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APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today  Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence.  Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning.  Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden.  Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day.  Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year?  Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very-  Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did-  Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever?  Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan.  Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too.  Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org.  Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.”  Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even-  Cayden: No …  Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah …  Cayden: excluded  Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again.  Samir: Right.  Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.”  Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways.  Sharmin: Right.  Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government.  Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know-  Cayden: Yeah …  Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person.  Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this.  Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because-  Cayden: Hmm …  Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm.  Cayden: Yeah …  Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving]  is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like-  Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.”  Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we-  Cayden: Contest every space.  Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks,  Cayden: dad …  Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now.  Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media.  Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you?  Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so…  Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived.  Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And  Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like-  Cayden: Yeah. …  Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really-  Cayden: Yeah …  Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon.  Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys.  Samir:

In the just concluded 13th national parliamentary elections, Bangladesh has given a decisive mandate to the Tarique Rahman-led Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The country's largest Islamist party, the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, has emerged as a strong opposition, winning as many as 68 seats. A huge improvement given the fact that the party won only two seats in the last parliamentary polls it participated in in 2008. Where does that leave Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League, the largest party in Bangladesh? Watch Author & ThePrint Columnist Deep Halder explain: --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- To read: https://theprint.in/opinion/why-bnps-win-in-bangladesh-doesnt-necessarily-mark-the-end-of-awami-league/2855547/

In Bangladesh's big election, the BNP scores a major win against the Islamist Jamaat in coalition NCP Gen Z party that ousted Sheikh Hasina. Muhammad Yunus delivers on his promise of elections, but without the Awami League, can the results from Bangladesh's poll be politically sustainable? And what does it mean for India? We will get you ground reports from The Hindu's Kallol Bhattacherjee in Dhaka. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Bangladesh will have its general elections on February 12. Nearly 2,000 candidates will contest on 300 seats of the Jatiya Sangsad. Alongside the parliamentary vote, electors will also vote in a referendum – on whether or not to adopt the July National Charter.  Bangladesh has two major legacy parties -- the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and the Awami League. With the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League banned from contesting, the two main players are the BNP, which is contesting from 288 seats, and the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is seeking 224 seats. There is also the student-led National Citizens Party (NCP), which will contest in 32 seats, as part of an alliance with the BNP. What are the main issues in this election? What's at stake for the minorities in Bangladesh? What are the prospects for the non-legacy parties? Guest: Kallol Bhattacharjee from The Hindu's Delhi bureau, who joins us from Dhaka. Host: G Sampath Producer: Jude Weston Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Beyond the Indus host Tushar Shetty is joined by Dr. Smruti Pattanaik and Dr. Mubashar Hasan to discuss Bangladesh's February 12 election. They explore the competing electoral alliances and election manifestos, issues surrounding mob violence and its impact on electoral legitimacy, the long shadow of the Awami League and its future in Bangladesh, the challenges that the new government will face, and the future of the Bangladesh-India relationship.

Bangladesh bersiap menggelar pemilu nasional pertama pada 12 Februari mendatang setelah rezim Sheikh Hasina. Kampanye politik mulai memadati Dhaka, namun situasi memanas dengan bentrokan antara polisi dan mahasiswa yang menuntut keadilan atas tewasnya aktivis mahasiswa Sharif Osman Hadi dalam insiden penembakan pada Desember 2025. Pemerintah sementara yang dipimpin oleh Muhammad Yunus menjamin pemilu akan berjalan adil meskipun partai Awami League milik Sheikh Hasina resmi dilarang ikut serta. Tarique Rahman, tokoh oposisi, menjadi kandidat kuat setelah tujuh belas tahun berada di pengasingan.

Bangladesh will hold a national election in February, after years of political turmoil and the ousting of long-time leader Sheikh Hasina. Her rule of more than a decade delivered strong economic growth but was also accompanied by tighter political control and repeated confrontations with protesters.Sheikh Hasina's party, the Awami League, has been banned. This has brought renewed focus on the Bangladesh Nationalist Party's leader Tarique Rahman, who is the son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia, as well as several emerging challengers.Following years of unrest, the vote is seen as a test of whether Bangladesh can move towards political stability.This week on The Inquiry, we're asking: What does the national election mean for the future of Bangladesh?Contributors Shaheen Mamun, Executive Director of the Jargoron Foundation, London, UKZia Chowdhury, journalist, Dhaka, Bangladesh Rounaq Jahan, Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue, Dhaka, Bangladesh Constantino Xavier, Senior Fellow at the Centre for Social and Economic Progress, New Delhi, India Presenter: Tanya Beckett Producer: Matt Toulson Researcher: Evie Yabsley Editor: Tom Bigwood Technical Producer: Cameron Ward(Photo: A woman casting her ballot during the 2024 national election in Bangladesh. Credit: Ahmed Salahuddin/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Are we witnessing rising Islamic militancy in Bangladesh? Or could it become a model for other developing countries? A nationwide celebration is underway. It's Victory Day for Bangladesh's 176 million people. Fifty-four years ago today -- December 16th, 1971 -- the former state of East Pakistan became the modern, independent nation of Bangladesh.   But few people are pleased with the trajectory Bangladesh is currently on. What's been happening this past 15 months has shaken this country to its core. On August 5th, 2024 protests over government job quotas escalated into a wider anti-government movement, with a resulting violent crackdown leading to the ousting of the long-time ruler, Sheikh Hasina. She now faces the death penalty if she returns. Her whole political party, the Awami League, has been banned too.   Now the Muslim-majority state faces perhaps the most significant fork-in-the-road moment since its independence. The February 2026 election. Can the caretaker leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus pull it off? Will it be free and fair?  It is possible that stability and democracy will be restored. It is also possible that an Islamist takeover and the cancellation of Democracy will ensue. To find out how the election could not only reshape contemporary Bangladesh's political foundations but also South Asian stability, security cooperation and geopolitical rivalries, Disorder co-host Mark Lobel is joined by three experts on the ground in the country. 1- Debapriya Bhattacharya-- Economist, public policy analyst and Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue in Dhaka, Aasha Mehreen Amin -- joint editor at The Daily Star, and Iftekharuz Zaman -- Executive Director of Transparency International Bangladesh. Although we don't hear about it much in the Western press, investors and policymakers the world over certainly have their eyes peeled on South Asia's second largest economy and what it decides to do next. We hope you the Orderers enjoy this exclusive journalistic content.  If you like more deepdives like this and appreciate the effort we are putting in please: PLEASE join our Mega Orderers Club, and get ad free listening, early episode releases, bonus content and exclusive access to live events, visit https://disorder.supportingcast.fm/  Producer: George McDonagh Subscribe to our Substack - https://natoandtheged.substack.com/ [Join the pay for substack for the 8 Jan event] Disorder on YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/@DisorderShow Show Notes Links: You can get in touch with Mark, to host or speak at your event here: https://www.mark-lobel.com/getintouch  Aasha's 'No Strings Attached' column: https://www.thedailystar.net/author/aasha-mehreen-amin  National Survey of Bangladesh: https://www.iri.org/resources/national-survey-of-bangladesh-september-october-2025/  Citizen's Platform for SDGs, Bangladesh: https://bdplatform4sdgs.net/  Pls Join the Mega Orderers Club for ad-free listening and early release of the episodes, via this link: https://disorder.supportingcast.fm/ Join us at our live event in RUSI on January 8th https://my.rusi.org/events/disorder-podcast-live-what-disorder-will-2026-bring.html (You need to join RUSI or the Mega Orderers Club or Paid for Substack to attend) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, host Ray Powell sits down with Dr. Lailufar Yasmin, a renowned political scientist at the University of Dhaka, to unpack Bangladesh's dramatic recent political crisis and explore why what happens in this densely populated South Asian nation matters to the broader Indo-Pacific regional stability.Recorded just one day after Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal sentenced former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to death in absentia for crimes against humanity--this conversation provides crucial context for understanding a nation in transition. Powell and Dr. Yasmin discuss the uprising that toppled Hasina's government, the interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, and the geopolitical implications for great power competition in South Asia.Dr. Yasmin explains how the July 2024 student protests escalated into a nationwide uprising after Hasina's government responded with lethal force, killing over 1,400 protesters. The movement, known as the "July Uprising," ultimately forced Hasina to flee to India on August 5, 2024, ending her 15-year authoritarian rule. The conversation explores how Hasina transformed from a democracy icon into an increasingly autocratic leader who rigged elections, suppressed opposition, and dismantled democratic institutions.The episode delves into the "July Charter," a reform blueprint calling for constitutional changes including a bicameral parliament, proportional representation, prime ministerial term limits, and restoration of the caretaker government system. Dr. Yasmin discusses the upcoming February 2026 referendum and elections, explaining the challenges of ensuring credible democratic transition amid deep political divisions, the banning of the Awami League political party, and security concerns.The conversation reveals how India's strong historical support for Hasina and the Awami League—rooted in India's assistance during Bangladesh's 1971 War of Independence—has created tension following her ouster. Dr. Yasmin describes India's initial disinformation campaigns falsely blaming Pakistani intelligence for the uprising, and how the interim government's engagement with China has also caused concern in New Delhi. She argues that Bangladesh must pursue an independent foreign policy that serves its national interests rather than simply accommodating regional powers.The discussion also provides essential historical context, tracing Bangladesh's origins from the 1971 Liberation War when East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) fought for independence from West Pakistan, resulting in genocide that killed an estimated three million people. Dr. Yasmin explains how this history continues to shape contemporary politics, including emotional debates over justice and national identity.Dr. Yasmin also addresses the selection of Muhammad Yunus as interim leader, describing how the Nobel Peace Prize winner's global credibility and pioneering work in microcredit made him an acceptable figure to unite a divided nation. She discusses both the promise and challenges of his leadership, including concerns about whether the interim government can remain truly neutral given that many of its coordinators are former student protesters.Dr. Yasmin challenges Western misconceptions about Bangladesh, emphasizing the nation's resilience, innovation in climate adaptation, economic progress, and warm hospitality.

