Podcasts about Joseph Stalin

To what extent does the course of history turn on the force of individual personalities? It's a question that looms large when examining the unlikely alliance forged between Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union that ultimately triumphed over the Axis powers in the Second World War. Danny Bird speaks with author Tim Bouverie to explore the complex, often uneasy rapport between Winston Churchill, Franklin D Roosevelt and Josef Stalin. Tim delves into the secrets, suspicions and towering ambitions that defined this remarkable chapter in wartime diplomacy, revealing how the fragile unity among these three leaders not only shaped the path to victory but also laid the uneasy foundations of the postwar world order. (Ad) Tim Bouverie is the author of Allies at War: The Politics of Defeating Hitler (Bodley Head, 2025). Buy it now from Amazon: https://www.amazon.co.uk/Allies-War-Struggles-Between-Allied/dp/0593138368/?tag=bbchistory045-21&ascsubtag=historyextra-social-histboty. The HistoryExtra podcast is produced by the team behind BBC History Magazine. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Dean Karayanis, New York Sun columnist and former Rush Limbaugh staffer, sits in for Derek. Topics include Scott Bessant and George Stephanopoulos sparring over the filibuster, Senator Moreno calling out Senator Schumer on Obamacare subsidies for millionaires, and GOP messaging going forward. Plus, the take of the ghost toilet, and how Communist China uses counterfeit products to hurt productivity — illustrated by the 1991 film, “The Inner Circle,” on Joseph Stalin's projectionist. The baseball great Darryl Strawberry's pardon by President Trump rounds out the show.

Last time we spoke about the Changsha fire. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan to the last man or flood the land to slow the invaders. He chose both, pushing rivers and rallying a fractured army as Japanese forces pressed along the Yangtze. Fortresses at Madang held long, but the cost was high—troops lost, civilians displaced, a city's heart burning in the night. Wuhan fell after months of brutal fighting, yet the battle did not break China's will. Mao Zedong urged strategy over martyrdom, preferring to drain the enemy and buy time for a broader struggle. The Japanese, though victorious tactically, found their strength ebbing, resource strains, supply gaps, and a war that felt endless. In the wake of Wuhan, Changsha stood next in the Japanese crosshairs, its evacuation and a devastating fire leaving ash and memory in its wake. Behind these prices, political currents swirled. Wang Jingwei defected again, seeking power beyond Chiang's grasp, while Chongqing rose as a western bastion of resistance. The war hardened into a protracted stalemate, turning Japan from an aggressive assailant into a wary occupier, and leaving China to endure, persist, and fight on.   #175  The Soviet-Japanese Border Conflicts Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So based on the title of this one, you probably can see we are taking a bit of a detour. For quite some time we have focused on the Japanese campaigns into China proper 1937-1938. Now the way the second sino-japanese war is traditionally broken down is in phases. 1937-1938, 1939-1942 and 1942-1945. However there is actually even more going on in China aside from the war with Japan. In Xinjiang province a large full blown Islamic revolution breaks out in 1937. We will be covering that story at a later date, but another significant event is escalating border skirmishes in Manchukuo. Now these border skirmishes had been raging ever since the USSR consolidated its hold over the far east. We talked about some of those skirmishes prior to the Sino-Soviet war in 1929. However when Japan created the puppet government of Manchukuo, this was a significant escalation in tensions with the reds. Today we are going to talk about the escalating border conflicts between the Soviets and Japan. A tongue of poorly demarcated land extends southeast from Hunchun, hugging the east bank of the Tumen River between Lake Khasan to the east and Korea to the west. Within this tongue stands Changkufeng Hill, one of a long chain of highlands sweeping from upstream along the rivers and moors toward the sea. The twin-peaked hill sits at the confluence area several miles northwest of the point where Manchuria, Korea, and the Russian Far East meet. The hill's shape reminded Koreans of their changgo, which is a long snare drum constricted at the center and tapped with the hands at each end. When the Manchus came to the Tumen, they rendered the phonetic sounds into three ideographic characters meaning "taut drum peaks" or Chang-ku-feng. The Japanese admired the imagery and preserved the Chinese readings, which they pronounce Cho-ko-ho. From their eastern vantage, the Russians called it Zaozernaya, "hill behind the lake." Soviet troops referred to it as a sugar-loaf hill. For many years, natives and a handful of officials in the region cultivated a relaxed attitude toward borders and sovereignty. Even after the Japanese seized Manchuria in 1931, the issue did not immediately come to a head. With the expansion of Manchukuo and the Soviet Far East under Stalin's Five-Year plans, both sides began to attend more closely to frontier delimitation. Whenever either party acted aggressively, force majeure was invoked to justify the unexpected and disruptive events recognized in international law. Most often, these incidents erupted along the eastern Manchurian borders with the USSR or along the 350-mile frontier south of Lake Khanka, each skirmish carrying the seeds of all-out warfare. Now we need to talk a little bit about border history. The borders in question essentially dated to pacts concluded by the Qing dynasty and the Tsardom. Between the first Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689 and the Mukden Agreement of 1924, there were over a dozen accords governing the borders. Relevant to Changkufeng were the basic 15-article Convention of Peking, supplementing the Tientsin Treaties of November 1860, some maps made in 1861, and the eight-article Hunchun Border Protocol of 1886. By the 1860 treaty, the Qing ceded to Tsarist Russia the entire maritime province of Siberia, but the meaning of "lands south of Lake Khanka" remained rather vague. Consequently, a further border agreement was negotiated in June 1861 known as "the Lake Khanka Border Pact", by which demarcations were drawn on maps and eight wooden markers erected. The border was to run from Khanka along ridgelines between the Hunchun River and the sea, past Suifenho and Tungning, terminating about 6 miles from the mouth of the Tumen. Then a Russo-Chinese commission established in 1886 drew up the Hunchun Border Pact, proposing new or modified markers along the 1860–1861 lines and arranging a Russian resurvey. However, for the Japanese, in 1938, the Chinese or Manchu texts of the 1886 Hunchun agreement were considered controlling. The Soviets argued the border ran along every summit west of Khasan, thereby granting them jurisdiction over at least the eastern slopes of all elevations, including Changkufeng and Shachaofeng.  Since the Qing dynasty and the house of Romanov were already defunct, the new sovereignties publicly appealed to opposing texts, and the Soviet side would not concede that the Russian-language version had never been deemed binding by the Qing commissioners. Yet, even in 1938, the Japanese knew that only the Chinese text had survived or could be located.    Now both the Chinese and Russian military maps generally drew the frontier along the watershed east of Khasan; this aligned with the 1861 readings based on the Khanka agreement. The Chinese Republican Army conducted new surveys sometime between 1915 and 1920. The latest Chinese military map of the Changkufeng area drew the border considerably closer to the old "red line" of 1886, running west of Khasan but near the shore rather than traversing the highland crests. None of the military delimitations of the border was sanctified by an official agreement. Hence, the Hunchun Protocol, whether well known or not, invaluable or worthless, remained the only government-to-government pact dealing with the frontiers.  Before we jump into it, how about a little summary of what became known as the Soviet-Japanese border conflicts. The first major conflict would obviously be the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905. Following years of conflict between the Russian Empire and Japan culminating in the costly Battle of Tsushima, Tsar Nicholas II's government sought peace, recognizing Japan's claims to Korea and agreeing to evacuate Manchuria.  From 1918 to 1920, the Imperial Japanese Army, under Emperor Taishō after the death of Meiji, assisted the White Army and Alexander Kerensky against the Bolshevik Red Army. They also aided the Czechoslovak Legion in Siberia to facilitate its return to Europe after an Austrian-Hungarian armoured train purportedly went astray. By 1920, with Austria-Hungary dissolved and Czechoslovakia established two years earlier, the Czechoslovak Legion reached Europe. Japan withdrew from the Russian Revolution and the Civil War in 1922. Following Japan's 1919-1920 occupations and the Soviet intervention in Mongolia in 1921, the Republic of China also withdrew from Outer Mongolia in 1921. In 1922, after capturing Vladivostok in 1918 to halt Bolshevik advances, Japanese forces retreated to Japan as Bolshevik power grew and the postwar fatigue among combatants increased. After Hirohito's invasion of Manchuria in 1931–1932, following Taishō's death in 1926, border disputes between Manchukuo, the Mongolian People's Republic, and the Soviet Union increased. Many clashes stemmed from poorly defined borders, though some involved espionage. Between 1932 and 1934, the Imperial Japanese Army reported 152 border disputes, largely tied to Soviet intelligence activity in Manchuria, while the Soviets accused Japan of 15 border violations, six air intrusions, and 20 cases of "spy smuggling" in 1933 alone. Numerous additional violations followed in the ensuing years. By the mid-1930s, Soviet-Japanese diplomacy and trust had deteriorated further, with the Japanese being openly labeled "fascist enemies" at the Seventh Comintern Congress in July 1935. Beginning in 1935, conflicts significantly escalated. On 8 January 1935, the first armed clash, known as the Halhamiao incident, took place on the border between Mongolia and Manchukuo. Several dozen cavalrymen of the Mongolian People's Army crossed into Manchuria near disputed fishing grounds and engaged an 11‑man Manchukuo Imperial Army patrol near the Buddhist temple at Halhamiao, led by a Japanese military advisor. The Manchukuo Army sustained 6 wounded and 2 dead, including the Japanese officer; the Mongols suffered no casualties and withdrew after the Japanese sent a punitive expedition to reclaim the area. Two motorized cavalry companies, a machine‑gun company, and a tankette platoon occupied the position for three weeks without resistance. In June 1935, the first direct exchange of fire between the Japanese and Soviets occurred when an 11‑man Japanese patrol west of Lake Khanka was attacked by six Soviet horsemen, reportedly inside Manchukuo territory. In the firefight, one Soviet soldier was killed and two horses were captured. The Japanese requested a joint investigation, but the Soviets rejected the proposal. In October 1935, nine Japanese and 32 Manchukuoan border guards were establishing a post about 20 kilometers north of Suifenho when they were attacked by 50 Soviet soldiers. The Soviets opened fire with rifles and five heavy machine guns. Two Japanese and four Manchukuoan soldiers were killed, and another five were wounded. The Manchukuoan foreign affairs representative lodged a verbal protest with the Soviet consul at Suifenho. The Kwantung Army of Japan also sent an intelligence officer to investigate the clash. On 19 December 1935, a Manchukuoan unit reconnoitering southwest of Buir Lake clashed with a Mongolian party, reportedly capturing 10 soldiers. Five days later, 60 truck‑borne Mongolian troops assaulted the Manchukuoans and were repulsed, at the cost of three Manchukuoan dead. On the same day, at Brunders, Mongolian forces attempted three times to drive out Manchukuoan outposts, and again at night, but all attempts failed. Further small attempts occurred in January, with Mongolians using airplanes for reconnaissance. The arrival of a small Japanese force in three trucks helped foil these attempts; casualties occurred on both sides, though Mongolian casualties are unknown aside from 10 prisoners taken. In February 1936, Lieutenant-Colonel Sugimoto Yasuo was ordered to form a detachment from the 14th Cavalry Regiment to "drive the Outer Mongol intruders from the Olankhuduk region," a directive attributed to Lieutenant-General Kasai Heijuro. Sugimoto's detachment included cavalry guns, heavy machine guns, and tankettes. They faced a force of about 140 Mongolians equipped with heavy machine guns and light artillery. On February 12, Sugimoto's men drove the Mongolians south, at the cost of eight Japanese killed, four wounded, and one tankette destroyed. The Japanese began to withdraw, but were attacked by 5–6 Mongolian armored cars and two bombers, which briefly disrupted the column. The situation was stabilized when the Japanese unit received artillery support, allowing them to destroy or repel the armored cars. In March 1936, the Tauran incident occurred. In this clash, both the Japanese Army and the Mongolian Army deployed a small number of armored fighting vehicles and aircraft. The incident began when 100 Mongolian and six Soviet troops attacked and occupied the disputed village of Tauran, Mongolia, driving off the small Manchurian garrison. They were supported by light bombers and armored cars, though the bombing sorties failed to inflict damage on the Japanese, and three bombers were shot down by Japanese heavy machine guns. Local Japanese forces counter-attacked, conducting dozens of bombing sorties and finally assaulting Tauran with 400 men and 10 tankettes. The result was a Mongolian rout, with 56 Mongolian soldiers killed, including three Soviet advisors, and an unknown number wounded. Japanese losses were 27 killed and 9 wounded. Later in March 1936, another border clash occurred between Japanese and Soviet forces. Reports of border violations prompted the Japanese Korean Army to send ten men by truck to investigate, but the patrol was ambushed by 20 Soviet NKVD soldiers deployed about 300 meters inside territory claimed by Japan. After suffering several casualties, the Japanese patrol withdrew and was reinforced with 100 men, who then drove off the Soviets. Fighting resumed later that day when the NKVD brought reinforcements. By nightfall, the fighting had ceased and both sides had pulled back. The Soviets agreed to return the bodies of two Japanese soldiers who had died in the fighting, a development viewed by the Japanese government as encouraging. In early April 1936, three Japanese soldiers were killed near Suifenho in another minor affray. This incident was notable because the Soviets again returned the bodies of the fallen servicemen. In June 1937, the Kanchazu Island incident occurred on the Amur River along the Soviet–Manchukuo border. Three Soviet gunboats crossed the river's center line, disembarked troops, and occupied Kanchazu Island. Japanese forces from the IJA 1st Division, equipped with two horse-drawn 37 mm artillery pieces, quickly established improvised firing positions and loaded their guns with both high-explosive and armor-piercing shells. They shelled the Soviet vessels, sinking the lead gunboat, crippling the second, and driving off the third. Japanese troops subsequently fired on the swimming crewmen from the sunken ships using machine guns. Thirty-seven Soviet soldiers were killed, while Japanese casualties were zero. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs protested and demanded the Soviet forces withdraw from the island. The Soviet leadership, apparently shocked by the incident and reluctant to escalate, agreed to evacuate their troops. By 1938 the border situation had deteriorated. The tangled terrain features, mountain, bog, stream, forest, and valley, would have complicated even careful observers' discernment of the old red line drawn in 1886. Fifty years later, the markers themselves had undergone a metamorphosis. Japanese investigators could find, at most, only 14 to 17 markers standing fairly intact between the Tumen estuary and Khanka—roughly one every 25 miles at best. The remainder were missing or ruined; five were found in new locations. Marker "K," for example, was 40 meters deeper inside Manchuria, away from Khanka. Japanese military experts noted that of the 20 markers originally set along the boundaries of Hunchun Prefecture alone, only four could be found by the summer of 1938. The rest had either been wrecked or arbitrarily moved and discarded by Russian or Chinese officials and inhabitants. It is even said that one missing marker could be seen on display in Khabarovsk. The Chinese had generally interpreted the boundary as the road line just west of Khasan, at least in practice. Free road movement, however, had become a problem even 20 years before the Japanese overran Manchuria in 1931–1932 during the so-called Manchurian Incident. The Japanese adopted, or inherited, the Chinese interpretation, which was based on the 1886 agreement on border roads; the key clause held that the frontier west of Khasan would be the road along the lake. Japanese sources emphasize that local residents' anger toward gradual Soviet oppression and penetrations westward into Manchurian territory fueled the conflict. Many natives believed the original boundaries lay east of the lake, but the Soviets adjusted the situation to suit their own convenience. In practice, the Russians were restricting road use just west of Khasan by Manchurian and Korean residents. There was speculation that this was a prelude to taking over the ridgelines, depending on the reaction of the Manchukuoan–Japanese side. Villagers who went to streams or the lake to launder clothing found themselves subjected to sniper fire. Along a 25-mile stretch of road near Shachaofeng, farmers reported coming under fire from new Soviet positions as early as November 1935. Nevertheless, Japanese and Koreans familiar with the Tumen area noted agrarian, seasonal Korean religious rites atop Changkufeng Hill, including fattened pigs sacrificed and changgo drums beaten. Village elders told Japanese visitors in 1938 that, until early the preceding year, no Russians had come as far as Changkufeng Hill. Looking only at the border sector around Changkufeng, the easy days were clearly behind us. In the summer of 1938, Gaimusho "Foreign Ministry" observers described the explosive situation along the Korea–Manchuria–USSR borders as a matter of de facto frontiers. Both sides pressed against each other, and their trigger-happy posture was summed up in the colloquial refrain: "Take another step and we'll let you have it." Near dawn on 13 June 1938, a Manchurian patrol detected a suspicious figure in the fog swirling over Changlingtzu Hill on the Siberian–Manchurian frontier. Challenged at 15 feet, the suspect hurled two pistols to the ground and raised his hands in surrender. At headquarters, the police soon realized this was no routine border-trespassing case. The man was a defector and he was a Russian general, in fact he was the director of all NKVD forces in the Soviet Far East. Beneath a mufti of spring coat and hunting cap, he wore a full uniform with medals. His identification card No. 83 designated him as G. S. Lyushkov, Commissar 3rd Class, countersigned by Nikolai Yezhov, NKVD head in Moscow. Lyushkov was promptly turned over to the Japanese military authorities, who transferred him to Seoul and then to Tokyo under close escort. On 1 July, the Japanese press was permitted to disclose that Lyushkov had sought refuge in Japan. Ten days later, to capitalize on the commissar's notoriety and to confound skeptics, the Japanese produced Lyushkov at a press conference in Tokyo. For the Japanese and foreign correspondents, who met separately with him, Lyushkov described Soviet Far East strength and the turmoil wracking the USSR, because for those of you unfamiliar this was during the Stalinist purges. Clearly, the Japanese had gained a unique reservoir of high-level intelligence and a wealth of materials, including notes scratched in blood by suspects incarcerated at Khabarovsk. A general tightening of Russian frontier security had recently been reported. Natives of Fangchuanting asserted that a Soviet cavalry patrol appeared in June, seemingly for the first time. Contact with Yangkuanping, northwest of Khasan, was severed. More importantly, Japanese Army Signal Corps intelligence detected a surge of Soviet message traffic from the Posyet Bay district. After Lyushkov's defection, a drastic reshuffle in the local Russian command apparently occurred, and responsibility for border surveillance seems to have been reallocated. Japanese records indicate that the Novokievsk security force commander was relieved and the sector garrison replaced by troops from Vladivostok. Gaimusho intelligence also received reports that a border garrison unit had been transferred from Khabarovsk or Chita to the Tumen sector. The Kwantung Army signal monitors also intercepted two significant frontline messages on 6 July from the new Russian local commander in the Posyet region, addressed to Lieutenant General Sokolov in Khabarovsk. Decoded, the messages suggested (1) that ammunition for infantry mortars amounted to less than half the required supply; and  (2) a recommendation that higher headquarters authorize Russian elements to secure certain unoccupied high ground west of Khasan.  The commander noted terrain advantages and the contemplated construction of emplacements that would command Najin and the Korean railway. As a start, at least one Russian platoon should be authorized to dig in on the highest ground (presumably Changkufeng) and deploy four tons of entanglements to stake out the Soviet claim. Korea Army Headquarters received a telegram from the Kwantung Army on 7 July conveying the deciphered messages. On the same day, the 19th Division in North Korea telephoned Seoul that, on 6 July, three or four Soviet horsemen had been observed reconnoitering Manchurian territory from atop a hill called Changkufeng. The alarming intelligence from the Kwantung Army and the front warranted immediate attention by the Korea Army. Some Kwantung Army officers doubted the significance of the developments, with one intelligence official even suggesting the Russian messages might be a deliberate ploy designed to entrap the Japanese at Changkufeng. On 7–8 July, all staff officers in Seoul convened at army headquarters. The name of Changkufeng Hill was not well known, but maps and other data suggested that neither the Japanese nor the Russians had previously stationed border units in the ridge complex west of Khasan. As early as March 1936, Army Commander Koiso Kuniaki had distributed maps to subordinate units, indicating which sectors were in dispute. No patrol was to enter zones lacking definitive demarcation. Until then, the only Japanese element east of the Tumen was a Manchurian policeman at Fangchuanting. Ownership of the high ground emerged as an early issue. A number of other points were raised by  the Kwantung Army: At present, Soviet elements in the area were negligible. The intrusion must not be overlooked. The Russians could be expected to exploit any weakness, and half-measures would not suffice, especially regarding the Japanese defense mission along a 125-mile frontier. In Japanese hands, Changkufeng Hill would be useful, but two excellent observation posts already existed in the neighboring sector of the Manchurian tongue. With dissidence and purges underway, the Russians may have judged it necessary to seal border gaps, particularly after Lyushkov's defection. They may also have sought to control Changkufeng to offset Japanese dominance of the high ground to the north. Soviet seizure of Changkufeng would upset the delicate status quo and could provoke a contest for equivalent observation posts. In broader terms, it mattered little whether the Russians sought a permanent observation post on Changkufeng Hill, which was of relatively minor strategic value. Japan's primary concern lay in the China theater; Changkufeng was peripheral. The Japanese should not expend limited resources or become distracted. The matter required consultation with the high command in Tokyo. In the absence of more comprehensive intelligence, the assembled staff officers concluded that the Korea Army should, at a minimum, ignore or disregard Soviet actions for the time being, while maintaining vigilant observation of the area. The consensus was communicated to Major General Kitano Kenzo, the Korea Army chief of staff, who concurred, and to Koiso. Upon learning that the recommendation advocated a low posture, Koiso inquired only whether the opinion reflected the unanimous view of the staff. Having been assured that it did, he approved the policy. Koiso, then 58, was at the threshold of the routine personnel changes occurring around 15 July. He had just been informed that he would retire and that General Nakamura Kotaro would succeed him. Those acquainted with Koiso perceived him as treating the border difficulties as a minor anticlimax in the course of his command tour. He appeared unemphatic or relaxed as he prepared to depart from a post he had held for twenty-one years. Although neither Koiso nor his staff welcomed the Soviet activities that appeared under way, his reaction likely reflected a reluctance to make decisions that could constrain his soon-to-arrive successor. On 8 July Koiso authorized the dispatch of warnings to the 19th Division at Nanam, to the Hunchun garrison, and to the intelligence branch at Hunchun. These units were instructed to exercise maximum precautions and to tighten frontier security north of Shuiliufeng. In response to the initial appearance of Soviet horsemen at Changkufeng, the Kucheng Border Garrison Unit of the 76th Infantry Regiment maintained close surveillance across the Tumen. By about noon on 9 July, patrols detected approximately a dozen Russian troops commencing construction atop Changkufeng. Between 11 and 13 July, the number of soldiers on the slopes increased to forty; there were also thirty horses and eleven camouflaged tents. Operating in shifts on the western side, thirty meters from the crest, the Russians erected barbed wire and firing trenches; fifty meters forward, they excavated observation trenches. In addition to existing telephone lines between Changkufeng, Lake Khasan, and Kozando, the Russians installed a portable telephone net. Logistical support was provided by three boats on the lake. Approximately twenty kilometers to the east, well within Soviet territory, large forces were being mobilized, and steamship traffic into Posyet Bay intensified. Upon learning of the "intrusion" at Changkufeng on 9 July, Lt. General Suetaka Kamezo, the commander of the 19th Division, dispatched staff officers to the front and prepared to send elements to reinforce border units.  The special significance of Suetaka and his division stemmed from a series of unusual circumstances. Chientao Province, the same zone into which Lyushkov had fled and the sector where Soviet horsemen had appeared, fell within Manchukuo geographically and administratively. Yet, in terms of defense, the configuration of the frontier, the terrain, and the transportation network more closely connected the region with North Korea than with southeastern Manchuria. Approximately 80% of the population was of Korean origin, which implied Japanese rather than Manchukuoan allegiance. Consequently, the Korea Army had been made operationally responsible for the defense of Chientao and controlled not only the three-battalion garrison at Hunchun but also the intelligence detachment located there. In the event of war, the Korea Army's mission was defined as mobilization and execution of subsidiary operational tasks against the USSR, under the control and in support of the Kwantung Army.  The Korea Army ordinarily possessed two infantry divisions, the 19th in North Korea and the 20th stationed at Seoul, but the 20th Division had already departed for China, leaving only the 20th Depot Division in the capital. Beyond sparse ground units, devoid of armor and with weak heavy artillery, there were only two air regiments in Korea, the nearest being the unit at Hoeryong. The Korea Army was designed to maintain public security within Korea as well as fulfill minimal defensive responsibilities. Such an army did not require a full-time operations officer, and none was maintained. When needed, as in mid-1938, the task fell to the senior staff officer, in this case Colonel Iwasaki Tamio. In peacetime, training constituted the primary focus.  Thus, the 19th Division was entrusted with defending northeastern Korea. Its commander, Suetaka, a seasoned infantryman, resented the fact that his elite force had never engaged in combat in China. He intensified training with zeal, emphasizing strict discipline, bravery, aggressiveness, and thorough preparation. Japanese veterans characterized him as severe, bullish, short-tempered, hot-blooded, highly strung, unbending, and stubborn. Nonetheless, there was widespread respect for his realistic training program, maintained under firm, even violent, personal supervision. His men regarded Suetaka as a professional, a modern samurai who forged the division into superb condition. Privately, he was reputed for sensitivity and warmth; a Japanese phrase "yakamashii oyaji" captures the dual sense of stern father and martinet in his character. At the outset, however, Suetaka displayed little aggression. Although not widely known, he did not welcome the orders from army headquarters to deploy to the Tumen. Until late July, he remained somewhat opposed to the notion of dislodging the Soviets from the crest, a proposition arising from neither the division staff nor, initially, Suetaka himself. Colonel Sato noted that, for a week after reports of Soviet excavation at Changkufeng, the division's response was limited to preparations for a possible emergency, as they perceived the matter as a local issue best settled through diplomacy. Korea Army officers acknowledged that, around the time the Soviets consolidated their outpost strength at Changkufeng, an informal and personal telegram arrived in Seoul from a Kwantung Army Intelligence field-grade officer who specialized in Soviet affairs. If the Korea Army hesitated, the Kwantung Army would be obliged to eject the Russians; the matter could not be ignored. While the telegram did not demand a reply and struck several officers as presumptuous and implausible, the message was promptly shown to Koiso. Koiso was driven to immediate action, he wired Tokyo asserting that only the Korea Army could and would handle the incident. One staff officer recalled "We felt we had to act, out of a sense of responsibility. But we resented the Kwantung Army's interference." The Korea Army staff convened shortly after receipt of the unofficial telegram from Hsinking. Based on the latest intelligence from the division dated 13 July, the officers prepared an assessment for submission to the army commander. The hypotheses were distilled into three scenarios: The USSR, or the Far East authorities, desires hostilities. Conclusion: Slightly possible. The USSR seeks to restrain Japan on the eve of the pivotal operations in China: the major Japanese offensive to seize Hankow. Conclusion: Highly probable. The Posyet district commander is new in his post; by occupying the Changkufeng ridges, he would demonstrate loyalty, impress superiors, and seek glory. Conclusion: Possible. Late on 13 July or early on 14 July, Koiso approved the dispatch of a message to the vice minister of war, and the Kwantung Army chief of staff:  "Lake Khasan area lies in troublesome sector USSR has been claiming . . . in accordance with treaties [said Secret Message No. 913], but we interpret it to be Manchukuoan territory, evident even from maps published by Soviet side. Russian actions are patently illegal, but, considering that area does not exert major or immediate influence on operations [Japan] is intending and that China Incident is in full swing, we are not going to conduct counterattack measures immediately. This army is thinking of reasoning with Soviets and requesting pullback, directly on spot. . . . In case Russians do not accede in long run, we have intention to drive Soviet soldiers out of area east of Khasan firmly by use of force."  The message concluded with a request that the Tokyo authorities lodge a formal protest with the USSR, on behalf of Manchukuo and Japan, and guide matters so that the Russians would withdraw quickly. Dominant in Japanese high command thinking in 1938 was the China theater; the Changkufeng episode constituted a mere digression. A sequence of Japanese tactical victories had preceded the summer: Tsingtao fell in January; the Yellow River was reached in March; a "reformed government of the Republic of China" was installed at Nanking several weeks later; Amoy fell in early May; Suchow fell on the 20th. With these gains, northern and central fronts could be linked by the Japanese. Yet Chinese resistance persisted, and while public statements anticipated imminent Chinese dissension, private admissions acknowledged that the partial effects of Suchow's fall were ominous: control might pass from Chiang Kai-shek to the Communists, Chinese defiance might intensify, and Soviet involvement could ensue. A Hankow drive appeared desirable to symbolize the conclusion of the military phase of hostilities. The Japanese and their adversaries were in accord regarding the importance of the summer and autumn campaigns. Even after Suchow's fall, the government discouraged public insinuations that enemy resistance was collapsing; when Chiang addressed the nation on the first anniversary of hostilities, Premier Konoe prophetically proclaimed, "The war has just begun." Colonel Inada Masazum served as the Army General Staff's principal figure for the Changkufeng affair, occupying the position of chief of the 2nd Operations Section within the Operations Bureau in March 1938. A distinguished graduate of the Military Academy, Inada completed the War College program and held a combination of line, instructional, and staff assignments at the War College, the Army General Staff, and the War Ministry. He was recognized as a sharp, highly capable, and driveful personality, though some regarded him as enigmatic. Following the capture of Suchow, Imperial General Headquarters on 18 June ordered field forces to undertake operational preparations for a drive to seize the Wuhan complex. Inada favored a decisive move aimed at achieving a rapid political settlement. He acknowledged that Soviet intervention in 1938, during Japan's involvement in China, would have been critical. Although Japanese forces could still defeat the Chinese, an overextended Japanese Army might be fatally compromised against the Russians. Soviet assistance to China was already pronouncedly unwelcome. The Soviets were reported to possess roughly 20 rifle divisions, four to five cavalry divisions, 1,500 tanks, and 1,560 aircraft, including 300 bombers with a range of approximately 3,000 kilometers, enabling reach from Vladivostok to Tokyo. Soviet manpower in Siberia was likely near 370,000. In response, Japanese central authorities stressed a no-trouble policy toward the USSR while seeking to "wall off" the border and bolster the Kwantung Army as quickly as possible. Nevertheless, the envisaged correction of the strategic imbalance could not occur before 1943, given shortages in ammunition, manpower, and materiel across existing theaters in China. By the end of 1937 Japan had committed 16 of its 24 divisions to China, bringing the standing force to roughly 700,000. Army General Staff planners reallocated three ground divisions, intended for a northern contingency, from north to central China, even as the Kwantung Army operated from a less favorable posture. Attitudes toward the northern problem varied within senior military circles. While concern persisted, it was not universal. As campaigns in China widened, planning at the high command level deteriorated, propagating confusion and anxiety to field armies in China. The Japanese Navy suspected that the Army general staff was invoking the USSR as a pretext for broader strategic aims—namely, to provoke a more consequential confrontation with the USSR while the Navy contended with its own strategic rivalries with the Army, centered on the United States and Britain. Army leaders, however, denied aggressive intent against the USSR at that time. The Hankow plan encountered substantial internal opposition at high levels. Private assessments among army planners suggested that a two-front war would be premature given operational readiness and troop strength. Not only were new War Ministry officials cautious, but many high-ranking Army general staff officers and court circles shared doubts.  Aggressive tendencies, influenced by subordinates and the Kwantung Army, were evident in Inada, who repeatedly pressed Tada Shun, the deputy army chief of staff, to endorse the Wuhan drive as both necessary and feasible, arguing that the USSR would gain from Japan's weakening without incurring substantial losses. Inada contended that Stalin was rational and that time favored the USSR in the Far East, where industrial buildup and military modernization were ongoing. He argued that the Soviet purges impeded opportunistic ventures with Japan. He posited that Nazi Germany posed a growing threat on the western front, and thus the USSR should be avoided by both Japan, due to China and Russia, due to Germany. While most of the army remained engaged in China, Tada did not initially share Inada's views; only after inspecting the Manchurian borders in April 1938 did he finally align with Inada's broader vision, which encompassed both northern and Chinese considerations. During this period, Inada studied daily intelligence from the Kwantung Army, and after Lyushkov's defection in June, reports suggested the Soviets were following their sector commander's recommendations. Russian troops appeared at Changkufeng, seemingly prepared to dig in. Inada recollects his reaction: "That's nice, my chance has come." I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The simmering Soviet–Japanese border clashes centered on Changkufeng Hill near Lake Khanka, set within a broader history of contested frontiers dating to Qing and Tsarist treaties. Japan, prioritizing China, considered Changkufeng peripheral but ready to confront Soviet encroachment; Moscow aimed to consolidate border gains, with high-level war planning overlaying regional skirmishes. Conflict loomed over Manchuria.

