosyncratic health infrastructure and network of longstanding political rivals vying for sway in the region—including France to the south, UK to the east, the League of Nations in the capital, and everywhere indigenous rulers, who retained local authority as the Nationalist Party struggled to consolidate power in the early years of the republic. The distinctive geography, epidemiology, and communities of health knowledge in Yunnan channeled the Board’s research and strategies. This regional system, developed under the banner of the national Board, became the blueprint for public health interventions for the People’s Republic of China after the Communist Revolution (1949). In the 1970s because of its repressive practices, China was officially excluded from the global health community, which was dominated by Europe and the US under the World Health Organization. Yet, China’s program of mass vaccination and strategy of universal primary care directly informed practices of new and nonaligned countries. Brazelton’s important new book addresses a classic puzzle of biopolitics in the history of science and medicine: when and why did governing regimes build public health programs that prioritized changing people’s behaviors and values (sanitation, hygiene; mask wearing, social distancing) rather than changing people’s health with quick technical fixes—such as vaccination. The interview refers to the image on the book’s cover (also p130) and to the important, related work of Alicia Altorfer-Ong, Ruth Rogawski, and the Connecting Three Worlds project. The conversation was a collective interview by Vanderbilt students in Laura Stark’s course, American Medicine & the World. Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society, and Associate Editor of the journal History & Theory. Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies
Mary Brazelton’s new book, Mass Vaccination: Citizens’ Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell UP, 2019) could hardly be more timely. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China was in the headlines of Euro-American media as the site of the first cases of the disease. China is also centerstage in Brazelton’s insightful, antiracist book—not as a source of disease but as the source of an effective and pervasive global public health strategy that other nations during the Covid-19 pandemic have strained to implement: mass vaccination. As a historian of modern China and a historian of medicine, Brazelton offers a trustworthy and well-documented account of the National Epidemic Prevention Board and its successor agencies during the republic’s war-torn twentieth century. The location—and relocation—of the Board and its refugee scientists was decisive, Brazelton argues. During World War II and Japanese occupation (1937-45), the Board’s labs and scientists decamped from China’s coastal cities to the mountainous southwest borderland of Yunnan—exactly because the area was rugged, sparsely populated, and far from China’s urban hubs. In Yunnan, scientists were not isolated, but rather set within an idiosyncratic health infrastructure and network of longstanding political rivals vying for sway in the region—including France to the south, UK to the east, the League of Nations in the capital, and everywhere indigenous rulers, who retained local authority as the Nationalist Party struggled to consolidate power in the early years of the republic. The distinctive geography, epidemiology, and communities of health knowledge in Yunnan channeled the Board’s research and strategies. This regional system, developed under the banner of the national Board, became the blueprint for public health interventions for the People’s Republic of China after the Communist Revolution (1949). In the 1970s because of its repressive practices, China was officially excluded from the global health community, which was dominated by Europe and the US under the World Health Organization. Yet, China’s program of mass vaccination and strategy of universal primary care directly informed practices of new and nonaligned countries. Brazelton’s important new book addresses a classic puzzle of biopolitics in the history of science and medicine: when and why did governing regimes build public health programs that prioritized changing people’s behaviors and values (sanitation, hygiene; mask wearing, social distancing) rather than changing people’s health with quick technical fixes—such as vaccination. The interview refers to the image on the book’s cover (also p130) and to the important, related work of Alicia Altorfer-Ong, Ruth Rogawski, and the Connecting Three Worlds project. The conversation was a collective interview by Vanderbilt students in Laura Stark’s course, American Medicine & the World. Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society, and Associate Editor of the journal History & Theory. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/science-technology-and-society