The International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh has handed a death sentence to former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The tribunal found her guilty of crimes against humanity. It convicted held her of ordering the killing of anti-government protesters between June and August 2024. Sheikh Hasina fled to Delhi last year when her government fell. She has lived in exile ever since. But now she is a wanted criminal in Bangladesh. The Bangladesh government wants India to extradite her. Will India agree to do so? Does this mark the end of Hasina's political career? With national elections due in February, what does this tribunal verdict mean for domestic politics in Bangladesh? What does it mean for the future of Awami League, the party Hasina leads?  Guest: Kallol Bhattacherjee from The Hindu's Delhi bureau. Host: G. Sampath Recorded by Aniket Singh Chauhan Produced and edited by Jude Francis Weston Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Bangladesh has entered one of its most volatile political periods in decades after former prime minister Sheikh Hasina was sentenced to death after being convicted over last year's student-led uprising. She strongly rejects the ruling as illegitimate and politically motivated, insisting she was denied a fair trial. The verdict has heightened fears of renewed unrest, deepening political polarisation, and uncertainty over who will lead the Awami League into future elections. - বাংলাদেশ বহু দশকের মধ্যে সবচেয়ে অস্থির রাজনৈতিক সময়ের একটিতে প্রবেশ করেছে, কারণ গত বছরের ছাত্র-নেতৃত্বাধীন গণঅভ্যুত্থানের ঘটনায় দোষী সাব্যস্ত হওয়ার পর সাবেক প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনাকে মৃত্যুদণ্ড দেওয়া হয়েছে।

Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal has sentenced ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to death for crimes against humanity committed during a violent crackdown in 2024. Amid an unstable political landscape, will Hasina’s sentencing be a step forward for Bangladesh, or will it spark more unrest in the country? In this episode: Ahmede Hussain, Editor, The Delta Gram Episode credits: This episode was produced by Marcos Bartolomé, Farhan Rafid and Tracie Hunte with Phillip Lanos, Spencer Cline, Diana Ferrero, Fatima Shafiq, Sarí El-Khalili, and our host, Manuel Rápalo. It was edited by Noor Wazwaz and Kylene Kiang. Our sound designer is Alex Roldan. Our video editors are Hisham Abu Salah and Mohannad Al-Melhem. Alexandra Locke is The Take’s executive producer. Ney Alvarez is Al Jazeera’s head of audio. Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube

Bangladesh has entered one of its most volatile political periods in decades after former prime minister Sheikh Hasina was sentenced to death after being convicted over last year's student-led uprising. She strongly rejects the ruling as illegitimate and politically motivated, insisting she was denied a fair trial. The verdict has heightened fears of renewed unrest, deepening political polarisation, and uncertainty over who will lead the Awami League into future elections.

pWotD Episode 3121: Sheikh Hasina Welcome to popular Wiki of the Day, spotlighting Wikipedia's most visited pages, giving you a peek into what the world is curious about today.With 199,741 views on Monday, 17 November 2025 our article of the day is Sheikh Hasina.Sheikh Hasina Wazed (born 28 September 1947) is a Bangladeshi politician who served as the tenth prime minister of Bangladesh from 1996 to 2001 and from 2009 to 2024. She was the longest-serving prime minister of Bangladesh since the country's independence and the longest-serving female head of government in the world. Her premiership was characterized by dictatorship, oligarchy, and crimes against humanity. She resigned and fled to India following the July Revolution in 2024, and in November 2025, she was found guilty of crimes against humanity by Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal and sentenced to death in absentia.Hasina is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Bangladesh's founding president, and is a member of the Tungipara Sheikh political family. She had little presence in politics before her father's assassination in August 1975. Afterwards, she took asylum in India, became involved with the Awami League, and was elected as its president – a position which she continues to hold. After returning to Bangladesh in 1981, she and the Awami League became involved with the pro-democracy movement against the military rule of Hussain Muhammad Ershad, culminating in the 1990 Bangladesh mass uprising and the restoration of parliamentary democracy in the 1991 Bangladeshi general election.Following a narrow loss to Khaleda Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in the 1991 election, Hasina, as leader of the opposition, accused Zia's BNP of electoral dishonesty and boycotted the Parliament. This was followed by violent demonstrations and political turmoil, causing Zia to resign in favour of a caretaker government. Hasina was elected prime minister in the June 1996 election, and she was succeeded by Zia in July 2001. During the 2006–2008 political crisis, Hasina was detained on extortion charges. After her release from jail, her party won the 2008 election, and she became the prime minister for a second term.During Hasina's second premiership, Bangladesh witnessed democratic backsliding and widespread human rights abuses. Her re-elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024 were criticised by international observers as being fraudulent, with the earlier and latter being boycotted by the BNP. Human Rights Watch documented widespread enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings under her government. Numerous politicians and journalists were systematically and judicially punished for challenging her views. Reporters Without Borders gave a negative assessment of Hasina's media policy for curbing press freedom in Bangladesh since 2014. A 2024 government report estimated that more than US$16 billion was annually laundered from the country during Hasina's tenure from 2009 to 2024, adding up to more than $240 billion over 15 years. Her government provided assistance to nearly a million Rohingya who had entered the country fleeing the genocide in Myanmar.In 2022, anti-government protests broke out demanding Hasina's resignation. These were followed in July 2024 by fresh student protests which demanded the reform of quotas in government jobs. The protests were met with brutal crackdown by law-enforcement agencies and paramilitary forces, resulting in massacre of students. By August, the protests intensified into a mass uprising against the government, culminating in Hasina resigning and fleeing to India. In February 2025, a UN OHCHR report found that she personally directed and coordinated the crackdown and that it may amount to crimes against humanity. In November 2025, she was convicted of crimes against humanity by Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal and sentenced to death in absentia. Hasina stated the trial was a "farce trial" driven by a "political vendetta."Hasina was among Time's 100 most influential people in the world in 2018, and was listed as being one of the 100 most powerful women in the world by Forbes in 2015, 2018, and 2022.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 02:49 UTC on Tuesday, 18 November 2025.For the full current version of the article, see Sheikh Hasina on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Bluesky at @wikioftheday.com.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm standard Salli.

NIA arrests Kashmiri man who 'conspired' with Umar Nabi NDA's Bihar cabinet plan as govt formation picks up The son and adviser of ousted Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has warned that supporters of her Awami League would block February's national election  India captain Shubman Gill has been discharged from the hospital Rajinikanth and Nandamuri Balakrishna to be honoured at IFFI for completing 50 years in cinema Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Suchitra Vijayan speaks with Sabhanaz Rashid Diya, Sams Wahid Shahat, Mohammad Arafat and Apon Das of the Tech Global Institute. They unpack the aftermath of Bangladesh's July 2024 uprising, which ended the Awami League's 16-year rule but left behind a trail of unacknowledged deaths, disappearances, and state-sponsored impunity. Drawing on the landmark report Bloodshed in Bangladesh, the conversation reveals how digital forensics, open-source investigation, and survivor testimony challenge the state's attempts at erasure. The discussion traces how the team worked under conditions of internet shutdowns and media blackouts to archive atrocity evidence in real time. They explain how metadata, satellite imagery, and video analysis reconstructed the final hours of massacres such as the killing of 20-year-old Mohammad Ridoi, whose disappearance still haunts his family. Archiving is a political act that confronts Bangladesh's machinery of impunity and keeps memory alive against official narratives. They also explore the disinformation ecosystem that accompanied the killings: pro-government propaganda campaigns on Facebook, deliberate framing of student protesters as violent extremists, and a systematic effort to discredit the uprising. Against this, informal networks of communities mobilised to counter state lies. Key Takeaways - Digital forensics as resistance: Satellite imagery, metadata, and video archives countered state denial and reconstructed events minute by minute. - Archiving as a political act: Preserving testimonies and evidence challenges the state's monopoly over history and builds collective memory. - Disinformation as state strategy: Paid social media campaigns framed protesters as extremists. - Justice and accountability: Beyond trials, justice means refusing erasure, ensuring victims' sacrifices become part of Bangladesh's democratic legacy. Sabhanaz Rashid Diya is the executive director of Tech Global Institute. She's a computational social scientist with over 16 years of experience in technology, public policy, and ethics. Sams Wahid Shahat is a dedicated researcher in the fields of media and information management and fact-checking. Shekh Mohammad Arafat has been a fact-checker since 2022. Throughout this period, he has developed interests in media and information literacy, fact-checking training, and disinformation research Apon Das is an experienced media and information researcher and fact-checker. He has written books on introducing fact-checking as a media literacy intervention for majority world communities.

In December of 1970, Pakistan held its first ever democratic elections, paving way for a historic result as the East Pakistan-based Awami League, headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a national majority in parliament. But what was also historic about this moment, was the fact that it lighted the fuse for one of the worst events in recent human memory. Just three months later in March of 1971, Pakistan military would begin Operation Searchlight, raiding upon the East Pakistan capital on Dhaka, and slaughtering thousands of students, teachers, politicians, and opposing military all in one night. Join your fellow Heinous fans and interact with the team at our website or through our socials (IG, TikTok) @heinous_1upmedia. - Love Heinous? But feel its getting too dark for you? Check out:

On June 7, on the eve of Eid ul Azha, the Chief Adviser to the interim government in Bangladesh, Dr. Muhammad Yunus, delivered a televised address to the nation, promising to hold elections in April 2026. He also announced that the country would witness the launch of the ‘July Proclamation', which had been earlier planned by student activists to “bury” the Constitution of Bangladesh, as it is linked to the founder of Bangladesh and Awami League co-founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Prof. Yunus said that the document will “include a list of reform proposals, agreed upon by all parties, aimed at building a welfare-oriented state.” As the interim government of Bangladesh has announced that there could be constitutional reforms, there are concerns that the country is slipping into authoritarianism. Is Bangladesh slipping into authoritarianism? Here we discuss the question. Guests: Smruti S. Pattanaik, Research Fellow, Manohar Parrikar Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses; Sanjay Pulipaka, Chairperson of the Politeia Research Foundation Host: Kallol Bhattacherjee Audio edited by Sharmada Venkatasubramanian You can now find The Hindu's podcasts on Spotify, Apple Podcasts and Stitcher. Search for Parley by The Hindu. Write to us with comments and feedback at socmed4@thehindu.co.in