Esto es HistoCast. No es Esparta pero casi. Vamos a las planicies del Este de Europa para tratar la productividad de sus tierras a lo largo del tiempo junto a Pablo Marina Losada y @goyix_salduero.Secciones Historia: - Rusia de antes de la I Guerra Mundial - 11:43 - Gobierno bolchevique - 2:01:14 - El Holodomor - 2:15:00 - Vavilov - 2:41:08 - Lysenko - 2:53:19 - Eliminación de rivales - 3:49:49 - Hambruna de 1946 - 4:13:27 - Plan de Transformación de la Naturaleza - 4:44:39 - Caída de Lysenko - 5:51:00 - Impacto en otros países - 6:06:11 - Bibliografía - 6:38:57

Few people outside Kazakhstan know of the famine that destroyed nomadic life in the 1930s, and left more than a third of the population dead or displaced to China and far beyond. The famine, called Asharshylyk in Kazakh, was one of the most deadly man-made famines of the 20th Century; even more so, proportionately, than the much better known Holodomor in Ukraine during the same period. It resulted from the coming of Soviet power, the violent suppression of nomadism and forced settlement into disastrous collective farms. During the Soviet years, no one mentioned the Asharshylyk in public and its history was not at schools or universities. Rose Kudabayeva's grandparents didn't breathe a word to her about the Asharshylyk although they lived through the worst of it, losing several of their children. Now she travels through Kazakhstan trying to fill out the story, meeting archivists, writers, musicians, camel farmers and of course her own relatives.

62 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas joins Pete to continue a series examing the work of Viktor Suvorov (Vladimir Rezin) and Joachim Hoffmann who sought to prove in their books, "Icebreaker," and "Stalin's War of Extermination," that Stalin orchestrated the beginning of World War 2.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Buy Me a CoffeeThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

durée : 00:58:42 - Les Grandes Traversées - par : Marie Chartron - Début mars 1953, un huis clos dans une datcha à l'ouest de Moscou : Joseph Staline se meurt. Nikita Khrouchtchev, qui a secrètement enregistré ses souvenirs sur bande pendant plusieurs années, se remémore ces événements. Et sa voix nous accompagne. - réalisation : Diphy Mariani

On Friday's Mark Levin Show, why do individuals like Tucker Carlson and Nick Fuentes have any following, given their vile hatred toward Jews, Christians, and Americans? Given their promotion of Hitler, Stalin; their disrespect for the Greatest Generation that won World War II; their support for Hamas and Islamists against Israel. The problem is that ​not ​enough ​of ​our ​fellow ​citizens ​are ​educated ​about ​these ​two ​people ​and ​others – so Mark exposes them. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

To listen to the full version of this conversation, subscribe to Inside Call me Back: https://inside.arkmedia.orgLearn more about opening a JCF charitable fund today for flexible and strategic giving at jcfny.orgGift a subscription of Inside Call me Back: http://inside.arkmedia.org/giftsJonah Goldberg in the LA Times: latimes.com/opinion/story/2025-10-28/donald-trump-dictatorJonah Goldberg's The Remnant podcast: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-remnant-with-jonah-goldberg/id1291144720Jonah Goldberg's Suicide of the West: https://www.amazon.com/Suicide-West-Tribalism-Nationalism-Destroying/dp/1101904933Zineb Riboua at The Free Press on the right's misconceptions about Mamdani: https://www.thefp.com/p/what-the-right-gets-wrong-about-zohranSubscribe to Amit Segal's newsletter ‘It's Noon in Israel': https://arkmedia.org/amitsegal/Watch Call me Back on YouTube: youtube.com/@CallMeBackPodcastCheck out Ark Media's other podcasts: For Heaven's Sake: https://lnk.to/rfGlrA‘What's Your Number?': https://lnk.to/rfGlrAFor sponsorship inquiries, please contact: callmeback@arkmedia.orgTo contact us, sign up for updates, and access transcripts, visit: https://arkmedia.org/Ark Media on Instagram: https://instagram.com/arkmediaorgDan on X: https://x.com/dansenorDan on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dansenorTo order Dan Senor & Saul Singer's book, The Genius of Israel: https://tinyurl.com/bdeyjsdnToday's Episode: This is a sneak peek into Friday's members-only INSIDE Call me Back episode with Jonah Goldberg. The episode explored the growing pressure on Jews coming from both ends of the American political spectrum, and due to the importance of this conversation we decided to unlock a part of it for our listeners.This past Tuesday, democratic candidate Zohran Mamdani won the race for mayor of New York City, home to the largest number of Jews outside Israel. Mamdani is a 34-year old self-proclaimed Democratic Socialist and staunch anti-Zionist. His election has caused many Jewish New Yorkers to fear for the future of communal life in their city. Meanwhile, over recent months, we have witnessed a disturbing rise in unabashed antisemitism on the Right. Just last week, Tucker Carlson interviewed far-right influencer Nick Fuentes, who has been open about his support for both Hitler and Stalin. To discuss the precarious situation of diaspora Jews as they're squeezed between the far left and the far right, Dan was joined by Jonah Goldberg. Jonah is the editor in chief and co-founder of The Dispatch and author of multiple books on political history and conservative ideas, including Suicide of the West and Liberal Fascism. He's also the host of the indispensable podcast, The Remnant.CREDITS:ILAN BENATAR - Producer & EditorADAAM JAMES LEVIN-AREDDY - Executive ProducerMARTIN HUERGO - Sound EditorMARIANGELES BURGOS - Additional EditingMAYA RACKOFF - Operations DirectorGABE SILVERSTEIN - ResearchYUVAL SEMO - Music Composer

Timothy David Snyder is an American historian specializing in the history of Central and Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and the Holocaust. He is on leave from his position as the Richard C. Levin Professor of History at Yale University with plans (as of 1 July 2025 to transfer to the University of Toronto for an indefinite time.He is a permanent fellow at the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna. Snyder serves on the Committee on Conscience of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, and is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. He holds the inaugural Chair in Modern European History, supported by the Temerty Endowment for Ukrainian Studies, at the Munk School at the University of Toronto; he will teach at the school during the 2025–26 academic year.Snyder has written many books, including Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (2010), On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century (2017), The Road to Unfreedom (2018), and Our Malady (2020). Several of these have been described as best-sellers.