Mary Brazelton’s new book, Mass Vaccination: Citizens’ Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell UP, 2019) could hardly be more timely. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China was in the headlines of Euro-American media as the site of the first cases of the disease. China is also centerstage in Brazelton’s insightful, antiracist book—not as a source of disease but as the source of an effective and pervasive global public health strategy that other nations during the Covid-19 pandemic have strained to implement: mass vaccination. As a historian of modern China and a historian of medicine, Brazelton offers a trustworthy and well-documented account of the National Epidemic Prevention Board and its successor agencies during the republic’s war-torn twentieth century. The location—and relocation—of the Board and its refugee scientists was decisive, Brazelton argues. During World War II and Japanese occupation (1937-45), the Board’s labs and scientists decamped from China’s coastal cities to the mountainous southwest borderland of Yunnan—exactly because the area was rugged, sparsely populated, and far from China’s urban hubs. In Yunnan, scientists were not isolated, but rather set within an idiosyncratic health infrastructure and network of longstanding political rivals vying for sway in the region—including France to the south, UK to the east, the League of Nations in the capital, and everywhere indigenous rulers, who retained local authority as the Nationalist Party struggled to consolidate power in the early years of the republic. The distinctive geography, epidemiology, and communities of health knowledge in Yunnan channeled the Board’s research and strategies. This regional system, developed under the banner of the national Board, became the blueprint for public health interventions for the People’s Republic of China after the Communist Revolution (1949). In the 1970s because of its repressive practices, China was officially excluded from the global health community, which was dominated by Europe and the US under the World Health Organization. Yet, China’s program of mass vaccination and strategy of universal primary care directly informed practices of new and nonaligned countries. Brazelton’s important new book addresses a classic puzzle of biopolitics in the history of science and medicine: when and why did governing regimes build public health programs that prioritized changing people’s behaviors and values (sanitation, hygiene; mask wearing, social distancing) rather than changing people’s health with quick technical fixes—such as vaccination. The interview refers to the image on the book’s cover (also p130) and to the important, related work of Alicia Altorfer-Ong, Ruth Rogawski, and the Connecting Three Worlds project. The conversation was a collective interview by Vanderbilt students in Laura Stark’s course, American Medicine & the World. Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society, and Associate Editor of the journal History & Theory. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Mary Brazelton’s new book, Mass Vaccination: Citizens’ Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell UP, 2019) could hardly be more timely. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China was in the headlines of Euro-American media as the site of the first cases of the disease. China is also centerstage in Brazelton’s insightful, antiracist book—not as a source of disease but as the source of an effective and pervasive global public health strategy that other nations during the Covid-19 pandemic have strained to implement: mass vaccination. As a historian of modern China and a historian of medicine, Brazelton offers a trustworthy and well-documented account of the National Epidemic Prevention Board and its successor agencies during the republic’s war-torn twentieth century. The location—and relocation—of the Board and its refugee scientists was decisive, Brazelton argues. During World War II and Japanese occupation (1937-45), the Board’s labs and scientists decamped from China’s coastal cities to the mountainous southwest borderland of Yunnan—exactly because the area was rugged, sparsely populated, and far from China’s urban hubs. In Yunnan, scientists were not isolated, but rather set within an idiosyncratic health infrastructure and network of longstanding political rivals vying for sway in the region—including France to the south, UK to the east, the League of Nations in the capital, and everywhere indigenous rulers, who retained local authority as the Nationalist Party struggled to consolidate power in the early years of the republic. The distinctive geography, epidemiology, and communities of health knowledge in Yunnan channeled the Board’s research and strategies. This regional system, developed under the banner of