Podcasts about Korean

Liz Cameron was 18 years old when a stranger approached her in a book shop. It was the beginning of her induction into a cult, and it was an experience Liz barely survived.The process of brainwashing happened gradually, first came the love-bombing and the allure of finding a new purpose in life. Then came the isolation from friends and family, along with sleep deprivation, overwork and sexual manipulation.Liz was one of the many women chosen to become a kind of bride for the leader of an infamous Korean religious group.It wasn't until she became critically ill, that her family were able to get the help she needed to escape and to begin the process of being deprogrammed.Liz Cameron's memoir is called Cult Bride: How I was brainwashed and how I broke free.To binge even more great episodes of the Conversations podcast with Richard Fidler and Sarah Kanowski go the ABC listen app (Australia) or wherever you get your podcasts. There you'll find hundreds of the best thought-provoking interviews with authors, writers, artists, politicians, psychologists, musicians, and celebrities.Conversations' Executive Producer is Nicola Harrison. This episode was produced by Jennifer Leake.This episode of Conversations touches on cults, brainwashing, religious groups, eating disorders, sexual manipulation, deprogramming, sexual assault, sleep deprivation, family, recovery, healing, trauma, biography, psychology, Providence, JMS, Jesus Morning Star, Pastor Joshua, Jung Myung-seok.

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Australian cinematic soul and funk outfit Temporary Blessings founder and trumpeter Liam McGorry and I talk Korean fish divers, giallo soundtracks, bugles, overnight recordings, community record shops, broken tympanies, sinister sounds, and more!Check out Temporary Blessings!Websites: https://temporaryblessings.bandcamp.com/ | https://www.coleminerecords.com/products/temporary-blessings-sumbisori-release-date-11-14-2025Social: https://www.instagram.com/temporaryblessings/40 Minutes of Funk is an interview podcast focusing on Funk practitioners, their philosophies, and their music. Listen on all podcast networks and please subscribe, rate, and leave feedback for the show. Follow on social media: https://www.facebook.com/40minutesoffunk | https://instagram.com/40minutesoffunk.Support at only $5/month or more and receive exclusive perks at https://www.patreon.com/40minutesoffunk. Check out the website for more info at http://www.40minutesoffunk.com!Listen to my weekly funk radio show, Tonic: The Funky Groove Show https://www.funkygrooveshow.com, every Friday night at http://www.kgou.org and follow on social media: https://www.facebook.com/FunkyGrooveShow | https://www.instagram.com/funkygrooveshow - thanks!Send me a text, yo!Support the show

Will Ukraine be a flashpoint for a Korean conflict, Trump’s intemperate Reiner comments, it’s the economy stupid! the Monroe/Trump Doctrine, Bondi, Brown, MIT, and more!

In this episode, Dr. P sits down with Amber Shepherd — a leader whose journey from rural Florida to international consulting to regional economic development shows what's possible when you listen to the “whispers” and commit to excellence. Amber shares how she transformed workforce programs, worked with the Korean government on global expansion projects, and now leads major economic initiatives in Northeast Florida — including a $400M aerospace R&D hub and a $125M renewable energy facility. Together, they explore faith-driven leadership, navigating doubt, converting naysayers, and why relationship-building is the true engine of economic growth. A powerful conversation about purpose, persistence, and creating significance through service.