From the youth uprising of Bangladesh in summer of 2024 which overthrew the Awami-led government, a new nation is beginning to sprout. Watch and listen to the interview on RTL Today. Bangladesh doesn't hit international headlines so often unless it's for cyclone reasons. It's been quiet and slightly hidden from global news discussion. Why was that? Well last summer, the youth of Bangladesh ensured their desires for their country was heard. During July and August 2024, the youth of Bangladesh rose up against the Awami League-led government of Bangladesh, with nearly a thousand young people killed. Sheikh Hasina was the longest serving Prime minister, and is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first president of Bangladesh. Her regime was known to be authoritarian and she's now in self-imposed exile since the uprising.  In October 2024, a team of ten students and three teachers from various Luxembourg high schools, who had been corresponding with Friendship secondary schools in Bangladesh for over a year, went to meet the young people and learn about some of the challenges of Bangladesh.  On my show this week, Aysha Siddiqua Tithi and Mir Mahbubur Rahman (Snigdho) talk about their experience, losses and the future they hope for.  Mir Snigdho, 25, is the twin brother of Mir Mugdho, who was shot dea by police whilst trying to supply water to demonstrators. His twin brother Snigdho now heads up the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, to help the victims of the violence of July-August 2024. Mir Mahbubur Rahman (Snigdho), has a background in law and a passion for social impact and the “transformative power of collective action”. Aysha Siddiqua Tithi, 22, is a 3rd year university student who was at the forefront of the July protests and accompanied Professor Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate (2006) and current Chief Advisor of the Interim Government of Bangladesh, to the United Nations General Assembly last September.  Tithi is Project Director at WOOW (Work for Orientation and Organizing the World), and currently a third-year Computer Science student at BRAC University.  Snigdho encompasses the passion these young people have in turning the weight of history into something positive for Bangladesh: “The Quota Movement of 2024 was a moment of sacrifice and resilience. The Movement is deeply personal to me because I lost my own (identical twin) brother during this struggle. His sacrifice has been a profound source of inspiration, driving me to work tirelessly toward building a better future for those who have faced similar losses. This tragedy has given me a strong sense of purpose, motivating me to ensure that every sacrifice is honoured and that no one is left behind in our collective fight for justice and equality. “Witnessing the struggles of my family and  of those who fought for equality and justice has inspired me to dedicate myself to ensuring their voices are not forgotten. Through the foundation, I work to provide financial assistance, healthcare, and emotional support to the martyrs and injured, keeping alive the spirit of hope and solidarity that emerged from the movement. This experiences has profoundly shaped my vision for a stronger Bangladesh. I won't let my brother's death be in vain. “I see Bangladesh 2.0 as a land of opportunity, innovation, and inclusion—a nation where the dreams of all citizens are supported and valued. With the right blend of education, leadership, and global collaboration, I believe we can overcome systemic challenges and create a brighter future. My goal is to be part of this transformation, using the skills and knowledge I acquire to contribute meaningfully to the country's development”

*) Israeli invasion in Gaza claims first civilian casualty of 2025 The New Year dawns tragically for Palestinians as Israeli forces escalate in Gaza. An air strike hit the Abu Dhaher family home in Bureij camp, killing eight-year-old Adam Farhallah—the first Palestinian civilian casualty of twenty-twenty-five. Meanwhile, National Campaign to Retrieve Martyrs' Bodies, a non-governmental organisation said Israel held the bodies of one-hundred-ninety-eight Palestinians in twenty-twenty-four. Separately Israeli media alleges that Hamas has proposed a week-long ceasefire, offering to provide a list of Israeli captives by the fourth day, awaiting Israel's response on extending peace or resuming conflict. *) South Korea warns against obstructing Yoon Suk-yeol's arrest South Korean authorities have warned that anyone obstructing the arrest of impeached President Yoon Suk-yeol could face prosecution. Supporters gathered outside his Seoul residence as officials pledged to enforce the arrest warrant by January-six. Yoon, stripped of his duties and facing insurrection charges, could face life imprisonment or the death penalty. His legal team has challenged the warrant, calling it “illegal.” *) Europe's Russian gas era ends as Ukraine transit stops Russian gas supplies to Europe through Ukraine ceased on New Year's Day as a five-year transit deal expired. It marks the end of a decades-long era of Russian dominance in the European gas market. The move comes as Europe has significantly reduced its reliance on Russian energy following the war in Ukraine. While the immediate market impact may be limited, the loss of this crucial supply route has significant geopolitical implications for both Russia and Europe. The halt in gas flows will have a significant impact on countries like Moldova, which relied on this pipeline. *) Thousands in Bangladesh call for prosecution of ousted PM Hasina Thousands rallied at the iconic Shaheed Minar in Dhaka, demanding justice for victims of Bangladesh's July uprising. The "March for Unity," led by students, called for ousted PM Sheikh Hasina's prosecution and a ban on her Awami League party. Hasina fled to India on August-five amid escalating violence, leaving behind a fractured nation. Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus's interim government now seeks international support for justice, while Hasina dismisses charges as a “political witch hunt.” *) US military court rules 9/11 plea deals can proceed A US military appeals court upheld plea deals for 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and two accomplices. Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin had tried to invalidate the agreements, but a judge ruled he acted too late. The deals could spare the trio the death penalty in exchange for guilty pleas. Meanwhile, the Pentagon repatriated a Guantanamo detainee to Tunisia, marking another chapter in the detention facility's controversial history, as 26 inmates remain.

From the youth uprising of Bangladesh in summer 2024 which overthrew the Awami-led government, a new nation is beginning to sprout. Bangladesh doesn't hit international headlines so often unless it's for cyclone reasons. It's been quiet and slightly hidden from global news discussion. Why was that? Well last summer, the youth of Bangladesh ensured their desires for their country was heard. During July and August 2024, the youth of Bangladesh rose up against the Awami League-led government of Bangladesh, with nearly a thousand young people killed. Sheikh Hasina was the longest serving Prime minister, and is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first president of Bangladesh. Her regime was known to be authoritarian and she's now in self-imposed exile since the uprising.  In October 2024, a team of ten students and three teachers from various Luxembourg high schools, who had been corresponding with Friendship secondary schools in Bangladesh for over a year, went to meet the young people and learn about some of the challenges of Bangladesh.  On my show this week, Aysha Siddiqua Tithi and Mir Mahbubur Rahman (Snigdho) talk about their experience, losses and the future they hope for.  Mir Snigdho, 25, is the twin brother of Mir Mugdho, who was shot dea by police whilst trying to supply water to demonstrators. His twin brother Snigdho now heads up the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, to help the victims of the violence of July-August 2024. Mir Mahbubur Rahman (Snigdho), has a background in law and a passion for social impact and the “transformative power of collective action”. Aysha Siddiqua Tithi, 22, is a 3rd year university student who was at the forefront of the July protests and accompanied Professor Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate (2006) and current Chief Advisor of the Interim Government of Bangladesh, to the United Nations General Assembly last September.  Tithi is Project Director at WOOW (Work for Orientation and Organizing the World), and currently a third-year Computer Science student at BRAC University.  Snigdho encompasses the passion these young people have in turning the weight of history into something positive for Bangladesh: “The Quota Movement of 2024 was a moment of sacrifice and resilience. The Movement is deeply personal to me because I lost my own (identical twin) brother during this struggle. His sacrifice has been a profound source of inspiration, driving me to work tirelessly toward building a better future for those who have faced similar losses. This tragedy has given me a strong sense of purpose, motivating me to ensure that every sacrifice is honoured and that no one is left behind in our collective fight for justice and equality. “Witnessing the struggles of my family and  of those who fought for equality and justice has inspired me to dedicate myself to ensuring their voices are not forgotten. Through the foundation, I work to provide financial assistance, healthcare, and emotional support to the martyrs and injured, keeping alive the spirit of hope and solidarity that emerged from the movement. This experiences has profoundly shaped my vision for a stronger Bangladesh. I won't let my brother's death be in vain. “I see Bangladesh 2.0 as a land of opportunity, innovation, and inclusion—a nation where the dreams of all citizens are supported and valued. With the right blend of education, leadership, and global collaboration, I believe we can overcome systemic challenges and create a brighter future. My goal is to be part of this transformation, using the skills and knowledge I acquire to contribute meaningfully to the country's development”

Tens of thousands of Hindus recently protested in Chattogram and across Bangladesh, demanding protection from escalating violence against them.A counter-narrative suggests these attacks are more political than communal. The Diplomat reported that of over 1,000 minority-owned properties attacked post-Hasina's ouster, over 500 belonged to Awami League members. So, is this violence targeting Hindus or political rivals? What are the ground realities for religious minorities in Bangladesh?Also, Awami League leader Anwaruzzaman Chowdhury has filed a complaint at the ICC against Muhammad Yunus and 61 others under Article 15 of the Rome Statute, alleging brutal genocide against Awami League members, Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, and the Bangladeshi police. What role does the ICC play in addressing such cases? How does it decide on such matters?Listen in!Produced by Anna PriyadarshiniSound Mix by Sachin Dwivedi

Since taking over in August, the Muhammad Yunus-led interim govt has been plagued by controversies. Concerns about the conduct of elections & rewriting of history have been raised.  

Otevřená vrátka pro návrat islamistů, šance pro občanskou společnost i politická katastrofa pro sousední Indii. To všechno je revoluce, která letos v srpnu smetla 15 let trvající vládu bangladéšské premiérky Šajch Hasíny Vadžídové a její strany Awami League. Bangladéš měl přitom v posledních letech vysoký ekonomický růst, takže v HDP na obyvatele prakticky dohnal sousední Indii.

This is the Catchup on 3 Things by The Indian Express and I'm Flora Swain.Today is the 17th of October and here are the headlines.Days after receiving multiple bomb threats against flights on social media, Indian intelligence agencies have traced the originating IP addresses to London and Germany, according to The Indian Express. The agencies requested X to provide the IP addresses linked to the posts and to deactivate the associated accounts. Preliminary reports indicate that three accounts were involved, with two IPs traced to London and Germany. Users appeared to have utilized a VPN to conceal their identities, while details of the third account are still pending.In a landmark decision today, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutional validity of Section 6A of the Citizenship Act, 1955, which grants citizenship to immigrants who entered Assam before January 1, 1966. The court called for stricter enforcement of laws against illegal immigration and judicial oversight of citizenship legislation. While Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud and three justices supported the ruling, Justice J.B. Pardiwala dissented. The bench clarified that immigrants entering Assam after March 25, 1971, are deemed illegal.The United States confirmed that ‘CC1,' a former RAW officer implicated in the failed plot to assassinate Khalistani separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, is no longer an employee of the Indian government. During a press briefing, U.S. State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller announced a productive meeting between a high-level Indian inquiry committee and U.S. officials, where both parties shared updates on their investigations. This visit comes amid diplomatic tensions between New Delhi and Ottawa over alleged Indian involvement in the Nijjar assassination case.OBC leader Nayab Singh Saini was sworn in as Chief Minister of Haryana for a second term in Panchkula today, following the BJP's historic success in the recent Assembly elections. Hours after being unanimously elected as the BJP's state legislature party leader, Saini staked his claim to form the government. Haryana Governor Bandaru Dattatreya administered the oath of office. The swearing-in ceremony coincided with Valmiki Jayanti, and 14 cabinet ministers, including Saini, took their oaths on the same day.Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal issued an arrest warrant today for former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who fled to India in August following a large student-led protest. The tribunal also issued warrants for 45 others, including Hasina's close aides and top Awami League leaders, over alleged crimes against humanity. The orders were passed by Chairman Md Golam Mortuza Majumdar after the prosecution filed two petitions for the warrants, according to Chief Prosecutor Muhammad Tajul Islam, as reported by the Daily Star.This was the Catch Up on 3 Things by The Indian Express.CSF Episodes:Episode 1Episode 2Episode 3