the national Board, became the blueprint for public health interventions for the People’s Republic of China after the Communist Revolution (1949). In the 1970s because of its repressive practices, China was officially excluded from the global health community, which was dominated by Europe and the US under the World Health Organization. Yet, China’s program of mass vaccination and strategy of universal primary care directly informed practices of new and nonaligned countries. Brazelton’s important new book addresses a classic puzzle of biopolitics in the history of science and medicine: when and why did governing regimes build public health programs that prioritized changing people’s behaviors and values (sanitation, hygiene; mask wearing, social distancing) rather than changing people’s health with quick technical fixes—such as vaccination. The interview refers to the image on the book’s cover (also p130) and to the important, related work of Alicia Altorfer-Ong, Ruth Rogawski, and the Connecting Three Worlds project. The conversation was a collective interview by Vanderbilt students in Laura Stark’s course, American Medicine & the World. Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society, and Associate Editor of the journal History & Theory. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Mary Brazelton’s new book, Mass Vaccination: Citizens’ Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell UP, 2019) could hardly be more timely. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China was in the headlines of Euro-American media as the site of the first cases of the disease. China is also centerstage in Brazelton’s insightful, antiracist book—not as a source of disease but as the source of an effective and pervasive global public health strategy that other nations during the Covid-19 pandemic have strained to implement: mass vaccination. As a historian of modern China and a historian of medicine, Brazelton offers a trustworthy and well-documented account of the National Epidemic Prevention Board and its successor agencies during the republic’s war-torn twentieth century. The location—and relocation—of the Board and its refugee scientists was decisive, Brazelton argues. During World War II and Japanese occupation (1937-45), the Board’s labs and scientists decamped from China’s coastal cities to the mountainous southwest borderland of Yunnan—exactly because the area was rugged, sparsely populated, and far from China’s urban hubs. In Yunnan, scientists were not isolated, but rather set within an idiosyncratic health infrastructure and network of longstanding political rivals vying for sway in the region—including France to the south, UK to the east, the League of Nations in the capital, and everywhere indigenous rulers, who retained local authority as the Nationalist Party struggled to consolidate power in the early years of the republic. The distinctive geography, epidemiology, and communities of health knowledge in Yunnan channeled the Board’s research and strategies. This regional system, developed under the banner of the national Board, became the blueprint for public health interventions for the People’s Republic of China after the Communist Revolution (1949). In the 1970s because of its repressive practices, China was officially excluded from the global health community, which was dominated by Europe and the US under the World Health Organization. Yet, China’s program of mass vaccination and strategy of universal primary care directly informed practices of new and nonaligned countries. Brazelton’s important new book addresses a classic puzzle of biopolitics in the history of science and medicine: when and why did governing regimes build public health programs that prioritized changing people’s behaviors and values (sanitation, hygiene; mask wearing, social distancing) rather than changing people’s health with quick technical fixes—such as vaccination. The interview refers to the image on the book’s cover (also p130) and to the important, related work of Alicia Altorfer-Ong, Ruth Rogawski, and the Connecting Three Worlds project. The conversation was a collective interview by Vanderbilt students in Laura Stark’s course, American Medicine & the World. Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society, and Associate Editor of the journal History & Theory. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies
"...That is, the intelligence arms of both the communist and the nationalist parties were single-handedly built by Li (Kenong), an underground agent of the Communist Party...This gives you an insight into the true nature of the relations between the two parties. You will no longer be fooled by the propaganda narratives about the strife between the Nationalist and the Communist Parties. To put it in plain words, the Nationalist Party and the Communist Party were the current Lebanon and Hezbollah..."
