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Last time we spoke about the fall of Wuhan. In a country frayed by war, the Yangtze became a pulsing artery, carrying both hunger and hope. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan to the last man, or flood the rivers to buy time. He chose both, setting sullen floodwaters loose along the Yellow River to slow the invaders, a temporary mercy that spared some lives while ripping many from their homes. On the river's banks, a plethora of Chinese forces struggled to unite. The NRA, fractured into rival zones, clung to lines with stubborn grit as Japanese forces poured through Anqing, Jiujiang, and beyond, turning the Yangtze into a deadly corridor. Madang's fortifications withstood bombardment and gas, yet the price was paid in troops and civilians drowned or displaced. Commanders like Xue Yue wrestled stubbornly for every foothold, every bend in the river. The Battle of Wanjialing became a symbol: a desperate, months-long pincer where Chinese divisions finally tightened their cordon and halted the enemy's flow. By autumn, the Japanese pressed onward to seize Tianjiazhen and cut supply lines, while Guangzhou fell to a ruthless blockade. The Fall of Wuhan loomed inevitable, yet the story remained one of fierce endurance against overwhelming odds.   #174 The Changsha Fire Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the summer of 1938, amid the upheaval surrounding Chiang Kai-shek, one of his most important alliances came to an end. On June 22, all German advisers to the Nationalist government were summoned back; any who refused would be deemed guilty of high treason. Since World War I, a peculiar bond had tied the German Weimar Republic and China: two fledgling states, both weak and only partially sovereign. Under the Versailles Treaty of 1919, Germany had lost extraterritorial rights on Chinese soil, which paradoxically allowed Berlin to engage with China as an equal partner rather than a traditional colonizer. This made German interests more welcome in business and politics than those of other Western powers. Chiang's military reorganization depended on German officers such as von Seeckt and von Falkenhausen, and Hitler's rise in 1933 had not immediately severed the connection between the two countries. Chiang did not share Nazi ideology with Germany, but he viewed Berlin as a potential ally and pressed to persuade it to side with China rather than Japan as China's principal East Asian, anti-Communist partner. In June 1937, H. H. Kung led a delegation to Berlin, met Hitler, and argued for an alliance with China. Yet the outbreak of war and the Nationalists' retreat to Wuhan convinced Hitler's government to align with Japan, resulting in the recall of all German advisers. Chiang responded with a speech praising von Falkenhausen, insisting that "our friend's enemy is our enemy too," and lauding the German Army's loyalty and ethics as a model for the Chinese forces. He added, "After we have won the War of Resistance, I believe you'll want to come back to the Far East and advise our country again." Von Falkenhausen would later become the governor of Nazi-occupied Belgium, then be lauded after the war for secretly saving many Jewish lives. As the Germans departed, the roof of the train transporting them bore a prominent German flag with a swastika, a prudent precaution given Wuhan's vulnerability to air bombardment. The Japanese were tightening their grip on the city, even as Chinese forces, numbering around 800,000, made a stubborn stand. The Yellow River floods blocked northern access, so the Japanese chose to advance via the Yangtze, aided by roughly nine divisions and the might of the Imperial Navy. The Chinese fought bravely, but their defenses could not withstand the superior technology of the Japanese fleet. The only substantial external aid came from Soviet pilots flying aircraft bought from the USSR as part of Stalin's effort to keep China in the war; between 1938 and 1940, some 2,000 pilots offered their services. From June 24 to 27, Japanese bombers relentlessly pounded the Madang fortress along the Yangtze until it fell. A month later, on July 26, Chinese defenders abandoned Jiujiang, southeast of Wuhan, and its civilian population endured a wave of atrocities at the hands of the invaders. News of Jiujiang's fate stiffened resolve. Chiang delivered a pointed address to his troops on July 31, arguing that Wuhan's defense was essential and that losing the city would split the country into hostile halves, complicating logistics and movement. He warned that Wuhan's defense would also be a spiritual test: "the place has deep revolutionary ties," and public sympathy for China's plight was growing as Japanese atrocities became known. Yet Chiang worried about the behavior of Chinese soldiers. He condemned looting as a suicidal act that would destroy the citizens' trust in the military. Commanders, he warned, must stay at their posts; the memory of the Madang debacle underscored the consequences of cowardice. Unlike Shanghai, Wuhan had shelters, but he cautioned against retreating into them and leaving soldiers exposed. Officers who failed in loyalty could expect no support in return. This pep talk, combined with the belief that the army was making a last stand, may have slowed the Japanese advance along the Yangtze in August. Under General Xue Yue, about 100,000 Chinese troops pushed back the invaders at Huangmei. At Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with poison gas finally forcing Japanese victory. Yet even then, Chinese generals struggled to coordinate. In Xinyang, Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted; they expected relief from Hu Zongnan's forces, but Hu instead withdrew, allowing Japan to capture the city without a fight. The fall of Xinyang enabled Japanese control of the Ping-Han railway, signaling Wuhan's doom. Chiang again spoke to Wuhan's defenders, balancing encouragement with a grim realism about possible loss. Although Wuhan's international connections were substantial, foreign aid would be unlikely. If evacuation became necessary, the army should have a clear plan, including designated routes. He recalled the disastrous December retreat from Nanjing, where "foreigners and Chinese alike turned it into an empty city." Troops had been tired and outnumbered; Chiang defended the decision to defend Nanjing, insisting the army had sacrificed itself for the capital and Sun Yat-sen's tomb. Were the army to retreat again, he warned, it would be the greatest shame in five thousand years of Chinese history. The loss of Madang was another humiliation. By defending Wuhan, he argued, China could avenge its fallen comrades and cleanse its conscience; otherwise, it could not honor its martyrs. Mao Zedong, observing the situation from his far-off base at Yan'an, agreed strongly that Chiang should not defend Wuhan to the death. He warned in mid-October that if Wuhan could not be defended, the war's trajectory would shift, potentially strengthening the Nationalists–Communists cooperation, deepening popular mobilization, and expanding guerrilla warfare. The defense of Wuhan, Mao argued, should drain the enemy and buy time to advance the broader struggle, not become a doomed stalemate. In a protracted war, some strongholds might be abandoned temporarily to sustain the longer fight. The Japanese Army captured Wuchang and Hankou on 26 October and captured Hanyang on the 27th, which concluded the campaign in Wuhan. The battle had lasted four and a half months and ended with the Nationalist army's voluntary withdrawal. In the battle itself, the Japanese army captured Wuhan's three towns and held the heartland of China, achieving a tactical victory. Yet strategically, Japan failed to meet its objectives. Imperial Headquarters believed that "capturing Hankou and Guangzhou would allow them to dominate China." Consequently, the Imperial Conference planned the Battle of Wuhan to seize Wuhan quickly and compel the Chinese government to surrender. It also decreed that "national forces should be concentrated to achieve the war objectives within a year and end the war against China." According to Yoshiaki Yoshimi and Seiya Matsuno, Hirohito authorized the use of chemical weapons against China by specific orders known as rinsanmei. During the Battle of Wuhan, Prince Kan'in Kotohito transmitted the emperor's orders to deploy toxic gas 375 times between August and October 1938. Another memorandum uncovered by Yoshimi indicates that Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni authorized the use of poison gas against the Chinese on 16 August 1938. A League of Nations resolution adopted on 14 May condemned the Imperial Japanese Army's use of toxic gas. Japan's heavy use of chemical weapons against China was driven by manpower shortages and China's lack of poison gas stockpiles to retaliate. Poison gas was employed at Hankou in the Battle of Wuhan to break Chinese resistance after conventional assaults had failed. Rana Mitter notes that, under General Xue Yue, approximately 100,000 Chinese troops halted Japanese advances at Huangmei, and at the fortress of Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with Japanese victory secured only through the use of poison gas. Chinese generals also struggled with coordination at Xinyang; Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted, and Hu Zongnan's forces, believed to be coming to relieve them, instead withdrew. Japan subsequently used poison gas against Chinese Muslim forces at the Battle of Wuyuan and the Battle of West Suiyuan. However, the Chinese government did not surrender with the loss of Wuhan and Guangzhou, nor did Japan's invasion end with Wuhan and Guangzhou's capture. After Wuhan fell, the government issued a reaffirmation: "Temporary changes of advance and retreat will not shake our resolve to resist the Japanese invasion," and "the gain or loss of any city will not affect the overall situation of the war." It pledged to "fight with even greater sorrow, greater perseverance, greater steadfastness, greater diligence, and greater courage," dedicating itself to a long, comprehensive war of resistance. In the Japanese-occupied rear areas, large armed anti-Japanese forces grew, and substantial tracts of territory were recovered. As the Japanese army themselves acknowledged, "the restoration of public security in the occupied areas was actually limited to a few kilometers on both sides of the main transportation lines." Thus, the Battle of Wuhan did not merely inflict a further strategic defeat on Japan; it also marked a turning point in Japan's strategic posture, from offense to defense. Due to the Nationalist Army's resolute resistance, Japan mobilized its largest force to date for the attack, about 250,000 personnel, who were replenished four to five times over the battle, for a total of roughly 300,000. The invaders held clear advantages in land, sea, and air power and fought for four and a half months. Yet they failed to annihilate the Nationalist main force, nor did they break the will to resist or the army's combat effectiveness. Instead, the campaign dealt a severe blow to the Japanese Army's vitality. Japanese-cited casualties totaled 4,506 dead and 17,380 wounded for the 11th Army; the 2nd Army suffered 2,300 killed in action, 7,600 wounded, and 900 died of disease. Including casualties across the navy and the air force, the overall toll was about 35,500. By contrast, the Nationalist Government Military Commission's General Staff Department, drawing on unit-level reports, calculated Japanese casualties at 256,000. The discrepancy between Japanese and Nationalist tallies illustrates the inflationary tendencies of each side's reporting. Following Wuhan, a weakened Japanese force confronted an extended front. Unable to mount large-scale strategic offensives, unlike Shanghai, Xuzhou, or Wuhan itself, the Japanese to a greater extent adopted a defensive posture. This transition shifted China's War of Resistance from a strategic defensive phase into a strategic stalemate, while the invaders found themselves caught in a protracted war—a development they most disliked. Consequently, Japan's invasion strategy pivoted: away from primary frontal offensives toward a greater reliance on political inducements with secondary military action, and toward diverting forces to "security" operations behind enemy lines rather than pushing decisive frontal campaigns. Japan, an island nation with limited strategic resources, depended heavily on imports. By the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, Japan's gold reserves,including reserves for issuing banknotes, amounted to only about 1.35 billion yen. In effect, Japan's currency reserves constrained the scale of the war from the outset. The country launched its aggression while seeking an early solution to the conflict. To sustain its war of aggression against China, the total value of military supplies imported from overseas in 1937 reached approximately 960 million yen. By June of the following year, for the Battle of Wuhan, even rifles used in training were recalled to outfit the expanding army. The sustained increase in troops also strained domestic labor, food, and energy supplies. By 1939, after Wuhan, Japan's military expenditure had climbed to about 6.156 billion yen, far exceeding national reserves. This stark reality exposed Japan's economic fragility and its inability to guarantee a steady supply of military materiel, increasing pressure on the leadership at the Central Command. The Chief of Staff and the Minister of War lamented the mismatch between outward strength and underlying weakness: "Outwardly strong but weak is a reflection of our country today, and this will not last long." In sum, the Wuhan campaign coincided with a decline in the organization, equipment, and combat effectiveness of the Japanese army compared with before the battle. This erosion of capability helped drive Japan to alter its political and military strategy, shifting toward a method of inflicting pressure on China and attempting to "use China to control China", that is, fighting in ways designed to sustain the broader war effort. Tragically a major element of Chiang Kai-shek's retreat strategy was the age-old "scorched earth" policy. In fact, China originated the phrase and the practice. Shanghai escaped the last-minute torching because of foreigners whose property rights were protected. But in Nanjing, the burning and destruction began with increasing zeal. What could not be moved inland, such as remaining rice stocks, oil in tanks, and other facilities, was to be blown up or devastated. Civilians were told to follow the army inland, to rebuild later behind the natural barrier of Sichuan terrain. Many urban residents complied, but the peasantry did not embrace the plan. The scorched-earth policy served as powerful propaganda for the occupying Japanese army and, even more so, for the Reds. Yet they could hardly have foreseen the propaganda that Changsha would soon supply them. In June, the Changsha Evacuation Guidance Office was established to coordinate land and water evacuation routes. By the end of October, Wuhan's three towns had fallen, and on November 10 the Japanese army captured Yueyang, turning Changsha into the next primary invasion target. Beginning on October 9, Japanese aircraft intensified from sporadic raids on Changsha to large-scale bombing. On October 27, the Changsha Municipal Government urgently evacuated all residents, exempting only able-bodied men, the elderly, the weak, women, and children. The baojia system was mobilized to go door-to-door, enforcing compliance. On November 7, Chiang Kai-shek convened a military meeting at Rongyuan Garden to review the war plan and finalize a "scorched earth war of resistance." Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, drafted the detailed implementation plan. On November 10, Shi Guoji, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, presided over a joint meeting of Changsha's party, government, military, police, and civilian organizations to devise a strategy. The Changsha Destruction Command was immediately established, bringing together district commanders and several arson squads. The command actively prepared arson equipment and stacked flammable materials along major traffic arteries. Chiang decided that the city of Changsha was vulnerable and either gave the impression or the direct order, honestly really depends on the source your reading, to burn the city to the ground to prevent it falling to the enemy. At 9:00 AM on November 12, Chiang Kai-shek telegraphed Zhang Zhizhong: "One hour to arrive, Chairman Zhang, Changsha, confidential. If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned. Please make thorough preparations in advance and do not delay." And here it seems a game of broken telephone sort of resulted in one of the worst fire disasters of all time. If your asking pro Chiang sources, the message was clearly, put up a defense, once thats fallen, burn the city down before the Japanese enter. Obviously this was to account for getting civilians out safely and so forth. If you read lets call it more modern CPP aligned sources, its the opposite. Chiang intentionally ordering the city to burn down as fast as possible, but in through my research, I think it was a colossal miscommunication. Regardless Zhongzheng Wen, Minister of the Interior, echoed the message. Simultaneously, Lin Wei, Deputy Director of Chiang Kai-shek's Secretariat, instructed Zhang Zhizhong by long-distance telephone: "If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned." Zhang summoned Feng Ti, Commander of the Provincial Capital Garrison, and Xu Quan, Director of the Provincial Security Bureau, to outline arson procedures. He designated the Garrison Command to shoulder the preparations, with the Security Bureau assisting. At 4:00 PM, Zhang appointed Xu Kun, Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment, as chief commander of the arson operation, with Wang Weining, Captain of the Social Training Corps, and Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Garrison Command, as deputies. At 6:00 PM, the Garrison Command held an emergency meeting ordering all government agencies and organizations in the city to be ready for evacuation at any moment. By around 10:15 PM, all urban police posts had withdrawn. Around 2:00 AM (November 13), a false report circulated that "Japanese troops have reached Xinhe" . Firefighters stationed at various locations rushed out with kerosene-fueled devices, burning everything in sight, shops and houses alike. In an instant, Changsha became a sea of flames. The blaze raged for 72 hours. The Hunan Province Anti-Japanese War Loss Statistics, compiled by the Hunan Provincial Government Statistics Office of the Kuomintang, report that the fire inflicted economic losses of more than 1 billion yuan, a sum equivalent to about 1.7 trillion yuan after the victory in the war. This figure represented roughly 43% of Changsha's total economic value at the time. Regarding casualties, contemporary sources provide varying figures. A Xinhua Daily report from November 20, 1938 noted that authorities mobilized manpower to bury more than 600 bodies, though the total number of burned remains could not be precisely counted. A Central News Agency reporter on November 19 stated that in the Xiangyuan fire, more than 2,000 residents could not escape, and most of the bodies had already been buried. There are further claims that in the Changsha Fire, more than 20,000 residents were burned to death. In terms of displacement, Changsha's population before the fire was about 300,000, and by November 12, 90% had been evacuated. After the fire, authorities registered 124,000 victims, including 815 orphans sheltered in Lito and Maosgang.  Building damage constituted the other major dimension of the catastrophe, with the greatest losses occurring to residential houses, shops, schools, factories, government offices, banks, hospitals, newspaper offices, warehouses, and cultural and entertainment venues, as well as numerous historic buildings such as palaces, temples, private gardens, and the former residences of notable figures; among these, residential and commercial structures suffered the most, followed by factories and schools. Inspector Gao Yihan, who conducted a post-fire investigation, observed that the prosperous areas within Changsha's ring road, including Nanzheng Street and Bajiaoting, were almost completely destroyed, and in other major markets only a handful of shops remained, leading to an overall estimate that surviving or stalemated houses were likely less than 20%. Housing and street data from the early post-liberation period reveal that Changsha had more than 1,100 streets and alleys; of these, more than 690 were completely burned and more than 330 had fewer than five surviving houses, accounting for about 29%, with nearly 90% of the city's streets severely damaged. More than 440 streets were not completely destroyed, but among these, over 190 had only one or two houses remaining and over 130 had only three or four houses remaining; about 60 streets, roughly 6% had 30 to 40 surviving houses, around 30 streets, 3% had 11 to 20 houses, 10 streets, 1% had 21 to 30 houses, and three streets ) had more than 30 houses remaining. Housing statistics from 1952 show that 2,538 houses survived the fire, about 6.57% of the city's total housing stock, with private houses totaling 305,800 square meters and public houses 537,900 square meters. By 1956, the surviving area of both private and public housing totaled 843,700 square meters, roughly 12.3% of the city's total housing area at that time. Alongside these losses, all equipment, materials, funds, goods, books, archives, antiques, and cultural relics that had not been moved were also destroyed.  At the time of the Changsha Fire, Zhou Enlai, then Deputy Minister of the Political Department of the Nationalist Government's Military Commission, was in Changsha alongside Ye Jianying, Guo Moruo, and others. On November 12, 1938, Zhou Enlai attended a meeting held by Changsha cultural groups at Changsha Normal School to commemorate Sun Yat-sen's 72nd birthday. Guo Moruo later recalled that Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying were awakened by the blaze that night; they each carried a suitcase and evacuated to Xiangtan, with Zhou reportedly displaying considerable indignation at the sudden, unprovoked fire. On the 16th, Zhou Enlai rushed back to Changsha and, together with Chen Cheng, Zhang Zhizhong, and others, inspected the disaster. He mobilized personnel from three departments, with Tian Han and Guo Moruo at the forefront, to form the Changsha Fire Aftermath Task Force, which began debris clearance, care for the injured, and the establishment of soup kitchens. A few days later, on the 22nd, the Hunan Provincial Government established the Changsha Fire Temporary Relief Committee to coordinate relief efforts.  On the night of November 16, 1938, Chiang Kai-shek arrived in Changsha and, the next day, ascended Tianxin Pavilion. Sha Wei, head of the Cultural Relics Section of the Changsha Tianxin Pavilion Park Management Office, and a long-time researcher of the pavilion, explained that documentation indicates Chiang Kai-shek, upon seeing the city largely reduced to scorched earth with little left intact, grew visibly angry. After descending from Tianxin Pavilion, Chiang immediately ordered the arrest of Changsha Garrison Commander Feng Ti, Changsha Police Chief Wen Chongfu, and Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment Xu Kun, and arranged a military trial with a two-day deadline. The interrogation began at 7:00 a.m. on November 18. Liang Xiaojin records that Xu Kun and Wen Chongfu insisted their actions followed orders from the Security Command, while Feng Ti admitted negligence and violations of procedure, calling his acts unforgivable. The trial found Feng Ti to be the principal offender, with Wen Chongfu and Xu Kun as accomplices, and sentenced all three to prison terms of varying lengths. The verdict was sent to Chiang Kai-shek for approval, who was deeply dissatisfied and personally annotated the drafts: he asserted that Feng Ti, as the city's security head, was negligent and must be shot immediately; Wen Chongfu, as police chief, disobeyed orders and fled, and must be shot immediately; Xu Kun, for neglect of duty, must be shot immediately. The court then altered the arson charge in the verdict to "insulting his duty and harming the people" in line with Chiang's instructions. Chiang Kai-shek, citing "failure to supervise personnel and precautions," dismissed Zhang from his post, though he remained in office to oversee aftermath operations. Zhang Zhizhong later recalled Chiang Kai-shek's response after addressing the Changsha fire: a pointed admission that the fundamental cause lay not with a single individual but with the collective leadership's mistakes, and that the error must be acknowledged as a collective failure. All eyes now shifted to the new center of resistance, Chongqing, the temporary capital. Chiang's "Free China" no longer meant the whole country; it now encompassed Sichuan, Hunan, and Henan, but not Jiangsu or Zhejiang. The eastern provinces were effectively lost, along with China's major customs revenues, the country's most fertile regions, and its most advanced infrastructure. The center of political gravity moved far to the west, into a country the Nationalists had never controlled, where everything was unfamiliar and unpredictable, from topography and dialects to diets. On the map, it might have seemed that Chiang still ruled much of China, but vast swaths of the north and northwest were sparsely populated; most of China's population lay in the east and south, where Nationalist control was either gone or held only precariously. The combined pressures of events and returning travelers were gradually shifting American attitudes toward the Japanese incident. Europe remained largely indifferent, with Hitler absorbing most attention, but the United States began to worry about developments in the Pacific. Roosevelt initiated a January 1939 appeal to raise a million dollars for Chinese civilians in distress, and the response quickly materialized. While the Chinese did not expect direct intervention, they hoped to deter further American economic cooperation with Japan and to halt Japan's purchases of scrap iron, oil, gasoline, shipping, and, above all, weapons from the United States. Public opinion in America was sufficiently stirred to sustain a campaign against silk stockings, a symbolic gesture of boycott that achieved limited effect; Japan nonetheless continued to procure strategic materials. Within this chorus, the left remained a persistent but often discordant ally to the Nationalists. The Institute of Pacific Relations, sympathetic to communist aims, urged America to act, pressuring policymakers and sounding alarms about China. Yet the party line remained firmly pro-Chiang Kai-shek: the Japanese advance seemed too rapid and threatening to the Reds' interests. Most oil and iron debates stalled; American businessmen resented British trade ties with Japan, and Britain refused to join any mutual cutoff, arguing that the Western powers were not at war with Japan. What occurred in China was still commonly referred to in Western diplomatic circles as "the Incident." Wang Jingwei's would make his final defection, yes in a long ass history of defections. Mr Wang Jingwei had been very busy traveling to Guangzhou, then Northwest to speak with Feng Yuxiang, many telegrams went back and forth. He returned to the Nationalist government showing his face to foreign presses and so forth. While other prominent rivals of Chiang, Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, and others, rallied when they perceived Japan as a real threat; all did so except Wang Jingwei. Wang, who had long believed himself the natural heir to Sun Yat-sen and who had repeatedly sought to ascend to power, seemed willing to cooperate with Japan if it served his own aims. I will just say it, Wang Jingwei was a rat. He had always been a rat, never changed. Opinions on Chiang Kai-Shek vary, but I think almost everyone can agree Wang Jingwei was one of the worst characters of this time period. Now Wang Jingwei could not distinguish between allies and enemies and was prepared to accept help from whomever offered it, believing he could outmaneuver Tokyo when necessary. Friends in Shanghai and abroad whispered that it was not too late to influence events, arguing that the broader struggle was not merely China versus Japan but a clash between principled leaders and a tyrannical, self-serving clique, Western imperialism's apologists who needed Chiang removed. For a time Wang drifted within the Kuomintang, moving between Nanjing, Wuhan, Changsha, and Chongqing, maintaining discreet lines of communication with his confidants. The Japanese faced a governance problem typical of conquerors who possess conquered territory: how to rule effectively while continuing the war. They imagined Asia under Japanese-led leadership, an East Asia united by a shared Co-Prosperity Sphere but divided by traditional borders. To sustain this vision, they sought local leaders who could cooperate. The search yielded few viable options; would-be collaborators were soon assassinated, proved incompetent, or proved corrupt. The Japanese concluded it would require more time and education. In the end, Wang Jingwei emerged as a preferred figure. Chongqing, meanwhile, seemed surprised by Wang's ascent. He had moved west to Chengde, then to Kunming, attempted, and failed to win over Yunnan's warlords, and eventually proceeded to Hanoi in Indochina, arriving in Hong Kong by year's end. He sent Chiang Kai-shek a telegram suggesting acceptance of Konoe's terms for peace, which Chungking rejected. In time, Wang would establish his own Kuomintang faction in Shanghai, combining rigorous administration with pervasive secret-police activity characteristic of occupied regimes. By 1940, he would be formally installed as "Chairman of China." But that is a story for another episode.  In the north, the Japanese and the CCP were locked in an uneasy stalemate. Mao's army could make it impossible for the Japanese to hold deep countryside far from the railway lines that enabled mass troop movement into China's interior. Yet the Communists could not defeat the occupiers. In the dark days of October 1938—fifteen months after the war began—one constant remained. Observers (Chinese businessmen, British diplomats, Japanese generals) repeatedly predicted that each new disaster would signal the end of Chinese resistance and force a swift surrender, or at least a negotiated settlement in which the government would accept harsher terms from Tokyo. But even after defenders were expelled from Shanghai, Nanjing, and Wuhan, despite the terrifying might Japan had brought to bear on Chinese resistance, and despite the invader's manpower, technology, and resources, China continued to fight. Yet it fought alone. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In a land shredded by war, Wuhan burned under brutal sieges, then Changsha followed, a cruel blaze born of orders and miscommunications. Leaders wrestled with retreat, scorched-earth vows, and moral debts as Japanese force and Chinese resilience clashed for months. Mao urged strategy over martyrdom, Wang Jingwei's scheming shadow loomed, and Chongqing rose as the westward beacon. Yet China endured, a stubborn flame refusing to surrender to the coming storm. The war stretched on, unfinished and unyielding.