GeopolitiekNu stond even stil in de zomer, maar geopolitiek had geen vakantie. In deze serie 'Zomerterugblik' bespreken wij de belangrijkste geopolitieke ontwikkelingen en de actuele gevolgen van de zomer 2024 - in vogelvlucht.In deze aflevering gaan wij in op de revolutie in Bangladesh, de vlucht van oud-premier Hassina van de Awami League naar India en de grote regionale gevolgen. Welke geopolitieke koers zal interim-premier Yunus varen? Zal Bangladesh zich meer richten op Pakistan en de VS.India dreigt een hechte bondgenoot te verliezen. Veel Indiase media wijzen naar de VS voor deze coup. Dreigt ook de relatie tussen de VS en India ook te vertroebelen door deze coup? Brengt de coup India en China dichterbij elkaar? Deze aflevering maakt deel uit van de 'Serie Zomerterugblik'. Beluister deze aflevering, abonneer je op GeopolitiekNu en neem afscheid van je ongeïnformeerde zelf

The Dr B S Harishankar Memorial Lecture, Bharatiya Vichara Kendram, Trivandrum, 27th August 2024.A Malayalam version of this has been published by Janmabhumi newspaper at https://janmabhumi.in/2024/09/01/3258051/varadyam/geo-political-implications-for-bangladesh/It was startling to hear from retired Ambassador G Sankar Iyer on Asianet's program with Ambassador TP Sreenivasan that the celebrated Malayalam author Vaikom Mohammed Basheer (once nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature) said in 1973: “In Bangladesh, we have created yet another enemy.” With his novelist's insight, Basheer understood that the Two-Nation Theory held sway among certain sections of Bengalis.In the current crisis situation in 2024, the ongoing pogrom against Hindus (amounting to a virtual genocide) and the forced resignation of teachers, police officers and other officials based only on the fact that they are Hindus (there are videos that show them being beaten and humiliated even after resigning) suggests that anti-Hindu feeling is running rampant in Bangladesh. It is another kristallnacht.This is coupled with anti-India feeling. For instance, the current floods in Bangladesh are being blamed on India opening a dam in Tripura after torrential rains, although the Indian government has said that it provided all the hydrological data that it always has. The fact of the matter is that the departure of Sheikh Hasina is a blow to India's geo-political ambitions. It now appears as though India erred in “putting all its eggs into one basket” by cultivating only her Awami League, and not the Bangladesh National Party of her arch-rival Khaleda Zia. The indubitable fact that Indian influence in Bangladesh has now been supplanted by forces inimical to India raises the question of who might be behind the regime change operation. Beyond that, there is the question of whether it was indeed a popular uprising based on the suppressed ambitions of the people that led to the ouster of Sheikh Hasina.The third question is what this means for Bangladesh, India and the region going forward, especially as climate change may alter the very geography of the area. It is predicted that as much as 11% of the land area of Bangladesh could be underwater by 2050. This could displace 18 million people, which would lead to unprecedented migration of their population into India. Regime Change operation: Who benefits from it?Cui bono? Who benefits? That Latin phrase is used to consider who might be motivated to commit a crime (the other part is who has the means to commit it). In this case of regime change in Bangladesh, there are several entities who might benefit. Obviously Pakistan. That country has never lived down its balkanization in 1971, and it had a number of its sympathizers already in place at that time. There were many who collaborated with the Pakistani Army in identifying Hindus and facilitating their killing or rape or ethnic cleansing, and also Muslims who were their political opponents. These are the people Sheikh Hasina referred to as “razakars”, and they are essentially in control now. China is a clear winner whenever something happens that hurts India's interests. There is the perennial issue of the Chicken's Neck, that narrow strip of land that connects the Seven Sister states of India's Northeast to the Gangetic Plain. It is a permanent threat to India that somebody (most probably China) will cut this off and truncate India, with the Northeast then becoming part of a Greater Bangladesh, with associated genocide of Hindus and Buddhists. Former Ambassador Veena Sikri spoke to Ambassador TP Sreenivasan about something very odd indeed: Sheikh Hasina made a state visit to China in mid July, and she was thoroughly humiliated there. Xi Jingping refused to meet her; and she cut her visit short by one day and returned to Dhaka. This is an unheard-of protocol violation for a State Visit; what it suggests is that China had decided that Sheikh Hasina was on the way out. This is in sharp contrast to a Xi visit in 2016 when he made grand promises about Belt and Road Initiative investments. The United States also has interests. Sheikh Hasina had alleged two things: * An unnamed Western power wants St Martin's Island (aka Coconut Island) off Cox's Bazaar as a military base to keep an eye on both China and India, * An unnamed Western power intends to form a new Christian Zo nation (for Mizo, Kuki, Chin) just like Christian homelands were carved out in East Timor and South Sudan.The implication was that the unspecified Western power was the US. It is not entirely clear that the US benefits greatly from a military base in the Bay of Bengal but there has been a long-running Great Game initiated by the British to keep India down as a supplier of raw materials and a market for their products. The US may have inherited this mantle.Intriguingly, the US Deep State and its proxies in the Western media had built a narrative around Sheikh Hasina as a model leader for developing Asia, a woman who also succeeded in improving the economic status of her country. That Bangladesh's per capita GDP had overtaken India's, and that its garment industry was doing well were used to mock India's own economic achievements. The switch to Hasina being a ‘dictator' was a sudden change in narrative.There is, therefore, enough circumstantial evidence to suggest that there was a foreign hand in the happenings in Bangladesh, although we will have to wait for conclusive evidence. Was this indeed a regime-change coup or a true popular uprising?It is true that Bangladesh under Sheikh Hasina's fifteen-year rule was not a perfect democracy. But there are mitigating factors, including a violent streak that led to the assassination of her father and independence hero Sheikh Mujibur Rahman just four years after the bloody birth of the new State after the Pakistan Army's assault on its Bengali citizens. The toppling and desecration of his statue shows that his national hero status may not be accepted by the entire population: in fact it looks like friends of Pakistan wish to erase his entire legacy. The history of democracy in independent Bangladesh is checkered and marred by violence. Before he was deposed and killed in 1975, Mujibur Rehman himself had banned all opposition parties. After Mujib, there was outright military rule till 1986, when the erstwhile Chief Martial Law Administrator Hussain Mohammed Ershad became the elected President. When Ershad was deposed after (student-led) agitations in 1991, Khaleda Zia (BNP or Bangladesh National Party) became the PM and after that she and her arch-rival Sheikh Hasina (Awami League) alternated in power. The BNP boycotted the 2018 elections partly because Khaleda Zia was jailed on allegations of corruption. In all of these twists and turns, ‘students' were involved. In 1971, when Yahya Khan launched Operation Searchlight, the Pakistani army went straight for students and professors in Dhaka University, especially if they were Hindus. Later too, ‘student' protests were instrumental in the overthrow of Ershad. The proximate cause of the troubles in 2024 was also a ‘student' uprising. There had been a 30% quota in government jobs for the children of freedom fighters; along with other such set-asides e.g. for minorities and women, a total of 56% of government jobs were ‘reserved' by 2018. This reservation system was largely abolished by Sheikh Hasina's government in 2018 after yet another student agitation. In June 2024, a High Court in Bangladesh overturned the 2018 judgment as unconstitutional. Even though the Supreme Court reversed it, and restored the status quo ante (of drastically reduced reservations to 7% in total), the peaceful ‘student' agitation suddenly morphed into a violent confrontation led by members of the Jamaat e Islami (an Islamist party) and the BNP. There was police firing. The Daily Star, a respected daily, found out that 204 people were killed in the first few days, out of which only 53 were students. It appears the supposed ‘student revolution' was taken over by professional agitators and agents provocateurs, and it rapidly led to the overthrow of Sheikh Hasina, with escalating violence, especially against Hindus, and the Army getting involved. Even though the Army is in charge now, there is a smokescreen of an ‘interim government' that allows entities like the UN an excuse to not impose sanctions on Bangladesh. It is hard to take it on face value that this was a popular uprising; circumstantial evidence suggests that there was a clear agenda for regime change, and since it suits both China and the US to keep India constrained, either of them could have been behind it. The diplomatic snub to Hasina in July suggests the Chinese were well aware of the coming coup. On the other hand, the sudden U-turn in the narrative about Hasina in the Western media suggests that the US might have decided to dump her. The process by which the regime change happened is also similar to what happened in other countries that experienced ‘color revolutions'. The actions of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), and of some diplomats in supporting the BNP, have been offered as possible evidence of US bad faith.What is obvious is the role of the fundamentalist group, the Jamaat e Islami, which has strong connections with Pakistan. It seems likely that they were the enforcers, and had invested assets within the armed forces. They have called for the secular Bangladesh constitution to be replaced by Islamic Sharia law, and for non-Muslims to be treated as second-class citizens. The Yunus government has just unbanned the Jamaat e Islami.The attacks on Hindus, including large numbers of lynchings, rapes, and abductions of women, suggests that there is a religious angle and the Jamaat e Islami's prejudices are coming to the fore. Notably, the entire Western media, Amnesty International, the United Nations, and the USCIRF, human rights specialists all, had nothing at all to say about the horrific oppression of Hindus. The New York Times even had a headline about “revenge killings” of Hindus, as though somehow the 8% minority Hindus had been responsible for whatever Sheikh Hasina was accused of. Upon being called out, the NYT changed the headline to just  “killings” of Hindus with no explanation or apology.The role of Professor Mohammed Yunus is also intriguing: he had been invited to head an interim government in 2007 but abandoned the attempt and in fact left politics. He had been close to Sheikh Hasina at one point, for instance he got the licenses for his Grameen Phone during her rule, but they later fell out. Yunus' Nobel Peace Prize and his earlier stint in the US have raised questions about whether he is in fact managed by US interests.Given all this, it is much more likely that it was a coup than a popular agitation. It remains to be seen who was behind the coup. What next for India and the region?There are several long-term challenges for India. None of this is positive for India, which is already facing problems on its periphery (eg. Maldives and Nepal). The coup in Bangladesh also makes the BIMSTEC alliance as unviable as SAARC.1. Deteriorating India-Bangladesh RelationsThe overthrow of Sheikh Hasina, seen as a close ally of India, has led to a rise in anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh. The new government may not be as friendly towards India, especially on sensitive issues like trade and security. This could jeopardize the gains in bilateral ties over the past decade. The presence of hardliners among the ‘advisers' to the interim government suggests that India will have little leverage going forward.2. Increased Border Security RisksIndia shares a long, porous border with Bangladesh. The political instability and potential increase in extremist groups could lead to more infiltration, smuggling, and illegal migration into India's northeastern states, posing internal security risks. Monitoring the border region will be critical. As it is, there are millions of illegal Bangladeshis and Rohingya residing in India, which actually poses a threat to internal Indian security.3. Economic FalloutBangladesh is India's largest trading partner in the region, with $13 billion in commerce under the Hasina government. A deterioration in relations could hurt Indian exports and investments. The economic interdependence means India also has a stake in Bangladesh's stability and prosperity. Brahma Chellaney pointed out that Bangladesh is in dire straits, and has requested $3 billion from the IMF, $1.5 billion from the World Bank, and $1 billion each from the Asian Development Bank and the Japan International Cooperation Agency to tide over problems. 4. Climate Change ChallengesBoth countries are vulnerable to the effects of climate change, including rising sea levels, floods, droughts and extreme weather events. Bangladesh is especially at risk due to its low-lying geography. Millions of climate refugees could seek shelter in India, straining resources and social cohesion.  5. Geopolitical ImplicationsThe regime change has opened up space for China to expand its influence in Bangladesh. India will need to balance its ties with the new government while countering Chinese inroads in the region. The U.S. is also closely watching developments in Bangladesh. Instability in the region plays into the hands of Pakistan, whose medium-term ambition would be to detach India's Northeast as revenge for the creation of Bangladesh and for increasing normalization in J&K.6. Quota ImplicationsIndians, especially those agitating for ‘proportional representation' should note that the Bangladesh quota system was abolished in its entirety by Sheikh Hasina's administration in 2018 in response to student demands. India has a constitutional limit of 50% for reservations, but some are agitating for even more, which is a sure recipe for resentment and possibly violence. It is not inconceivable that it could be the spur for regime change in India as well.7. Human rights for Hindus and Buddhists; Citizenship Amendment Act and the Right to ReturnThe Hindu population in Bangladesh has fallen dramatically from about 28% in 1971 to about 8% now, and there is every indication that this is a demographic under extreme duress. Buddhist Chakmas in the Chittagong Hill Tracts are also under stress. India should enhance the CAA or create a formal Right to Return for Hindu and Buddhist Bangladeshis. Writing in Open magazine, Rahul Shivshankar pointed out that Hindus had faced attacks and threats in 278 locations across 48 districts.In summary, the fall of the Hasina government and the long-term threat of climate change compel India to rethink its Bangladesh policy. Fostering stable, democratic and economically prosperous neighbors is in India's own interest. Rebuilding trust and deepening cooperation on shared challenges will be key to navigating the new realities in the region.2350 words, Aug 26, 2024 Get full access to Shadow Warrior at rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com/subscribe