【Mark大人物】 中國國民黨國際事務部副主任兼文傳會發言人「何志勇」 The KMT's first point of contact for the global media, a baseball fan although maybe not a team of his own choosing, and the next generation of Taiwan's Kuomintang. Also, an all round nice guy to chat to. 主持訪談： Mark Buckton ｜《THE TAIWAN TIMES》總編輯 特別來賓：何志勇｜中國國民黨國際事務部副主任兼文傳會發言人 企劃宣傳：戴慈殷 後製剪接：陳奕璋 感謝您的收聽，如果喜歡我們，您可以透過以下三個方式給我們鼓勵 1. 按下「訂閱」或「追蹤」，並給予我們五星評論！ 2. 關注Instagram獲得更多國際消息 https://www.instagram.com/thetaiwantimes_tw/?hl=zh-tw 3. 請我們喝杯咖啡 https://paypal.me/thetaiwantimes 我們將繼續努力，推動台灣人與國際時事的接軌，感謝您的支持❤️ 本集音樂來源： https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bjuCLLqlGcs https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DHLUXMupjws Powered by Firstory Hosting
The Nationalist Party is reeling. Its leader, Adrian Delia, has lost the trust of most of his MPs but is refusing to give up the party leadership. In this episode, Times of Malta journalist Ivan Martin explains how the PN got here and where things may end up in the weeks to come. In part two, we speak to ultra-runner Claudio Camilleri, who's attempting to run 190km around Malta and Gozo later this month, all in the name of charity. Have an idea or story suggestion? Email us at timestalk@timesofmalta.com Find out more at https://times-talk.pinecast.co
This is the last episode on the Nanjing decade, so far we’ve covered culture, economics, feminism, and academia, and I wanted to leave this episode till last because I feel it ties all the other threads together really nicely. We’ve gotten a few glimpses of the Nationalist Party’s governance and policy formulation in a few areas, and how they tried to exert control over different areas of Chinese life, but we haven’t addressed the topic of KMT politics in and of itself. Although in recent years many aspects of the Nanjing decade have been reevaluated in a more positive light, one negative connotation that seems to have stuck is the accusation that the KMT were fascists. Although, actually the KMT themselves may not have actually viewed this as a negative label at the time. In fact, there is evidence to show that they actively strove to model themselves on other successful fascistic regimes at the time, taking inspiration from Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany in particular. So in this episode we’re going to be reviewing the evidence, taking a look at the ideology of the Nationalists, as well as examining some of their major social policies and campaigns, to see to what extent the term fascist can be applied to the Nanjing government.
Continuing with the Nanjing Decade, in this episode we look at the successes and failures of the Nationalist government with regards to the Chinese economy. While the Nationalists became increasingly interventionist and looked to ramp up their stake in the financial system, their policies hindered private businesses and failed to save the rural peasant economy. But was this period a complete failure? And can all the blame be lain at the feet of the KMT?
By 1970 Steve Biko's message and voice would be considered a threat to the Nationalist Party in South Africa. A smear campaign would be launched throughout the nation to pose him as a threat, but news reporter Donald Woods would meet Biko and start to see the truth behind his message of non violence. As the Apartheid laws started to seep through to the world, as the atrocity to human rights that it was, it would be Steve Biko that was spark the global spotlight that lead to change, and in so he would pay the ultimate price. Part 2 of 2
This episode picks up exactly where we left off in the previous episode, with Chiang Kai-shek battling with the Nationalist left and the communists for control over the revolution to overthrow the warlords and establish a unified Chinese government. This episode covers the period 1927 to 1934, we sees the KMT reunite after splitting with the Communists once and for all, and Chiang Kai-shek develop and obsession with defeating the Communists and erasing them from existence. We also see how the Communist leadership eventually comes round to the idea that the peasants may well be the future of the revolution, but unfortunately this realisation comes too late for the fledgling movement, which is forced to flee its base after being surrounded by Chiang, launching the Long March to their new base in the Northwest of China.
In this episode we will be looking at the alliance made between Sun Yat-sen's Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in an effort to defeat the warlords and reunite China under the Republican banner. Despite the tension between the left within the KMT, which allied with the CCP minority, and the conservative faction, the party was able to hold together to win major victories until a fork in the road threatens to undo the fragile alliance.This episode covers the re-building of Sun's weakened party, the preparations made by the Nationalists in their southern base in Canton, and the Northern Expedition which finally put an end to the reign of the warlords.
In this episode we will be examining the events leading up to the Chinese Civil War. The decline of the Qing Empire and China's century of Humiliation. We explore the reasons why China declined as the leading power in the world and the political instability to led to the creation of both the Nationalist Party and the Chinese Communist Party.