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Cześć! Czy Kaliningrad mógł być litewski? Teoretycznie – tak, przynajmniej jeśli spojrzeć na mapę. Sowiecka enklawa nad Bałtykiem wciśnięta jest między Polskę a Litwę. W praktyce jednak Stalin nie zamierzał przekazywać kontroli nad tym obszarem żadnej innej republice. Kaliningrad miał pozostać rosyjski – jako kluczowa baza sowieckiej marynarki wojennej na Bałtyku.Litwini, szczególnie ci na emigracji, wielokrotnie podnosili temat przynależności terytorium dawnej tzw. Małej Litwy, której część pokrywa się z granicami dzisiejszego obwodu. Państwa zachodnie jednak niespecjalnie były zainteresowane wspieraniem litewskich roszczeń.Sytuacja zaczęła się zmieniać dopiero po śmierci Stalina. Nikita Chruszczow, chcąc zyskać przychylność poszczególnych republik, rozpoczął serię korekt granicznych w obrębie Związku Radzieckiego. W ten sposób Krym trafił pod administrację Kijowa, a przesunięcia granic objęły również republiki kazachską i rosyjską. W planach pojawiły się także zmiany na granicy Litwy i obwodu kaliningradzkiego.Więcej na ten temat opowiadam w najnowszym odcinku serii Powojnie.