Bangladesh is in the midst of tumultuous change. After former prime minister Sheikh Hasina fled the country, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge as ‘Chief Adviser' to an interim government. Meanwhile, with Hasina out, the future of the Awami League looks uncertain. The Opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is back in the reckoning, and so is the Jamaat-e-Islami. What do the people of Bangladesh expect from the interim government? Will there be changes to the Constitution in the near future? Did Indian foreign policy miss a trick or two in anticipating and/or responding to these changes in its neighbourhood? What is the situation with regard to the safety of minorities? Guest: Kallol Bhattacherjee from The Hindu's Delhi Bureau Host: G. Sampath, Social Affairs Editor, The Hindu Edited by Jude Francis Weston Listen to more In Focus podcasts:

53 years on, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his Awami League remains the star of the Bangladesh freedom struggle of 1971. However, there were others who played an equally critical role. In Episode 1508 of #CutTheClutter, Editor-in-chief Shekhar Gupta looks at the Bangladesh question, the heroic generals who fought for freedom, the role of India and why the legacy of the country's freedom struggle goes beyond Mujib. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Exclusive content, special privileges & more – Subscribe to ThePrint for Special benefits: https://theprint.in/subscribe/ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Connect with ThePrint » Subscribe to ThePrint: https://theprint.in/subscribe/ » Subscribe to our YouTube Channel: https://bit.ly/3nCMpht » Like us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/theprintindia » Tweet us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/theprintindia » Follow us on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/theprintindia » Find us on LinkedIn : https://www.linkedin.com/company/theprint » Subscribe to ThePrint on Telegram: https://t.me/ThePrintIndia » Find us on Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2NMVlnB » Find us on Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/3pEOta8

Earlier this month, a mass protest movement led by the youth of Bangladesh ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her ruling party the Awami League after 15 years in power. What are the hopes of and challenges for the nation of a 170 million people following a tumultuous summer? We discuss the future of Bangladesh with its High Commissioner to Malaysia, H.E. Md. Shameem Ahsan.

Share your thoughts and comments by sending me a text messageS.10 E.13 After years of corruption by the Awami League government, a mass movement led by student leaders have brought an end to the tyrannical regime of Sheikh Hasina. As the former prime minister fled, the country gained independence for the second time in over 52 years.ABOUT: Tawsif Anam is a nationally published writer, award-winning public policy professional, and speaker. He has experience serving in the private, public, and nonprofit sectors in United States and overseas. Anam earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Science and a Master of Public Affairs degree from the University of Wisconsin – Madison. Tawsif Anam's opinions have been published by national, state, and local publications in the United States, such as USA Today, Washington Examiner, The Washington Times, The Western Journal, The Boston Globe, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Wisconsin State Journal, The Capital Times, and The Dodgeville Chronicle. His writings have also appeared in major publications in Bangladesh including, but not limited to, The Daily Star and The Financial Express. Visit my website www.tawsifanam.net Visit my blog: https://tawsifanam.net/blog/ Read my published opinions: https://tawsifanam.net/published-articles/ Check out my books: https://tawsifanam.net/books/

Aus den Protesten in Bangladesch gegen eine Quotenregelung bei der Jobvergabe ist eine Massenbewegung gegen Ungleichheit geworden. Die Regierung reagierte darauf mit Gewalt und Schießbefehlen. Jetzt fordern die Demonstrierenden Gerechtigkeit für die Opfer. Interview vom 06. August 2024: https://www.jacobin.de/artikel/protest-bangladesch-sheikh-hasina Seit 2011 veröffentlicht JACOBIN täglich Kommentare und Analysen zu Politik und Gesellschaft, seit 2020 auch in deutscher Sprache. Ab sofort gibt es die besten Beiträge als Audioformat zum Nachhören. Nur dank der Unterstützung von Magazin-Abonnentinnen und Abonnenten können wir unsere Arbeit machen, mehr Menschen erreichen und kostenlose Audio-Inhalte wie diesen produzieren. Und wenn Du schon ein Abo hast und mehr tun möchtest, kannst Du gerne auch etwas regelmäßig an uns spenden via www.jacobin.de/podcast. Zu unseren anderen Kanälen: Instagram: www.instagram.com/jacobinmag_de X: www.twitter.com/jacobinmag_de YouTube: www.youtube.com/c/JacobinMagazin Webseite: www.jacobin.de

After weeks of massive turmoil in Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina has stepped down as its prime minister today following a 45-minute ultimatum from the army. With that, her 15-year-long rule has come to an end. She fled to India amid student protests against the Awami League's quota system for freedom fighters. It is not known what her final destination is.Dramatic visuals of protestors bringing down statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the country's first President and Sheikh Hasina's father, have flooded social media, bringing forth different perspectives about the country's history.What happens now? Bangladesh Army Chief Waker Uz Zaman has addressed the nation, stating that the Army would form an interim government to restore peace. But how will the Army ensure peace during this critical period? And why is it letting protestors run amok and vandalise statues of freedom fighters?Meanwhile, West Bengal BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari has remarked that over one crore Bangladeshi Hindus might seek refuge in India. Other members of the ruling BJP are also echoing this rhetoric. But is there any truth to the claim that with Sheikh Hasina gone, Bangladesh will fall to Islamic fundamentalists?In this episode of Geeta's World, our host, Anna Priyadarshini, and the foreign affairs editor at India Today, TV Today Network, Geeta Mohan, discuss!Listen in!Produced by Anna PriyadarshiniSound Mix by Sachin Dwivedi

Awami League head and Bangladesh prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned early on Monday and fled to India following a nationwide protest that erupted last month and plunged the country into a socio-political turmoil. In Episode 1496 of #CutTheClutter, Editor-in-chief Shekhar Gupta along with Bangladesh specialist journalist Deep Halder looks at why and how it happened, Bangladesh future and implications for India.

This is the Catch Up on 3 Things for the Indian Express and I'm Flora Swain.It's the 5th of August and here are today's headlines.In the backdrop of fresh violence in Bangladesh that killed at least 300 people, Awami League supremo Sheikh Hasina resigned as the Prime Minister of the country today, according to Bangladesh High Commission officials in Delhi. Around 6 pm, she landed at the Hindon Indian Air Force base, near national capital Delhi. In a televised address to the nation, Army chief Waker-uz-Zaman said the military will form the interim government. The streets of Bangladesh saw fierce clashes on Sunday, with the death toll mounting to at least 300, an AFP report said.  However, no official statement was issued in this regard.Movement of goods through the Petrapole land port on the India-Bangladesh border has stopped today, and the train service between Kolkata and Dhaka remained suspended, as the latest spurt of violence in Bangladesh claimed at least 300 lives and forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee the country. There are 250-300 Indian trucks stuck on the Bangladesh side, said Kartik Chakraborty, secretary, Clearing Agents Staff Welfare Association of Petrapole – the land port on the Indian side of the border with Bangladesh.The Supreme Court today took suo motu cognisance of the deaths of three UPSC aspirants due to flooding in the basement of a coaching centre in New Delhi's Old Rajinder Nagar to examine if safety norms are being followed. A bench of Justices Surya Kant and Ujjal Bhuyan was hearing an appeal by the Coaching Federation of India challenging directions of the Delhi High Court regarding the proliferation of coaching institutes in Mukherjee Nagar. The bench said it was not sure as to what effective steps regarding safety had been taken by the Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi or the Central Government.The Supreme Court today ruled that the Delhi Lieutenant Governor can nominate persons with expert knowledge to the Municipal Corporation of Delhi and no aid and advice of the Council of Ministers is needed for this. The judgement came on the plea of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)-led Delhi government challenging Lieutenant Governor V K Saxena's move to nominate 10 aldermen in MCD without the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.The death toll in Tuesday's landslides in Kerala's Wayanad district rose to 221 on Sunday, a day on which eight unidentified bodies were buried at a plantation in Meppadi panchayat after an all-religion prayer. About 1,300 uniformed personnel and 1,700 volunteers conducted extensive searches for bodies in the affected areas with the help of excavators and other equipment. They recovered two bodies on Sunday. Eight unidentified bodies were buried Sunday after DNA samples were taken from them. These would be matched with the DNA samples collected from close relatives of missing persons – a process which began on Sunday after a counselling session.This was the Catch-Up on the 3 Things by The Indian Express.