5 MOST UNEXPLAINED & CREEPY DISAPPEARANCES EVER When people disappear, the standard questions are often: What happened to them and Where did they go? But sometimes, there are disappearances that go way beyond that and the stories behind them can be scary and even seem outright impossible. These are the 5 Most Unexplained & Creepy Disappearances Ever. 5. Frederick McDonald During the1920s Frederick McDonald was a prominent Australian politician. Initially a teacher, he rose to prominence and soon ended up becoming the representative for the Barton Labor Party in 1922, winning against the Nationalist Party candidate. McDonald was part of the parliament for three years until he was defeated by a small margin in 1925 by Nationalist Candidate, Thomas Ley. He contested the results, admitting that Ley even tried to bribe him into quitting by offering him £2,000 dollars. 4. Granger Taylor Granger Taylor stood 6'3". He was big and burly and considered by many to be a self-taught mechanical genius. Despite dropping out of school in the 8th grade, his aptitude for building various mechanical devices and restoring old machines was impressive. At14 years old, he created a fully functional one cylinder automobile. When he turned 17, he rebuilt an old bulldozer that other professional mechanics had already given up on. By his early 20s, he trekked through the deep woods to recover a locomotive that had been abandoned during the Depression. Despite its horrible state, he hauled the remains piece by piece back to his home and restored the train to its full glory in just two years. It was bought later on by the Province of Columbia and put in a museum. His fascination with machines grew and he then bought an old Kitty Hawk plane, restored it and sold it to a collector in Manitoba for $20,000. Always looking for a challenge, he set his sights onto creating a flying saucer. 3. Jim Thompson Known as the "Thai Silk King," Jim Thompson revitalized the dead Thai silk industry into the now revered craft it is today. However, his reign ended when one day he went out for a walk and never came back. Thompson was one of the most famous American millionaires living in Asia during the 1960s. He designed a traditional Thai house right in the middle of the city. He once studied architecture at Princeton so he combined his love for traditional Thai houses along with a modern aesthetic, creating a beautiful set of structures made from durable teak wood. His home was decorated with his extensive antiques collection and so today The home remains one of the most famous tourist attractions in Thailand. 2. Ray Gricar Twelve years ago, district attorney of Centre County in Pennsylvania, Ray Gricar took a day off, went for a drive and never came back home. Ray had served as DA for the county from 1985 to 2001 and During his tenure, he handled several well-known cases but the most famous was his involvement in the Jerry Sandusky case. In his personal life, Ray was famously private. However, he was a charmer and known womanizer. He had been married and divorced twice and had an adopted daughter named Lara, with his first wife. At the time of his disappearance, he was living with his girlfriend, Patty Fornicola. 1. Diane Augat On April 10, 1998, 40 year old Diane Augat was seen walking away from her home in Florida at around 11:00 AM. The next day she was walking along route U.S 19, and that was the last time anyone ever saw her. On April 13, Diane called her mother's home but no one was there to pick up so it went to the answering machine. On the message, Diane could be heard seemingly struggling with someone trying to grab the phone away. She was heard saying, "Help, help, let me out." And then she was heard saying, "Hey, gimme that" right before the call ended. When the call was traced, it led to a business called Starlight but when her mother called back, no one answered.