Los aficionados a las ucronias suelen afirmar que, si Hitler hubiera entrado en la Academia de Bellas Artes, hoy no habria documentales de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Y si Churchill no hubiera suspendido el examen militar y hubiera acabado en un cuartel remoto, lo mismo hoy hablariamos aleman. De igual manera, si Stalin hubiera seguido en el seminario, habria sido sacerdote en Georgia y no habria habido gulag. Quien sabe lo que habria pasado si Napoleon hubiera acabado como notario en Corcega, si Lenin hubiera conseguido un empleo en Zurich o si Mao hubiera triunfado en la poesia...Salvando las distancias, muchos nos hemos preguntado que habria sucedido si Marengo, el grupo de musica melodica en el que Carlos Mazon era vocalista, hubiera sido seleccionado para Eurovision, evento al que concurrio sin lograr clasificarse; que hubiera sucedido si finalmente se hubiera consolidado en los escenarios...Dice Jabois que lo unico que se recordara dentro de cien anos sera la factura del Ventorro y el paseo por el parking. Seguramente ni eso. A lo mejor dentro de cien anos nadie recuerda ni lo que era un parking. Pero hay algo que si perdura: la certeza de que lo peor que puede decirse de un politico cuando todo se ha dicho es que habriamos estado mejor si nunca se hubiera metido en politica.Ser feliz es ignorar, y nosotros ignoramos los desastres que se evitaron porque cierta gente no se metio en politica. No nos hagamos dano.

GATEWAY CINEMA is a multi-part series of conversations centered on key ideas in film studies. In these conversations, we interpret and celebrate a set of eclectic feature films from across generations and from around the world, including “La Haine”, “Drum”, “Alien 3 (Assembly Cut)”, “Come and See”, “Perfect Days”, “Sweet Smell of Success”, “The Swimmer”, “Amadeus (Director's Cut)”, “Bring Me the Head of Alfredo Garcia”, “Friday”, “Marie Antoinette”, “The Night of the Hunter”, “Crank” and “Crank 2: High Voltage”, “Portrait of a Lady Fire”, “The Fabulous Baron Munchausen”, “Joker: Folie a Deux”, “Welcome to the Dollhouse”, “Heathers”, and “The Death of Stalin”.***Referenced media in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 13:“One Battle After Another” (Paul Thomas Anderson, 2025)“Kill Bill: Volume 1” (Quentin Tarantino, 2003)“Kill Bill: Volume 2” (Quentin Tarantino, 2004)“Night and Fog” (Alain Resnais, 1956)“Salò, or the 120 Days of Sodom” (Pier Paolo Pasolini, 1975)“Amadeus (Director's Cut)” (1984/2002)“Marie Antoinette” (Sofia Coppola, 2006)“The Meg” (Jon Turtletaub, 2018)“The Meg 2: The Trench” (Ben Wheatley, 2023)“Gamer” (Mark Neveldine and Brian Taylor, 2009)“Battleship Potemkin” (Sergei Eisenstein, 1925)“The Godfather Coda: The Death of Michael Corleone” (Francis Ford Coppola, 2020)“The Godfather” (Francis Ford Coppola, 1972)“The Godfather Part II” (Francis Ford Coppola, 1974)“Scarface” (Brian De Palma, 1983)“Miami Vice” (Anthony Yerkovich 1984-1990)“Licensed to Drive” (Greg Beeman, 1988)“The Lost Boys” (Joel Schumacher, 1987)“The Naked Gun: From the Files of Police Squad!” (David Zucker, 1988)“The Naked Gun” (Akiva Schaffer, 2025)“The Swimmer” (Frank Perry, 1968)Audio quotation in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 13:“Crank” (Mark Neveldine and Brian Taylor, 2006), including “Don't Stop” by Paul Haslinger, https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL42C18193F6C62450, and “Bring Us Bullets” (2002) by Rocket from the Crypt; and “Turn Me Loose” (1980) by Loverboy, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ogx0ZcjZCHQ&list=PLyFcnFZyFXeVx3B9pjQanSrShZMf8kFuU“boing sound effect 1”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q-3qnJxEYmc“Galaga Theme”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0ie4U89t7Cs&list=RD0ie4U89t7Cs&start_radio=1“Crank 2: High Voltage” (Mark Neveldine and Brian Taylor, 2009), including “Kickin'” and “The Hammer Drops” by Mike Patton, https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLyFcnFZyFXeVx3B9pjQanSrShZMf8kFuU 

GATEWAY CINEMA is a multi-part series of conversations centered on key ideas in film studies. In these conversations, we interpret and celebrate a set of eclectic feature films from across generations and from around the world, including “La Haine”, “Drum”, “Alien 3 (Assembly Cut)”, “Come and See”, “Perfect Days”, “Sweet Smell of Success”, “The Swimmer”, “Amadeus (Director's Cut)”, “Bring Me the Head of Alfredo Garcia”, “Friday”, “Marie Antoinette”, “The Night of the Hunter”, “Crank” and “Crank 2: High Voltage”, “Portrait of a Lady Fire”, “The Fabulous Baron Munchausen”, “Joker: Folie a Deux”, “Welcome to the Dollhouse”, “Heathers”, and “The Death of Stalin”. ***Referenced media in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 14:“The Smashing Machine” (Benny Safdie, 2025)“Goodfellas” (Martin Scorsese, 1990)“I, Tonya” (Craig Gillespie, 2017)“Oppenheimer” (Christopher Nolan, 2023)“Perfect Days” (Wim Wenders, 2023)“Hot Shots!” (Jim Abrahams, 1991)“Rain Main” (Barry Levinson, 1988)“The Piano” (Jane Campion, 1993)“Ammonite” (Francis lee, 2020)“Ferris Bueller's Day Off” (John Hughes, 1985)Audio quotation in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 14:“Portrait of a Lady on Fire” (Céline Sciamma, 2019), including the songs “La Jeune Fille en Feu (The Young Lady on Fire)” (2019) by Para One and Arthur Simonini and “Summer” from “The Four Seasons” (1718-1723) by Antonio Vivaldi“Ferris Bueller's Day Off” (John Hughes, 1985), including the song “Oh Yeah” (1985) by Yello, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2cPmiQwXc4U&list=RD2cPmiQwXc4U&start_radio=1

Los aficionados a las ucronias suelen afirmar que, si Hitler hubiera entrado en la Academia de Bellas Artes, hoy no habria documentales de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Y si Churchill no hubiera suspendido el examen militar y hubiera acabado en un cuartel remoto, lo mismo hoy hablariamos aleman. De igual manera, si Stalin hubiera seguido en el seminario, habria sido sacerdote en Georgia y no habria habido gulag. Quien sabe lo que habria pasado si Napoleon hubiera acabado como notario en Corcega, si Lenin hubiera conseguido un empleo en Zurich o si Mao hubiera triunfado en la poesia...Salvando las distancias, muchos nos hemos preguntado que habria sucedido si Marengo, el grupo de musica melodica en el que Carlos Mazon era vocalista, hubiera sido seleccionado para Eurovision, evento al que concurrio sin lograr clasificarse; que hubiera sucedido si finalmente se hubiera consolidado en los escenarios...Dice Jabois que lo unico que se recordara dentro de cien anos sera la factura del Ventorro y el paseo por el parking. Seguramente ni eso. A lo mejor dentro de cien anos nadie recuerda ni lo que era un parking. Pero hay algo que si perdura: la certeza de que lo peor que puede decirse de un politico cuando todo se ha dicho es que habriamos estado mejor si nunca se hubiera metido en politica.Ser feliz es ignorar, y nosotros ignoramos los desastres que se evitaron porque cierta gente no se metio en politica. No nos hagamos dano.

Journalist Julia Ioffe returns to The Naked Pravda to discuss her new book, Motherland: A Feminist History of Modern Russia, from Revolution to Autocracy, which was recently listed as a finalist for the National Book Award. Julia describes her years-long writing process, the blending of memoir and historical analysis, and the unique perspective provided by the narratives of women from the top echelons of Soviet and Russian society. The episode provides a detailed look at the complexities of Soviet and Russian feminism, making it a must-listen for anyone interested in this history and gender studies. Timestamps for this episode: (2:25) Chronological structure and key figures(6:07) Stalin's daughter: A metaphor for Russia(9:49) Challenges of historical accuracy(18:09) Balancing American paradigms and Russian perspectives(29:22) Class and cultural differencesКак поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

Il est 1 heure du matin, ce 2 février 1959. Au cœur de la nuit noire, neuf alpinistes, pour la plupart en sous-vêtements, d'autres blessés, quittent le lieu de leur campement situé sur une montagne au nom quasi-prémonitoire : la montagne morte. Bientôt, ils seront tous morts, eux aussi, et leur disparition, des plus inhabituelles et inexplicables, va nourrir de folles théories durant plus de 5 décennies, en Russie et dans le monde entier. Retour aujourd'hui sur l'une des plus mystérieuses affaires de l'histoire de l'alpinisme, celle du col Dyatlov … Igor est une force de la nature, un ingénieur en formation d'à peine 23 ans, alpiniste en passe de devenir professionnel. Tout du moins s'il rentre vivant de cette expédition … Dyatlov, c'est son nom... Il y a une semaine, Igor Dyatlov a pris la tête d'un groupe comprenant 9 autres comparses, sensiblement du même niveau que lui. Ils font tous partie de l'Institut Polytechnique de l'Oural d'Iekaterinbourg. Ils sont la fierté de l'URSS, qui, petit à petit depuis la mort de Staline, commence à s'ouvrir au monde. Igor, lui n'a pas la fibre communiste. A vrai dire, il est assez peu politisé, et vise simplement le niveau d'accréditation suprême de l'alpinisme russe : le niveau III. Pour cela, son expédition doit couvrir 300 kilomètres et gravir une montagne d'au moins 2 500 mètres de haut. Après mûre réflexion, lui et ses compagnons ont décidé d'atteindre le sommet de la montagne Otorten. Ils se sont mis en route le 27 janvier… Merci pour votre écoute Vous aimez l'Heure H, mais connaissez-vous La Mini Heure H https://audmns.com/YagLLiK , une version pour toute la famille.Retrouvez l'ensemble des épisodes de l'Heure H sur notre plateforme Auvio.be :https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/22750 Intéressés par l'histoire ? Vous pourriez également aimer nos autres podcasts : Un jour dans l'Histoire : https://audmns.com/gXJWXoQL'Histoire Continue: https://audmns.com/kSbpELwAinsi que nos séries historiques :Chili, le Pays de mes Histoires : https://audmns.com/XHbnevhD-Day : https://audmns.com/JWRdPYIJoséphine Baker : https://audmns.com/wCfhoEwLa folle histoire de l'aviation : https://audmns.com/xAWjyWCLes Jeux Olympiques, l'étonnant miroir de notre Histoire : https://audmns.com/ZEIihzZMarguerite, la Voix d'une Résistante : https://audmns.com/zFDehnENapoléon, le crépuscule de l'Aigle : https://audmns.com/DcdnIUnUn Jour dans le Sport : https://audmns.com/xXlkHMHSous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppvVous aimez les histoires racontées par Jean-Louis Lahaye ? Connaissez-vous ces podcast?Sous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppv36 Quai des orfèvres : https://audmns.com/eUxNxyFHistoire Criminelle, les enquêtes de Scotland Yard : https://audmns.com/ZuEwXVOUn Crime, une Histoire https://audmns.com/NIhhXpYN'oubliez pas de vous y abonner pour ne rien manquer.Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

•⁠ ⁠ஆந்திராவில் கரையைக் கடந்த மோந்தா புயல்!•⁠ ⁠ஜாமைக்காவை புரட்டிப் போட்ட மெலிசா புயல்... வைரல் வீடியோ!•⁠ ⁠ராம்சார் நிலத்தில் கட்டுமானமா? - அரசு விளக்கம்•⁠ ⁠விளக்கத்தை மறுத்து மீண்டும் குற்றம்சாட்டு அறப்போர் இயக்கம்!•⁠ ⁠கே.என்.நேருவின் நகராட்சி நிர்வாகத்துறை வேலைவாங்கித் தருவதாக லஞ்சம் பெறப்பட்டதாக அமலாக்கத்துறை குற்றச்சாட்டு!•⁠ ⁠ஊழல் வேட்கையில் இளைஞர்கள் வாழ்க்கையை வேட்டையாடும் திமுக அரசு! - நயினார் நாகேந்திரன்•⁠ ⁠எங்கும் ஊழல்... எதிலும் ஊழல்! - எடப்பாடி•⁠ ⁠பொய், தூரோகம் தான் பழனிச்சாமியின் வரலாறு! - தென்காசியில் முதல்வர் பேச்சு•⁠ ⁠யாரைக் காப்பாற்ற நீதிமன்றம் செல்கிறது அரசு! - ஆம்ஸ்டிராங் விவகாரத்தில் அன்புமணி கேள்வி•⁠ ⁠சென்னையில் நடந்த தவெக நிர்வாகக்குழு கூட்டம்!•⁠ ⁠கரூர் செல்ல எங்களுக்கு அனுமதி மறுக்கப்பட்டது! - நிர்மல்குமார்•⁠ ⁠சார் நடைமுறையை எதிர்க்கிறோம்! - அருண்ராஜ்•⁠ ⁠போதைப்பொருள் வழக்கு: அமலாக்கத்துறை அலுவலகத்தில் ஆஜரான நடிகர் கிருஷ்ணா•⁠ ⁠மத்திய அரசு ஊழியர்களுக்கு சம்பள உயர்வு?•⁠ ⁠PM SHRI திட்டத்தைக் கைவிடும் கேரளா?•⁠ ⁠பீகார்: வாக்குறுதிகளை அறிவித்த இந்தியா கூட்டணி!•⁠ ⁠அடுத்த ஆண்டு தேர்தலைச் சந்திக்கும் அஸ்ஸாமில் சார் நடவடிக்கை எடுக்கப்படாது! - தேர்தல் ஆணையம்•⁠ ⁠60 ஆண்டுகளில் குற்றப்பத்திரிகை தாக்கல் செய்ய வேண்டும்! - உச்ச நீதிமன்றம்•⁠ ⁠`மோடி கடினமானவர்...' - டிரம்ப் சொன்னது என்ன?•⁠ ⁠ஜப்பான் பிரதமருடன் உரையாடிய மோடி!