NEWSREADER INTRO: This is TRT World's Daily News Brief for Monday, August 5th. *) Israel's Netanyahu sets new demands on Gaza prisoner swap deal Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has added new conditions to a proposed hostage swap deal with Hamas, including exiling around 150 Palestinian prisoners from the country, according to local media. Among the conditions is the deportation of some Palestinian prisoners who will be released from Israeli prisons to foreign countries, Israel's Channel 13 reported, citing unnamed sources. The US, Qatar, and Egypt have been trying to broker a prisoner exchange and ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, but efforts have stalled due to Netanyahu's refusal to meet Hamas's demands to stop the war. *) Sirens blare as missiles, UAVs fired from Lebanon target northern Israel Missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles were reportedly launched from Lebanese territory into northern Israel, an Israeli official said. An official spokesperson for the Israeli army confirmed to Anadolu news agency that projectiles originated from Lebanon and targeted northern regions of Israel. The spokesperson refrained from providing details regarding any casualties or injuries resulting from the attacks. *) New violence kills scores in Bangladesh, students seek Hasina's resignation At least 93 people have been killed while hundreds of others injured across Bangladesh as students took to the streets demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, local media reported. The country's Prothom Alo daily reported that the people were killed in more than 15 districts as governing party armed groups swooped on protesters and opened fire. Authorities declared a three-day public holiday as people were killed in clashes between protesters on one side and police and governing Awami League party supporters on the other side. *) North Korea unveils 250 missile launchers, boosts nuclear readiness North Korean leader Kim Jong-un oversaw the delivery of a new tactical ballistic missile system to troops, state media reported. Kim also gave a speech at the ceremonial event in Pyongyang where 250 new tactical ballistic missile launchers were unveiled. The launchers have been described by state media as a powerful up-to-date tactical attack weapon “personally designed by Kim and ready to be transferred to KPA units”. And finally… *) UK far-right protesters target Birmingham asylum hotel with projectiles A hotel known to have sheltered asylum seekers was targeted near the central English city of Birmingham, police said, as violent anti-immigration rallies led by far-right protesters shake parts of Britain. “A large group of individuals” have been “throwing projectiles, smashing windows, starting fires and targeting police” at the hotel in the town of Tamworth, with one officer injured, Staffordshire Police said in a statement. Riots first flared in Southport following a frenzied knife attack at a Taylor Swift-themed dance party in the northwest coastal city, before spreading up and down England.

Share your thoughts and comments by sending me a text messageS.10 E.12 The Awami League regime continues to arrest and attack peaceful protestors in Bangladesh. The brutal regime has killed many innocent civilians. In this episode, I remember those who lost their lives while fighting for freedom in Bangladesh.ABOUT: Tawsif Anam is a nationally published writer, award-winning public policy professional, and speaker. He has experience serving in the private, public, and nonprofit sectors in United States and overseas. Anam earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Science and a Master of Public Affairs degree from the University of Wisconsin – Madison. Tawsif Anam's opinions have been published by national, state, and local publications in the United States, such as USA Today, Washington Examiner, The Washington Times, The Western Journal, The Boston Globe, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Wisconsin State Journal, The Capital Times, and The Dodgeville Chronicle. His writings have also appeared in major publications in Bangladesh including, but not limited to, The Daily Star and The Financial Express. Visit my website www.tawsifanam.net Visit my blog: https://tawsifanam.net/blog/ Read my published opinions: https://tawsifanam.net/published-articles/ Check out my books: https://tawsifanam.net/books/

Share your thoughts and comments by sending me a text messageS.10 E.11 There is a severe crisis in Bangladesh, a country where I was born and raised. The ruling political party in power, the Awami League, has launched attacks against innocent civilians. Many lives have been lost. In this episode, I talk about the ongoing situation in Bangladesh.ABOUT: Tawsif Anam is a nationally published writer, award-winning public policy professional, and speaker. He has experience serving in the private, public, and nonprofit sectors in United States and overseas. Anam earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Science and a Master of Public Affairs degree from the University of Wisconsin – Madison. Tawsif Anam's opinions have been published by national, state, and local publications in the United States, such as USA Today, Washington Examiner, The Washington Times, The Western Journal, The Boston Globe, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Wisconsin State Journal, The Capital Times, and The Dodgeville Chronicle. His writings have also appeared in major publications in Bangladesh including, but not limited to, The Daily Star and The Financial Express. Visit my website www.tawsifanam.net Visit my blog: https://tawsifanam.net/blog/ Read my published opinions: https://tawsifanam.net/published-articles/ Check out my books: https://tawsifanam.net/books/

The protesting students of Bangladesh  are fighting for justice in the face of unprecedented repression by the police, armed forces and goon squads organised by the Awami League ruling party, a Bangali activist with Deshis for Liberation told Green Left's Peter Boyle on July 21. Deshis for Liberation is a Bangali-led and formed group for collective liberation. It respects different cultural, historical and economic aspects of issues and is against oppression for all marginalized peoples. It believes in creating systemic change through education and action. ‘Zaria' (not her real name to protect her family) said Bangladeshis on the ground want things to deescalate without foreign influence or intervention, in the civil unrest other parties and groups are trying to take advantage of the situation. We acknowledge that this was produced on stolen Aboriginal land. We express solidarity with ongoing struggles for justice for First Nations people and pay our respects to Elders past and present. If you like our work, become a supporter: https://www.greenleft.org.au/support Support Green Left on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/greenleft Green Left online: https://www.greenleft.org.au/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/GreenLeftOnline/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/greenleftonline YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/greenleftonline TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@greenleftonline Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/greenleftonline/ Podbean: https://greenleftonline.podbean.com/ Telegram: https://t.me/greenleftonline Podcast also available on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Antennapod, Itunes and PodcastAddict.  

Just 6 months ago Sheikh Hasina's Awami League secured a fourth consecutive term in office, but now the ruling party faces its biggest challenge yet as hundreds and thousands have taken to the streets in protest against the quota system that reserves government jobs for regime supporters. The regime has responded in brutal fashion, cutting the internet and instituting a curfew. Bangladesh has for long been touted as a rising tiger economy, but the masses are struggling to make ends meet. Is this the beginning of the end of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League? 

The Supreme Court in Bangladesh has scrapped most of the quotas on government jobs, that have triggered widespread anti-government protests. Thousands of students have been agitating since the beginning of the month against the quota system saying it favoured those close to the governing Awami League. Around 150 people have died.Also in the programme: Israel says it has intercepted a missile launched from Yemen shortly after the Israeli air force carried out a series of strikes on Yemeni territory; and botanists decide to change hundreds of plant names which contain a word with racist connotations.(Photo: A member of the Bangladesh Army interrogates a man who came outside during a curfew imposed in response to student-led protests against government job quotas. Credit: Reuters).

*) Gaza sees over 320 casualties in past 2 days due to Israel's use of banned weapons: Officials Local authorities in Gaza report over 320 Palestinians admitted to hospitals with severe burns from internationally prohibited weapons used by the Israeli army in the past two days. Gaza's Government Media Office states that doctors believe third-degree burns on many patients, including those who died, were caused by these weapons. The arms, primarily US-made chemical or thermal weapons, "are internationally prohibited from being used against humans," according to the statement. *) Clashes over government job quota injure over 100 students in Bangladesh According to police and witnesses, more than 100 students are injured in Bangladesh, as those protesting to end a quota system for government jobs clash with ruling party supporters. These protests are the first major challenge for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina since her fourth consecutive election win in January, boycotted by the main opposition. Thousands of anti-quota protesters and Awami League student wing members hurl rocks and fight with sticks and iron rods at universities nationwide, including in Dhaka. *) Kenyan suspect 'confesses' to murdering 42 women Kenyan police arrest a suspected serial killer who confessed to murdering 42 women, including his wife, and dumping their dismembered bodies in a Nairobi rubbish tip. Since Friday, authorities have pulled nine mutilated bodies, trussed up in plastic bags, from a garbage site in the Mukuru slum area in southern Nairobi, a gruesome discovery that has horrified the nation. *) Far-right seeks more power in EU parliament as lawmakers meet EU leaders' fate will be in lawmakers' hands starting today as the European Parliament convenes for the first time since the June elections. The bolstered far-right demands more influence in the assembly while tensions run high in Europe as the 720 lawmakers begin their five-year term. MEPs will vote on Tuesday for the parliament president based in Strasbourg, France. The current speaker, 45-year-old Maltese conservative Roberta Metsola, is expected to win another two-and-a-half-year mandate. But all eyes will be on Thursday's vote when lawmakers decide whether to give Von der Leyen another five years as commission chief. *) Türkiye's first indigenous satellite completes third ignition into orbit Turksat 6A, Türkiye's first homegrown communications satellite, completes the third ignition process on its journey to a stable orbit. "Today, we successfully completed the 3rd ignition process, which lasted 7 minutes. TURKSAT 6A continues its historic journey and progresses towards its orbit, "Transportation and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu said on X. According to the Industry and Technology Minister, the satellite will undergo its fourth ignition process on Tuesday.