The last time Yamato was heavily involved on the continent, they were defeated militarily, and they returned to fortify their islands.  So how are things looking, now? This episode we will talk about some of what has been going on with Tang and Silla, but also touch on the Mishihase, the Hayato, the people of Tamna and Tanegashima, and more! For more information and references, check out:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-140   Rough Transcript   Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 140: Improving Diplomatic Ties Garyang Jyeongsan and Gim Hongsye looked out from the deck of their ship, tossing and turning in the sea.  The waves were high, and the winds lashed at the ship, which rocked uncomfortably beneath their feet.  Ocean spray struck them from below while rain pelted from above. Through the torrential and unstable conditions, they looked out for their sister ship.  It was their job to escort them, but in these rough seas, bobbing up and down, they were at the mercy of the elements.  One minute they could see them, and then next it was nothing but a wall of water.  Each time they caught a glimpse the other ship seemed further and further away.  They tried calling out, but it was no use—even if they could normally have raised them, the fierce winds simply carried their voices out into the watery void.  Eventually, they lost sight of them altogether. When the winds died down and the seas settled, they looked for their companions, but they saw nothing, not even hints of wreckage on the ocean.  They could only hope that their fellow pilots knew where they were going.  As long as they could still sail, they should be able to make it to land—either to the islands  to which they were headed, or back to the safety of the peninsula. And so the escort ship continued on, even without a formal envoy to escort.  They would hope for the best, or else they would explain what would happen,  and hope that the Yamato court would understand. The seas were anything but predictable, and diplomacy was certainly not for the faint of heart.   We are going through the period of the reign of Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou.  It started in 672, with the death of his brother, Naka no Oe, remembered as the sovereign Tenji Tenno, when Temmu took the throne from his nephew, Ohotomo, aka Kobun Tenno, in what would become known as the Jinshin no Ran.  From that point, Ohoama continued the work of his brother in creating a government based on a continental model of laws and punishments—the Ritsuryo system.  He accomplished this with assistance from his wife, Uno, and other members of the royal family—his own sons, but also nephews and other princes of the time.  And so far most of our focus has been on the local goings on within the archipelago. However, there was still plenty going on in the rest of the world, and though Yamato's focus may have been on more local affairs, it was still engaged with the rest of the world—or at least with the polities of the Korean Peninsula and the Tang Dynasty.  This episode we are going to look at Yamato's foreign relations, and how they were changing, especially as things changed on the continent. Up to this point, much of what had been happening in Yamato had been heavily influenced by the mainland in one way or another.  And to begin our discussion, we really should backtrack a bit—all the way to the Battle of Baekgang in 663, which we discussed in Episode 124.  That defeat would lead to the fall of Baekje, at the hands of the Silla-Tang alliance.  The loss of their ally on the peninsula sent Yamato into a flurry of defensive activity.  They erected fortresses on Tsushima, Kyushu, and along the Seto Inland Sea.  They also moved the capital up to Ohotsu, a more easily defended point on the shores of Lake Biwa, and likewise reinforced various strategic points in the Home Provinces as well.  These fortresses were built in the style and under the direction of many of the Baekje refugees now resettled in Yamato. For years, the archipelago braced for an invasion by the Silla-Tang alliance.  After all, with all that Yamato had done to support Baekje, it only made sense, from their perspective, for Silla and Tang to next come after them.  Sure, there was still Goguryeo, but with the death of Yeon Gaesomun, Goguryeo would not last that long.  With a unified peninsula, then why wouldn't they next look to the archipelago? And yet, the attack never came.  While Yamato was building up its defenses, it seems that the alliance between Silla and Tang was not quite as strong as their victories on the battlefield may have made it seem.  This is hardly surprising—the Tang and Silla were hardly operating on the same scale.  That said, the Tang's immense size, while bringing it great resources, also meant that it had an extremely large border to defend.  They often utilized alliances with other states to achieve their ends.  In fact, it seems fairly common for the Tang to seek alliances with states just beyond their borders against those states that were directly on their borders.  In other words, they would effectively create a pincer maneuver by befriending the enemy of their enemy.  Of course.  Once they had defeated said enemy well, wouldn't you know it, their former ally was now their newest bordering state. In the case of the Silla-Tang alliance, it appears that at the start of the alliance, back in the days of Tang Taizong, the agreement, at least from Silla's perspective, was that they would help each other against Goguryeo and Baekje, and then the Tang dynasty would leave the Korean peninsula to Silla.  However, things didn't go quite that smoothly.  The fighting against Goguryeo and Baekje can be traced back to the 640s, but Tang Taizong passed away in 649, leaving the throne to his heir, Tang Gaozong.  The Tang forces eventually helped Silla to take Baekje after the battle of Baekgang River in 663, and then Goguryeo fell in 668, but the Tang forces didn't leave the peninsula.  They remained in the former territories of Baekje and in Goguryeo, despite any former agreements.  Ostensibly they were no doubt pointing to the continuing revolts and rebellions in both regions.  While neither kingdom would fully reassert itself, it didn't mean that there weren't those who were trying.  