•⁠ ⁠81% மசோதாக்கள் ஒப்புதல் வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ளதென விளக்கம் கூறும் ஆளுநர்! - விவரம் என்ன?•⁠ ⁠போதை பொருள் ஒழிப்பு டு சாதிய மோதல்களை எதிர்த்து வைகோ நடைபயண திட்டம்!•⁠ ⁠வைகோ - ஓ.பன்னீர்செல்வம் வார்த்தை யுத்தம்!•⁠ ⁠உதயநிதி துதிபாடும் துரைமுருகன் - இதுதான் காரணமா?•⁠ ⁠SIR பற்றிய திமுகவின் அடுத்தடுத்த ஆலோசனைக் கூட்டங்கள் அப்டேட்•⁠ ⁠பாலியல் குற்றங்களில் பெண்கள் மீது பழி சுமத்துவதா? - கனிமொழி கோபம்•⁠ ⁠பெண்களுக்கு பாதுகாப்பு இல்லாத மாநிலமா தமிழகம்? - எடப்பாடி விமர்சனமும் திமுக பதிலும்!•⁠ ⁠நடிகை கௌரி கிஷன் - யூடியூபர் சர்ச்சை•⁠ ⁠சீமான் பிறந்தநாள். நீலாங்கரை வீட்டில் தடபுடல் விருந்து.•⁠ ⁠தூய்மை பணியாளர் போராட்டம் 100 வது நாள் - உஷார் நிலையில் காவல்துறை!•⁠ ⁠அஜித் பவார் மகன் அரசு நிலையத்தை விற்ற வழக்கு - பின்னணி என்ன?•⁠ ⁠வாக்கு திருட்டு - அடுக்கடுக்கான புகார்களை கூறும் ராகுல் காந்தி * நாடாளுமன்ற குளிர்கால கூட்டத் தொடர் தொடக்கம்!•⁠ ⁠அமெரிக்காவில் உள்ள அணு ஆயுதங்களை வைத்து 150 தடவை உலகை அழிக்கலாம் - கொளுத்திப் போடும் ட்ரம்ப்.

A very unusual episode, where returning guest-panelist Safine Hakamaki (Née Ashirova) co-hosts an interview with Henry of the esteemed Svetlana Grivorevna Ter-Minasova.  In this episode, Henry and Safie discuss the life of Professor Ter-Minasova, from her early childhood during WWII up through the present, where she continues to work as the Founding President of the Faculty of Foreign Languages and Area Studies at Moscow State University!  During this oral-autobiography, we learn why she credits Joseph Stalin with saving her life, what it was like growing up during WWII and the immediate aftermath, and her career as the "Mother" of Soviet (and subsequently Russian) foreign language education.  We're sure you'll enjoy! Svetlana Grigorevna Ter-Minasova is the founder and President of the Faculty of Foreign Languages and Area Studies at Lomonosov Moscow State University, and retains a position as Professor Emeritus at the university.  She has been Chairperson of the Foreign Languages Teaching Council (part of the Ministry of Education) since 1987.  Among many other credits, she also has been the Founding President of both National Association of Applied Linguistics and National Association of Teachers of English.  Her book "Notes by a Soviet Dinosaur",  came out in 2015, and has been excerpted in East-West Review. Safie Hakamaki is a Russian linguist and foreign language educator.  You can follow her telegram channel @amusing_musings. Help support the show by signing up to our patreon, where you also will get bonus content: https://www.patreon.com/guerrillahistory 

Découvrez la suite du récit consacré à Léon Trotski, intellectuel et figure des révolutions russes, raconté par l'historienne Virginie Girod.Au moment où Lénine, à la tête de l'URSS, meurt en 1924, Trotski est malade et se repose loin de Moscou. Staline profite de l'absence de son rival pour s'imposer comme successeur légitime de Lénine. Son but : évincer ses opposants politiques.En 1929, Léon Trotski est expulsé des territoires soviétiques. Il erre alors à travers l'Europe et continue à écrire et diffuser ses idées. Il plaide pour une révolution communiste mondiale, quand Staline veut se concentrer sur l'avenir de la Russie. Finalement, Trotski trouve refuge au Mexique en 1936, aidé par le peintre communiste Diego Rivera.Alors que la Seconde Guerre mondiale plane sur le monde, Staline est de moins en moins populaire auprès de ses troupes. Il craint une révolte contre lui, menée par Trotski. Mais Staline a des moyens. Le 20 août 1940, Jacques Mornard, un prétendu journaliste belge, assassine Trotski à son domicile mexicain dans le cadre de l'opération Canard : une opération secrète russe visant à tuer Trotski. (rediffusion)Au Cœur de l'Histoire est un podcast Europe 1. - Ecriture et présentation : Virginie Girod - Production : Camille Bichler (avec Florine Silvant)- Direction artistique : Adèle Humbert et Julien Tharaud - Réalisation : Clément Ibrahim - Musique originale : Julien Tharaud - Musiques additionnelles : Julien Tharaud et Sébastien Guidis - Visuel : Sidonie ManginHébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

For a brief moment in time, the Democrats were humiliated in defeat. November of 2024 was the body blow necessary to end the war on Trump. They lost. Trump won, and that was that.They never absorbed that loss, however, except in the way that it made them meaner, angrier, and more willing to blow through norms and abandon what remained of their humanity to chase victory by any means necessary. That would include spending hundreds of millions on Prop 50. It would include celebrating the murder of Charlie Kirk and fantasizing about Trump's imminent death.It would be about sacrificing being “good people doing good things” to “stop fascism.” And somewhere in there, they took a dark turn. I watched it. I wrote about it. I warned about it. I could see it in their attacks on Tesla and their destruction of Elon Musk in an attempt to kill him and his business.I could see them at the No Kings rally, angry and motivated. Their desperation to find a Joe Rogan or compete with the memes on the Right failing at every turn. They looked to me like the monster in The Thing that could imitate but could never be what they thought won Trump the election.Their men are attempting to appear more masculine. Gavin Newsom and JB Pritzker have no problem fomenting insurrection against the government, and the newly elected Mayor of New York just taunted Trump to “turn up the volume.”The women bask in it and pretend they're still feminists when all they wanted all along was to be rescued by men, and here we are again. It's funny. But not so funny.To them, all is justified in the name of “saving democracy.” But that's never been what any of this has been about. They are totalitarians at heart, and they are prepared to sacrifice almost everything - friends, families, marriages, whole industries of culture and education - to attain it absolutely.Utopias only have two potential paths. They become totalitarian, like the Soviet Union, like China, or they collapse. What you sacrifice in chasing utopia is personal freedom, art, journalism, comedy, and common ground with those who disagree with you. A totalitarian system wants it all and is prepared to take it if it isn't given willingly.They were already halfway there before Zohran Mamdani became the new leader of the new Left. Matt Taibbi calls this the end of the Democratic Party, and he's right. Totalitarianism will mean giving up even that. It's all for one and one for all, and those who aren't on board will be left behind.Here is Ben Shapiro:For now, they are holding their not-famous, bland, cookie-cutter centrists —like those who won in Virginia and New Jersey —whose names and faces no one remembers, close enough to not scare people away. They're centrists in name only. The new socialist wave will obliterate them, and if they don't realize that yet, they soon will.This came through my mail, even though I was never put on any list, and I have no idea how it arrived after five years of trying to leave the Democratic Party.Does the Right have anything like that? Are they in any way prepared to go up against people this fired up? No. They aren't. They have Scott Pressler, and they had Charlie Kirk, and everyone else seems to be invested in building their platforms for clicks and views, not for votes. MAGA is on the ropes.The heart of a totalitarian is that all things are necessary to achieve the singular goal of absolute power and dominance for the cause. The cause is usually a Marxist-like government system, but it doesn't have to be. It can be fascist, too. But even that has its roots in socialism because in totalitarianism, there is no power for the individual against the state.Over at the Free Press, Olivia Reingold looked deeper into the DSA:…The Free Press reviewed thousands of pages of internal Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) documents, which show that the organization's leaders view Mamdani as a tool in their agenda to abolish prisons and borders, and ultimately end in what they call the “barbaric order of capitalism.” The DSA, founded in 1982, is a political body dedicated to the doctrine of democratic socialism, which is a variety of socialism that simply specifies how it would like revolution to occur: peacefully, through the subversion of democracy. Mamdani, a dues-paying DSA member since 2017, is the tip of that spear.The Democrat machine cultivated “cancel culture” and used it as a method of societal control. No one would dare say anything that would get them banished from Utopia, except those of us who did and were. That form of policing was straight out of the Cultural Revolution, or Stalin's Komsomol or Hitler's Youth.In our bubble of the Left, we required no military because the system we built made it possible to destroy people with a single accusation. Over time, our hearts and minds had to be captured or suppressed. If you could not go along with it, and I couldn't, you were out.For a society that had migrated to the virtual frontier, that didn't mean you were sent to a gulag or killed, but it did mean you could lose everything and have to rebuild. Not the end of the world, but still, imagine a system like that attaining absolute power because MAGA dropped the ball?That totalitarian practice of punishing thought crimes and dissent spread to government when Joe Biden took power, which is why they censored the internet with impunity and would have continued to do it had the richest man in the world not bought Twitter and freed speech, which allowed for a counter movement to rise and win.Joe Biden and his administration, along with the Democrats, thought nothing of indicting Trump on weak charges, raiding Mar-a-Lago to paint him as a criminal. Their dehumanization and rage for him knew no bounds. They wanted him in jail. They wanted him off the ballot. They wanted him out of their government, their culture, and their country. They wanted him dead. And still do.Jay Jones' texts fantasizing about the death of Republicans and their children are not an exception. It's the rule. They openly talk about “when it happens” to Trump and plan to celebrate that day with playlists and dancing in the street. That is where they were mentally before this November 4th, and their blue wave revived the movement. Now, they are winning.You'd think, given that, they would ease up on the ugliness, the dehumanization, and the hate. Think again. These aren't people who want to share this country or even share the same restaurant as Trump and MAGA. You can't lie about a whole group of people like they have, calling them Nazis and racists and bigots, and not have it end as easily as one election. This is, to them, war.Mamdani's speech proved it. It was masks off, and here comes the revolution, and the enemies are the rich, the Capitalists, and the free thinkers. You think cancel culture was bad? Just you wait until they have control of AI, YouTube, Facebook, and all social media platforms, not to mention all of Hollywood, book publishing, universal preschool, and the universities.And what happens when the money runs out? Even now, Mamdani needs money, and he's asking for it to help pay for his transition team. Get used to it, rich people. You are the ones who will fund this production.The policies matter less than their total control of the country they believe belongs to them. But the one person they can't control is Donald Trump, and that's how he's gotten the better of them again and again. They believe this time, they finally got him. They think the time has come to declare victory. I wouldn't be so sure.When you control the corporate press, the universities, the public schools, the culture, you can create any reality you want. That's a totalitarian paradise, and why they've constructed it that way. A Trump win was never in the plan. It took them a while to find just the right narrative to preserve utopia, which was in a state of collapse.All it took was for Trump to focus on tariffs and not the economy, to celebrate a lavish Halloween ball amid a government shutdown, and most of all for voters to get a taste of Republicans ripping away SNAP benefits and rising healthcare costs. So they shut down the government to manufacture a crisis because, of course, they did. It was Defcon 1.Victor Davis Hanson on Emily Jashinsky's After PartyThat handed the Democrats their oppression cosplay, lining up the shot perfectly. How did the GOP not see this coming? They became arrogant and too comfortable with the idea that the Democratic Party had imploded. The only reason they imploded is that they didn't have the right script. Now, they do.The forces at play to destroy MAGA are everywhere. Do you think totalitarians play around? They do not. Now that Tyler Robinson conveniently assassinated Charlie Kirk, the vultures have flown in, and there is division everywhere.Nick Fuentes, boosted by the New York Times, will become the face of MAGA over the next few years. Excusing him, excusing those who interview him, or apologizing for him is a gift handed to the Left on a silver platter like the Epstein Files. Don't say I didn't warn you.The more people try to censor someone like Fuentes, however, the more energy and popularity he will attain. Anger among the public, especially the young, will find its way out and land somewhere. It will be sucked up by the totalitarians on the Left, or the identity-obsessed faction of the Right.Vivek Ramaswamy:Fuentes is popular, and no amount of scolding will change that. Shutting people up will never be the answer, and it won't work anyway in the age of influencers, clicks, and views. Brett Cooper and others will want a piece of that audience. And so they will placate, they will lean in, and they will excuse.But a Fuentes Right plays like a Reichstag Fire for the totalitarians. MAGA will not survive unless they have some beacons of morality, of true virtue, like Charlie Kirk, guiding them.As Konstantin Kisin points out:There is no saving the totalitarians. They already thought Charlie Kirk was as bad. Even now, none of them felt his assassination in any way. They did not tone anything down. They justified their celebrations and are determined to smear his legacy in death. They would watch and laugh if hundreds of Trump supporters were lined up and shot.Totalitarians want all of you. They want your mind, your heart, your devotion, your loyalty, your past, your present, and your future. They want it all, and they will take it all. And if you aren't on board, out you go. The only hope we have is a sane and common-sense alternative, which we have in Donald Trump. Somehow, in this mess, he comes out as the normal one.If Charlie Kirk were here right now, he'd be on the phone with Trump and urging him to address the economic woes that just lost Republicans a landslide election and ask him to say to the people, “I know you're suffering. I hear you. Here is our action plan to bring down costs and boost the economy. Here is our plan for healthcare. Here is why we won't let anyone starve in the richest country in the world.”But Charlie isn't here. Trump is relying on a team of Yes Men who will not pick up the phone and challenge him, like Charlie would have. But someone must.MAGA must have in place right now a mobilized effort to win in 2026, enlisting all influencers who want to help in the effort to beat back the Totalitarians and their massive alignment of power and their army of fired-up zealots.Otherwise, the totalitarians take America back. They'll raise the drawbridge, and that will be that. They will have whole generations in their universal preschool, shaping those minds however they please. Choose your gender, never think for yourself, do as you are told, utopia.If they take control of AI, that's it for free thought in America. None of them realizes it or even thinks about it. The heart of a totalitarian is not to question but to obey.Gen-Z is facing nothing but a depressing future - no home, AI coming to take the jobs, crippling student debt, and a magic man handing them everything they could ever want for free. Except it's not free. It will cost you everything because it will cost you your freedom.It will sound great at first, like those early enthusiastic speeches in Animal Farm. But if and when the money runs out, if and when there isn't enough for everyone, well, then it becomes the stuff of nightmares.America wasn't built for totalitarianism. It was built to be exactly the opposite. Just visit a socialist country, any one of them, and you'll see why. Charlie might be gone, but thousands of others have risen and attempted to fill his shoes, like Benny Johnson announcing this homeownership program for young people:America is always changing, evolving, and recreating itself. People come here to make their dreams come true. A republic, if you can keep it. Godspeed, MAGA. Godspeed.…// This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.sashastone.com/subscribe

•⁠ ⁠SIR-ஆல் வாக்காளர்களுக்கு ஏற்படும் குழப்பம் - களத்தில் நடப்பது என்ன? •⁠ ⁠திமுக தொடர்ந்த வழக்கு விசாரணைக்கு ஏற்பு! •⁠ ⁠"அதிமுக ஒருங்கிணைப்பு குறித்து பேசத்தான் பாஜக என்னை அழைத்தது" - செங்கோட்டையன் ஓப்பன் டாக் •⁠ ⁠செங்கோட்டையனின் ஆதரவாளர்கள் அதிமுகவில் இருந்து நீக்கம்! •⁠ ⁠அதிமுகவை அபகரிக்க முயன்றவர் தினகரன் - ஆர்.பி.உதயகுமார்.•⁠ ⁠"அன்பில் மகேஸ் திமுகவிற்கு அழைத்தாரா?'' - அமைதி காக்கும் வைத்திலிங்கம்!•⁠ ⁠“தமிழ்நாடு அரசியலில் யாருமே செய்யாத பித்தலாட்டத்தனம்” விஜயை சரமாரியாக விளாசிய வைகோ •⁠ ⁠மோதல் போக்கு இருந்தால் நிதி வராது: நயினார் நாகேந்திரன். •⁠ ⁠‘வந்தே மாதரம்' பாடலின் 150-வது ஆண்டு விழாவையொட்டி சிறப்பு தபால் தலை மற்றும் நாணயத்தை வெளியிட்டுள்ளார் பிரதமர் நரேந்திர மோடி. •⁠ ⁠பீகார் தேர்தல் வரலாற்றில் புதிய மைல்கல்; முதல்முறையாக 64.66 சதவிகித வாக்குகள் பதிவு! •⁠ ⁠ராணுவ வீரர்கள் சர்ச்சை: ராகுல் Vs அமித் ஷா? •⁠ ⁠நாடு முழுவதும் பொது இடங்களில் சுற்றித்திரியும் தெருநாய்களை அகற்ற உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் உத்தரவு!