This is the Catch Up on 3 Things for the Indian Express and I'm Flora Swain.It's the 22nd of May and here are today's headlines.Almost a month after issuing notices to Bharatiya Janata Party president J P Nadda and Congress chief Mallikarjun Kharge over alleged Model Code of Conduct violations by their star campaigners, the Election Commission of India today directed BJP star campaigners not to make communal speeches and those of the Opposition party to refrain from saying the Constitution may be abolished. While the EC did not name PM Modi or Rahul Gandhi, it asked Nadda and Kharge for their “comments” on the “star campaigners” alleged MCC violations.The Supreme Court today declined to entertain former Jharkhand chief minister Hemant Soren's plea seeking interim bail on money laundering charges in a land scam-related case to campaign for the Lok Sabha elections. The court said his bail plea was pending before the trial court when he approached the apex court seeking the relief. The bench was upset that Soren had not disclosed to it that the trial court had taken cognisance of the complaint filed by the Enforcement Directorate (ED).Three days after two young software engineers were killed after their motorcycle was hit by a speeding Porsche car, allegedly being driven by a 17-and-a-half-year-old boy, the Juvenile Justice Board (JJB) today issued a notice to him to appear before it. According to sources, the JJB, which had earlier granted him bail, issued the notice to the boy, the son of a city-based realtor, through his lawyers and that he would appear before the Board.Questioning Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal's silence in the case filed by Aam Aadmi Party Rajya Sabha MP Swati Maliwal against Kejriwal's aide Bibhav Kumar, Goa Chief Minister Pramod Sawant today claimed Kejriwal is putting pressure on Maliwal for a “compromise” in the matter. Sawant said, quote, “While campaigning, people have asked me only one question. Why is Kejriwal silent on the Maliwal case for the past nine days? He should give some clarification. His silence on this issue reveals everything. AAP has become an anti-Delhi and an anti-women party now.” Unquote.Bangladesh MP Anwar Ul Azim, who has been missing for the past eight days from Kolkata is feared to have been murdered, police said today. Though police sources said that blood stains were found at Azim's flat, they are still searching for the MP's body. They have collected CCTV footage from the flat. The police said the legislator of Bangladesh's ruling Awami League came to Kolkata on May 12 through the Gende border in West Bengal's Nadia district and first went to the house of one of his friends.This was the Catch-Up on the 3 Things by The Indian Express.

Following the "India Out" campaign in the Maldives, a similar movement has emerged in Bangladesh, spearheaded by the Bangladeshi diaspora and opposition factions. These factions are advocating for the boycott of Indian products.Despite originating after the January elections, why did this anti-India movement gain traction only recently? Was it because the Awami League government initially didn't appear overly concerned about this campaign?Given that the BNP is not in power in Bangladesh, what are the prospects for the sustainability of this campaign? And should India be wary of this and make attempts to salvage the situation?Our host Anna Priyadarshini and foreign affairs editor at India Today, TV Today Network Geeta Mohan discuss in this episode of Geeta's World!Listen in!Produced by Anna PriyadarshiniSound Mix by Sachin Dwivedi

Following the "India Out" campaign in the Maldives, a similar movement has emerged in Bangladesh, spearheaded by the Bangladeshi diaspora and opposition factions. These factions are advocating for the boycott of Indian products. Despite originating after the January elections, why did this anti-India movement gain traction only recently? Was it because the Awami League government initially didn't appear overly concerned about this campaign? Given that the BNP is not in power in Bangladesh, what are the prospects for the sustainability of this campaign? And should India be wary of this and make attempts to salvage the situation? Our host Anna Priyadarshini and foreign affairs editor at India Today, TV Today Network Geeta Mohan discuss in this episode of Geeta's World! Listen in! Produced by Anna Priyadarshini Sound Mix by Sachin Dwivedi  

Bangladesh trapte het verkiezingsjaar 2024 af. In het islamitische land heerste er opvallend genoeg een ware matriarchale strijd: premier Hasina van Awami League nam het op tegen Zia van de Bangladesh Nationalist Party. En won. Toch staat Bangladesh na jaren van indrukwekkende economische groei op een waar kruispunt: cultureel, economisch én geopolitiek. Steun ons

The governing Awami League is likely to win another term in Bangladesh's election on Sunday. The main opposition is boycotting, accusing the government of cracking down on its rivals. So, what will this vote mean for the country? Join host Hashem Ahelbarra. Guests: Muktadir Rashid - Journalist and Reporter with the Bangladeshi newspaper, New Age. Selim Altaf George - Member of Parliament for the governing Awami League party. Rumeen Farhana - Barrister and former Member of Parliament for the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party.  

Bangladesh's parliamentary elections are scheduled to be held on 7 January. In the run up to the elections, there have been escalating protests led by the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party calling for Bangladesh's prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, to resign and transfer power to a non-partisan caretaker government to ensure a free and fair election. Historically, Bangladesh's elections have been marred by violence and crackdowns on political opposition. This election has already seen a number of BNP party members and supporters being arrested by the Awami League government, and there are now calls from political opposition to boycott the election altogether. In this edition of Himal Interviews, Assistant Editor Nayantara Narayanan interviews Himal Southasian contributor Anupam Debashis Roy on Bangladesh's elections, the crackdown on political opposition and the impact of US-imposed visa restrictions. What is the atmosphere in Bangladesh like in the run-up to parliamentary elections? Anupam Debashis Roy's reading list: Bangladesh's blueprint for engineering an election - Ali Riaz Is Awami League heading towards a Pyrrhic victory? - Mahfuz Anam The Election Commission's credibility problem - Badiul Alam Majumdar We are heading towards another one-sided election - Badiul Alam Majumdar Has BNP served its supporters well? - Mahfuz Anam More than meets the eye: Essays on Bangladeshi politics - Ali Riaz

Bangladesh is set to hold parliamentary elections next January. But only time will tell whether there will be real change at the top or whether the current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League will remain in power. In recent months there has been an increase in political protests calling for a neutral interim government ahead of the polls opening. But these protests have only resulted in increasing numbers of senior leaders of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party being rounded up and put in jail. Historically, the country has had a fractured relationship with democracy since its birth in 1971, but the government for their part has denied accusations of democratic backsliding. So this week on the Inquiry we're asking ‘Why is Bangladesh in turmoil?' Contributors: Sabir Mustafa, a former Editor of the BBC Bengali Service, now based in Washington DC, USA Dr. Avinash Paliwal, Reader in International Relations, Department of Politics and International Relations, SOAS University of London Ali Riaz, Distinguished Professor in the Department of Politics and Government, Illinois State University, USA and non-resident Senior Fellow of the Atlantic Council Dr. Geoffrey MacDonald, Visiting Expert in the South Asia Programme, United States Institute of Peace, Washington DC, USA Presenter: Tanya Beckett Producer: Jill Collins Researcher: Matt Toulson Editor: Tara McDermott Technical Producer: Richard Hannaford Broadcast Co-ordinator: Jordan King Photo: Bangladesh Nationalist Party protest for Sheikh Hasina's resignation, Dhaka -28th Oct 2023. Credit: Photo by MONIRUL ALAM/EPA-EFE/REX/Shutterstock(14171078p)

Stalkers, fans, Zionist freaks and Pali-stans flooding the timelines, and the US plans for regime change in Bangladesh. Full ep on Patreon!

Listen to news from and about the Church in Asia in a capsule around 10 minutes. The Vatican reiterates its stand to continue “dialogue” with China as Pope Francis recognized Bishop Joseph Shen Bin of Shanghai who was transferred and installed unilaterally violating the 2018 Sino-Vatican Agreement. This story and more in this week's podcast.Filed by UCA News reporters, compiled by Rock Ronald Rozario, edited by Anosh Malekar, presented by John Laurenson, background score by Andre Louis and produced by Binu Alex for ucanews.comFor news in and about the Church in Asia, visit www.ucanews.comTo contribute please visit www.ucanews.com/donateOn Twitter Follow Or Connet through DM at : twitter.com/ucanews

The historical legacy of the Liberation War has played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of Bangladesh. With the challenges faced by the ruling Awami League government and the leadership crises within the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the lead-up to the parliamentary elections raises stakes for the political future of the country. In this episode, Carl Jaison is joined by Prof. Dr. Sreeradha Datta who teaches at the Jindal School of International Affairs, O.P Jindal Global University. Dr. Sreeradha, who is one of the foremost experts on Bangladesh's political history and foreign policy, delves into the impasse between the two main political parties, the state of media in the country, and the regional implications of Bangladesh's political future with India, and China watching closely. Correction: A segment in this episode inadvertently mentions the one sided 2014 parliamentary elections as 2008. Do follow IVM Podcasts on social media. We are @‌IVMPodcasts on Facebook, Twitter, & Instagram. https://twitter.com/IVMPodcasts https://www.instagram.com/ivmpodcasts/?hl=en https://www.facebook.com/ivmpodcasts/ You can check out our website at https://shows.ivmpodcasts.com/featured Follow the show across platforms: Spotify, Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, JioSaavn, Gaana, Amazon Music Do share the word with your folks!  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Over two decades in office, the prime minister and her Awami League party have overseen impressive growth and reforms in a notoriously corrupt country—but that same firm hand may now be limiting Bangladesh's progress. Our correspondent visits the frontier of a potentially transformative technology for reducing atmospheric carbon: direct air capture. And a listen to the astonishing boom in Spanish-language music.For full access to print, digital and audio editions of The Economist, try a free 30-day digital subscription by going to www.economist.com/intelligenceoffer Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Over two decades in office, the prime minister and her Awami League party have overseen impressive growth and reforms in a notoriously corrupt country—but that same firm hand may now be limiting Bangladesh's progress. Our correspondent visits the frontier of a potentially transformative technology for reducing atmospheric carbon: direct air capture. And a listen to the astonishing boom in Spanish-language music.For full access to print, digital and audio editions of The Economist, try a free 30-day digital subscription by going to www.economist.com/intelligenceoffer Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Bangladesh is now something of a global development poster child. Born out of war more than 50 years ago, it has hauled itself out of poverty to become one of the fastest growing economies in the Asia Pacific region. But the nation still faces many challenges - climate change threatens to overwhelm its low lying lands, corruption is endemic and many critics complain that democracy and freedom of speech are under pressure. Four prominent politicians and analysts face questions from listeners about the future of their country: Dr Salim Mahmud, the Secretary for Information and Research, Central Executive Committee, Awami League party; Shama Obaed Islam, Organising Secretary Bangladesh Nationalist Party; Shahidul Alam, photographer and social activist; Tania Amir, Senior Advocate at the Supreme Court in Bangladesh. Presenter: Jonny Dymond Producer: Steven Williams