Our show today is being sponsored by Free Float Analytics, the only platform measuring board power, connections, and performance for FREE.DAMIONAmazon to announce largest layoffs in company history, in AI push. WHO DO YOU BLAME?Former CEO Jeff BezosAICovid (This wave of layoffs results from overhiring during the pandemic)Executive Chair and largest shareholder Jeff BezosF5 Expects Revenue Hit From Cyber Attack. F5, a $20B billion technology company with impressive gross profit margins of 81%, experienced a cybersecurity incident involving unauthorized access to certain company systems by a sophisticated nation-state threat actor. WHO DO YOU BLAME?The Risk committee: Dreyer, Klein, Montoya, Budnik*Chair Marianne Budnik is deemed to have Cybersecurity experience because she serves as a Chief Marketing Officer in the cybersecurity industryPeter Klein was the CFO at Microsoft for less than 4 years, then was the CFO for WME for 6 months and then has only been a director since 2014.Risk committee member Michael Montoya specifically. F5 revealed that the director mysteriously resigned in the same filing it disclosed the cyberattack, despite having served for only 4 years. According to the proxy, had “extensive experience as an information security executive.” Following his resignation from the Board, Mr. Montoya continued his service with the Company and has been appointed as F5's Chief Technology Operations Officer.The entire board, for doing dumb modern day board things: announced that CEO François Locoh-Donou, would assume the additional role of Chair of the Board following the Company's next Annual Meeting of Shareholders 12 days after they announced the cyberattack.Investors. 98% YES average this year: 7 over 99.2%, including Risk Committee Chair Marriane Budnik with 99.6%. Nobody feels like they have to work hard to impress anyoneF5! It's a god damn cybersecurity company!How climate change is fueling Hurricane Melissa's ferocity. WHO DO YOU BLAME?Exxon CEO Darren Woods because he sued his own shareholders last year: Arjuna Capital, LLC and Follow ThisExxon CEO Darren Woods because just yesterday: Exxon sues California over new laws requiring corporate climate disclosuresExxon CEO Darren Woods because gas and oilClimate ChangeOpenAI says U.S. needs more power to stay ahead of China in AI: ‘Electrons are the new oil' WHO DO YOU BLAME?The fear-and-spending geniuses behind the original Cold War: Truman, Stalin, ChurchillPeople who historically ignored Eisenhower and his statements on the U.S. military-industrial complex when he explicitly warned that defense contractors and the military could exert undue influence on government policy. Sound familiar?Anyone who empowered the board to not be empowered when they tried to fire Sam Altman for such reasons as:Conflicts over OpenAI's rapid growth and direction, especially the tension between aggressive AI deployment vs. safety oversight.Power dynamics between Altman, key researchers, and board members — some may have felt he had too much unilateral control.The college that let Sam Altman drop outSammy Altman Citi's Jane Fraser consolidates power with board chair vote — and a $25 million-plus bonus to boot. WHO DO YOU BLAME?The entire Compensation, Performance Management and Culture CommitteeThese two long-tenured Compensation, Performance Management and Culture Committee membersDiana L. Taylor* 10 other directorships: Brookfield Corporation, Accion (Chair), Columbia Business School (Board of Overseers),Friends of Hudson River Park (Chair), Mailman School of Public Health (Board of Overseers), The Economic Club of New York (Member), Council on Foreign Relations (Member), Hot Bread Kitchen (Board Chair), Cold Spring Harbor Lab (Member), and New York City Ballet (Board Chair)Peter B. Henry*8 other directorships: Nike, Inc., Analog Devices, Inc., National Bureau of Economic Research (Board), The Economic Club of New York (Board), Protiviti (Advisory Board), Biospring Partners (Advisory Board), Makena Capital (Advisory Board), and Two Bridges Football Club (Board)The lowest common denominator effect of bank compensation committees:Wells Fargo CEO Charlie Scharf: ~$30M special equity grant tied to becoming Chair as well as CEO (3 months after meeting)Goldman Sachs: CEO David Solomon & COO John Waldron ~$80M each (retention RSUs vesting in ~5 yrs)KeyCorp: CEO Chris Gorman & four other senior execs: ~$8M for Gorman; ~$17M combined for the five NEOsThe passive ownership (re: management-friendly) of BlackRock, State Street, and Vanguard (combined 22%): without their votes at Goldman then Say on Pay was nearly tied, which might have dissuaded the year of one-off bonuses for banking CEOs??The world is about $4.5 trillion short of securing a sustainable food supply for the future, global food and ag business CEO [Sunny Verghese, CEO of food and ag company Olam Group] says. WHO DO YOU BLAME?The world's top 28 richest people (those worth ~$160 B each) together would equal $4.5 trillionThe world's greatest sycophant Tesla chair RobynDenholm: “On the pay package specifically: “It's not about the money for him. If there had been a way of delivering voting rights that didn't necessarily deliver dollars, that would have been an interesting proposition.”Any two of these basically redundant techbro companies' market caps would sufficeNvidia ~$4.2 trillion Microsoft ~$3.8 trillion Apple ~$3.1 trillion Amazon ~$2.4 trillion Alphabet ~$2.2 trillion Meta Platforms ~$1.8 trillion Broadcom ~$1.3 trillion Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company ~$1.2 trillionBill Ackman. Because he's a douche.MATTTarget is eliminating 1,800 roles as new CEO Michael Fiddelke gets set to take over the struggling retailer - WHO DO YOU BLAME?Current CEO Brian Cornell, who's “stepping down” to the role of Executive Chair - which is basically still CEO, just on the board and doesn't have to talk to employees anymore, so he can eliminate 1800 jobs and then fade away into a multimillion dollar unaccountable board roleFuture CEO Michael Fiddelke, who starts February 1, 2026, but is current COO and was forced to send the memo to employees telling them 8% of the workforce will be cutMonica Lozano, chair of the compensation and human capital management committee of the board, who's also on the BofA and Apple boards and is the most connected board member at a highly connected board - does the chair of the human capital committee have to weigh in on firing?OpenAI - the memo makes zero mention of the fact that part of Target's problem is that it shit on gays and blacks because of a feckless internet toad named Robby Starbuck, but feels very written by AI which would account for phrases like:“Adjusting our structure is one part of the work ahead of us. It will also require new behaviors and sharper priorities that strengthen our retail leadership in style and design and enable faster execution so we can: Lead with merchandising authority; Elevate the guest experience with every interaction; and Accelerate technology to enable our team and delight our guests.”Does anyone know what that word salad actually means? Doesn't it just mean “you're fired because we basically sucked at our jobs”?Hormel recalls 4.9M pounds of chicken possibly 'contaminated with pieces of metal' - WHO DO YOU BLAME?The audit committee, the closest committee responsible for enterprise risk (ie, metal in chicken) - Stephen M. Lacy, William A. Newlands (also lead director), Debbra L. Schoneman, Sally J. Smith (chair), Steven A. White, Michael P. ZechmeisterThe governance committee - James Snee, the now retired CEO who retired somehow in January but the company still hasn't found a permanent replacement 9 months later - so they're being run by Jeff Ettinger, interim CEO? Chair Gary C. Bhojwani, Elsa A. Murano, Ph.D., William A. Newlands (also lead director), Debbra L. Schoneman, Steven A. WhiteThe one black guy on the board - Steve White - who works at Comcast, is somehow qualified to be on Hormel board, and is on BOTH the audit committee AND governance committeeThe conveyor belt that spit pieces of metal as large as 17mm long into “fire braised chicken” sent to hotels and restaurantsCervoMed appoints McKinsey veteran David Quigley to board of directors - WHO DO YOU BLAME? Board is 2 VCs, a longtime biotech CFO, and five MD/PhDs. And among those 8, there are just two woman - the co-founder/wife of the CEO and a VC. And when they did their search, they could only find a longtime professional opinion haver - a consultant from the big three?Nominating committee for lack of imaginationEx or current McKinsey, Bain, and BCG employed directors - the opinion industrial complex - make up a whopping 4% of ALL US DIRECTORSAmong boards with MULTIPLE ex opinion directors: Kohl's is 25% consultantStarbucks is 27% consultantDisney is 30% consultantsWilliams-Sonoma is 38% consultantCBRE is 40% consultant!Nominating committee chair Jane Hollingsworth, for not looking around the room and saying, “hey dudes, can we add, like, maybe, ONE other lady?”Co founders Sylvie Gregoire and John Alam (also CEO) who own 17.3% of voting power - add in Josh Boger, board chair and 12.3% voter, and you basically have the CEO daddy and his buddy Josh with 29.6% of voting controlSylvie and John's bios, which neglect to mention they're married to one anotherWe are all terrified of the future - which headline is worse for your terror? WHO DO YOU BLAME?The world is about $4.5 trillion short of securing a sustainable food supply for the future, global food and ag business CEO saysBill Gates Says Climate Change ‘Will Not Lead to Humanity's Demise' - ostensibly because billionaires in bunkers will, in fact, survive on cans of metal-filled Hormel chili.Sorry, Yoda. Mentors are going out of styleMan Alarmed to Discover His Smart Vacuum Was Broadcasting a Secret Map of His HouseJennifer Garner's baby food company is going public on the NYSE — should investors be putting their eggs in this basket?Woman Repeatedly Warned by Canadian Exchange Not to Transfer Crypto, Gets Scammed AnywayOpenAI completes restructure, solidifying Microsoft as a major shareholder - MSFT owns 27%, the non profit which controlled the company “for the benefit of humanity” now will only control it for 26% of humanity?Tesla risks losing CEO Musk if $1 trillion pay package isn't approved, board chair says - IF MUSK LEAVES, WHO DO YOU BLAME?Robyn Denholm, board chair, whose job it is to manage Musk, but does it like an overwhelmed permissive mother who parents with chocolate and Teletubbies when the kid has a tantrumKimbal Musk - I was told by a bunch of directors and institutional investors at a conference, no joke, that Kimbal was still on the board (ie, not voted out) to control his brother's ketamine intake and crazy episodes. So if he throws a tantrum and leaves, isn't it bro's fault? This is a binary trade - Musk gets extra pay/control, stock goes up and isn't de-meme'd. Musk doesn't, he leaves and the stock is de-meme'd and drops arguably by 66% or more to be more like a car company with some tech. So do we blame investors, no matter what they do? They meme'd the stock in the first place, he couldn't get a trillion extra dollars if they hadn't pumped up the stock - and now they could vote with humanity (no pay) or meme capitalism (pay)!Techbro middle school conservatism - is this Ben Shapiro and Joe Rogan's fault? A Yale economist paper suggests that Musk's politics cost between 1 and 1.26 million Tesla car sales… Would we even be worried if Musk stayed out of politics? Wouldn't the market have just paid him whatever?Pop quiz: which directors stay on the board if Musk leaves in a tantrum?Jeffrey StraubelKimbal MuskRobyn DenholmJames MurdochKathleen Wilson-ThompsonIra EhrenpreisJack HartungJoe Gebbia

En 1948, Berlin se retrouve au cœur de la crise de la guerre froide. La ville est partagée entre les forces alliées, mais Staline veut chasser les Occidentaux en imposant un blocus. En riposte, les Américains et leurs alliés organisent un immense pont aérien. En 1949, le blocus est levé, mais le Mur de la honte ne va pas tarder à apparaître. Découvrez la réalité d'une ville coupée en deux, isolée entre deux mondes désormais ennemis. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

En 1948, Berlin se retrouve au cœur de la crise de la guerre froide. La ville est partagée entre les forces alliées, mais Staline veut chasser les Occidentaux en imposant un blocus. En riposte, les Américains et leurs alliés organisent un immense pont aérien. En 1949, le blocus est levé, mais le Mur de la honte ne va pas tarder à apparaître. Découvrez la réalité d'une ville coupée en deux, isolée entre deux mondes désormais ennemis. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Longtime listeners of Sticky Notes know that Shostakovich's 10 symphony was the inaugural piece covered on the show. It's been 8 years(!) since that show, so I've totally re-written the episode and had the privilege of presenting this new version live with the Aalborg Symphony Orchestra last week in Aalborg. Shostakovich, like so many composers before him, was obsessed with musical codes and messages, with songs that expressed two or more meanings, with ideas that were at once black and white and profoundly complex. This also describes Shostakovich himself, a man who was incredibly guarded with his public persona, and even his private persona as well. It is impossible to know anything for sure with Shostakovich, and to me therein lies the greatest strength of his music. The 10th symphony has been described as a portrayal of the Stalin years, as a portrayal of obsessive love, as a requiem, as sarcastic, as humorous, as agonizing, as triumphant, as, as, as….and the truth is that like all of the greatest works of Western Classical music, it is all of those things and so much more. It is a work of profound intensity, grabbing you from the start and not letting go for nearly 50 minutes, which makes sense considering that the piece was written in the shadow of another momentous event, the death of Joseph Stalin. There are very few experiences like hearing Shostakovich's 10th symphony live, and it is the kind of piece that, by the end of it, leaves you a slightly different person than you were when it started. Today on the show, we're going to be talking about a wide range of topics, from orchestral color to Joseph Stalin, from symphonic form to obsessive love, and much more. Join us!