On Wednesday's Mark Levin Show, Tuesday's election results were no surprise because the Democrats immigration strategy to change the demographics and citizenry, without assimilation, has worked. NYC will decline, the question is by how much and Virginia is now part of the federal government. If the election was about affordability why did NJ vote to increase their property taxes and energy bills? Also,  America is at a critical juncture, threatened by Marxist Islamists on the extreme left and the extreme right. These evil forces collude to dismantle the greatest nation ever, embodying freedom, diversity, tolerance, just law, and decentralized power, inherited through ancestral sacrifices. They embrace tyrants like Hitler, Stalin, Qatar's leaders, Iran, and Putin, aiming to impose ideologies, religions, or third-world status. We need to reject and deplatform enablers in media, think tanks, and organizations profiting from hate, Marxism, Islamism, antisemitism, or anti-Christianity via market forces. Later, neither the law nor the Constitution prohibits a President from imposing tariffs, which can serve purposes like rebuilding industries, countering foreign tariffs, or ensuring national security. Congress holds the power of the purse and could pass statutes to limit presidential tariff authority, but it has not done so, making judicial intervention unnecessary and a potential separation of powers issue. The Court should refrain from involvement, as any limits would come from congressional action or voter disapproval.  Afterward, Dinesh D'Souza calls in to explain the danger of Tucker Carlson, who is driving a wedge between Christians and Jews, America and Israel, and the pillars of Western civilization, which harms Trump, MAGA, and the Republican Party by inviting bigotries like anti-Semitism. Finally, Eli Sharabi, a former Hamas hostage from Kibbutz Berry, calls in to share his story of what happened of October 7th and beyond in his new book, Hostage. https://www.amazon.com/dp/0063489791/ During his 14-month captivity in tunnels, he lost over 60 pounds and bonded closely with fellow hostages, sharing daily conversations about their childhoods, families, friends, and hobbies to survive. They developed strategies for dealing with captors and analyzed them constantly. Throughout, they maintained unwavering hope and faith, believing it was only a matter of time before Israel, through the IDF, secret services, and leadership, would secure their release. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Écoutez l'histoire consacrée à Léon Trotski, intellectuel et figure des révolutions russes de 1917, racontée par l'historienne Virginie Girod dans un récit inédit en deux parties. Lev Davidovitch Bronstein, alias Léon Trotski, fréquente des cercles révolutionnaires dès son adolescence, à la fin du XIXe siècle. La Russie est alors un pays gouverné par le tsar Nicolas II, où les pénuries se mêlent à la misère. Sauf pour l'élite, établie à Saint-Pétersbourg. Léon Trotski, inspiré par l'œuvre de Karl Marx, rêve d'un monde communiste. À 23 ans, alors que le jeune homme parcourt l'Europe, il fait la rencontre de Lénine, à Londres. Les deux hommes se rapprochent. Quelques années plus tard, la Première Guerre mondiale éclate et en 1917, les Russes se révoltent face au tsar. Portés par Lénine, les bolcheviques s'imposent au pouvoir. Trotski, de son côté, sillonne le pays pour enrôler la population dans le mouvement révolutionnaire, quitte à user de la force. Entre Staline et lui, une concurrence s'installe pour succéder à Lénine. Et pour arriver à ses fins, Staline n'hésite pas à tendre un piège à Trotski.Au Cœur de l'Histoire est un podcast Europe 1. - Ecriture et présentation : Virginie Girod - Production : Camille Bichler (avec Florine Silvant)- Direction artistique : Adèle Humbert et Julien Tharaud - Réalisation : Clément Ibrahim - Musique originale : Julien Tharaud - Musiques additionnelles : Julien Tharaud et Sébastien Guidis - Visuel : Sidonie ManginHébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Today's episode is the first of two exploring the origins, conduct and legacy of the Moscow Show Trials that Stalin staged from 1936-38. David talks to historian of Russia Edward Acton about what motivated these grotesque spectacles, how the defendants were chosen, how their confessions were extracted, why the rhetoric was so violent and who was fooled by what they saw and heard. Plus: how did the trials of these few lead to the murders of so many? Available tomorrow on PPF+: our second episode on the Moscow Show Trials in which David and Edward discuss the 1938 trial of Nikolai Bukharin, the most celebrated defendant of them all, whose case inspired some of the world's great political literature.  To get this and all our bonus episodes plus ad-free listening sign up to PPF+ today https://www.ppfideas.com/join-ppf-plus Next time in Politics on Trial: De Gaulle vs Pétain Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the fall of Wuhan. In a country frayed by war, the Yangtze became a pulsing artery, carrying both hunger and hope. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan to the last man, or flood the rivers to buy time. He chose both, setting sullen floodwaters loose along the Yellow River to slow the invaders, a temporary mercy that spared some lives while ripping many from their homes. On the river's banks, a plethora of Chinese forces struggled to unite. The NRA, fractured into rival zones, clung to lines with stubborn grit as Japanese forces poured through Anqing, Jiujiang, and beyond, turning the Yangtze into a deadly corridor. Madang's fortifications withstood bombardment and gas, yet the price was paid in troops and civilians drowned or displaced. Commanders like Xue Yue wrestled stubbornly for every foothold, every bend in the river. The Battle of Wanjialing became a symbol: a desperate, months-long pincer where Chinese divisions finally tightened their cordon and halted the enemy's flow. By autumn, the Japanese pressed onward to seize Tianjiazhen and cut supply lines, while Guangzhou fell to a ruthless blockade. The Fall of Wuhan loomed inevitable, yet the story remained one of fierce endurance against overwhelming odds.   #174 The Changsha Fire Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the summer of 1938, amid the upheaval surrounding Chiang Kai-shek, one of his most important alliances came to an end. On June 22, all German advisers to the Nationalist government were summoned back; any who refused would be deemed guilty of high treason. Since World War I, a peculiar bond had tied the German Weimar Republic and China: two fledgling states, both weak and only partially sovereign. Under the Versailles Treaty of 1919, Germany had lost extraterritorial rights on Chinese soil, which paradoxically allowed Berlin to engage with China as an equal partner rather than a traditional colonizer. This made German interests more welcome in business and politics than those of other Western powers. Chiang's military reorganization depended on German officers such as von Seeckt and von Falkenhausen, and Hitler's rise in 1933 had not immediately severed the connection between the two countries. Chiang did not share Nazi ideology with Germany, but he viewed Berlin as a potential ally and pressed to persuade it to side with China rather than Japan as China's principal East Asian, anti-Communist partner. In June 1937, H. H. Kung led a delegation to Berlin, met Hitler, and argued for an alliance with China. Yet the outbreak of war and the Nationalists' retreat to Wuhan convinced Hitler's government to align with Japan, resulting in the recall of all German advisers. Chiang responded with a speech praising von Falkenhausen, insisting that "our friend's enemy is our enemy too," and lauding the German Army's loyalty and ethics as a model for the Chinese forces. He added, "After we have won the War of Resistance, I believe you'll want to come back to the Far East and advise our country again." Von Falkenhausen would later become the governor of Nazi-occupied Belgium, then be lauded after the war for secretly saving many Jewish lives. As the Germans departed, the roof of the train transporting them bore a prominent German flag with a swastika, a prudent precaution given Wuhan's vulnerability to air bombardment. The Japanese were tightening their grip on the city, even as Chinese forces, numbering around 800,000, made a stubborn stand. The Yellow River floods blocked northern access, so the Japanese chose to advance via the Yangtze, aided by roughly nine divisions and the might of the Imperial Navy. The Chinese fought bravely, but their defenses could not withstand the superior technology of the Japanese fleet. The only substantial external aid came from Soviet pilots flying aircraft bought from the USSR as part of Stalin's effort to keep China in the war; between 1938 and 1940, some 2,000 pilots offered their services. From June 24 to 27, Japanese bombers relentlessly pounded the Madang fortress along the Yangtze until it fell. A month later, on July 26, Chinese defenders abandoned Jiujiang, southeast of Wuhan, and its civilian population endured a wave of atrocities at the hands of the invaders. News of Jiujiang's fate stiffened resolve. Chiang delivered a pointed address to his troops on July 31, arguing that Wuhan's defense was essential and that losing the city would split the country into hostile halves, complicating logistics and movement. He warned that Wuhan's defense would also be a spiritual test: "the place has deep revolutionary ties," and public sympathy for China's plight was growing as Japanese atrocities became known. Yet Chiang worried about the behavior of Chinese soldiers. He condemned looting as a suicidal act that would destroy the citizens' trust in the military. Commanders, he warned, must stay at their posts; the memory of the Madang debacle underscored the consequences of cowardice. Unlike Shanghai, Wuhan had shelters, but he cautioned against retreating into them and leaving soldiers exposed. Officers who failed in loyalty could expect no support in return. This pep talk, combined with the belief that the army was making a last stand, may have slowed the Japanese advance along the Yangtze in August. Under General Xue Yue, about 100,000 Chinese troops pushed back the invaders at Huangmei. At Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with poison gas finally forcing Japanese victory. Yet even then, Chinese generals struggled to coordinate. In Xinyang, Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted; they expected relief from Hu Zongnan's forces, but Hu instead withdrew, allowing Japan to capture the city without a fight. The fall of Xinyang enabled Japanese control of the Ping-Han railway, signaling Wuhan's doom. Chiang again spoke to Wuhan's defenders, balancing encouragement with a grim realism about possible loss. Although Wuhan's international connections were substantial, foreign aid would be unlikely. If evacuation became necessary, the army should have a clear plan, including designated routes. He recalled the disastrous December retreat from Nanjing, where "foreigners and Chinese alike turned it into an empty city." Troops had been tired and outnumbered; Chiang defended the decision to defend Nanjing, insisting the army had sacrificed itself for the capital and Sun Yat-sen's tomb. Were the army to retreat again, he warned, it would be the greatest shame in five thousand years of Chinese history. The loss of Madang was another humiliation. By defending Wuhan, he argued, China could avenge its fallen comrades and cleanse its conscience; otherwise, it could not honor its martyrs. Mao Zedong, observing the situation from his far-off base at Yan'an, agreed strongly that Chiang should not defend Wuhan to the death. He warned in mid-October that if Wuhan could not be defended, the war's trajectory would shift, potentially strengthening the Nationalists–Communists cooperation, deepening popular mobilization, and expanding guerrilla warfare. The defense of Wuhan, Mao argued, should drain the enemy and buy time to advance the broader struggle, not become a doomed stalemate. In a protracted war, some strongholds might be abandoned temporarily to sustain the longer fight. The Japanese Army captured Wuchang and Hankou on 26 October and captured Hanyang on the 27th, which concluded the campaign in Wuhan. The battle had lasted four and a half months and ended with the Nationalist army's voluntary withdrawal. In the battle itself, the Japanese army captured Wuhan's three towns and held the heartland of China, achieving a tactical victory. Yet strategically, Japan failed to meet its objectives. Imperial Headquarters believed that "capturing Hankou and Guangzhou would allow them to dominate China." Consequently, the Imperial Conference planned the Battle of Wuhan to seize Wuhan quickly and compel the Chinese government to surrender. It also decreed that "national forces should be concentrated to achieve the war objectives within a year and end the war against China." According to Yoshiaki Yoshimi and Seiya Matsuno, Hirohito authorized the use of chemical weapons against China by specific orders known as rinsanmei. During the Battle of Wuhan, Prince Kan'in Kotohito transmitted the emperor's orders to deploy toxic gas 375 times between August and October 1938. Another memorandum uncovered by Yoshimi indicates that Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni authorized the use of poison gas against the Chinese on 16 August 1938. A League of Nations resolution adopted on 14 May condemned the Imperial Japanese Army's use of toxic gas. Japan's heavy use of chemical weapons against China was driven by manpower shortages and China's lack of poison gas stockpiles to retaliate. Poison gas was employed at Hankou in the Battle of Wuhan to break Chinese resistance after conventional assaults had failed. Rana Mitter notes that, under General Xue Yue, approximately 100,000 Chinese troops halted Japanese advances at Huangmei, and at the fortress of Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with Japanese victory secured only through the use of poison gas. Chinese generals also struggled with coordination at Xinyang; Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted, and Hu Zongnan's forces, believed to be coming to relieve them, instead withdrew. Japan subsequently used poison gas against Chinese Muslim forces at the Battle of Wuyuan and the Battle of West Suiyuan. However, the Chinese government did not surrender with the loss of Wuhan and Guangzhou, nor did Japan's invasion end with Wuhan and Guangzhou's capture. After Wuhan fell, the government issued a reaffirmation: "Temporary changes of advance and retreat will not shake our resolve to resist the Japanese invasion," and "the gain or loss of any city will not affect the overall situation of the war." It pledged to "fight with even greater sorrow, greater perseverance, greater steadfastness, greater diligence, and greater courage," dedicating itself to a long, comprehensive war of resistance. In the Japanese-occupied rear areas, large armed anti-Japanese forces grew, and substantial tracts of territory were recovered. As the Japanese army themselves acknowledged, "the restoration of public security in the occupied areas was actually limited to a few kilometers on both sides of the main transportation lines." Thus, the Battle of Wuhan did not merely inflict a further strategic defeat on Japan; it also marked a turning point in Japan's strategic posture, from offense to defense. Due to the Nationalist Army's resolute resistance, Japan mobilized its largest force to date for the attack, about 250,000 personnel, who were replenished four to five times over the battle, for a total of roughly 300,000. The invaders held clear advantages in land, sea, and air power and fought for four and a half months. Yet they failed to annihilate the Nationalist main force, nor did they break the will to resist or the army's combat effectiveness. Instead, the campaign dealt a severe blow to the Japanese Army's vitality. Japanese-cited casualties totaled 4,506 dead and 17,380 wounded for the 11th Army; the 2nd Army suffered 2,300 killed in action, 7,600 wounded, and 900 died of disease. Including casualties across the navy and the air force, the overall toll was about 35,500. By contrast, the Nationalist Government Military Commission's General Staff Department, drawing on unit-level reports, calculated Japanese casualties at 256,000. The discrepancy between Japanese and Nationalist tallies illustrates the inflationary tendencies of each side's reporting. Following Wuhan, a weakened Japanese force confronted an extended front. Unable to mount large-scale strategic offensives, unlike Shanghai, Xuzhou, or Wuhan itself, the Japanese to a greater extent adopted a defensive posture. This transition shifted China's War of Resistance from a strategic defensive phase into a strategic stalemate, while the invaders found themselves caught in a protracted war—a development they most disliked. Consequently, Japan's invasion strategy pivoted: away from primary frontal offensives toward a greater reliance on political inducements with secondary military action, and toward diverting forces to "security" operations behind enemy lines rather than pushing decisive frontal campaigns. Japan, an island nation with limited strategic resources, depended heavily on imports. By the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, Japan's gold reserves,including reserves for issuing banknotes, amounted to only about 1.35 billion yen. In effect, Japan's currency reserves constrained the scale of the war from the outset. The country launched its aggression while seeking an early solution to the conflict. To sustain its war of aggression against China, the total value of military supplies imported from overseas in 1937 reached approximately 960 million yen. By June of the following year, for the Battle of Wuhan, even rifles used in training were recalled to outfit the expanding army. The sustained increase in troops also strained domestic labor, food, and energy supplies. By 1939, after Wuhan, Japan's military expenditure had climbed to about 6.156 billion yen, far exceeding national reserves. This stark reality exposed Japan's economic fragility and its inability to guarantee a steady supply of military materiel, increasing pressure on the leadership at the Central Command. The Chief of Staff and the Minister of War lamented the mismatch between outward strength and underlying weakness: "Outwardly strong but weak is a reflection of our country today, and this will not last long." In sum, the Wuhan campaign coincided with a decline in the organization, equipment, and combat effectiveness of the Japanese army compared with before the battle. This erosion of capability helped drive Japan to alter its political and military strategy, shifting toward a method of inflicting pressure on China and attempting to "use China to control China", that is, fighting in ways designed to sustain the broader war effort. Tragically a major element of Chiang Kai-shek's retreat strategy was the age-old "scorched earth" policy. In fact, China originated the phrase and the practice. Shanghai escaped the last-minute torching because of foreigners whose property rights were protected. But in Nanjing, the burning and destruction began with increasing zeal. What could not be moved inland, such as remaining rice stocks, oil in tanks, and other facilities, was to be blown up or devastated. Civilians were told to follow the army inland, to rebuild later behind the natural barrier of Sichuan terrain. Many urban residents complied, but the peasantry did not embrace the plan. The scorched-earth policy served as powerful propaganda for the occupying Japanese army and, even more so, for the Reds. Yet they could hardly have foreseen the propaganda that Changsha would soon supply them. In June, the Changsha Evacuation Guidance Office was established to coordinate land and water evacuation routes. By the end of October, Wuhan's three towns had fallen, and on November 10 the Japanese army captured Yueyang, turning Changsha into the next primary invasion target. Beginning on October 9, Japanese aircraft intensified from sporadic raids on Changsha to large-scale bombing. On October 27, the Changsha Municipal Government urgently evacuated all residents, exempting only able-bodied men, the elderly, the weak, women, and children. The baojia system was mobilized to go door-to-door, enforcing compliance. On November 7, Chiang Kai-shek convened a military meeting at Rongyuan Garden to review the war plan and finalize a "scorched earth war of resistance." Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, drafted the detailed implementation plan. On November 10, Shi Guoji, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, presided over a joint meeting of Changsha's party, government, military, police, and civilian organizations to devise a strategy. The Changsha Destruction Command was immediately established, bringing together district commanders and several arson squads. The command actively prepared arson equipment and stacked flammable materials along major traffic arteries. Chiang decided that the city of Changsha was vulnerable and either gave the impression or the direct order, honestly really depends on the source your reading, to burn the city to the ground to prevent it falling to the enemy. At 9:00 AM on November 12, Chiang Kai-shek telegraphed Zhang Zhizhong: "One hour to arrive, Chairman Zhang, Changsha, confidential. If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned. Please make thorough preparations in advance and do not delay." And here it seems a game of broken telephone sort of resulted in one of the worst fire disasters of all time. If your asking pro Chiang sources, the message was clearly, put up a defense, once thats fallen, burn the city down before the Japanese enter. Obviously this was to account for getting civilians out safely and so forth. If you read lets call it more modern CPP aligned sources, its the opposite. Chiang intentionally ordering the city to burn down as fast as possible, but in through my research, I think it was a colossal miscommunication. Regardless Zhongzheng Wen, Minister of the Interior, echoed the message. Simultaneously, Lin Wei, Deputy Director of Chiang Kai-shek's Secretariat, instructed Zhang Zhizhong by long-distance telephone: "If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned." Zhang summoned Feng Ti, Commander of the Provincial Capital Garrison, and Xu Quan, Director of the Provincial Security Bureau, to outline arson procedures. He designated the Garrison Command to shoulder the preparations, with the Security Bureau assisting. At 4:00 PM, Zhang appointed Xu Kun, Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment, as chief commander of the arson operation, with Wang Weining, Captain of the Social Training Corps, and Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Garrison Command, as deputies. At 6:00 PM, the Garrison Command held an emergency meeting ordering all government agencies and organizations in the city to be ready for evacuation at any moment. By around 10:15 PM, all urban police posts had withdrawn. Around 2:00 AM (November 13), a false report circulated that "Japanese troops have reached Xinhe" . Firefighters stationed at various locations rushed out with kerosene-fueled devices, burning everything in sight, shops and houses alike. In an instant, Changsha became a sea of flames. The blaze raged for 72 hours. The Hunan Province Anti-Japanese War Loss Statistics, compiled by the Hunan Provincial Government Statistics Office of the Kuomintang, report that the fire inflicted economic losses of more than 1 billion yuan, a sum equivalent to about 1.7 trillion yuan after the victory in the war. This figure represented roughly 43% of Changsha's total economic value at the time. Regarding casualties, contemporary sources provide varying figures. A Xinhua Daily report from November 20, 1938 noted that authorities mobilized manpower to bury more than 600 bodies, though the total number of burned remains could not be precisely counted. A Central News Agency reporter on November 19 stated that in the Xiangyuan fire, more than 2,000 residents could not escape, and most of the bodies had already been buried. There are further claims that in the Changsha Fire, more than 20,000 residents were burned to death. In terms of displacement, Changsha's population before the fire was about 300,000, and by November 12, 90% had been evacuated. After the fire, authorities registered 124,000 victims, including 815 orphans sheltered in Lito and Maosgang.  Building damage constituted the other major dimension of the catastrophe, with the greatest losses occurring to residential houses, shops, schools, factories, government offices, banks, hospitals, newspaper offices, warehouses, and cultural and entertainment venues, as well as numerous historic buildings such as palaces, temples, private gardens, and the former residences of notable figures; among these, residential and commercial structures suffered the most, followed by factories and schools. Inspector Gao Yihan, who conducted a post-fire investigation, observed that the prosperous areas within Changsha's ring road, including Nanzheng Street and Bajiaoting, were almost completely destroyed, and in other major markets only a handful of shops remained, leading to an overall estimate that surviving or stalemated houses were likely less than 20%. Housing and street data from the early post-liberation period reveal that Changsha had more than 1,100 streets and alleys; of these, more than 690 were completely burned and more than 330 had fewer than five surviving houses, accounting for about 29%, with nearly 90% of the city's streets severely damaged. More than 440 streets were not completely destroyed, but among these, over 190 had only one or two houses remaining and over 130 had only three or four houses remaining; about 60 streets, roughly 6% had 30 to 40 surviving houses, around 30 streets, 3% had 11 to 20 houses, 10 streets, 1% had 21 to 30 houses, and three streets ) had more than 30 houses remaining. Housing statistics from 1952 show that 2,538 houses survived the fire, about 6.57% of the city's total housing stock, with private houses totaling 305,800 square meters and public houses 537,900 square meters. By 1956, the surviving area of both private and public housing totaled 843,700 square meters, roughly 12.3% of the city's total housing area at that time. Alongside these losses, all equipment, materials, funds, goods, books, archives, antiques, and cultural relics that had not been moved were also destroyed.  At the time of the Changsha Fire, Zhou Enlai, then Deputy Minister of the Political Department of the Nationalist Government's Military Commission, was in Changsha alongside Ye Jianying, Guo Moruo, and others. On November 12, 1938, Zhou Enlai attended a meeting held by Changsha cultural groups at Changsha Normal School to commemorate Sun Yat-sen's 72nd birthday. Guo Moruo later recalled that Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying were awakened by the blaze that night; they each carried a suitcase and evacuated to Xiangtan, with Zhou reportedly displaying considerable indignation at the sudden, unprovoked fire. On the 16th, Zhou Enlai rushed back to Changsha and, together with Chen Cheng, Zhang Zhizhong, and others, inspected the disaster. He mobilized personnel from three departments, with Tian Han and Guo Moruo at the forefront, to form the Changsha Fire Aftermath Task Force, which began debris clearance, care for the injured, and the establishment of soup kitchens. A few days later, on the 22nd, the Hunan Provincial Government established the Changsha Fire Temporary Relief Committee to coordinate relief efforts.  On the night of November 16, 1938, Chiang Kai-shek arrived in Changsha and, the next day, ascended Tianxin Pavilion. Sha Wei, head of the Cultural Relics Section of the Changsha Tianxin Pavilion Park Management Office, and a long-time researcher of the pavilion, explained that documentation indicates Chiang Kai-shek, upon seeing the city largely reduced to scorched earth with little left intact, grew visibly angry. After descending from Tianxin Pavilion, Chiang immediately ordered the arrest of Changsha Garrison Commander Feng Ti, Changsha Police Chief Wen Chongfu, and Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment Xu Kun, and arranged a military trial with a two-day deadline. The interrogation began at 7:00 a.m. on November 18. Liang Xiaojin records that Xu Kun and Wen Chongfu insisted their actions followed orders from the Security Command, while Feng Ti admitted negligence and violations of procedure, calling his acts unforgivable. The trial found Feng Ti to be the principal offender, with Wen Chongfu and Xu Kun as accomplices, and sentenced all three to prison terms of varying lengths. The verdict was sent to Chiang Kai-shek for approval, who was deeply dissatisfied and personally annotated the drafts: he asserted that Feng Ti, as the city's security head, was negligent and must be shot immediately; Wen Chongfu, as police chief, disobeyed orders and fled, and must be shot immediately; Xu Kun, for neglect of duty, must be shot immediately. The court then altered the arson charge in the verdict to "insulting his duty and harming the people" in line with Chiang's instructions. Chiang Kai-shek, citing "failure to supervise personnel and precautions," dismissed Zhang from his post, though he remained in office to oversee aftermath operations. Zhang Zhizhong later recalled Chiang Kai-shek's response after addressing the Changsha fire: a pointed admission that the fundamental cause lay not with a single individual but with the collective leadership's mistakes, and that the error must be acknowledged as a collective failure. All eyes now shifted to the new center of resistance, Chongqing, the temporary capital. Chiang's "Free China" no longer meant the whole country; it now encompassed Sichuan, Hunan, and Henan, but not Jiangsu or Zhejiang. The eastern provinces were effectively lost, along with China's major customs revenues, the country's most fertile regions, and its most advanced infrastructure. The center of political gravity moved far to the west, into a country the Nationalists had never controlled, where everything was unfamiliar and unpredictable, from topography and dialects to diets. On the map, it might have seemed that Chiang still ruled much of China, but vast swaths of the north and northwest were sparsely populated; most of China's population lay in the east and south, where Nationalist control was either gone or held only precariously. The combined pressures of events and returning travelers were gradually shifting American attitudes toward the Japanese incident. Europe remained largely indifferent, with Hitler absorbing most attention, but the United States began to worry about developments in the Pacific. Roosevelt initiated a January 1939 appeal to raise a million dollars for Chinese civilians in distress, and the response quickly materialized. While the Chinese did not expect direct intervention, they hoped to deter further American economic cooperation with Japan and to halt Japan's purchases of scrap iron, oil, gasoline, shipping, and, above all, weapons from the United States. Public opinion in America was sufficiently stirred to sustain a campaign against silk stockings, a symbolic gesture of boycott that achieved limited effect; Japan nonetheless continued to procure strategic materials. Within this chorus, the left remained a persistent but often discordant ally to the Nationalists. The Institute of Pacific Relations, sympathetic to communist aims, urged America to act, pressuring policymakers and sounding alarms about China. Yet the party line remained firmly pro-Chiang Kai-shek: the Japanese advance seemed too rapid and threatening to the Reds' interests. Most oil and iron debates stalled; American businessmen resented British trade ties with Japan, and Britain refused to join any mutual cutoff, arguing that the Western powers were not at war with Japan. What occurred in China was still commonly referred to in Western diplomatic circles as "the Incident." Wang Jingwei's would make his final defection, yes in a long ass history of defections. Mr Wang Jingwei had been very busy traveling to Guangzhou, then Northwest to speak with Feng Yuxiang, many telegrams went back and forth. He returned to the Nationalist government showing his face to foreign presses and so forth. While other prominent rivals of Chiang, Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, and others, rallied when they perceived Japan as a real threat; all did so except Wang Jingwei. Wang, who had long believed himself the natural heir to Sun Yat-sen and who had repeatedly sought to ascend to power, seemed willing to cooperate with Japan if it served his own aims. I will just say it, Wang Jingwei was a rat. He had always been a rat, never changed. Opinions on Chiang Kai-Shek vary, but I think almost everyone can agree Wang Jingwei was one of the worst characters of this time period. Now Wang Jingwei could not distinguish between allies and enemies and was prepared to accept help from whomever offered it, believing he could outmaneuver Tokyo when necessary. Friends in Shanghai and abroad whispered that it was not too late to influence events, arguing that the broader struggle was not merely China versus Japan but a clash between principled leaders and a tyrannical, self-serving clique, Western imperialism's apologists who needed Chiang removed. For a time Wang drifted within the Kuomintang, moving between Nanjing, Wuhan, Changsha, and Chongqing, maintaining discreet lines of communication with his confidants. The Japanese faced a governance problem typical of conquerors who possess conquered territory: how to rule effectively while continuing the war. They imagined Asia under Japanese-led leadership, an East Asia united by a shared Co-Prosperity Sphere but divided by traditional borders. To sustain this vision, they sought local leaders who could cooperate. The search yielded few viable options; would-be collaborators were soon assassinated, proved incompetent, or proved corrupt. The Japanese concluded it would require more time and education. In the end, Wang Jingwei emerged as a preferred figure. Chongqing, meanwhile, seemed surprised by Wang's ascent. He had moved west to Chengde, then to Kunming, attempted, and failed to win over Yunnan's warlords, and eventually proceeded to Hanoi in Indochina, arriving in Hong Kong by year's end. He sent Chiang Kai-shek a telegram suggesting acceptance of Konoe's terms for peace, which Chungking rejected. In time, Wang would establish his own Kuomintang faction in Shanghai, combining rigorous administration with pervasive secret-police activity characteristic of occupied regimes. By 1940, he would be formally installed as "Chairman of China." But that is a story for another episode.  In the north, the Japanese and the CCP were locked in an uneasy stalemate. Mao's army could make it impossible for the Japanese to hold deep countryside far from the railway lines that enabled mass troop movement into China's interior. Yet the Communists could not defeat the occupiers. In the dark days of October 1938—fifteen months after the war began—one constant remained. Observers (Chinese businessmen, British diplomats, Japanese generals) repeatedly predicted that each new disaster would signal the end of Chinese resistance and force a swift surrender, or at least a negotiated settlement in which the government would accept harsher terms from Tokyo. But even after defenders were expelled from Shanghai, Nanjing, and Wuhan, despite the terrifying might Japan had brought to bear on Chinese resistance, and despite the invader's manpower, technology, and resources, China continued to fight. Yet it fought alone. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In a land shredded by war, Wuhan burned under brutal sieges, then Changsha followed, a cruel blaze born of orders and miscommunications. Leaders wrestled with retreat, scorched-earth vows, and moral debts as Japanese force and Chinese resilience clashed for months. Mao urged strategy over martyrdom, Wang Jingwei's scheming shadow loomed, and Chongqing rose as the westward beacon. Yet China endured, a stubborn flame refusing to surrender to the coming storm. The war stretched on, unfinished and unyielding.