Bangladesh is now something of a global development poster child. Born out of war more than 50 years ago, it has hauled itself out of poverty to become one of the fastest growing economies in the Asia Pacific region. But the nation still faces many challenges - climate change threatens to overwhelm its low lying lands, corruption is endemic and many critics complain that democracy and freedom of speech are under pressure. Four prominent politicians and analysts face questions from listeners about the future of their country: Dr Salim Mahmud, the Secretary for Information and Research, Central Executive Committee, Awami League party; Shama Obaed Islam, Organising Secretary Bangladesh Nationalist Party; Shahidul Alam, photographer and social activist; Tania Amir, Senior Advocate at the Supreme Court in Bangladesh.Presenter: Jonny Dymond Producer: Steven WilliamsBBC World Questions is a series of international events created in partnership with the British Council, which connects the UK and the world through arts, culture, education and the English language.(Photo: Celebrating Bangladesh Independence Day in Dhaka. Credit: Mamunur Rashid/NurPhoto/Getty Images)

Bangladesh is no stranger to protests, but with tens of thousands still on the streets and a growing list of demands. Will pressure on the Awami League force a new election under a caretaker government? Guests: Abu Bakr Molla EU and UK Spokesperson of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Party Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury Standing Committee Member of Bangladesh Nationalist Party Shah Ali Farhad Former Adviser to Bangladeshi PM Sheikh Hasina Michael Kugelman Director of the Wilson Center's South Asia Institute

Hasan-Nayem v. U.S. Att'y Gen., No. 21-12402 (11th Cir. Dec. 7, 2022)·       credibility; inconsistencies; omissions, demeanor; memorizing testimony; evasiveness; asylum; Liberal Democratic Party; Awami League; Bangladesh Matter of Mariscal-Hernandez, 28 I&N Dec. 666 (BIA Dec. 9, 2022)·       suppression; Fourth Amendment; egregious violation; Matter of Barcenas; termination; Pereira; I-213; probative evidence; INA § 287; 8 C.F.R. § 287 Diaz-Rodriguez v. Garland, No. 13-73719 (9th Cir. Dec. 8, 2022) (en banc)·       Cal. Penal Code § 273a(a); crime of child abuse, child neglect, or child abandonment; INA § 237(a)(2)(E)(i); categorical approach; statutory interpretation; agency deference; Chevron.*Sponsors and friends of the podcast!Kurzban Kurzban Tetzeli and Pratt P.A.Immigration, serious injury, and business lawyers serving clients in Florida, California, and all over the world for over 40 years.Docketwise"Modern immigration software & case management"Capital Good Fund"A social change organization that uses financial services to tackle poverty in America."Want to become a patron?Click here to check out our Patreon Page!CONTACT INFORMATIONEmail: kgregg@kktplaw.comFacebook: @immigrationreviewInstagram: @immigrationreviewTwitter: @immreviewAbout your host!More episodes!Case notes!Top 15 immigration podcast in the U.S.!Featured in San Diego Voyager!DISCLAIMER:Immigration Review® is a podcast made available for educational purposes only. It does not provide legal advice. Rather, it offers general information and insights from publicly available immigration cases. By accessing and listening to the podcast, you understand that there is no attorney-client relationship between you and the host. The podcast should not be used as a substitute for competent legal advice from a licensed attorney in your state.MUSIC CREDITS:"Loopster," "Bass Vibes," "Chill Wave," and "Funk Game Loop" Kevin MacLeod - Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 4.0Support the show

A special edition on the Bangladesh War of Independence, which ended 50 years ago in December 1971. The conflict killed hundreds of thousands of people and redrew the political map of South Asia. The programme features first-hand accounts from leading activists and politicians, as well as the people caught up in the war - from a Pakistani soldier to one of the many Bangladeshi women who suffered appalling sexual violence. There is expert analysis from Sabir Mustafa, the head of the BBC Bengali Service, and Witness History's Farhana Haider. PHOTO: The flag of Bangladesh is raised at the Awami League headquarters in 1971. Credit: Getty Images.

50 years on from the Liberation War that gave birth to Bangladesh, De Montfort University's Dr. Fatima Rajina lends us her expertise on a nation and diaspora still scarred from one of the worst genocides in history. We start at the partition, when East Bengal became East Pakistan, chart the rise and hope brought by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League's newly won independent state, and the struggles and many coups and counter-coups that have so far marked a young country. /// SHOW NOTES /// /// CREDITS /// Hosts: Aarjan /// Ruairi Guest: Fatima Rajina Production: Connor Music: Cardio /// Khiyo - Amar Shonar Bangla

In December 1970, Pakistan held its first democratic elections since the end of British colonial rule in 1947. The results would lead to war, the break-up of Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh. Farhana Haider spoke to Rehman Sobhan, an economist and leading figure in the Bengali independence movement. (Image: The flag of Bangladesh is raised at the Awami League headquarters in 1971. Credit: Getty Images)

Bridging the inaccessibility of Bangladeshi history, we discuss how the Bangladesh we know came to be. We start with the Mughal Empire, discuss the fight for independence, and explain modern day influences in Bangladeshi politics and culture. If you ever wanted to know the origins of the Awami League, here's your chance. Tune in to learn about the only nation to fight for its own language.

How Pakistan's first democratic elections in 1970 led to war, the break up of Pakistan and the creation of a new country, Bangladesh. Also Gibraltar under Spanish blockade plus refugees from Namibia’s war of independence, Britain’s first reality TV family and Bing Crosby’s White Christmas. Photo East Pakistan 1971 The flag of Bangladesh is raised at the Awami League headquarters. Credit Getty Images

In December 1970 Pakistan held its first democratic elections since gaining independence from British colonial rule in 1947. The elections led to war, the break up of Pakistan and the creation of a new country, Bangladesh. Farhana Haider has been speaking to the economist and leading figure in the Bengali independence movement, Rehman Sobhan, about the historic elections and their aftermath. Photo East Pakistan 1971 The flag of Bangladesh is raised at the Awami League headquarters. Credit Getty Images

Discussion about Abrar Fahad killing at #BUET in Bangladesh and freedom of speech. Radio #GaanBaksho is Australian Bangali community Radio, brodcasting 24/7 worldwide

Social activist Mr Sirajul Haque is the President of the Bangladesh Awami League in Australia. He spoke to SBS Bangla and said that it is not a political organization, it is a social organization conserving the tradition and culture from Bangladesh. - ‘প্রাসঙ্গিক ভাবনা’র আজকের বিষয়: অস্ট্রেলিয়ার মূলধারার রাজনীতিতে বাংলাদেশী অস্ট্রেলিয়ানদের অংশগ্রহণ কতোটা যুক্তিযুক্ত? অন্যদিকে, বাংলাদেশের রাজনীতি অস্ট্রেলিয়ায় করার উপযোগিতা কতোটুকু? এসব নিয়ে এসবিএস বাংলার সঙ্গে কথা বলেছেন বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ, অস্ট্রেলিয়ার সভাপতি, সমাজসেবক এবং আইনজীবি সিরাজুল হক।

The December 2018 general election in Bangladesh was marred by violence and allegations of vote rigging by the ruling Awami League, which won over 80 percent of the seats in the Parliament. With virtually no opposition in the house, and given the recent crackdown on the streets and the new draconian Digital Security Act, the future of democratic governance in the country looks tenuous. In this episode of Himal Interviews, we met up with Khushi Kabir, a social activist and feminist who has been working on grassroots democracy in Bangladesh for over four decades. She spoke to our Editor Aunohita Mojumdar on the irregularities in the December polls, the state of political and civic opposition, and the crisis of Bangladeshi democracy. Go to www.himalmag.com for more on politics and culture in Southasia. ---------------------------------------------------- Intro and outro music derived from 'Ways of Rahjan' by Ask Again from Free Music Archive.

Bangladesh is scheduled to have its 11th parliamentary elections on 30 December 2018. In the run up to the polls, we met with the South Asia campaigner for Amnesty International, Saad Hammadi, to talk about the state of human rights in Bangladesh. In this episode of ‘Himal Interviews’, Hammadi speaks to our Editor Aunohita Mojumdar about the Awami League government’s crackdown on peaceful protestors, its lethal ‘war on drugs’, and a new legislation which severely curtails free speech on the internet. Hammadi is a contributor to Himal Southasian and was the Dhaka bureau chief for WION. His writings have appeared in the Guardian, the Washington Post and the Financial Times. Go to www.himalmag.com for more on politics and culture in Southasia. ---------------------------------------------------- Intro and outro music derived from 'Ways of Rahjan' by Ask Again from Free Music Archive.

Over the past two years violence towards the LGBTQ+ community in Bangladesh has intensified, with the Awami League finding themselves under increasing international pressure to address abuse of human rights and limitation of freedom of expression. The Pulse discusses this with a University of Nottingham student who grew up in Bangladesh and understands all too well the struggles facing the LGBTQ+ community there.

Farhana Haider investigates the prosecution of alleged war criminals and asks if the trials are being used to target the opposition. There were numerous reports of atrocities during the brutal war of 1971 between Pakistan on one side and the new state which was to become Bangladesh, which had support from India. The Pakistani Army and Islamic sympathisers in Bangladesh were accused of rape and of mass killings which some have described as genocide. In 2010 the governing Awami League set up war crimes trials which have started to hand down convictions this year, attracting strong public support. However, many international observers have criticised the conduct of the trials as less than free and fair. And supporters of the largest Bangladesh's largest Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami have reacted furiously to the conviction of several of their leaders, saying the process is politically motivated. Farhana Haider asks whether the legal process will really enable Bangladesh to come to terms with its bloody beginnings. Producer: John Murphy.

SAJA, the South Asian Journalists Association, representing 1,000+ journalists in the US and Canada, present their latest SAJA Briefing. Join Anup Kaphle, digital foreign editor of the Washington Post and Sree Sreenivasan, Columbia University's Chief Digital Officer as we discuss one of the biggest crises in four decades of Bangladeshi history. Our speakers: Maneeza Hossain, senior fellow at Hudson Institute, specializing in prospects of democracy in South Asia and the Middle East and has written extensively on Bangladesh; and Zain Al-Mahmood, a journalist based in Dhaka, covering Bangladesh for WSJ. His interests are politics, human rights and sustainable development. For the last 4 weeks, Bangladesh has been convulsed by the Shahbagh movement. What started as the protest of bloggers against a back-door deal between the government and the opposition Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, has mushroomed into continuous street protests against the war criminals of Bangladesh's 1971 liberation war. During the brutal war that gave birth to Bangladesh, the genocidal campaign of the Pakistan army was assisted by local Bengali collaborators, known as "razakars." In 2011, the Awami League government began long-delayed war crimes trials against some of the alleged razakars, most of whom are now top ranking leaders of the country's largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e-Islami. But the unexpectedly lenient sentencing of Quader Mollah, known as the "Butcher of Mirpur," set off the protests that snowballed into Shahbagh, filling the streets with up to 500,000 protesters, mos