(Insert theme song) The episode where Sarah discusses the elusive Amber Room, considered to be possibly the eighth Wonders of the World. This is a history lesson about WWII and a story all in one, but don't worry, Lindsey and Boydston are here to bring the chaos. And y'all, it is chaos. We talk about how Stalin was messed up (who isn't), sing the Jurassic Park theme song (wrong), and I think the PBJ song came out too, but I may have blocked that out. Did you expect any less from our Halloween episode?! Come say hi on our socials!Facebook- The Tipsy GhostInstagram- @thetipsyghostpodcastTikTok @thetipsyghost_podEmail us your stories at thetipsyghost@gmail.comShow your support when you subscribe, leave a great review & give us a 5 star rating—it really helps!

SHOW 10-24-25 CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS ABOUT CANADA  IN THE EYES OF THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION. FIRST HOUR 9-915 Pennsylvania Aims to Be AI Capital with US-Made Non-Lithium Batteries. Salena Zito reports on Governor Shapiro's plan to establish Pennsylvania as the AI and data center capital, capitalizing on its energy resources and university system. She focuses on EOS, a Turtle Creek company making non-lithium batteries that are 97% US-made, countering reliance on Chinese lithium. AI data centers require high energy reliability, favoring coal and natural gas infrastructure. Governor Shapiro supports this buildout, including a $22 million grant for EOS. 915-930 Italian Olive Harvest and Historical Vatican-UK Royal Visit. Lorenzo Fiori reports that the olive harvest in Tuscany is expected to be low in quantity due to mosquito damage caused by humidity and rain. However, recent strong winds helped remove damaged olives, potentially ensuring a "very tasty" oil. Fiori also discusses the historical visit of King Charles III to the Vatican's Sistine Chapel to pray with Pope Francis. This event, which Fiori found spectacular, is seen as crucial for restoring dialogue between the Anglican and Catholic Churches after centuries of division. 930-945 Small Business Economy Steady; AI Remains a 'Toy'. Gene Marks reports on the small business economy, noting steady activity among machine parts manufacturers, often preparing for an "onshoring boom." Construction and housing are holding steady but anticipate a future boom as interest rates decline. Tariffs have a muted impact, often absorbed or passed on as separate invoice line items for transparency. Marks demonstrates that AI, despite its advances, is not ready for prime-time business use, failing to accurately generate a requested image of a Yorkshire Terrier hitting a home run. 945-1000 Small Business Economy Steady; AI Remains a 'Toy'. Gene Marks reports on the small business economy, noting steady activity among machine parts manufacturers, often preparing for an "onshoring boom." Construction and housing are holding steady but anticipate a future boom as interest rates decline. Tariffs have a muted impact, often absorbed or passed on as separate invoice line items for transparency. Marks demonstrates that AI, despite its advances, is not ready for prime-time business use, failing to accurately generate a requested image of a Yorkshire Terrier hitting a home run. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 Pacific Palisades Housing Dispute and West Coast Infrastructure Challenges. Jeff Bliss covers West Coast issues, including traffic disruption from new high-speed rail construction between Southern California and Las Vegas. Pacific Palisades residents are protesting state and local plans to use burned-out lots for high-density, multistory affordable housing, fearing the change in community character and increased traffic. Additionally, copper theft from EV charging stations is undermining Los Angeles's zero emissions goals. Homeless encampments are also sparking major brush fire concerns in areas like Malibu and the Sepulveda Basin. 1015-1030 Pennsylvania Pursues Data Center Hub Status, Converting Golf Courses. Jim McTague reports on Pennsylvania's effort to become a data center hub, citing over $90 billion committed investment statewide. York County secured $5 billion, with plans including converting Brierwood Golf Course into a data center. This effort faces public resistance fueled by fears of higher electricity and water prices. McTague notes that consumer spending in Lancaster County is "steady." The conversion of golf courses reflects the decline of golf, seen as a "dinosaur" activity that takes too much time. 1030-1045 Professor Epstein Slams Trump's Economic Policies as 'State Socialism'. Professor Richard Epstein analyzes four Trump administration economic decisions concerning Intel, Nvidia, US Steel, and MP Mining, labeling them forms of state-owned enterprise or "state socialism." Epstein argues that acquiring golden shares or negotiating side deals—like Nvidia paying 15% of China revenue—destroys market value, undercuts competitors, and violates the neutral application of laws. He also critiques the Gaza deal, stating Hamas must be wiped out before any subsequent phases of the agreement can proceed. 1045-1100 Professor Epstein Slams Trump's Economic Policies as 'State Socialism'. Professor Richard Epstein analyzes four Trump administration economic decisions concerning Intel, Nvidia, US Steel, and MP Mining, labeling them forms of state-owned enterprise or "state socialism." Epstein argues that acquiring golden shares or negotiating side deals—like Nvidia paying 15% of China revenue—destroys market value, undercuts competitors, and violates the neutral application of laws. He also critiques the Gaza deal, stating Hamas must be wiped out before any subsequent phases of the agreement can proceed. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. 1115-1130 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. 1130-1145 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. 1145-1200 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 Trump Administration's Economic Interventionism Questioned as 'State Capitalism'. Veronique de Rugy critiques the Trump administration's economic policies regarding companies like Intel, US Steel, and MP Mining, calling them "state capitalism" or forms of nationalization. She argues that the government acquiring a minority share in Intel creates bad incentives and unfair competitive advantages. Regarding MP Mining, de Rugy notes that guaranteeing a price floor fails to address the underlying issue of government regulation hindering rare earth production in the US.E 1215-1230 The Postponement of the Budapest Meeting and Negotiating with Putin. Cliff May discusses the postponement of the Trump-Putin Budapest meeting, attributing it to Marco Rubio insisting on a cessation of hostilities, which Foreign Minister Lavrov rejected, demanding "all Ukraine." May warns President Trump against being outnegotiated, referencing Stalin's success over Roosevelt and Churchill at Yalta. Putin admires Stalin, who expanded the Russian Empire and engineered the Holodomor famine. May stresses that Russians negotiate only to win, not to compromise. 1230-1245 NASA's Artemis Woes, Chinese Debris, and Global Space Industry Shifts. Bob Zimmerman discusses NASA's Artemis program, noting Administrator Sean Duffy is using a social media feud with Elon Musk as a "shiny object" to distract from the Orion capsule's untrustworthy heat shield risks. Other space issues include China's dangerous rocket debris crashes, some using highly toxic fuels, and European satellite companies consolidating into Project Bromo due to competition. Zimmerman also highlights the discovery of a large asteroid orbiting near Venus and Lockheed Martin's investment in Venus Aerospace's radical rocket engine design. 1245-100 AM NASA's Artemis Woes, Chinese Debris, and Global Space Industry Shifts. Bob Zimmerman discusses NASA's Artemis program, noting Administrator Sean Duffy is using a social media feud with Elon Musk as a "shiny object" to distract from the Orion capsule's untrustworthy heat shield risks. Other space issues include China's dangerous rocket debris crashes, some using highly toxic fuels, and European satellite companies consolidating into Project Bromo due to competition. Zimmerman also highlights the discovery of a large asteroid orbiting near Venus and Lockheed Martin's investment in Venus Aerospace's radical rocket engine design.

The Postponement of the Budapest Meeting and Negotiating with Putin. Cliff May discusses the postponement of the Trump-Putin Budapest meeting, attributing it to Marco Rubio insisting on a cessation of hostilities, which Foreign Minister Lavrov rejected, demanding "all Ukraine." May warns President Trump against being outnegotiated, referencing Stalin's success over Roosevelt and Churchill at Yalta. Putin admires Stalin, who expanded the Russian Empire and engineered the Holodomor famine. May stresses that Russians negotiate only to win, not to compromise. 1921 RED ARMY

We are joined once again by Dr. Bandy Lee, forensic and social psychiatrist and violence expert, who edited the 2017 New York Times bestselling book, “The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump.” We get her latest take on whether someone with Trump's psychological profile should have the nuclear football and whether he would actually leave office peacefully. Plus, Ralph assesses the latest No Kings rally. Dr. Bandy Lee is a forensic and social psychiatrist, violence expert, president of the World Mental Health Coalition and New York Times bestselling author of “The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump.” Her new book is “The Psychology of Trump Contagion,” also available as a podcast. And her four-part series on Substack is “The Serious and Imminent Threat of Donald Trump.”I have often said that every accusation is a confession; that whatever he (Trump) says of others will quite accurately portray what is happening in him because of the level of symptomatology and projection.Dr. Bandy LeeHe will react (to impeachment) very belligerently, as violently as possible, as we've seen from his loss of the first attempt to be reelected. But it also depends on how we handle him. We've seen from how dictators of the world – who understand his psychology much better because it's similar to theirs – can manipulate him and cause him to do all kinds of things that ordinary presidents would never do. And so, I would say that he's still very malleable, and it depends on how we handle him and manage him. And that's why mental health consultants would be very important.Dr. Bandy LeeLet me suggest why the progressive media is avoiding your type of elaboration and explanation. They do not want to be accused of what the communist regime in the Soviet Union did to dissenters. Stalin and his cohorts would basically say that dissenters are insane. They have mental impairment, and they should be sent to prisons in Siberia. And progressives throughout the decades have been very fearful of being tainted with that accusation about dissent in American society.Ralph NaderNews 10/24/25* On October 15th, investigative journalist Ken Klippenstein published a report on the Trump administration's attempts to implement the new National Security Presidential Memorandum targeting “Antifa” known as NSPM-7. According to this report, the federal government has so far begun “collecting intelligence on Antifa ‘affinity' groups, canvassing the FBI's vast informant network for tips about Antifa, and scrutinizing financial records.” What this will mean in practice remains murky. A senior career homeland security official is quoted saying that “no one should doubt the orders that have come down from on high to destroy Antifa,” and DHS Secretary Kristi Noem recently stated “Antifa is just as sophisticated as MS-13, as TDA [Tren de Aragua], as ISIS, as Hezbollah, as Hamas, as all of em.” However, as this simply is not the case – former FBI Director Christopher Wray told Congress that Antifa is “not a group or an organization…[instead]...a movement or an ideology,” – the door is open for the Trump administration to pursue a wide-ranging and ill-defined crusade against any groups or individuals it determines to be antifascist. So far the response to this campaign has been muted, perhaps out of fear of reprisal from the federal government. But with infinitely moveable goalposts, this “war on antifa” as Klippenstein defines it, could have grave consequences for civil society and civil liberties for years to come.* In more federal news, POLITICO reports that if the government shutdown continues through November 1st, residents of 25 states – including California, Alabama, Pennsylvania, Hawaii, Indiana, Mississippi, D.C. and New Jersey – will lose access to SNAP benefits. SNAP, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, helps over 42 million low-income Americans avoid hunger. The loss of SNAP benefits will be acutely felt as the nation enters the holiday, and specifically Thanksgiving, season. It remains to be seen whether this will force either side to blink, and many expect the shutdown to drag on until the November elections.* Even with the government shut down, things are happening in Congress. This week, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes filed a lawsuit to force Speaker of the House Mike Johnson to swear in Adelita Grijalva. Johnson has blocked Grijalva, who won the special election in Arizona's seventh congressional district a month ago, from taking her seat in Congress. Mayes argues that Johnson's obstinance has left 800,000 Arizonans without representation and is requesting that federal judges, or others authorized to administer the oath of office swear in Grijalva if Johnson refuses to do so. Johnson claims he cannot administer the oath until the House is back in session, yet he used a special pro forma session to swear in Republican Representatives Jimmy Patronis and Randy Fine less than 24 hours after they won their respective special elections. Many contend that he is blocking Grijalva because she has vowed to vote in favor of the discharge petition to force the release of the Epstein files. This from AP.* Meanwhile, in the Senate, a breach seems to be widening between President Trump and Kentucky libertarian Senator Rand Paul on the issue of the strikes on Venezuelan boats. In an interview with Piers Morgan, Senator Paul said “We can't just kill indiscriminately because we are not at war. It's summary execution!...Everyone gets a trial because sometimes, the system gets it wrong. Even the worst of the worst in our country get due process. The bottom line is that execution without process is not justice, and blowing up foreign ships is a recipe for chaos.” At another point in this interview, Paul disputed the Venezuelan narcotrafficker narrative, emphasizing that “There is no fentanyl made in Venezuela. Not just a little bit, there's none being made... These are outboard boats that, in order for them to get to Miami, would have to stop and refuel 20 times.” That same day, the Hill reported Trump hosted a lunch with all Republican Senators at the White House Rose Garden – with the sole exception of Rand Paul. Paul brushed this off, saying he was instead having lunch with Congressman Thomas Massie, an ideological ally who also bucks President Trump's direction on a number of issues.* On the other side of the aisle, Senator Elizabeth Warren has sent a letter to Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent demanding answers related to the Argentina bailout. Specifically, Warren is concerned about “revelations that the United States government may be purchasing Argentine pesos,” as part of this bailout, and pressing for disclosure as to “whether such purchases have occurred and how much taxpayer money has already been spent.” This from MediasNews. This letter alleges that the deal includes “a $20 billion currency-swap agreement with Argentina's central bank, efforts to arrange a $20 billion private investment vehicle, and ‘the apparent purchase of at least hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of Argentine pesos directly using taxpayer dollars.” The administration seems unusually invested in propping up the government of Argentinian President Javier Milei, a staunch Trump ally in the region. In addition to this bailout, on Wednesday, Trump angered the American cattle industry and their Republican allies in Congress by announcing plans for large-scale purchases of Argentinian beef, which will undercut American producers, per Newsweek.* In Massachusetts, a complex political dynamic is emerging in that state's Democratic Senate primary. Longtime progressive incumbent Ed Markey, who fended off a primary challenge from the Right launched by Joe Kennedy in 2020, is now facing a new rightward challenge from Congressman Seth Moulton. Many see Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley, a “Squad” member, as Markey's chosen successor, but he has made no indication of stepping aside, despite the fact that he would be 80 years old if he were to be reelected in 2026. Moulton is 46, Pressley is 51. Moreover, in an indication of where the party is ideologically, Moulton made one of his first campaign moves “returning campaign donations that he received from individuals affiliated with…[AIPAC]...and [vowing] he would no longer accept campaign support from the group,” per the New Republic. Moulton is by no means an antizionist, he followed up this announcement by saying “I'm a friend of Israel,” according to JNS, but the fact that even a centrist to center-right Democrat has to reject AIPAC money is a sign of just how toxic the group has become to the Democratic Party rank and file.* Our next two stories are on bills responding to the challenges of AI. In New York, Governor Kathy Hochul has signed a bill updating the state's antitrust laws to ban landlords from using AI algorithms to “artificially inflate New Yorkers' rents,” according to Gothamist. This bill comes in the context of a Justice Department lawsuit against RealPage, a company that uses algorithms to analyze data such as vacancies and lease renewal rates to give landlords price recommendations – which many see as collusive price-fixing. According to a Council of Economic Advisors study, such algorithms cost renters nationwide 3.8 billion additional dollars in inflated rents in 2023. California enacted a similar law earlier this month. Hopefully other states and municipalities, particularly those with hot rental markets, will follow suit.* And in New Jersey, Newsweek reports Assemblywoman Andrea Katz is pushing a bill to impose a surcharge on AI data centers to help offset the rising power costs caused by the massive amounts of energy these data centers consume. This tax would be used to modernize New Jersey's power grid. According to the data, “the average price of residential electricity increased 6.5 percent from 16.41 cents per kilowatt-hour to 17.47 cents between May 2024 and May 2025.” This issue is particularly salient in New Jersey right now, as the state gubernatorial elections are rapidly approaching. In this same context, Democratic Virginia state delegate Shelly Simonds is quoted saying “Voters are mad as hell about energy prices increasing…anybody who ignores these issues does so at their peril.”* Turning to foreign affairs, earlier this week the BBC reported that Prince Andrew would be “giving up his titles, including the Duke of York, following a ‘discussion with the King.'” This announcement raised alarm bells. Prince Andrew has been deeply implicated in the Jeffrey Epstein scandal and has been out of public view for years already. This new severing of his ties to the royal family implied there was more yet to come. Indeed, just days later an excerpt from the late Virginia Giuffre's memoir Nobody's Girl included an account of the former Duke of York engaging in an orgy with Giuffre and “approximately eight other young girls” at Epstein's Little St. James island estate. In this memoir, Giuffre also recounts a brutal rape at the hands of former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.* Finally, in some positive news, Reuters reports that elections in Turkish-dominated Northern Cyprus this week brought to power Centre-left politician Tufan Erhurman. Erhurman, who won with nearly two-thirds of the vote, has pledged to revive reunification talks with the Greek-dominated portion of the island. Various peace plans and reunification efforts over the years have failed, and talks have largely ceased since 2017. This victory proves one thing: it is never too late for a people to move toward peace. We wish the Cypriots on both sides of the partition luck in the negotiations to come.This has been Francesco DeSantis, with In Case You Haven't Heard. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