MyLife Chassidus Applied: Where YOUR questions are answeredDonate now: https://mylife500.comFor recording visit the archive page or your favorite podcast carrier.Rabbi Jacobson will discuss the following topics: Vayeira • What lessons do we learn from living with the times, with this week's Torah parsha? 05:25 • Can you explain the story of the Rebbe Rashab crying as a child why Hashem doesn't appear to him as He did to Abraham, and the Tzemach Tzedek's response? 11:20 • Why is a bris such an important mitzvah that it was commanded to Abraham before the Torah was formally given? 13:48 • Why then are women not obligated to perform this mitzvah? 18:20 • What did the Tzemach Tzedek say that “Rashab” is the same letters as “basar” (reish, shin, beis)? • Why did Abraham turn away from G-d to greet the guests? 20:18 • How is that different than Melchizedek blessing Abraham before G-d? 22:48 • Why doesn't G-d bless us to be wealthy like Abraham? 26:07 • Why did Sarah laugh when she heard that she would give birth, and was it appropriate? 32:23 • What is the significance of Sarah instructing Abraham to send Yishmael and Hagar away? 35:02 • How can we justify the Akeidah; why would a compassionate G-d command Abraham to murder his son? 39:30 • Why was Abraham called Ivri? 45:17New York City Mayoral Candidate Zohran Mamdani 48:00 • Why is G-d not protecting the city that became the home of the Rebbeim from electing a racist mayor? 50:52 • Should we be afraid and run away if he wins the election? 55:01 • Should we grieve? 56:03 • Is this a sign that we should move to Israel? 57:08 • How is it possible that such a candidate is leading the race? 57:08 • What can we do about the situation? 57:08 • Is there anything we can apply today from Stalin's downfall related to the Rebbe's maamar and story about exclaiming three times hu-ra on Purim 5713? 58:10How should we react to the recent, tragic, untimely death of a young man in Israel? 01:01:01

Iain Daie talks to Lewis Goodall about the life and brutal rule of the man who ruled the Soviet Union for close on three decades. Buy a signed copy of THE DICTATORS here https://www.politicos.co.uk/products/the-dictators-a-warning-from-history-edited-by-iain-dale-signe-copy-coming-in-2024Buy a signed copy of THE PRIME MINISTERS here https://www.politicos.co.uk/products/the-prime-ministers-edited-by-iain-dale-paperback-coming-on-august-26-2022-signed-copy Buy a signed copy of THE PRESIDENTS here https://www.politicos.co.uk/products/the-presidents-signed-by-iain-dale Buy a signed copy of KINGS & QUEENS here https://www.politicos.co.uk/products/kings-queens-signed-by-iain-dale-coming-in-novemer-2023 Buy a signed copy of THE TAOISEACH here https://www.politicos.co.uk/products/the-irish-taoiseach-ed-iain-dale-coming-31-october-2026

•⁠ ⁠SIR: ``இதைத் தவிர வேறு வழியில்லை'' - அனைத்துக் கட்சிக் கூட்டத்தின் தீர்மானம் என்ன? - முழு விவரம்•⁠ ⁠SIR: ``வாக்களார் பட்டியலை சரிபார்ப்பது அவசியம்தான்; ஆனால்'' - மநீம தலைவர் கமல் சொல்வதென்ன?•⁠ ⁠``SIR வாக்குரிமை பற்றியது அல்ல, குடியுரிமையை குறிவைக்கிறது பாஜக'' - திருமாவளவன் கடும் விமர்சனம்•⁠ ⁠"SIR வேண்டும் என உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் செல்வோம்” -ஜெயக்குமார்•⁠ ⁠"பாஜகவின் பாதம் தாங்கி என்பதை நொடிக்கு ஒரு முறை நிரூபிக்கிறார்" -முதலமைச்சர் மு.க.ஸ்டாலின்•⁠ ⁠"SIR படிவத்தை நிரப்பிக் கொடுக்காவிட்டால் பெயர் நீக்கப்படும்" -தேர்தல் அதிகாரி•⁠ ⁠திமுகவின் கபட நாடகம்... தேர்தல் ஆணையத்துக்கு கண்டனம்! - விஜய் அறிக்கை•⁠ ⁠கோவை விமான நிலையம் அருகே கல்லூரி மாணவி கூட்டு பாலியல் வன்கொடுமை•⁠ ⁠"நம்பினார் கெடுவதில்லை; எடப்பாடி பழனிசாமியை நம்பி கெட்டவர்கள் யாரும் இல்லை'' - ஆர்.பி. உதயகுமார்.•⁠ ⁠“இபிஎஸ் ஸ்டைல்லயே காமிப்போம்..”எடப்பாடி பழனிசாமியின் பழைய பேச்சை போட்டுக் காட்டிய டிடிவி தினகரன்.•⁠ ⁠"திமுகவில் மட்டுமல்ல அதிமுகவிலும் குடும்ப அரசியல் உள்ளது" - அதிமுக முன்னாள் அமைச்சர் செங்கோட்டையன்•⁠ ⁠ஓய்வு பெற்ற ஐஜி தலைமையில் தவெக-வில் திட்டமிடல் குழு?•⁠ ⁠பல்லை பிடுங்கிய வழக்கில் 16 முறையாக ஆஜராகாத பல்வீர்சிங்; பிசிஆர் கோர்ட்டுக்கு மாற்றக் கோரிக்கை.•⁠ ⁠தன்னுடை பதவி ஏற்பு விழாவுக்கு தேதி குறித்த தேஜஸ்வி யாதவ்!•⁠ ⁠காங்கிரஸை மிரட்டி முதல்வர் வேட்பாளானார் தேஜஸ்வி - மோடி விமர்சனம்.•⁠ ⁠லாலு மகன் ஆட்சிக்கு வந்தால், கொலை கடத்தல் துறைகள் உருவாகும் - அமித் ஷா.•⁠ ⁠பீகார்: பிரசாந்த் கிஷோர் கட்சி நிர்வாகி துப்பாக்கியால் சுட்டு, கார் ஏற்றி படுகொலை - என்ன நடந்தது?•⁠ ⁠தொழிலதிபர் அனில் அம்பானியின் ரூ.3000 கோடி சொத்து பறிமுதல்; அமலாக்கப்பிரிவு அதிரடி மேலும் தொடருமா?•⁠ ⁠'இது ஒரு தொடக்கம்தான்; இனி நிறைய ஜெயிப்போம்!' - வெற்றி கேப்டன் ஹர்மன்ப்ரீத் கவுர்!•⁠ ⁠தெலங்கானா பஸ் - லாரி விபத்து!•⁠ ⁠ஆப்கானிஸ்தானில் சக்திவாய்ந்த நிலநடுக்கம்!

Divorces come in several stages – physical, financial, legal, and emotional. The latter might be the hardest if ever to achieve. As one reporter learns with a slap in the face.November 1933, opera singer Mary McCormic and Prince Serge Mdivani are officially divorced. But when Mdivani biographer Grace Williams tries to expose the terms of the settlement, Grace faces Mary's wrath.Other people and subjects include:Prince Alexis Mdivani, Princess Barbara Hutton Mdivani, Louise Van Alen – formerly Princess Mdivani, Prince David Mdivani, Mae Murray – formerly Princess Mdivani, Princess Nina Mdivani Huberich, Princess Roussadana “Roussie” Mdivani Sert, Pola Negri – formerly Princess Mdivani, Samuel “Sam” Insull, Michael Luddy, city editor, photographer, William K. Vanderbilt III, Virginia “Birdie” Graham Fair Vanderbilt, William K. Vanderbilt II, Brooke Hart, Northwest Mounty, slap, million dollar lawsuit, Faust opera, taxi, secondhand automobile, United Airlines, Assistance League Tea Room, Cocoanut Grove, Hollywood club, Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles Times building, Liberty Magazine, Pacific Shore Oil Company, pawnshop, Los Angeles, Paris, New York, Omaha, Detroit, Arkansas, Texas, evolution of sources, tracking down information, The Mdivani Saga by David Gigauri, Poor Little Rich Girl by David Heymann, secret unnamed source, “Who Cares” by Serge Mdivani as told to Grace Williams” unpublished manuscript, UCLA, Georgian website, Georgian community, Wikipedia, Joseph Stalin, Harry Sinclair, Teapot Dome Scandal, Washington D.C. social leader, Alabama, British ancestry, Duke of Wellington ancestor, Wellesley ancestor, Clark Gable, “Rhea / Ria” Maria Franklin Prentiss Lucas Langham, Carole Lombard, Gone With The Wind, Joan Crawford, Francois Tone, factual consistency, overplaying connections, 5 Los Angeles Times buildings, Mirror Building, 2 granite castles, Art Deco by Gordon Kaufman, new mid-century in El Segundo, Gutzon Borglum's bronze eagle sculpture, bomb explosion, fire proof, bomb proof, earthquake proof, anti-union, American labor movement, John “J.J.” McNamara, James Barnabas “J.B.” McNamara, Clarence Darrow, Vanderbilt Cup motor racing, Crime of the Century, one of deadliest criminal acts in United States, deadliest crime to go to trial in California, tragedies, humanity, yesterday's news, Will Smith, Chris Rock, 2022 Academy Awards, retrospectives of Mary McCormic slap, Ventura County Star, Tampa Times, Morning Call reprint, Louvre jewel heist, jewel history,…--Extra Notes / Call to Action:Fellow podcasters @WhatsHerNameWhat's Her Name Podcast by Dr. Katie Nelson and Olivia Meiklehttps://whatshernamepodcast.com/https://pod.link/1320638747Goodpods ranks As The Money Burns in Top 8 Indie Documentary PodcastsBest Documentary Podcasts [2025] Top 8 Shows - Goodpods#4 in the Top 100 Indie Documentary Weekly chart#8 in the Top 100 Indie Documentary Monthly chart#15 in the Top 100 Indie History Weekly chart#18 in the Top 100 Indie History Monthly chart#25 in the Top 100 Indie Society & Culture Weekly chartgoodpods.app.link/4PeLmbBvAqbThe Mdivani Saga by David Gigaurihttps://www.amazon.com/Book-9781835740736-David-Gigauri/dp/1835740731https://www.instagram.com/mdivanisaga/The Silver Swan: The Search for Doris Duke by Sally Binghamhttps://www.amazon.com/Silver-Swan-Search-Doris-Duke-ebook/dp/B078X21PDTShare, like, subscribe--Archival Music provided by Past Perfect Vintage Music, www.pastperfect.com.Opening Music: My Heart Belongs to Daddy by Billy Cotton, Album The Great British Dance BandsSection 1 Music: Organ Grinder's Swing by Jack Payne, Album The Great British Dance BandsSection 2 Music: Umtcha, Umtcha, Da Da Da by The Rhythmic Eight, Album Fascinating Rhythm – Great Hits of the 20sSection 3 Music: Turkish Towel by The Savoy Havana Band, Album Fascinating RhythmEnd Music: My Heart Belongs to Daddy by Billy Cotton, Album The Great British Dance Bands--https://asthemoneyburns.com/X / TW / IG – @asthemoneyburnsX / Twitter – https://x.com/asthemoneyburnsInstagram – https://www.instagram.com/asthemoneyburns/Facebook – https://www.facebook.com/asthemoneyburns/