5 MOST UNEXPLAINED & CREEPY DISAPPEARANCES EVER When people disappear, the standard questions are often: What happened to them and Where did they go? But sometimes, there are disappearances that go way beyond that and the stories behind them can be scary and even seem outright impossible. These are the 5 Most Unexplained & Creepy Disappearances Ever. 5. Frederick McDonald During the1920s Frederick McDonald was a prominent Australian politician. Initially a teacher, he rose to prominence and soon ended up becoming the representative for the Barton Labor Party in 1922, winning against the Nationalist Party candidate. McDonald was part of the parliament for three years until he was defeated by a small margin in 1925 by Nationalist Candidate, Thomas Ley. He contested the results, admitting that Ley even tried to bribe him into quitting by offering him £2,000 dollars. 4. Granger Taylor Granger Taylor stood 6'3". He was big and burly and considered by many to be a self-taught mechanical genius. Despite dropping out of school in the 8th grade, his aptitude for building various mechanical devices and restoring old machines was impressive. At14 years old, he created a fully functional one cylinder automobile. When he turned 17, he rebuilt an old bulldozer that other professional mechanics had already given up on. By his early 20s, he trekked through the deep woods to recover a locomotive that had been abandoned during the Depression. Despite its horrible state, he hauled the remains piece by piece back to his home and restored the train to its full glory in just two years. It was bought later on by the Province of Columbia and put in a museum. His fascination with machines grew and he then bought an old Kitty Hawk plane, restored it and sold it to a collector in Manitoba for $20,000. Always looking for a challenge, he set his sights onto creating a flying saucer. 3. Jim Thompson Known as the "Thai Silk King," Jim Thompson revitalized the dead Thai silk industry into the now revered craft it is today. However, his reign ended when one day he went out for a walk and never came back. Thompson was one of the most famous American millionaires living in Asia during the 1960s. He designed a traditional Thai house right in the middle of the city. He once studied architecture at Princeton so he combined his love for traditional Thai houses along with a modern aesthetic, creating a beautiful set of structures made from durable teak wood. His home was decorated with his extensive antiques collection and so today The home remains one of the most famous tourist attractions in Thailand. 2. Ray Gricar Twelve years ago, district attorney of Centre County in Pennsylvania, Ray Gricar took a day off, went for a drive and never came back home. Ray had served as DA for the county from 1985 to 2001 and During his tenure, he handled several well-known cases but the most famous was his involvement in the Jerry Sandusky case. In his personal life, Ray was famously private. However, he was a charmer and known womanizer. He had been married and divorced twice and had an adopted daughter named Lara, with his first wife. At the time of his disappearance, he was living with his girlfriend, Patty Fornicola. 1. Diane Augat On April 10, 1998, 40 year old Diane Augat was seen walking away from her home in Florida at around 11:00 AM. The next day she was walking along route U.S 19, and that was the last time anyone ever saw her. On April 13, Diane called her mother's home but no one was there to pick up so it went to the answering machine. On the message, Diane could be heard seemingly struggling with someone trying to grab the phone away. She was heard saying, "Help, help, let me out." And then she was heard saying, "Hey, gimme that" right before the call ended. When the call was traced, it led to a business called Starlight but when her mother called back, no one answered.
Humanitas Visiting Professor in Chinese Studies 2012-13 The Humanitas Chair in Chinese Studies has been made possible by the generous support of Sir David Tan. Professor Chen Yung-fa Chen Yung-fa (Modern History Institute of the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan) will give a series of three public lectures on The Meaning of the Chinese Communist Revolution and participate in a concluding symposium. The first lecture is Maoist Rectification during Wartime. Abstract During the civil war (1946-1949), Chiang Kaishek read the 22 rectification documents, including those written by Mao Zedong, that served as keynote speeches for the Communist campaigns aiming to reform Party cadres and make them conform to the ideal model of a Communist Party member. Chiang found the documents so beneficial and exciting that he even intended to urge his cadres to study them. This essay shows the discrepancies between the 22 documents and the actual political campaigns the Communist Party undertook partly on the basis of those documents in Yanan in the 1940s. The Communist campaigns that centered on the 22 documents are reexamined from three angles: the intraparty struggle among top leaders from 1940 to 1945; the intensifying cadre screening campaign among all cadres from 1941 to 1943; and the anti-traitor campaigns that aimed at uncovering those who were not supportive or not sufficiently supportive of the Party from 1943 to 1945. Through the reconstitution of the Communist practice of the rectification campaigns, I argue that even if he intended to duplicate Mao’s rectification efforts, Chiang could not make any headway, because of the differences between himself and Mao, and the Nationalist Party and the Communist Party.
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