Het Witte Huis is geen ambtswoning, maar het nationale symbool van de Verenigde Staten. Een politiek heiligdom. Élysée en Torentje tegelijk. Niettemin was het in 250 jaar Verenigde Staten al van alles, van woonhuis tot kinderspeelplaats, crisiscentrum, perskamer, feestzaal, rouwkapel en seksplek. Een deel ervan is nu gesloopt voor een balzaal voor 1000 gasten. En dat is nog maar het begin. Trumps bouwproject is een en al symboliek. Wat begon met ordinaire opsmuk in het oval office en een pantry vol MAGA-prullaria - 'Do not forget to visit the Gift Shop!' - ontaardt in een Versailles-achtige aanbouw bij een Romeins-republikeins stadspaleisje. Daar komt de destructie van historische plaatsen bij en een plan om heel het hart van Washington visueel te ruïneren. *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** Is dit megalomanie, vragen Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger zich af. Welnee! In het milieu van Las Vegas en vastgoedmagnaten waar Donald Trump zich thuis voelt is zoiets de norm. Anne Applebaum analyseert het als een bewuste privatisering van de nationale symboliek en haar historische waarde. Zoals Trump ook '250 jaar Verenigde Staten' privatiseert, zodat de historie alleen door hem en in hem betekenis krijgt en verleent. Het is de geesteshouding van een autocraat. En in geestverwanten in zulke regimes door de eeuwen heen vindt Trump zijn rolmodel. Keizer Nero bouwde een kolossaal standbeeld van zichzelf met een stadion ernaast, het Colosseum. Benito Mussolini schonk Rome een complex voor een wereldtentoonstelling en Olympiade. De Kims bouwen nog steeds aan Pyongyang als een hoofdstad van lege façade-architectuur. Hun bewonderaar Nicolae Ceaușescu dreigde Boekarest met net zulke monsterlijke bouwwerken te ruïneren. De Muur viel net op tijd. Jozef Stalin had waanzinnige bouwplannen en realiseerde ze. Al ging een 424 meter hoge toren pal naast het Kremlin met daarop een 80 meter hoog beeld van Lenin niet door. Adolf Hitler liet Albert Speer het Justitiepaleis van Brussel en de Arc de Triomphe in Parijs natekenen als voorontwerp voor zijn wereldhoofdstad Germania met haar Volkshalle. Alleen tunneldelen onder Berlijn en draagzuilen van zijn boog bleven over. Maar ambitieuze democratische heersers kunnen er ook wat van. François Mitterrand liet Parijs verfraaien met zijn Grand Louvre en Piramide, Musée d'Orsay, La Vilette, Institut Monde Arabe, Grande Arche de la Défense, Bibliotèque Nationale François Mitterrand en natuurlijk de Opéra Bastille. Die werd geopend in 1989 met een gala voor de Revolutie van 14 juli 1789. Alle groten der klassieke zang traden op. 'Le Jour de Gloire est Arrivé!' De natte droom van Donald Trump. *** Verder kijken Trump’s new White House ballroom: modern luxury or historic risk? President Trump on White House Ballroom Construction (en Mark Rutte doet of hij er niet bij is) *** Verder luisteren 494 - Trumps aanval op de geschiedenis en de geest van Amerika https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/ec4b170a-05a9-4af3-9010-c0986376dd3a 360 - 4th of July: Mar-a-Lago, de plek waar het al 100 jaar gebeurt https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/d3a58eb1-086c-4fb6-8688-6d87a37d3925 481 - Donald Trumps nieuwe idool William McKinley, ‘de tarievenkoning’ https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/018eaa63-b81a-4b17-9342-e98ee53bf516 475 – Trumps rolmodel Andrew Jackson https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/06d493a9-b8fd-4fb9-a125-6399192697c0 459 – Rolmodel George Washington https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/92f012be-cd93-4928-b3b3-5bef409c6bca 519 - Thomas Jefferson, de revolutionaire schrijver van de Onafhankelijkheidsverklaring https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/519-thomas-jefferson-de-revolutionaire-schrijver-van-de-onafhankelijkheidsverklaring 397 - Benjamin Franklin, Zijner Majesteits meest loyale rebel https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/18e40074-a4f4-4752-8dc9-6fbdaf8c91f0 115 - Thomas Paine en De Rechten van de Mens https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/2271fce7-c85d-41fa-a64a-94e589251166 534 - Franse schandalen: Nicolas Sarkozy en andere presidenten waar een luchtje aan zit https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/534-franse-schandalen-nicolas-sarkozy-en-andere-presidenten-waar-een-luchtje-aan-kleeft 105 - Dagelijks leven in Nazi-Duitsland https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/ad301f73-376f-4d97-b8c2-fb74f084db5e 531 - Muziek en tirannie: de schrijnende actualiteit van Dmitri Sjostakovitsj https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/531-muziek-en-tirannie-de-schrijnende-actualiteit-van-dmitri-sjostakovitsj 354 - Eenzaamheid, machtsstrijd en repressie in het Russische rijk van Poetin, Stalin en tsaar Nicolaas II https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/411a9106-9da2-40f5-9f06-9f19aff37246 395 - Winterboeken, met Stephen Kotkins monumentale Stalin-biografie https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/8451693e-9bbe-4b87-906b-4a494edfca2e 394 – Honderd jaar na zijn dood: de schrijnende actualiteit van Lenin https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/27f967ab-d2e5-496f-83bd-d5d3c1e26413 281 - Fourth of July: Amerika reisgids voor politieke junkies https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/d1f6fb79-49b3-456e-a7b3-b09ddf2a5ae8 *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:23:27 – Deel 2 00:50:22 – Deel 3 01:24:40 - EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Putin's Yalta Model: Out-Negotiating Donald Trump. Cliff May, writing for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, looks at Putin's ambition to out-negotiate Donald Trump by emulating Stalin's success at the 1945 Yalta Conference. Stalin won that round of negotiations against Churchill and Roosevelt, securing Poland and much of Eastern Europe. This outcome was partly facilitated because Roosevelt, who was ill and viewed himself as a mediator, thought he could handle Stalin. The discussion reviews history to see if this model foreshadows future negotiations over Ukraine.

durée : 00:10:34 - Le Fil de l'histoire - par : Stéphanie Duncan - Le 9 août 1945, les Américains font exploser sur Nagasaki une seconde bombe atomique. Le même jour, Staline déclare la guerre au Japon et l'Armée rouge envahit la Mandchourie. Pris en tenailles entre les bombes américaines et l'assaut soviétique, le Japon se voit acculé à déposer les armes. - invités : Olivier WIEVIORKA - Olivier Wieviorka : Historien, professeur à l'École normale supérieure de Cachan - réalisé par : Claire DESTACAMP Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

65 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas joins Pete to start a series examing the work of Viktor Suvorov (Vladimir Rezin) and Joachim Hoffmann who sought to prove in their books, "Icebreaker," and "Stalin's War of Extermination," that Stalin orchestrated the beginning of World War 2.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Buy Me a CoffeeThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

emocleW, emocleW, emocleW to the Distraction Pieces Podcast with Scroobius Pip!This is your bonus FRIDAY REWIND episode! Today, we catch up with Armando Iannucci, originally episode 174 from 2017-10-24.Original writeup below:Responsible for an insane amount of some of the greatest UK comedy since the 90's, including the writing and production of 'The Day Today' which spawned Alan Partridge and the Partridge multiverse, 'The Thick Of It', 'Time Trumpet', and US based 'Veep', Armando is clearly a titan of the game. With his new production 'The Death Of Stalin' (in cinemas NOW!), he's been grinding it out on the media promo run, but is sharp as a katana as he sits down with Pip for a nice long chat covering all the necessary bases and loads more that you'd hope to hear about, including said promo run grind and the madness of it all, especially seeing your own film countless times, being mindful of not using the victims of the subject of his film for comedy and finding that material from many various other sources, social media and how the echo chamber is reinforced and debate is fading, how the film draws parallels with today's US presidency even though it was filmed months before Trump's election win, and how to successfully wrangle an all star cast in order to promote efficiency on set. Tons more obviously but yeah, super entertaining and a must for Armando fans and those who appreciate the craft of writing and production. Get into it!PIP'S PATREON PAGE if you're of a supporting natureIMDBVEEPTHE DEATH OF STALININ THE LOOPTIME TRUMPETDAN LE SAC VS SCROOBIUS PIP BANDCAMPPIP TWITCH • (music stuff)PIP INSTAGRAMSPEECH DEVELOPMENT WEBSTOREPIP TWITTERPIP IMDBPOD BIBLE Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Empire of Japan's decision to break with liberal democracies in favor of rising fascist powers was driven, in part, by the successes enjoyed by said fascist powers throughout the 1930s. In this episode, we discuss how their leaders managed to consolidate that power in the first place.Support the show My latest novel, "Califia's Crusade," is now available at Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Kobo, Apple Books, Bookshop.org, and many other online platforms!