SPECIAL GUEST: Kamala, Stalin & Fuentes, White Guilt, Climate Change, Angel Heart, And More.  Hosts: Matt and Leeroy Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-dum-show--6012883/support.Call In Live: +1 (276) 200-2105 Be Heard. Be Bold. No Censorship. Watch Us Here:  linktapgo.com/thedumshow  thedumshow.com #DontUnfriendMe #TheDumShow #MAGA #Trump2025 #GOP #ConservativeTalk #FreeSpeech #PoliticsUnfiltered #Republicans #TalkRadio #CallInLive #WimkinLive

In this lecture, military historian Sarah Paine explains how Russia—and specifically Stalin—completely derailed China's rise, slowing them down for over a century.This lecture was particularly interesting to me because, in my opinion, the Chinese Civil War is 1 of the top 3 most important events of the 20th century. And to understand why it transpired as it did, you need to understand Stalin's role in the whole thing.Watch on YouTube; read the transcript.SponsorsMercury helps you run your business better. It's the banking platform we use for the podcast — we love that we can see our cash balance, AR, and AP all in one place. Join us (and over 200,000 other entrepreneurs) at mercury.comLabelbox scrutinizes public benchmarks at the single data-row level to probe what's really being evaluated. Using this knowledge, they can generate custom training data for hill climbing existing benchmarks, or design new benchmarks from scratch. Learn more at labelbox.com/dwarkeshTo sponsor a future episode, visit dwarkesh.com/advertise.Timestamps(00:00:00) – How Russia took advantage of China's weakness(00:22:58) – After Stalin, China's rise(00:33:52) – Russian imperialism(00:45:23) – China's and Russia's existential problems(01:04:55) – Q&A: Sino-Soviet Split(01:22:44) – Stalin's lessons from WW2 Get full access to Dwarkesh Podcast at www.dwarkesh.com/subscribe

Cześć! Czy Kaliningrad mógł być litewski? Teoretycznie – tak, przynajmniej jeśli spojrzeć na mapę. Sowiecka enklawa nad Bałtykiem wciśnięta jest między Polskę a Litwę. W praktyce jednak Stalin nie zamierzał przekazywać kontroli nad tym obszarem żadnej innej republice. Kaliningrad miał pozostać rosyjski – jako kluczowa baza sowieckiej marynarki wojennej na Bałtyku.Litwini, szczególnie ci na emigracji, wielokrotnie podnosili temat przynależności terytorium dawnej tzw. Małej Litwy, której część pokrywa się z granicami dzisiejszego obwodu. Państwa zachodnie jednak niespecjalnie były zainteresowane wspieraniem litewskich roszczeń.Sytuacja zaczęła się zmieniać dopiero po śmierci Stalina. Nikita Chruszczow, chcąc zyskać przychylność poszczególnych republik, rozpoczął serię korekt granicznych w obrębie Związku Radzieckiego. W ten sposób Krym trafił pod administrację Kijowa, a przesunięcia granic objęły również republiki kazachską i rosyjską. W planach pojawiły się także zmiany na granicy Litwy i obwodu kaliningradzkiego.Więcej na ten temat opowiadam w najnowszym odcinku serii Powojnie.

Los aficionados a las ucronias suelen afirmar que, si Hitler hubiera entrado en la Academia de Bellas Artes, hoy no habria documentales de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Y si Churchill no hubiera suspendido el examen militar y hubiera acabado en un cuartel remoto, lo mismo hoy hablariamos aleman. De igual manera, si Stalin hubiera seguido en el seminario, habria sido sacerdote en Georgia y no habria habido gulag. Quien sabe lo que habria pasado si Napoleon hubiera acabado como notario en Corcega, si Lenin hubiera conseguido un empleo en Zurich o si Mao hubiera triunfado en la poesia...Salvando las distancias, muchos nos hemos preguntado que habria sucedido si Marengo, el grupo de musica melodica en el que Carlos Mazon era vocalista, hubiera sido seleccionado para Eurovision, evento al que concurrio sin lograr clasificarse; que hubiera sucedido si finalmente se hubiera consolidado en los escenarios...Dice Jabois que lo unico que se recordara dentro de cien anos sera la factura del Ventorro y el paseo por el parking. Seguramente ni eso. A lo mejor dentro de cien anos nadie recuerda ni lo que era un parking. Pero hay algo que si perdura: la certeza de que lo peor que puede decirse de un politico cuando todo se ha dicho es que habriamos estado mejor si nunca se hubiera metido en politica.Ser feliz es ignorar, y nosotros ignoramos los desastres que se evitaron porque cierta gente no se metio en politica. No nos hagamos dano.

GATEWAY CINEMA is a multi-part series of conversations centered on key ideas in film studies. In these conversations, we interpret and celebrate a set of eclectic feature films from across generations and from around the world, including “La Haine”, “Drum”, “Alien 3 (Assembly Cut)”, “Come and See”, “Perfect Days”, “Sweet Smell of Success”, “The Swimmer”, “Amadeus (Director's Cut)”, “Bring Me the Head of Alfredo Garcia”, “Friday”, “Marie Antoinette”, “The Night of the Hunter”, “Crank” and “Crank 2: High Voltage”, “Portrait of a Lady Fire”, “The Fabulous Baron Munchausen”, “Joker: Folie a Deux”, “Welcome to the Dollhouse”, “Heathers”, and “The Death of Stalin”. ***Referenced media in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 14:“The Smashing Machine” (Benny Safdie, 2025)“Goodfellas” (Martin Scorsese, 1990)“I, Tonya” (Craig Gillespie, 2017)“Oppenheimer” (Christopher Nolan, 2023)“Perfect Days” (Wim Wenders, 2023)“Hot Shots!” (Jim Abrahams, 1991)“Rain Main” (Barry Levinson, 1988)“The Piano” (Jane Campion, 1993)“Ammonite” (Francis lee, 2020)“Ferris Bueller's Day Off” (John Hughes, 1985)Audio quotation in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 14:“Portrait of a Lady on Fire” (Céline Sciamma, 2019), including the songs “La Jeune Fille en Feu (The Young Lady on Fire)” (2019) by Para One and Arthur Simonini and “Summer” from “The Four Seasons” (1718-1723) by Antonio Vivaldi“Ferris Bueller's Day Off” (John Hughes, 1985), including the song “Oh Yeah” (1985) by Yello, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2cPmiQwXc4U&list=RD2cPmiQwXc4U&start_radio=1

GATEWAY CINEMA is a multi-part series of conversations centered on key ideas in film studies. In these conversations, we interpret and celebrate a set of eclectic feature films from across generations and from around the world, including “La Haine”, “Drum”, “Alien 3 (Assembly Cut)”, “Come and See”, “Perfect Days”, “Sweet Smell of Success”, “The Swimmer”, “Amadeus (Director's Cut)”, “Bring Me the Head of Alfredo Garcia”, “Friday”, “Marie Antoinette”, “The Night of the Hunter”, “Crank” and “Crank 2: High Voltage”, “Portrait of a Lady Fire”, “The Fabulous Baron Munchausen”, “Joker: Folie a Deux”, “Welcome to the Dollhouse”, “Heathers”, and “The Death of Stalin”.***Referenced media in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 13:“One Battle After Another” (Paul Thomas Anderson, 2025)“Kill Bill: Volume 1” (Quentin Tarantino, 2003)“Kill Bill: Volume 2” (Quentin Tarantino, 2004)“Night and Fog” (Alain Resnais, 1956)“Salò, or the 120 Days of Sodom” (Pier Paolo Pasolini, 1975)“Amadeus (Director's Cut)” (1984/2002)“Marie Antoinette” (Sofia Coppola, 2006)“The Meg” (Jon Turtletaub, 2018)“The Meg 2: The Trench” (Ben Wheatley, 2023)“Gamer” (Mark Neveldine and Brian Taylor, 2009)“Battleship Potemkin” (Sergei Eisenstein, 1925)“The Godfather Coda: The Death of Michael Corleone” (Francis Ford Coppola, 2020)“The Godfather” (Francis Ford Coppola, 1972)“The Godfather Part II” (Francis Ford Coppola, 1974)“Scarface” (Brian De Palma, 1983)“Miami Vice” (Anthony Yerkovich 1984-1990)“Licensed to Drive” (Greg Beeman, 1988)“The Lost Boys” (Joel Schumacher, 1987)“The Naked Gun: From the Files of Police Squad!” (David Zucker, 1988)“The Naked Gun” (Akiva Schaffer, 2025)“The Swimmer” (Frank Perry, 1968)Audio quotation in GATEWAY CINEMA, Episode 13:“Crank” (Mark Neveldine and Brian Taylor, 2006), including “Don't Stop” by Paul Haslinger, https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL42C18193F6C62450, and “Bring Us Bullets” (2002) by Rocket from the Crypt; and “Turn Me Loose” (1980) by Loverboy, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ogx0ZcjZCHQ&list=PLyFcnFZyFXeVx3B9pjQanSrShZMf8kFuU“boing sound effect 1”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q-3qnJxEYmc“Galaga Theme”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0ie4U89t7Cs&list=RD0ie4U89t7Cs&start_radio=1“Crank 2: High Voltage” (Mark Neveldine and Brian Taylor, 2009), including “Kickin'” and “The Hammer Drops” by Mike Patton, https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLyFcnFZyFXeVx3B9pjQanSrShZMf8kFuU 

In this episode of The Open Door, panelists Thomas Storck, Andrew Sorokowski, and Christopher Zehnder interview Felix Corley on his book Catholicos and Commissar: The Armenian Church under the Soviet Regime (October29, 2025)Part of a two-volume set, this volume explores the history of the Armenian Apostolic Church under Soviet rule. Initially flourishing across the Russian Empire, the Church briefly enjoyed greater religious freedom after the February 1917 revolution. However, the Bolshevik regime imposed severe restrictions after October 1917: churches were seized, clergy were taxed and jailed, religious education was banned, and international ties were severed. By 1938, Stalin's purges had devastated the Church, culminating in the murder of Catholicos Khoren and the closure of almost all churches.Despite this, a partial revival occurred after World War II. In 1945, Stalin permitted the election of a new Church leader, Catholicos Gevorg, who supported Soviet territorial claims and repatriation efforts. Although minimal, the Church's presence in the South Caucasus and southern Russia was gradually restored.The book is based on extensive archival research, memoirs, and interviews, offering a vivid account of how the Church and its followers struggled to maintain faith under an oppressive regime.Volume 2 continues the history of the Armenian Apostolic Church in the Soviet Union, focusing on the leadership of Catholicos Vazgen I, who served from 1955 until 1994-the longest tenure of any religious leader in the USSR. Chosen by the KGB after a lack of suitable Soviet-based candidates, Vazgen publicly supported the Soviet regime but worked quietly to strengthen the Church's presence at home and abroad. The Church's seminary at Echmiadzin grew, and diaspora ties were cautiously encouraged, though most parishes remained isolated.Despite the appearance of normalcy, the Church operated under heavy restrictions. Major decisions were often made by the state, and KGB agents were placed among the clergy. The harsh anti-religious campaigns of the Khrushchev era forced the closure of many churches. After Khrushchev's fall, restrictions eased somewhat, but the Church remained passive, neither resisting nor expanding.Major change came under Gorbachev's reforms in the late 1980s. Long-suppressed Armenian national aspirations, especially around Nagorno-Karabakh, erupted, followed by the 1988 earthquake. The Church responded with new community efforts. Though initially cautious about independence, Catholicos Vazgen eventually played a key role in legitimising the new Armenian state and reaffirming the Church's place as its official religion.Like Volume One, this book draws from extensive archival research, memoirs, and interviews to tell the story of how the Armenian Church and its followers navigated Soviet repression and shifting political landscapes.

Normaal gesproken is Veldheren Historisch alleen te beluisteren via Podimo, maar nu geven we jullie de eerste twee aflevering van het nieuwe seizoen cadeau! In de tweede aflevering van de reeks vijf vreselijkste Veldheren, duiken Tom en Mart de Kruif in Jozef Stalin – de meedogenloze heerser die de Sovjet-Unie smeedde tot een wereldmacht. In de Tweede Wereldoorlog stopte hij de Duitse opmars aan het Oostfront en dreef Hitler terug tot in Berlijn. Onder zijn ijzeren vuist versloeg de Sovjet-Unie Nazi-Duitsland, maar tegen een gruwelijke prijs. Stalin regeerde met angst, zuiverde zijn eigen volk en liet miljoenen sterven in kampen, hongersnoden en executies. Alles om zijn macht te behouden, tot zijn laatste adem. Luister Veldheren Historisch via podimo.nl/veldherenhistorisch en luister de eerste twee maanden voor maar 1 euro!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Journalist Julia Ioffe returns to The Naked Pravda to discuss her new book, Motherland: A Feminist History of Modern Russia, from Revolution to Autocracy, which was recently listed as a finalist for the National Book Award. Julia describes her years-long writing process, the blending of memoir and historical analysis, and the unique perspective provided by the narratives of women from the top echelons of Soviet and Russian society. The episode provides a detailed look at the complexities of Soviet and Russian feminism, making it a must-listen for anyone interested in this history and gender studies. Timestamps for this episode: (2:25) Chronological structure and key figures(6:07) Stalin's daughter: A metaphor for Russia(9:49) Challenges of historical accuracy(18:09) Balancing American paradigms and Russian perspectives(29:22) Class and cultural differencesКак поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