What do Stalin, Trump, and Viktor Orbán have in common? They're all fragile men terrified of truth, artists, and of anyone with a moral compass. In this week's Gaslit Nation, we talk with 91-year-old Peter Hidas, who as a young student helped ignite the 1956 Hungarian Uprising, a movement born of courage and faith in a better world. Peter's story is a testament to what ordinary people can do when they refuse to bow to tyranny. The revolts that shook the Iron Curtain in 1956 laid the groundwork for the movements that would one day bring down the Soviet empire, to the unforgettable soundtrack of Swan Lake played on repeat on Soviet TV by a collapsing regime. Today, a new generation of brave Russians has reclaimed that symbol: the “Swan Lake Collective” is being played by artists on the streets of Russia, creating a rallying cry “Let the swans dance!” for peace, freedom, and the end of Putin's Fox News–style dictatorship. Gaslit Nation is here to remind you that Putin's days are numbered.  This week's show also celebrates the heroes of the No Kings protests, the Gen Z meme pirates toppling corruption crime sprees pretending to be governments, how Trump and Putin might try to save Orban's doomed April 2026 election, and more.  So keep marching. Keep creating.That's how we win.  The song featured in this week's episode is “Election Day” by The Spiders. Check out their music at thespidersband.com If you have a song to share on Gaslit Nation, submit it here: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1-d_DWNnDQFYUMXueYcX5ZVsA5t2RN09N8PYUQQ8koq0/edit?ts=5fee07f6&gxids=7628 Join the Gaslit Nation + Sister District Halloween Phonebank this Wednesday at 6pm ET – every phone call to Virginia plants seeds of hope! RSVP here: https://www.mobilize.us/sisterdistrict/event/847185/ Andrea's graphic novel In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones won the Ringo Award! Get your signed copy by subscribing to the show at the Producer-level or higher on Patreon.com/Gaslit, starting this week. All active donors at the Producer-level and higher, who help make Gaslit Nation possible, will receive a special thank you gift in early 2026: a signed copy of Andrea's soon-to-be-released graphic novel Mrs. Orwell.  Want to hear Gaslit Nation ad-free? Join our community of listeners for bonus shows, exclusive Q&A sessions, our group chat, invites to live events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Sign up at Patreon.com/Gaslit! Show Notes: How to Overthrow a Dictator (Featuring the history of Andrea's father-in-law Mihai Sedaru Barbul) https://sites.libsyn.com/124622/how-to-overthrow-a-dictator From Epstein's Chief Accuser, a Memoir Both Sad and Devastating: Virginia Roberts Giuffre's posthumous “Nobody's Girl” doesn't break political news, but might break your heart. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/16/books/review/virginia-roberts-giuffre-nobodys-girl-memoir.html?unlocked_article_code=1.uk8.Fe6u.LwC3e8hbHgjq&smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringSource=articleShare Videos Show Russian Youths Chant Anti-War Song in St. Petersburg https://www.newsweek.com/videos-russian-youths-chant-anti-war-song-st-petersburg-10883035 Trump says he did not want 'wasted meeting' after plan for Putin talks shelved https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4gjp73gp41o Hungary PM Orbán's advisor in hot water for saying resisting Russia is irresponsible https://www.euronews.com/2024/09/26/hungary-pm-orbans-advisor-in-hot-water-for-saying-resisting-russia-is-irresponsible What to know about the Trump administration's $20B bailout for Argentina https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trump-administrations-20b-bailout-argentina/story?id=126513232 The Rise of the Inflatable Chicken Resistance https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/20/opinion/no-kings-protest-chicago-tactical-frivolity.html Smearing Virginia Giuffre: What New Allegations Against Prince Andrew Reveal About Power and Silence https://www.marieclaire.co.uk/opinion/prince-andrew-virginia-giuffre-smear-campaign-sex-abuse-survivor-social-security-met-police The Tech Right Gets Its Own Phyllis Schlafly: Katherine Boyle, an influential venture capitalist who is a friend of the vice president, thinks the country's path forward involves cultural conservatism and more weapons production. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/19/business/katherine-boyle-andreesen-horowitz-american-dynamism.html?unlocked_article_code=1.vE8.7WA9.glWQrABz11-S&smid=url-share The Contagious Gen Z Uprisings: It's a good time to start paying attention to the youth-led protests that are spreading around the world and that have toppled governments. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/19/world/gen-z-revolutions-protests-louvre-heist-gaza.html?unlocked_article_code=1.u08.Yg4j.Swx4JtTHBLbC&smid=url-share Yekaterinburg Street Musician Detained After Performing in Support of Arrested Band https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2025/10/21/yekaterinburg-street-musician-detained-after-performing-in-support-of-arrested-band-a90887 Democratic win in Iowa special election breaks GOP supermajority https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/democratic-win-in-iowa-special-election-breaks-gop-supermajority Trump and Putin's planned summit in Hungary boosts an authoritarian ally https://www.nbcnews.com/news/amp/rcna238138 Europe Is Answering Putin's Challenge: Members of the NATO alliance are showing real grit—and, for now, the U.S. is with them. https://www.theatlantic.com/national-security/archive/2025/10/nato-putin-trump-europe-ukraine/684592/ CLIP 1: https://bsky.app/profile/courtwing.bsky.social/post/3m3ij7nu23c2f CLIP 2: https://bsky.app/profile/us-political-news.bsky.social/post/3m3i5tuagec2l CLIP 3: Springtime for Hitler: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ovCf9VRLnDY CLIP 4: https://x.com/visegrad24/status/1978242426461368656

Je m'interroge souvent sur la façon dont on peut informer, sensibliser et mobiliser sur les drames de notre époque ? C'est à cette question essentielle que s'attelle la réalisatrice de documentaires ANASTASIA MIKOVA.  Aujourd'hui, elle témoigne au micro de Demain N'attend Pas, dans un épisode filmé dans le cadre de ma série avec l'Université de la Terre.  Fatigué de toutes les tragédies qui s'empilent, on préfère souvent détourner le regard. Cela permet de dormir tranquille. On en reste à des chiffres qui ne veulent rien dire et qui ne dérangent pas notre façon d'habiter le monde : +1.5°, +2°, +3° … quelques dizaine de milliers de morts en Ukraine … des milliers de migrants engloutis dans la Méditerranée… “Un mort c'est une tragédie, Un million de morts, c'est une statistique” disait Staline non sans cynisme.La réponse d'Anastasia est claire : nous devons dépasser les chiffres.  Nous devons montrer les femmes, les hommes, les enfants qui sont victimes de ces tragédies et donner à voir ce qu'ils traversent. Filmons la difficulté de leur vie, la complexité de leur chemin, leur blessure, leur courage et leur beauté.  Alors Anastasia n'arrête pas de filmer et de documenter. Elle nous donne à comprendre en profondeur et avec humanité les drames et les joies, ce qui nous unit et ce qui nous sépare.  Elle a réalisé plus de 2 000 interviews pour coécrire et coréaliser avec Yann Arthus-Bertrand le documentaire Women. Elle a suivi le long chemin de réparation des victimes d'inceste avec Emmanuelle Béart dans Un silence si bruyant. Depuis plus de 3 ans, elle filme des femmes prises dans la guerre en Ukraine, son pays. Ses documentaires sont bouleversants. On sort de leur visionnage fort d'une compréhension profonde et avec la volonté farouche de ne peut plus détourner les yeux.  

Anastas Mikoyan, an Armenian Reformer in Khrushchev's KremlinDr. Pietro Shakarian explains the core arguments and new archival findings behind his book on Anastas Mikoyan. We cover Mikoyan's effort to devolve power inside the USSR during Khrushchev's constitutional reform drive, what a confederal model could have meant, and why it stalled. We discuss Mikoyan's role in Armenia's cultural thaw, including rehabilitations tied to his 1954 Yerevan speech. Shakarian details his research trail across Russian and Armenian archives, 1960s Artsakh petitions, Mikoyan's stance toward the Armenian Church, and how his Armenian identity surfaced during Cold War crises.TopicsResearch journey, archives Moscow and YerevanMikoyan's vision of confederation for the USSRArtsakh's status within Soviet constraintsDe-Stalinization and Armenia's cultural thawMikoyan's stance toward the Armenian ChurchGuestPietro ShakarianHostsHovik ManucharyanAsbed BedrossianKey Questions DiscussedHow far did Khrushchev's reforms move the USSR toward a confederation, and why did it fail in practiceWhat “radical devolution of powers” would mean for union and republic relationsWhich Armenian writers and officials were affected by post-Stalin rehabilitationsWhat new evidence from Moscow and Yerevan archives changes prior scholarshipHow Mikoyan's Armenian identity and stance toward the Church shaped decisions and relationshipsReferenced Articles and SourcesAnastas Mikoyan, an Armenian Reformer in Khrushchev's Kremlin – AmazonPrior Groong episode with Pietro Shakarian (Episode 28)Episode 480 | Recorded: October 18, 2025https://podcasts.groong.org/480Subscribe and follow us everywhere you are: linktr.ee/groong

Expulsado del teatro y de la vida literaria en los años veinte por el propio Stalin, Bulgákov siguió escribiendo hasta concluir una obra maestra, El maestro y Margarita

durée : 00:10:47 - Le Fil de l'histoire - par : Stéphanie Duncan - Comment faire céder l'empire du soleil levant ? En juillet 1945, à la conférence de Potsdam qui réunit les dirigeants des 3 pays vainqueurs, le nouveau président américain Harry Truman, en aparté, informe Staline que son pays possède une arme secrète nouvelle d'une puissance inédite... - invités : Olivier WIEVIORKA - Olivier Wieviorka : Historien, professeur à l'École normale supérieure de Cachan - réalisé par : Claire DESTACAMP Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

Author: Brad Meltzer (and Josh Mensch) Book: THE NAZI CONSPIRACY: The Secret Plot to Kill Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill (Young Reader's Edition) Publishing: Scholastic Focus (October 21, 2025) Synopsis (from the Publisher): New York Times bestselling authors Brad Meltzer and Josh Mensch adapt their instant bestseller, The Nazi Conspiracy, for young readers to bring them […] The post BRAD MELTZER – THE NAZI CONSPIRACY: The Secret Plot to Kill Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill (Young Reader's Edition) appeared first on KSCJ 1360.

Welcome to Battleground Korea: The Unfinished War. We begin by exploring how Korea, a nation scarred by decades of Japanese occupation, was suddenly and arbitrarily divided by the victorious Allies in 1945. The line was the 38th Parallel. This division birthed two fiercely opposing regimes and leaders: the Soviet-backed communist Kim Il Sung in the North, and the American-backed nationalist Syngman Rhee in the South. As the Cold War escalated, Korea rapidly became a volatile proxy battleground between East and West. "With American and Soviet forces withdrawing, the fragile peace along the 38th Parallel began to unravel. Skirmishes grew bloodier and more audacious. Both Kim Il Sung and Syngman Rhee openly spoke of unifying the peninsula—by force. The question wasn't if the two Koreas would clash, but whether their civil conflict would ignite a wider conflagration, pulling in the global superpowers. The stage was set, but who would make the first devastating move?" The episode concludes with the secret plotting that sealed Korea's fate. Kim Il Sung relentlessly lobbied Josef Stalin and Mao Zedong for the necessary support. After months of manoeuvring, the communist giants finally gave their approval, providing the crucial political green light. Next time: The Invasion. If you have any thoughts or questions, you can send them to - podbattleground@gmail.com Producer: James Hodgson X (Twitter): @PodBattleground Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

It's 1943. Nazi Germany and its Axis power allies are ravaging Europe and the Pacific with a terrible war. At this juncture, President Franklin Roosevelt has one critical goal: a face-to-face meeting with his allies, Joseph Stalin and Winston Churchill. The first ever meeting of the "Big Three" is set to take place in Tehran, Iran, where the leaders of the three great superpowers will discuss and decide on some of the most crucial strategic details of the war. But when the Nazis learn about the meeting, they form their own secret, deadly plan: an assassination plot that would forever change history...if they're successful. This riveting true story, filled with daring rescues and high stakes intrigue, explains how this pivotal meeting in Tehran changed the course of World War II, and how the Nazi conspiracy to assassinate the Allied leaders nearly led to world-shattering disaster. Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/arroe-collins-like-it-s-live--4113802/support.

2. Galicia, World War I, and the Finkel Family's Soviet Incorporation This segment explores Western Ukraine (Galicia), distinct from the Russian Empire until relatively late. While Russia used forced assimilation and violence against Ukrainians, Galicia under the Austro-Hungarian Empire practiced tolerance, allowing Ukrainian language and nationalism to flourish. St. Petersburg deeply feared this, viewing the small region as a "Ukrainian Piedmont" that could spread nationalistic ideas and eventually unite Ukraine against Russian control. This anxiety—the desire to seize and Russify Galicia—was a key, often overlooked reason for Russia's entry into World War I. Russia occupied Galicia briefly but failed to keep it; however, in 1939, following the division of Poland by Stalin and Hitler, Western Ukraine was finally incorporated into the Soviet Union. The professor's grandfather, Israel/Lev Finkel, fought bravely for the USSR in the Great Patriotic War despite his Galician background, demonstrating the complex loyalties resulting from shifting imperial projects.

        3. Post-Revolution Collapse, Failed Statehood, and the Holodomor Following the collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires after World War I, Ukrainians sought independence. The Ukrainian People's Republic emerged from the Russian collapse as a democratic state with liberal policies. However, it quickly collapsed internally, as its bureaucrats were heavily Russified, and externally, as various Russian armies (communist, monarchist, or liberal) immediately invaded, united by the belief that Ukraine must be part of Russia. Separately, the West Ukrainian People's Republic was defeated and incorporated into Poland. Later, Stalin, fearing internal Ukrainian dissent and needing grain exports for military modernization, implemented forced collectivization. This led to the purposeful famine of the Holodomor (1932-1933), resulting in deaths of an estimated 3.5 to 5 million people. This tragedy served Stalin's goal of breaking the backbone of the Ukrainian peasantry to secure the region before World War II devastated the landscape.

7. The Brutality of Control: From Stalin's Cynicism to Putin's War The cruelty demonstrated by Russian forces stems from a historical Russian/Soviet brutality where human life is regarded as cheap. Stalin exemplified this cynicism, as shown in a 1932 letter where he discussed using severe force to prevent losing control of Ukraine. For Moscow, controlling Ukraine is crucial, and both Imperial and Putin's governments are willing to use extreme violence to subjugate the population. When Putin launched the 2022 invasion, he was isolated and surrounded by yes-men, trapped by his belief that Ukrainians were essentially Russians who would welcome Russian control. The military force deployed was inadequate for conventional warfare, suggesting they planned only a short "policing operation"—a quick raid to change the government and hold a parade. This miscalculation and the resulting brutality are driven not by immediate security concerns like NATO, but by the deep psychological belief that Ukraine is not a real state and must be controlled by Russia. 1855 BRITISH ARMY

Slavoj Žižek is back in a new interview where he takes us through his thoughts on the role of philosophy, the future of sex, his fear and love of AI and, as always, so much more. Tune in to hear one of contemporary philosophy's most original and darkly comedic minds expose his thoughts on the present and where we are heading - though that is impossible to know. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Historian Luka Ivan Jukic explores how Stalin hijacked the Slavic cause to forge the Soviet Empire. Read by Leighton Pugh. Image: A poster celebrating Stalin at the Russian State Library, Moscow. Credit: Album / Alamy Stock Photo

Some historians argue that President Trump is using a Stalinist-style playbook to amass power, silence his enemies and suppress science. What Americans should know about notorious Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin's style and political tactics.