Our show today is being sponsored by Free Float Analytics, the only platform measuring board power, connections, and performance for FREE.DAMIONAmazon to announce largest layoffs in company history, in AI push. WHO DO YOU BLAME?Former CEO Jeff BezosAICovid (This wave of layoffs results from overhiring during the pandemic)Executive Chair and largest shareholder Jeff BezosF5 Expects Revenue Hit From Cyber Attack. F5, a $20B billion technology company with impressive gross profit margins of 81%, experienced a cybersecurity incident involving unauthorized access to certain company systems by a sophisticated nation-state threat actor. WHO DO YOU BLAME?The Risk committee: Dreyer, Klein, Montoya, Budnik*Chair Marianne Budnik is deemed to have Cybersecurity experience because she serves as a Chief Marketing Officer in the cybersecurity industryPeter Klein was the CFO at Microsoft for less than 4 years, then was the CFO for WME for 6 months and then has only been a director since 2014.Risk committee member Michael Montoya specifically. F5 revealed that the director mysteriously resigned in the same filing it disclosed the cyberattack, despite having served for only 4 years. According to the proxy, had “extensive experience as an information security executive.” Following his resignation from the Board, Mr. Montoya continued his service with the Company and has been appointed as F5's Chief Technology Operations Officer.The entire board, for doing dumb modern day board things: announced that CEO François Locoh-Donou, would assume the additional role of Chair of the Board following the Company's next Annual Meeting of Shareholders 12 days after they announced the cyberattack.Investors. 98% YES average this year: 7 over 99.2%, including Risk Committee Chair Marriane Budnik with 99.6%. Nobody feels like they have to work hard to impress anyoneF5! It's a god damn cybersecurity company!How climate change is fueling Hurricane Melissa's ferocity. WHO DO YOU BLAME?Exxon CEO Darren Woods because he sued his own shareholders last year: Arjuna Capital, LLC and Follow ThisExxon CEO Darren Woods because just yesterday: Exxon sues California over new laws requiring corporate climate disclosuresExxon CEO Darren Woods because gas and oilClimate ChangeOpenAI says U.S. needs more power to stay ahead of China in AI: ‘Electrons are the new oil' WHO DO YOU BLAME?The fear-and-spending geniuses behind the original Cold War: Truman, Stalin, ChurchillPeople who historically ignored Eisenhower and his statements on the U.S. military-industrial complex when he explicitly warned that defense contractors and the military could exert undue influence on government policy. Sound familiar?Anyone who empowered the board to not be empowered when they tried to fire Sam Altman for such reasons as:Conflicts over OpenAI's rapid growth and direction, especially the tension between aggressive AI deployment vs. safety oversight.Power dynamics between Altman, key researchers, and board members — some may have felt he had too much unilateral control.The college that let Sam Altman drop outSammy Altman Citi's Jane Fraser consolidates power with board chair vote — and a $25 million-plus bonus to boot. WHO DO YOU BLAME?The entire Compensation, Performance Management and Culture CommitteeThese two long-tenured Compensation, Performance Management and Culture Committee membersDiana L. Taylor* 10 other directorships: Brookfield Corporation, Accion (Chair), Columbia Business School (Board of Overseers),Friends of Hudson River Park (Chair), Mailman School of Public Health (Board of Overseers), The Economic Club of New York (Member), Council on Foreign Relations (Member), Hot Bread Kitchen (Board Chair), Cold Spring Harbor Lab (Member), and New York City Ballet (Board Chair)Peter B. Henry*8 other directorships: Nike, Inc., Analog Devices, Inc., National Bureau of Economic Research (Board), The Economic Club of New York (Board), Protiviti (Advisory Board), Biospring Partners (Advisory Board), Makena Capital (Advisory Board), and Two Bridges Football Club (Board)The lowest common denominator effect of bank compensation committees:Wells Fargo CEO Charlie Scharf: ~$30M special equity grant tied to becoming Chair as well as CEO (3 months after meeting)Goldman Sachs: CEO David Solomon & COO John Waldron ~$80M each (retention RSUs vesting in ~5 yrs)KeyCorp: CEO Chris Gorman & four other senior execs: ~$8M for Gorman; ~$17M combined for the five NEOsThe passive ownership (re: management-friendly) of BlackRock, State Street, and Vanguard (combined 22%): without their votes at Goldman then Say on Pay was nearly tied, which might have dissuaded the year of one-off bonuses for banking CEOs??The world is about $4.5 trillion short of securing a sustainable food supply for the future, global food and ag business CEO [Sunny Verghese, CEO of food and ag company Olam Group] says. WHO DO YOU BLAME?The world's top 28 richest people (those worth ~$160 B each) together would equal $4.5 trillionThe world's greatest sycophant Tesla chair RobynDenholm: “On the pay package specifically: “It's not about the money for him. If there had been a way of delivering voting rights that didn't necessarily deliver dollars, that would have been an interesting proposition.”Any two of these basically redundant techbro companies' market caps would sufficeNvidia ~$4.2 trillion Microsoft ~$3.8 trillion Apple ~$3.1 trillion Amazon ~$2.4 trillion Alphabet ~$2.2 trillion Meta Platforms ~$1.8 trillion Broadcom ~$1.3 trillion Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company ~$1.2 trillionBill Ackman. Because he's a douche.MATTTarget is eliminating 1,800 roles as new CEO Michael Fiddelke gets set to take over the struggling retailer - WHO DO YOU BLAME?Current CEO Brian Cornell, who's “stepping down” to the role of Executive Chair - which is basically still CEO, just on the board and doesn't have to talk to employees anymore, so he can eliminate 1800 jobs and then fade away into a multimillion dollar unaccountable board roleFuture CEO Michael Fiddelke, who starts February 1, 2026, but is current COO and was forced to send the memo to employees telling them 8% of the workforce will be cutMonica Lozano, chair of the compensation and human capital management committee of the board, who's also on the BofA and Apple boards and is the most connected board member at a highly connected board - does the chair of the human capital committee have to weigh in on firing?OpenAI - the memo makes zero mention of the fact that part of Target's problem is that it shit on gays and blacks because of a feckless internet toad named Robby Starbuck, but feels very written by AI which would account for phrases like:“Adjusting our structure is one part of the work ahead of us. It will also require new behaviors and sharper priorities that strengthen our retail leadership in style and design and enable faster execution so we can: Lead with merchandising authority; Elevate the guest experience with every interaction; and Accelerate technology to enable our team and delight our guests.”Does anyone know what that word salad actually means? Doesn't it just mean “you're fired because we basically sucked at our jobs”?Hormel recalls 4.9M pounds of chicken possibly 'contaminated with pieces of metal' - WHO DO YOU BLAME?The audit committee, the closest committee responsible for enterprise risk (ie, metal in chicken) - Stephen M. Lacy, William A. Newlands (also lead director), Debbra L. Schoneman, Sally J. Smith (chair), Steven A. White, Michael P. ZechmeisterThe governance committee - James Snee, the now retired CEO who retired somehow in January but the company still hasn't found a permanent replacement 9 months later - so they're being run by Jeff Ettinger, interim CEO? Chair Gary C. Bhojwani, Elsa A. Murano, Ph.D., William A. Newlands (also lead director), Debbra L. Schoneman, Steven A. WhiteThe one black guy on the board - Steve White - who works at Comcast, is somehow qualified to be on Hormel board, and is on BOTH the audit committee AND governance committeeThe conveyor belt that spit pieces of metal as large as 17mm long into “fire braised chicken” sent to hotels and restaurantsCervoMed appoints McKinsey veteran David Quigley to board of directors - WHO DO YOU BLAME? Board is 2 VCs, a longtime biotech CFO, and five MD/PhDs. And among those 8, there are just two woman - the co-founder/wife of the CEO and a VC. And when they did their search, they could only find a longtime professional opinion haver - a consultant from the big three?Nominating committee for lack of imaginationEx or current McKinsey, Bain, and BCG employed directors - the opinion industrial complex - make up a whopping 4% of ALL US DIRECTORSAmong boards with MULTIPLE ex opinion directors: Kohl's is 25% consultantStarbucks is 27% consultantDisney is 30% consultantsWilliams-Sonoma is 38% consultantCBRE is 40% consultant!Nominating committee chair Jane Hollingsworth, for not looking around the room and saying, “hey dudes, can we add, like, maybe, ONE other lady?”Co founders Sylvie Gregoire and John Alam (also CEO) who own 17.3% of voting power - add in Josh Boger, board chair and 12.3% voter, and you basically have the CEO daddy and his buddy Josh with 29.6% of voting controlSylvie and John's bios, which neglect to mention they're married to one anotherWe are all terrified of the future - which headline is worse for your terror? WHO DO YOU BLAME?The world is about $4.5 trillion short of securing a sustainable food supply for the future, global food and ag business CEO saysBill Gates Says Climate Change ‘Will Not Lead to Humanity's Demise' - ostensibly because billionaires in bunkers will, in fact, survive on cans of metal-filled Hormel chili.Sorry, Yoda. Mentors are going out of styleMan Alarmed to Discover His Smart Vacuum Was Broadcasting a Secret Map of His HouseJennifer Garner's baby food company is going public on the NYSE — should investors be putting their eggs in this basket?Woman Repeatedly Warned by Canadian Exchange Not to Transfer Crypto, Gets Scammed AnywayOpenAI completes restructure, solidifying Microsoft as a major shareholder - MSFT owns 27%, the non profit which controlled the company “for the benefit of humanity” now will only control it for 26% of humanity?Tesla risks losing CEO Musk if $1 trillion pay package isn't approved, board chair says - IF MUSK LEAVES, WHO DO YOU BLAME?Robyn Denholm, board chair, whose job it is to manage Musk, but does it like an overwhelmed permissive mother who parents with chocolate and Teletubbies when the kid has a tantrumKimbal Musk - I was told by a bunch of directors and institutional investors at a conference, no joke, that Kimbal was still on the board (ie, not voted out) to control his brother's ketamine intake and crazy episodes. So if he throws a tantrum and leaves, isn't it bro's fault? This is a binary trade - Musk gets extra pay/control, stock goes up and isn't de-meme'd. Musk doesn't, he leaves and the stock is de-meme'd and drops arguably by 66% or more to be more like a car company with some tech. So do we blame investors, no matter what they do? They meme'd the stock in the first place, he couldn't get a trillion extra dollars if they hadn't pumped up the stock - and now they could vote with humanity (no pay) or meme capitalism (pay)!Techbro middle school conservatism - is this Ben Shapiro and Joe Rogan's fault? A Yale economist paper suggests that Musk's politics cost between 1 and 1.26 million Tesla car sales… Would we even be worried if Musk stayed out of politics? Wouldn't the market have just paid him whatever?Pop quiz: which directors stay on the board if Musk leaves in a tantrum?Jeffrey StraubelKimbal MuskRobyn DenholmJames MurdochKathleen Wilson-ThompsonIra EhrenpreisJack HartungJoe Gebbia

En 1948, Berlin se retrouve au cœur de la crise de la guerre froide. La ville est partagée entre les forces alliées, mais Staline veut chasser les Occidentaux en imposant un blocus. En riposte, les Américains et leurs alliés organisent un immense pont aérien. En 1949, le blocus est levé, mais le Mur de la honte ne va pas tarder à apparaître. Découvrez la réalité d'une ville coupée en deux, isolée entre deux mondes désormais ennemis. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Longtime listeners of Sticky Notes know that Shostakovich's 10 symphony was the inaugural piece covered on the show. It's been 8 years(!) since that show, so I've totally re-written the episode and had the privilege of presenting this new version live with the Aalborg Symphony Orchestra last week in Aalborg. Shostakovich, like so many composers before him, was obsessed with musical codes and messages, with songs that expressed two or more meanings, with ideas that were at once black and white and profoundly complex. This also describes Shostakovich himself, a man who was incredibly guarded with his public persona, and even his private persona as well. It is impossible to know anything for sure with Shostakovich, and to me therein lies the greatest strength of his music. The 10th symphony has been described as a portrayal of the Stalin years, as a portrayal of obsessive love, as a requiem, as sarcastic, as humorous, as agonizing, as triumphant, as, as, as….and the truth is that like all of the greatest works of Western Classical music, it is all of those things and so much more. It is a work of profound intensity, grabbing you from the start and not letting go for nearly 50 minutes, which makes sense considering that the piece was written in the shadow of another momentous event, the death of Joseph Stalin. There are very few experiences like hearing Shostakovich's 10th symphony live, and it is the kind of piece that, by the end of it, leaves you a slightly different person than you were when it started. Today on the show, we're going to be talking about a wide range of topics, from orchestral color to Joseph Stalin, from symphonic form to obsessive love, and much more. Join us!

(Insert theme song) The episode where Sarah discusses the elusive Amber Room, considered to be possibly the eighth Wonders of the World. This is a history lesson about WWII and a story all in one, but don't worry, Lindsey and Boydston are here to bring the chaos. And y'all, it is chaos. We talk about how Stalin was messed up (who isn't), sing the Jurassic Park theme song (wrong), and I think the PBJ song came out too, but I may have blocked that out. Did you expect any less from our Halloween episode?! Come say hi on our socials!Facebook- The Tipsy GhostInstagram- @thetipsyghostpodcastTikTok @thetipsyghost_podEmail us your stories at thetipsyghost@gmail.comShow your support when you subscribe, leave a great review & give us a 5 star rating—it really helps!

The Postponement of the Budapest Meeting and Negotiating with Putin. Cliff May discusses the postponement of the Trump-Putin Budapest meeting, attributing it to Marco Rubio insisting on a cessation of hostilities, which Foreign Minister Lavrov rejected, demanding "all Ukraine." May warns President Trump against being outnegotiated, referencing Stalin's success over Roosevelt and Churchill at Yalta. Putin admires Stalin, who expanded the Russian Empire and engineered the Holodomor famine. May stresses that Russians negotiate only to win, not to compromise. 1921 RED ARMY

SHOW 10-24-25 CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS ABOUT CANADA  IN THE EYES OF THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION. FIRST HOUR 9-915 Pennsylvania Aims to Be AI Capital with US-Made Non-Lithium Batteries. Salena Zito reports on Governor Shapiro's plan to establish Pennsylvania as the AI and data center capital, capitalizing on its energy resources and university system. She focuses on EOS, a Turtle Creek company making non-lithium batteries that are 97% US-made, countering reliance on Chinese lithium. AI data centers require high energy reliability, favoring coal and natural gas infrastructure. Governor Shapiro supports this buildout, including a $22 million grant for EOS. 915-930 Italian Olive Harvest and Historical Vatican-UK Royal Visit. Lorenzo Fiori reports that the olive harvest in Tuscany is expected to be low in quantity due to mosquito damage caused by humidity and rain. However, recent strong winds helped remove damaged olives, potentially ensuring a "very tasty" oil. Fiori also discusses the historical visit of King Charles III to the Vatican's Sistine Chapel to pray with Pope Francis. This event, which Fiori found spectacular, is seen as crucial for restoring dialogue between the Anglican and Catholic Churches after centuries of division. 930-945 Small Business Economy Steady; AI Remains a 'Toy'. Gene Marks reports on the small business economy, noting steady activity among machine parts manufacturers, often preparing for an "onshoring boom." Construction and housing are holding steady but anticipate a future boom as interest rates decline. Tariffs have a muted impact, often absorbed or passed on as separate invoice line items for transparency. Marks demonstrates that AI, despite its advances, is not ready for prime-time business use, failing to accurately generate a requested image of a Yorkshire Terrier hitting a home run. 945-1000 Small Business Economy Steady; AI Remains a 'Toy'. Gene Marks reports on the small business economy, noting steady activity among machine parts manufacturers, often preparing for an "onshoring boom." Construction and housing are holding steady but anticipate a future boom as interest rates decline. Tariffs have a muted impact, often absorbed or passed on as separate invoice line items for transparency. Marks demonstrates that AI, despite its advances, is not ready for prime-time business use, failing to accurately generate a requested image of a Yorkshire Terrier hitting a home run. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 Pacific Palisades Housing Dispute and West Coast Infrastructure Challenges. Jeff Bliss covers West Coast issues, including traffic disruption from new high-speed rail construction between Southern California and Las Vegas. Pacific Palisades residents are protesting state and local plans to use burned-out lots for high-density, multistory affordable housing, fearing the change in community character and increased traffic. Additionally, copper theft from EV charging stations is undermining Los Angeles's zero emissions goals. Homeless encampments are also sparking major brush fire concerns in areas like Malibu and the Sepulveda Basin. 1015-1030 Pennsylvania Pursues Data Center Hub Status, Converting Golf Courses. Jim McTague reports on Pennsylvania's effort to become a data center hub, citing over $90 billion committed investment statewide. York County secured $5 billion, with plans including converting Brierwood Golf Course into a data center. This effort faces public resistance fueled by fears of higher electricity and water prices. McTague notes that consumer spending in Lancaster County is "steady." The conversion of golf courses reflects the decline of golf, seen as a "dinosaur" activity that takes too much time. 1030-1045 Professor Epstein Slams Trump's Economic Policies as 'State Socialism'. Professor Richard Epstein analyzes four Trump administration economic decisions concerning Intel, Nvidia, US Steel, and MP Mining, labeling them forms of state-owned enterprise or "state socialism." Epstein argues that acquiring golden shares or negotiating side deals—like Nvidia paying 15% of China revenue—destroys market value, undercuts competitors, and violates the neutral application of laws. He also critiques the Gaza deal, stating Hamas must be wiped out before any subsequent phases of the agreement can proceed. 1045-1100 Professor Epstein Slams Trump's Economic Policies as 'State Socialism'. Professor Richard Epstein analyzes four Trump administration economic decisions concerning Intel, Nvidia, US Steel, and MP Mining, labeling them forms of state-owned enterprise or "state socialism." Epstein argues that acquiring golden shares or negotiating side deals—like Nvidia paying 15% of China revenue—destroys market value, undercuts competitors, and violates the neutral application of laws. He also critiques the Gaza deal, stating Hamas must be wiped out before any subsequent phases of the agreement can proceed. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. 1115-1130 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. 1130-1145 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. 1145-1200 cMcNamara at War: Loyalty, Secrets, and the Vietnam Conflict. Professor William Taubman discusses Robert McNamara's complicated role during the LBJ years. McNamara enabled the Vietnam War escalation, notably misrepresenting the Gulf of Tonkin incidents to Congress. Despite later secretly opposing the war ("I want so badly to bring the boys home"), he remained silent due to loyalty to Johnson and the presidency. Taubman also details McNamara's role spying on the Kennedys for LBJ and his "loving" relationship with Jackie Kennedy. His post-Pentagon role at the World Bank served as a form of repentance. FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 Trump Administration's Economic Interventionism Questioned as 'State Capitalism'. Veronique de Rugy critiques the Trump administration's economic policies regarding companies like Intel, US Steel, and MP Mining, calling them "state capitalism" or forms of nationalization. She argues that the government acquiring a minority share in Intel creates bad incentives and unfair competitive advantages. Regarding MP Mining, de Rugy notes that guaranteeing a price floor fails to address the underlying issue of government regulation hindering rare earth production in the US.E 1215-1230 The Postponement of the Budapest Meeting and Negotiating with Putin. Cliff May discusses the postponement of the Trump-Putin Budapest meeting, attributing it to Marco Rubio insisting on a cessation of hostilities, which Foreign Minister Lavrov rejected, demanding "all Ukraine." May warns President Trump against being outnegotiated, referencing Stalin's success over Roosevelt and Churchill at Yalta. Putin admires Stalin, who expanded the Russian Empire and engineered the Holodomor famine. May stresses that Russians negotiate only to win, not to compromise. 1230-1245 NASA's Artemis Woes, Chinese Debris, and Global Space Industry Shifts. Bob Zimmerman discusses NASA's Artemis program, noting Administrator Sean Duffy is using a social media feud with Elon Musk as a "shiny object" to distract from the Orion capsule's untrustworthy heat shield risks. Other space issues include China's dangerous rocket debris crashes, some using highly toxic fuels, and European satellite companies consolidating into Project Bromo due to competition. Zimmerman also highlights the discovery of a large asteroid orbiting near Venus and Lockheed Martin's investment in Venus Aerospace's radical rocket engine design. 1245-100 AM NASA's Artemis Woes, Chinese Debris, and Global Space Industry Shifts. Bob Zimmerman discusses NASA's Artemis program, noting Administrator Sean Duffy is using a social media feud with Elon Musk as a "shiny object" to distract from the Orion capsule's untrustworthy heat shield risks. Other space issues include China's dangerous rocket debris crashes, some using highly toxic fuels, and European satellite companies consolidating into Project Bromo due to competition. Zimmerman also highlights the discovery of a large asteroid orbiting near Venus and Lockheed Martin's investment in Venus Aerospace's radical rocket engine design.