‘There is only one thing worse than fighting with allies, and that is fighting without them.' – Winston Churchill In a world where geopolitical alliances are fraying and tensions are rising, what can the fragile coalition that defeated Hitler teach us about the challenges facing the West today? In September 2025 historian Tim Bouverie came to the Intelligence Squared stage to discuss his Sunday Times bestselling book Allies at War: The Politics of Defeating Hitler. In conversation with Editor of The Spectator Michael Gove, Bouverie described how Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin overcame deep ideological differences and strategic rivalries to form a fragile but ultimately victorious alliance against Nazi Germany. Now, with Donald Trump threatening to abandon NATO, Vladimir Putin intent on exploiting Western fissures, and democratic nations questioning their own cohesion, the lessons of WWII's Grand Alliance have never felt more relevant. --- If you'd like to become a Member and get access to all our full ad free conversations, plus all of our Members-only content, just visit intelligencesquared.com/membership to find out more. For £4.99 per month you'll also receive: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared episodes, wherever you get your podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series - 15% discount on livestreams and in-person tickets for all Intelligence Squared events  ...  Or Subscribe on Apple for £4.99: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series … Already a subscriber? Thank you for supporting our mission to foster honest debate and compelling conversations! Visit intelligencesquared.com to explore all your benefits including ad-free podcasts, exclusive bonus content and early access. … Subscribe to our newsletter here to hear about our latest events, discounts and much more. https://www.intelligencesquared.com/newsletter-signup/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

‘There is only one thing worse than fighting with allies, and that is fighting without them.' – Winston Churchill In a world where geopolitical alliances are fraying and tensions are rising, what can the fragile coalition that defeated Hitler teach us about the challenges facing the West today? In September 2025 historian Tim Bouverie came to the Intelligence Squared stage to discuss his Sunday Times bestselling book Allies at War: The Politics of Defeating Hitler. In conversation with Editor of The Spectator Michael Gove, Bouverie described how Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin overcame deep ideological differences and strategic rivalries to form a fragile but ultimately victorious alliance against Nazi Germany. Now, with Donald Trump threatening to abandon NATO, Vladimir Putin intent on exploiting Western fissures, and democratic nations questioning their own cohesion, the lessons of WWII's Grand Alliance have never felt more relevant. ---- s is the first instalment of a two-part episode. If you'd like to become a Member and get access to all our full ad free conversations, plus all of our Members-only content, just visit intelligencesquared.com/membership to find out more. For £4.99 per month you'll also receive: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared episodes, wherever you get your podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series - 15% discount on livestreams and in-person tickets for all Intelligence Squared events  ...  Or Subscribe on Apple for £4.99: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series … Already a subscriber? Thank you for supporting our mission to foster honest debate and compelling conversations! Visit intelligencesquared.com to explore all your benefits including ad-free podcasts, exclusive bonus content and early access. … Subscribe to our newsletter here to hear about our latest events, discounts and much more. https://www.intelligencesquared.com/newsletter-signup/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Ottawa plows ahead for a full police state in an ambition born from Stalin's fantasies in order to try quieting the screams of it's citizens being murdered. Meanwhile Antifa is upgraded to an international terror org by the White House while Trump considers using the Insurrection Act. If that's not enough there's always the lunacy inspired game of chicken they seem to be playing with Russia and Iran. While never releasing the Epstein files, because who would want that ? STREAM LINKS: Rumble (https://rumble.com/c/JeremyMacKenzie) Odysee (https://odysee.com/@JeremyMacKenzie:9/rc515:0) TwitterX (https://x.com/JeremyMacKenzi) Kick (https://kick.com/ragingdissident) ᚦᛖᚱᛖ•ᛁᛊ•ᚨ•ᛒᛖᛏᛏᛖᚱ•ᚹᚨᛁ • SOCIALS AND WEBSITE (https://kick.com/ragingdissident) • SUPPORT (https://ko-fi.com/diagolon) • ROAD RAGE TERROR TOUR 24' MOVIE (https://thegrift.shop/roadrageterrortour/)

America saw a significant reverse-migration in the 1800s and 1900s, with 20–50% of Italian immigrants returning to Italy as ritornati and tens of thousands of Americans, including ideologues and workers, moving to Germany, Italy, and the USSR in the 1930s seeking political or economic opportunities. Some of these American expatriates were drawn to revolutionary movements in Europe and Asia, blending idealism with political activism Today’s guest is David Mayers, author of Seekers and Partisans: Americans Abroad in the Crisis Years, 1935–1941. We discuss alienated Americans who went abroad during the interwar years in search of a new home and/or to further deeply personal causes. They include John Robinson, a black aviator who in 1935 led the Ethiopian air force against the Italian invasion; Agnes Smedley, who joined the Chinese communists during the Sino-Japanese war; Helen Keller, an advocate of the seeing- and hearing-impaired; Ezra Pound, a lauded poet who championed Mussolini; and Anna Louise Strong, drawn to Stalin's USSR.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A Note from James: Bill O'Reilly's new book, Confronting Evil, is both a history lesson and a warning. It's a study of the most destructive figures in human history—from Hitler, Stalin, and Mao to Genghis Khan, Caligula, and even modern evildoers like Putin and the cartels.When I first picked it up, I thought it would be about the past. But after reading it, I realized it's really about right now—about how evil mutates, reappears, and spreads when we stop paying attention.We talked about the psychology of evil, how it manifests differently in modern life, and why we all need to look inward at how we process fear and anger. The episode ends on a note of hope—but only if we're willing to face what's real.Episode Description:In this episode, James sits down with legendary journalist and author Bill O'Reilly to discuss his new book, Confronting Evil: Assessing the Worst of the Worst. Together, they explore how history's darkest figures—Hitler, Mao, Stalin, Putin, and others—reflect modern patterns of violence, polarization, and moral decay.O'Reilly draws from decades of reporting and war correspondence to explain the difference between “personal evil” and “collective evil,” and why societies collapse when good people stop paying attention.The conversation also looks at free speech, mental illness, the internet's role in radicalization, and why mercy for the guilty so often becomes cruelty to the innocent.What You'll Learn:The 15 most destructive figures in world history—and why their patterns are repeating today.The two types of evil: personal vs. collective.How technology and echo chambers amplify hatred.Why ignoring small evils allows larger ones to grow.How to recognize and contain evil in a free society.Timestamped Chapters:[02:00] A Note from James: Introducing Confronting Evil[02:39] Are we living in a new age of violence or just a repeating cycle?[03:39] On partisanship, anger, and how fear disguises itself[04:57] Bill joins: marketing a book in the age of distraction[05:51] Why O'Reilly wrote Confronting Evil and how it differs from his “Killing” series[07:16] Putin, October 7th, and the eerie timing of the book's release[08:20] Why today's evil feels more personal than historic evil[09:39] Personal encounters with evil: chasing Ted Bundy[11:01] Witnessing atrocities: from El Salvador to Belfast[12:24] Could Hitler have been reasoned with? The psychology of the irredeemable[14:27] “Mercy to the guilty is cruelty to the innocent” — justice and accountability[15:36] The internet's role in radicalization and digital “clubs for evil”[17:00] Echo chambers, hate speech, and how the free world handles extremism[19:02] Why confronting evil matters in a “free” but apathetic society[20:00] The October 7th attacks and why O'Reilly opens his book there[21:22] “Queers for Palestine” and the IQ of modern activism[22:00] How ignorance and apathy breed delusion[23:00] When does “necessary evil” cross the line into tyranny? Augustus and strongmen[25:10] The psychology of dictators: no remorse, no redemption[26:11] The Constitution as an anti-authoritarian framework[27:50] Polarization, Portland, and the fight over federal authority[29:00] How democracies correct themselves—eventually[31:31] Data over ideology: why extremists are still a minority[32:04] Can AI detect future Hitlers?[33:28] Why people cheer for evil—and how to walk away[34:46] The 15 who made the cut: why some evildoers were left out[35:36] The drug cartels as modern-day mass murderers[36:29] O'Reilly's warning: mobilize the 85% before it's too late[36:54] Ending on hope—why good still outnumbers evilAdditional Resources

-Rob plays clips of Maria Bartiromo, Devin Nunes, and Tom Fitton, connecting the FBI surveillance to efforts to cover up key documents from the Trump years, and likens the situation to Stalin's “show me the man, I'll show you the crime.” -The Newsmax hotline guest is Justine Brooke Murray, media commentator with the Media Research Center. She discusses legacy media bias, campus censorship, and her reporting from Israel post–October 7 attacks. She also shares her background, journalistic methods, and use of humor to challenge censorship. Today's podcast is sponsored by : BIRCH GOLD - Protect and grow your retirement savings with gold. Text ROB to 98 98 98 for your FREE information kit! QUINCE : Layer up this fall with clothing & accessories that feel as good as they look! Go to http://quince.com/Newsmax for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. Now available in Canada, too. To call in and speak with Rob Carson live on the show, dial 1-800-922-6680 between the hours of 12 Noon and 3:00 pm Eastern Time Monday through Friday…E-mail Rob Carson at : RobCarsonShow@gmail.com Musical parodies provided by Jim Gossett (www.patreon.com/JimGossettComedy) Listen to Newsmax LIVE and see our entire podcast lineup at http://Newsmax.com/Listen Make the switch to NEWSMAX today! Get your 15 day free trial of NEWSMAX+ at http://NewsmaxPlus.com Looking for NEWSMAX caps, tees, mugs & more? Check out the Newsmax merchandise shop at : http://nws.mx/shop Follow NEWSMAX on Social Media:  -Facebook: http://nws.mx/FB  -X/Twitter: http://nws.mx/twitter -Instagram: http://nws.mx/IG -YouTube: https://youtube.com/NewsmaxTV -Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/NewsmaxTV -TRUTH Social: https://truthsocial.com/@NEWSMAX -GETTR: https://gettr.com/user/newsmax -Threads: http://threads.net/@NEWSMAX  -Telegram: http://t.me/newsmax  -BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/newsmax.com -Parler: http://app.parler.com/newsmax Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

October 11, 1955. Nearly three hundred of the Soviet Union's top scientists sign a secret letter demanding the removal of one man: Trofim Lysenko. For decades, Lysenko had Joseph Stalin's ear, ruling Soviet biology with an iron fist—banning genetics, rewriting textbooks, and sending dissenting scientists to prison or worse.  How did a peasant-turned-agronomist convince Stalin that wheat could turn into rye, and that ideology mattered more than evidence? And when politics replace science, what—and who—gets destroyed? Special thanks to William deJong-Lambert, author of The Cold War Politics of Genetic Research: An Introduction to the Lysenko Affair; and Nikolai Krementsov, author of Stalinist Science. -- Get in touch: historythisweekpodcast@history.com  Follow on Instagram: @historythisweek Follow on Facebook: ⁠HISTORY This Week Podcast⁠ To stay updated: http://historythisweekpodcast.com To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence.    #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”.  The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught.  Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance.  In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it.  On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy.  Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”.  Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

Eric welcomes historian Tim Bouverie, author of Allies at War: How the Struggles Between the Allied Powers Shaped the War and the World, to Shield of the Republic. They discuss Tim's fascinating account of the interplay among personalities and larger forces during the Second World War. They touch on Anglo-French relations and the role of Charles de Gaulle, Britain's failed efforts to bring Turkey into the war as an ally, as well as the diplomacy of FDR, Churchill, and Stalin at the wartime conferences at Tehran and Yalta. They discuss the relative success of British and American diplomacy during World War II as well as lessons from the record of wartime diplomacy for alliance management and coalition maintenance today. Allies at War: How the Struggles Between the Allied Powers Shaped the War and the World: https://a.co/d/caX7je6 Appeasement: Chamberlain, Hitler, Churchill, and the Road to War: https://a.co/d/6cPWr7G Tickets to Bulwark Live in DC (10/8) with Sarah, Tim and JVL are on sale now at https://TheBulwark.com/events Shield of the Republic is a Bulwark podcast co-sponsored by the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia.

By January 1945, the war in Europe neared its final phase. In the west, the Allies had repelled the Ardennes offensive. In the east, the Red Army prepared the Vistula–Oder offensive, a huge strike that pushed German forces out of Poland. The Soviet advance carried them to the very gates of Berlin. The Vistula–Oder offensive in 1945 liberated vast areas, including Auschwitz. It also created the springboard for the final assault on Germany. Stalin wanted more than battlefield victory. He pushed Soviet borders west, reclaimed imperial lands, and shaped Poland's fate before the war ended. The Wehrmacht resisted fiercely. German forces launched a desperate counterattack, their last major armoured offensive on the Eastern Front. In this episode of the WW2 Podcast, I talk with Prit Buttar, author of Into the Reich: The Red Army's Advance to the Oder in 1945.   patreon.com/ww2podcast    

In 1933, Stalin's Soviet Union rounded up thousands of men, women, and children—many guilty of nothing at all—and dumped them on a tiny Siberian island with nothing but sacks of raw flour. Within weeks, starvation, violence, and cannibalism tore through the camp. This forgotten atrocity became known as Cannibal Island. Tonight, we're dragging it out of the shadows.