We are joined once again by Dr. Bandy Lee, forensic and social psychiatrist and violence expert, who edited the 2017 New York Times bestselling book, “The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump.” We get her latest take on whether someone with Trump's psychological profile should have the nuclear football and whether he would actually leave office peacefully. Plus, Ralph assesses the latest No Kings rally. Dr. Bandy Lee is a forensic and social psychiatrist, violence expert, president of the World Mental Health Coalition and New York Times bestselling author of “The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump.” Her new book is “The Psychology of Trump Contagion,” also available as a podcast. And her four-part series on Substack is “The Serious and Imminent Threat of Donald Trump.”I have often said that every accusation is a confession; that whatever he (Trump) says of others will quite accurately portray what is happening in him because of the level of symptomatology and projection.Dr. Bandy LeeHe will react (to impeachment) very belligerently, as violently as possible, as we've seen from his loss of the first attempt to be reelected. But it also depends on how we handle him. We've seen from how dictators of the world – who understand his psychology much better because it's similar to theirs – can manipulate him and cause him to do all kinds of things that ordinary presidents would never do. And so, I would say that he's still very malleable, and it depends on how we handle him and manage him. And that's why mental health consultants would be very important.Dr. Bandy LeeLet me suggest why the progressive media is avoiding your type of elaboration and explanation. They do not want to be accused of what the communist regime in the Soviet Union did to dissenters. Stalin and his cohorts would basically say that dissenters are insane. They have mental impairment, and they should be sent to prisons in Siberia. And progressives throughout the decades have been very fearful of being tainted with that accusation about dissent in American society.Ralph NaderNews 10/24/25* On October 15th, investigative journalist Ken Klippenstein published a report on the Trump administration's attempts to implement the new National Security Presidential Memorandum targeting “Antifa” known as NSPM-7. According to this report, the federal government has so far begun “collecting intelligence on Antifa ‘affinity' groups, canvassing the FBI's vast informant network for tips about Antifa, and scrutinizing financial records.” What this will mean in practice remains murky. A senior career homeland security official is quoted saying that “no one should doubt the orders that have come down from on high to destroy Antifa,” and DHS Secretary Kristi Noem recently stated “Antifa is just as sophisticated as MS-13, as TDA [Tren de Aragua], as ISIS, as Hezbollah, as Hamas, as all of em.” However, as this simply is not the case – former FBI Director Christopher Wray told Congress that Antifa is “not a group or an organization…[instead]...a movement or an ideology,” – the door is open for the Trump administration to pursue a wide-ranging and ill-defined crusade against any groups or individuals it determines to be antifascist. So far the response to this campaign has been muted, perhaps out of fear of reprisal from the federal government. But with infinitely moveable goalposts, this “war on antifa” as Klippenstein defines it, could have grave consequences for civil society and civil liberties for years to come.* In more federal news, POLITICO reports that if the government shutdown continues through November 1st, residents of 25 states – including California, Alabama, Pennsylvania, Hawaii, Indiana, Mississippi, D.C. and New Jersey – will lose access to SNAP benefits. SNAP, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, helps over 42 million low-income Americans avoid hunger. The loss of SNAP benefits will be acutely felt as the nation enters the holiday, and specifically Thanksgiving, season. It remains to be seen whether this will force either side to blink, and many expect the shutdown to drag on until the November elections.* Even with the government shut down, things are happening in Congress. This week, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes filed a lawsuit to force Speaker of the House Mike Johnson to swear in Adelita Grijalva. Johnson has blocked Grijalva, who won the special election in Arizona's seventh congressional district a month ago, from taking her seat in Congress. Mayes argues that Johnson's obstinance has left 800,000 Arizonans without representation and is requesting that federal judges, or others authorized to administer the oath of office swear in Grijalva if Johnson refuses to do so. Johnson claims he cannot administer the oath until the House is back in session, yet he used a special pro forma session to swear in Republican Representatives Jimmy Patronis and Randy Fine less than 24 hours after they won their respective special elections. Many contend that he is blocking Grijalva because she has vowed to vote in favor of the discharge petition to force the release of the Epstein files. This from AP.* Meanwhile, in the Senate, a breach seems to be widening between President Trump and Kentucky libertarian Senator Rand Paul on the issue of the strikes on Venezuelan boats. In an interview with Piers Morgan, Senator Paul said “We can't just kill indiscriminately because we are not at war. It's summary execution!...Everyone gets a trial because sometimes, the system gets it wrong. Even the worst of the worst in our country get due process. The bottom line is that execution without process is not justice, and blowing up foreign ships is a recipe for chaos.” At another point in this interview, Paul disputed the Venezuelan narcotrafficker narrative, emphasizing that “There is no fentanyl made in Venezuela. Not just a little bit, there's none being made... These are outboard boats that, in order for them to get to Miami, would have to stop and refuel 20 times.” That same day, the Hill reported Trump hosted a lunch with all Republican Senators at the White House Rose Garden – with the sole exception of Rand Paul. Paul brushed this off, saying he was instead having lunch with Congressman Thomas Massie, an ideological ally who also bucks President Trump's direction on a number of issues.* On the other side of the aisle, Senator Elizabeth Warren has sent a letter to Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent demanding answers related to the Argentina bailout. Specifically, Warren is concerned about “revelations that the United States government may be purchasing Argentine pesos,” as part of this bailout, and pressing for disclosure as to “whether such purchases have occurred and how much taxpayer money has already been spent.” This from MediasNews. This letter alleges that the deal includes “a $20 billion currency-swap agreement with Argentina's central bank, efforts to arrange a $20 billion private investment vehicle, and ‘the apparent purchase of at least hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of Argentine pesos directly using taxpayer dollars.” The administration seems unusually invested in propping up the government of Argentinian President Javier Milei, a staunch Trump ally in the region. In addition to this bailout, on Wednesday, Trump angered the American cattle industry and their Republican allies in Congress by announcing plans for large-scale purchases of Argentinian beef, which will undercut American producers, per Newsweek.* In Massachusetts, a complex political dynamic is emerging in that state's Democratic Senate primary. Longtime progressive incumbent Ed Markey, who fended off a primary challenge from the Right launched by Joe Kennedy in 2020, is now facing a new rightward challenge from Congressman Seth Moulton. Many see Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley, a “Squad” member, as Markey's chosen successor, but he has made no indication of stepping aside, despite the fact that he would be 80 years old if he were to be reelected in 2026. Moulton is 46, Pressley is 51. Moreover, in an indication of where the party is ideologically, Moulton made one of his first campaign moves “returning campaign donations that he received from individuals affiliated with…[AIPAC]...and [vowing] he would no longer accept campaign support from the group,” per the New Republic. Moulton is by no means an antizionist, he followed up this announcement by saying “I'm a friend of Israel,” according to JNS, but the fact that even a centrist to center-right Democrat has to reject AIPAC money is a sign of just how toxic the group has become to the Democratic Party rank and file.* Our next two stories are on bills responding to the challenges of AI. In New York, Governor Kathy Hochul has signed a bill updating the state's antitrust laws to ban landlords from using AI algorithms to “artificially inflate New Yorkers' rents,” according to Gothamist. This bill comes in the context of a Justice Department lawsuit against RealPage, a company that uses algorithms to analyze data such as vacancies and lease renewal rates to give landlords price recommendations – which many see as collusive price-fixing. According to a Council of Economic Advisors study, such algorithms cost renters nationwide 3.8 billion additional dollars in inflated rents in 2023. California enacted a similar law earlier this month. Hopefully other states and municipalities, particularly those with hot rental markets, will follow suit.* And in New Jersey, Newsweek reports Assemblywoman Andrea Katz is pushing a bill to impose a surcharge on AI data centers to help offset the rising power costs caused by the massive amounts of energy these data centers consume. This tax would be used to modernize New Jersey's power grid. According to the data, “the average price of residential electricity increased 6.5 percent from 16.41 cents per kilowatt-hour to 17.47 cents between May 2024 and May 2025.” This issue is particularly salient in New Jersey right now, as the state gubernatorial elections are rapidly approaching. In this same context, Democratic Virginia state delegate Shelly Simonds is quoted saying “Voters are mad as hell about energy prices increasing…anybody who ignores these issues does so at their peril.”* Turning to foreign affairs, earlier this week the BBC reported that Prince Andrew would be “giving up his titles, including the Duke of York, following a ‘discussion with the King.'” This announcement raised alarm bells. Prince Andrew has been deeply implicated in the Jeffrey Epstein scandal and has been out of public view for years already. This new severing of his ties to the royal family implied there was more yet to come. Indeed, just days later an excerpt from the late Virginia Giuffre's memoir Nobody's Girl included an account of the former Duke of York engaging in an orgy with Giuffre and “approximately eight other young girls” at Epstein's Little St. James island estate. In this memoir, Giuffre also recounts a brutal rape at the hands of former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.* Finally, in some positive news, Reuters reports that elections in Turkish-dominated Northern Cyprus this week brought to power Centre-left politician Tufan Erhurman. Erhurman, who won with nearly two-thirds of the vote, has pledged to revive reunification talks with the Greek-dominated portion of the island. Various peace plans and reunification efforts over the years have failed, and talks have largely ceased since 2017. This victory proves one thing: it is never too late for a people to move toward peace. We wish the Cypriots on both sides of the partition luck in the negotiations to come.This has been Francesco DeSantis, with In Case You Haven't Heard. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

Putin's Yalta Model: Out-Negotiating Donald Trump. Cliff May, writing for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, looks at Putin's ambition to out-negotiate Donald Trump by emulating Stalin's success at the 1945 Yalta Conference. Stalin won that round of negotiations against Churchill and Roosevelt, securing Poland and much of Eastern Europe. This outcome was partly facilitated because Roosevelt, who was ill and viewed himself as a mediator, thought he could handle Stalin. The discussion reviews history to see if this model foreshadows future negotiations over Ukraine.

durée : 00:10:34 - Le Fil de l'histoire - par : Stéphanie Duncan - Le 9 août 1945, les Américains font exploser sur Nagasaki une seconde bombe atomique. Le même jour, Staline déclare la guerre au Japon et l'Armée rouge envahit la Mandchourie. Pris en tenailles entre les bombes américaines et l'assaut soviétique, le Japon se voit acculé à déposer les armes. - invités : Olivier WIEVIORKA - Olivier Wieviorka : Historien, professeur à l'École normale supérieure de Cachan - réalisé par : Claire DESTACAMP Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

65 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas joins Pete to start a series examing the work of Viktor Suvorov (Vladimir Rezin) and Joachim Hoffmann who sought to prove in their books, "Icebreaker," and "Stalin's War of Extermination," that Stalin orchestrated the beginning of World War 2.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Buy Me a CoffeeThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

emocleW, emocleW, emocleW to the Distraction Pieces Podcast with Scroobius Pip!This is your bonus FRIDAY REWIND episode! Today, we catch up with Armando Iannucci, originally episode 174 from 2017-10-24.Original writeup below:Responsible for an insane amount of some of the greatest UK comedy since the 90's, including the writing and production of 'The Day Today' which spawned Alan Partridge and the Partridge multiverse, 'The Thick Of It', 'Time Trumpet', and US based 'Veep', Armando is clearly a titan of the game. With his new production 'The Death Of Stalin' (in cinemas NOW!), he's been grinding it out on the media promo run, but is sharp as a katana as he sits down with Pip for a nice long chat covering all the necessary bases and loads more that you'd hope to hear about, including said promo run grind and the madness of it all, especially seeing your own film countless times, being mindful of not using the victims of the subject of his film for comedy and finding that material from many various other sources, social media and how the echo chamber is reinforced and debate is fading, how the film draws parallels with today's US presidency even though it was filmed months before Trump's election win, and how to successfully wrangle an all star cast in order to promote efficiency on set. Tons more obviously but yeah, super entertaining and a must for Armando fans and those who appreciate the craft of writing and production. Get into it!PIP'S PATREON PAGE if you're of a supporting natureIMDBVEEPTHE DEATH OF STALININ THE LOOPTIME TRUMPETDAN LE SAC VS SCROOBIUS PIP BANDCAMPPIP TWITCH • (music stuff)PIP INSTAGRAMSPEECH DEVELOPMENT WEBSTOREPIP TWITTERPIP IMDBPOD BIBLE Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

What do Stalin, Trump, and Viktor Orbán have in common? They're all fragile men terrified of truth, artists, and of anyone with a moral compass. In this week's Gaslit Nation, we talk with 91-year-old Peter Hidas, who as a young student helped ignite the 1956 Hungarian Uprising, a movement born of courage and faith in a better world. Peter's story is a testament to what ordinary people can do when they refuse to bow to tyranny. The revolts that shook the Iron Curtain in 1956 laid the groundwork for the movements that would one day bring down the Soviet empire, to the unforgettable soundtrack of Swan Lake played on repeat on Soviet TV by a collapsing regime. Today, a new generation of brave Russians has reclaimed that symbol: the “Swan Lake Collective” is being played by artists on the streets of Russia, creating a rallying cry “Let the swans dance!” for peace, freedom, and the end of Putin's Fox News–style dictatorship. Gaslit Nation is here to remind you that Putin's days are numbered.  This week's show also celebrates the heroes of the No Kings protests, the Gen Z meme pirates toppling corruption crime sprees pretending to be governments, how Trump and Putin might try to save Orban's doomed April 2026 election, and more.  So keep marching. Keep creating.That's how we win.  The song featured in this week's episode is “Election Day” by The Spiders. Check out their music at thespidersband.com If you have a song to share on Gaslit Nation, submit it here: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1-d_DWNnDQFYUMXueYcX5ZVsA5t2RN09N8PYUQQ8koq0/edit?ts=5fee07f6&gxids=7628 Join the Gaslit Nation + Sister District Halloween Phonebank this Wednesday at 6pm ET – every phone call to Virginia plants seeds of hope! RSVP here: https://www.mobilize.us/sisterdistrict/event/847185/ Andrea's graphic novel In the Shadow of Stalin: The Story of Mr. Jones won the Ringo Award! Get your signed copy by subscribing to the show at the Producer-level or higher on Patreon.com/Gaslit, starting this week. All active donors at the Producer-level and higher, who help make Gaslit Nation possible, will receive a special thank you gift in early 2026: a signed copy of Andrea's soon-to-be-released graphic novel Mrs. Orwell.  Want to hear Gaslit Nation ad-free? Join our community of listeners for bonus shows, exclusive Q&A sessions, our group chat, invites to live events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Sign up at Patreon.com/Gaslit! Show Notes: How to Overthrow a Dictator (Featuring the history of Andrea's father-in-law Mihai Sedaru Barbul) https://sites.libsyn.com/124622/how-to-overthrow-a-dictator From Epstein's Chief Accuser, a Memoir Both Sad and Devastating: Virginia Roberts Giuffre's posthumous “Nobody's Girl” doesn't break political news, but might break your heart. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/16/books/review/virginia-roberts-giuffre-nobodys-girl-memoir.html?unlocked_article_code=1.uk8.Fe6u.LwC3e8hbHgjq&smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringSource=articleShare Videos Show Russian Youths Chant Anti-War Song in St. Petersburg https://www.newsweek.com/videos-russian-youths-chant-anti-war-song-st-petersburg-10883035 Trump says he did not want 'wasted meeting' after plan for Putin talks shelved https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4gjp73gp41o Hungary PM Orbán's advisor in hot water for saying resisting Russia is irresponsible https://www.euronews.com/2024/09/26/hungary-pm-orbans-advisor-in-hot-water-for-saying-resisting-russia-is-irresponsible What to know about the Trump administration's $20B bailout for Argentina https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trump-administrations-20b-bailout-argentina/story?id=126513232 The Rise of the Inflatable Chicken Resistance https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/20/opinion/no-kings-protest-chicago-tactical-frivolity.html Smearing Virginia Giuffre: What New Allegations Against Prince Andrew Reveal About Power and Silence https://www.marieclaire.co.uk/opinion/prince-andrew-virginia-giuffre-smear-campaign-sex-abuse-survivor-social-security-met-police The Tech Right Gets Its Own Phyllis Schlafly: Katherine Boyle, an influential venture capitalist who is a friend of the vice president, thinks the country's path forward involves cultural conservatism and more weapons production. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/19/business/katherine-boyle-andreesen-horowitz-american-dynamism.html?unlocked_article_code=1.vE8.7WA9.glWQrABz11-S&smid=url-share The Contagious Gen Z Uprisings: It's a good time to start paying attention to the youth-led protests that are spreading around the world and that have toppled governments. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/19/world/gen-z-revolutions-protests-louvre-heist-gaza.html?unlocked_article_code=1.u08.Yg4j.Swx4JtTHBLbC&smid=url-share Yekaterinburg Street Musician Detained After Performing in Support of Arrested Band https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2025/10/21/yekaterinburg-street-musician-detained-after-performing-in-support-of-arrested-band-a90887 Democratic win in Iowa special election breaks GOP supermajority https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/democratic-win-in-iowa-special-election-breaks-gop-supermajority Trump and Putin's planned summit in Hungary boosts an authoritarian ally https://www.nbcnews.com/news/amp/rcna238138 Europe Is Answering Putin's Challenge: Members of the NATO alliance are showing real grit—and, for now, the U.S. is with them. https://www.theatlantic.com/national-security/archive/2025/10/nato-putin-trump-europe-ukraine/684592/ CLIP 1: https://bsky.app/profile/courtwing.bsky.social/post/3m3ij7nu23c2f CLIP 2: https://bsky.app/profile/us-political-news.bsky.social/post/3m3i5tuagec2l CLIP 3: Springtime for Hitler: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ovCf9VRLnDY CLIP 4: https://x.com/visegrad24/status/1978242426461368656

Je m'interroge souvent sur la façon dont on peut informer, sensibliser et mobiliser sur les drames de notre époque ? C'est à cette question essentielle que s'attelle la réalisatrice de documentaires ANASTASIA MIKOVA.  Aujourd'hui, elle témoigne au micro de Demain N'attend Pas, dans un épisode filmé dans le cadre de ma série avec l'Université de la Terre.  Fatigué de toutes les tragédies qui s'empilent, on préfère souvent détourner le regard. Cela permet de dormir tranquille. On en reste à des chiffres qui ne veulent rien dire et qui ne dérangent pas notre façon d'habiter le monde : +1.5°, +2°, +3° … quelques dizaine de milliers de morts en Ukraine … des milliers de migrants engloutis dans la Méditerranée… “Un mort c'est une tragédie, Un million de morts, c'est une statistique” disait Staline non sans cynisme.La réponse d'Anastasia est claire : nous devons dépasser les chiffres.  Nous devons montrer les femmes, les hommes, les enfants qui sont victimes de ces tragédies et donner à voir ce qu'ils traversent. Filmons la difficulté de leur vie, la complexité de leur chemin, leur blessure, leur courage et leur beauté.  Alors Anastasia n'arrête pas de filmer et de documenter. Elle nous donne à comprendre en profondeur et avec humanité les drames et les joies, ce qui nous unit et ce qui nous sépare.  Elle a réalisé plus de 2 000 interviews pour coécrire et coréaliser avec Yann Arthus-Bertrand le documentaire Women. Elle a suivi le long chemin de réparation des victimes d'inceste avec Emmanuelle Béart dans Un silence si bruyant. Depuis plus de 3 ans, elle filme des femmes prises dans la guerre en Ukraine, son pays. Ses documentaires sont bouleversants. On sort de leur visionnage fort d'une compréhension profonde et avec la volonté farouche de ne peut plus détourner les yeux.  

7. The Brutality of Control: From Stalin's Cynicism to Putin's War The cruelty demonstrated by Russian forces stems from a historical Russian/Soviet brutality where human life is regarded as cheap. Stalin exemplified this cynicism, as shown in a 1932 letter where he discussed using severe force to prevent losing control of Ukraine. For Moscow, controlling Ukraine is crucial, and both Imperial and Putin's governments are willing to use extreme violence to subjugate the population. When Putin launched the 2022 invasion, he was isolated and surrounded by yes-men, trapped by his belief that Ukrainians were essentially Russians who would welcome Russian control. The military force deployed was inadequate for conventional warfare, suggesting they planned only a short "policing operation"—a quick raid to change the government and hold a parade. This miscalculation and the resulting brutality are driven not by immediate security concerns like NATO, but by the deep psychological belief that Ukraine is not a real state and must be controlled by Russia. 1855 BRITISH ARMY

2. Galicia, World War I, and the Finkel Family's Soviet Incorporation This segment explores Western Ukraine (Galicia), distinct from the Russian Empire until relatively late. While Russia used forced assimilation and violence against Ukrainians, Galicia under the Austro-Hungarian Empire practiced tolerance, allowing Ukrainian language and nationalism to flourish. St. Petersburg deeply feared this, viewing the small region as a "Ukrainian Piedmont" that could spread nationalistic ideas and eventually unite Ukraine against Russian control. This anxiety—the desire to seize and Russify Galicia—was a key, often overlooked reason for Russia's entry into World War I. Russia occupied Galicia briefly but failed to keep it; however, in 1939, following the division of Poland by Stalin and Hitler, Western Ukraine was finally incorporated into the Soviet Union. The professor's grandfather, Israel/Lev Finkel, fought bravely for the USSR in the Great Patriotic War despite his Galician background, demonstrating the complex loyalties resulting from shifting imperial projects.

        3. Post-Revolution Collapse, Failed Statehood, and the Holodomor Following the collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires after World War I, Ukrainians sought independence. The Ukrainian People's Republic emerged from the Russian collapse as a democratic state with liberal policies. However, it quickly collapsed internally, as its bureaucrats were heavily Russified, and externally, as various Russian armies (communist, monarchist, or liberal) immediately invaded, united by the belief that Ukraine must be part of Russia. Separately, the West Ukrainian People's Republic was defeated and incorporated into Poland. Later, Stalin, fearing internal Ukrainian dissent and needing grain exports for military modernization, implemented forced collectivization. This led to the purposeful famine of the Holodomor (1932-1933), resulting in deaths of an estimated 3.5 to 5 million people. This tragedy served Stalin's goal of breaking the backbone of the Ukrainian peasantry to secure the region before World War II devastated the landscape.

Some historians argue that President Trump is using a Stalinist-style playbook to amass power, silence his enemies and suppress science. What Americans should know about notorious Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin's style and political tactics.