In fact, the first revolt in Goguryeo was in 669.  There was also a revolt each year until 673.  The last one had some staying power, as the Goguryeo rebels continued to hold out for about four years. It is probably worth reminding ourselves that the Tang dynasty, during this time, had reached out on several occasions to Yamato, sending diplomatic missions, as had Silla.  While the Yamato court may have been preparing for a Tang invasion, the Tang perspective seems different.  They were preoccupied with the various revolts going on, and they had other problems.  On their western border, they were having to contend with the kingdom of Tibet, for example.  The Tibetan kingdom had a powerful influence on the southern route around the Taklamakan desert, which abuts the Tibetan plateau.   The Tang court would have had to divert resources to defend their holdings in the western regions, and it is unlikely that they had any immediate designs on the archipelago, which I suspect was considered something of a backwater to them, at the time.  In fact, Yamato would have been much more useful to the Tang as an ally to help maintain some pressure against Silla, with whom their relationship, no longer directed at a common enemy, was becoming somewhat tense. In fact, just before Ohoama came to the throne, several events had occurred that would affect the Silla-Tang alliance. The first event is more indirect—in 670, the Tibetan kingdom attacked the Tang empire.  The fighting was intense, and required serious resources from both sides.  Eventually the Tibetan forces were victorious, but not without a heavy toll on the Tibetan kingdom, which some attribute to the latter's eventual demise.  Their pyrrhic victory, however, was a defeat for the Tang, who also lost troops and resources in the fighting.  Then, in 671, the Tang empire would suffer another loss as Silla would drive the Tang forces out of the territory of the former kingdom of Baekje. With the Baekje territory under their control, it appears that Silla was also working to encourage some of rebellions in Goguryeo.  This more than irked the Tang court, currently under the formal control of Tang Gaozong and the informal—but quite considerable—control of his wife, Wu Zetian, who some claim was the one actually calling most of the shots in the court at this point in time.  Silla encouragement of restoration efforts in Goguryeo reached the Tang court in 674, in and in 675 we see that the Tang forces were sent to take back their foothold in the former Baekje territory.  Tang defeated Silla at Gyeonggi, and Silla's king, Munmu, sent a tribute mission to the Tang court, apologizing for their past behavior. However, the Tang control could not be maintained, as they had to once again withdraw most of their troops from the peninsula to send them against the Tibetan kingdom once more.  As soon as they did so, Silla once again renewed their attacks on Tang forces on the peninsula.  And so, a year later, in 676, the Tang forces were back.  They crossed the Yellow Sea to try and take back the Tang territories on the lower peninsula, but they were unsuccessful.  Tang forces were defeated by Silla at Maeso Fortress in modern day Yeoncheon.  After a bit more fighting, Silla ended up in control of all territory south of the Taedong River, which runs through Pyongyang, one of the ancient capitals of Goguryeo and the capital of modern North Korea.  This meant that the Tang dynasty still held much of the territory of Goguryeo under their control. With everything that was going on, perhaps that explains some of the apparently defensive measures that Yamato continued to take.  For example, the second lunar month of 675, we know that Ohoama proceeded to Takayasu castle, likely as a kind of formal inspection.  Then, in the 10th lunar month of 675 Ohoama commanded that everyone from the Princes down to the lowest rank were to provide the government with weapons.  A year later, in the 9th month of 676, the Princes and Ministers sent agents to the capital and the Home Provinces and gave out weapons to each man.  Similar edicts would be issued throughout the reign.  So in 679 the court announced that in two years time, which is to say the year 681, there would be a review of the weapons and horses belonging to the Princes of the Blood, Ministers, and any public functionaries.  And in that same year, barrier were erected for the first time on Mt. Tatsta and Mt. Afusaka, along with an outer line of fortifications at Naniwa. While some of that no doubt also helped to control internal movements, it also would have been useful to prepare for the possibility of future invasions.  And the work continued.  In 683  we see a royal command to all of the various provinces to engage in military training.  And in 684 it was decreed at that there would be an inspection in the 9th month of the following year—685—and they laid out the ceremonial rules, such as who would stand where, what the official clothing was to look like, etc.  Furthermore, there was also an edict that all civil and military officials should practice the use of arms and riding horses.  They were expected to supply their own horses, weapons, and anything they would wear into battle. If they owned horses, they would be considered cavalry soldiers, while those who did not have their own horse would be trained as infantry.  Either way, they would each receive training, and the court was determined to remove any obstacles and excuses that might arise.   Anyone who didn't comply would be punished.  Non compliance could mean refusing to train, but it could also just mean that they did not provide the proper horses or equipment, or they let their equipment fall into a state of disrepair.  Punishments could range from fines to outright flogging, should they be found guilty.  On the other hand, those who practiced well would have any punishments against them for other crimes reduced by two degrees, even if it was for a capital crime.  This only applied to previous crimes, however—if it seemed like you were trying to take advantage of this as a loophole to be able to get away with doing your own thing than the pardon itself would be considered null and void. A year later, the aforementioned inspection was carried out by Princes Miyatokoro, Hirose, Naniwa, Takeda, and Mino.  Two months later, the court issued another edict demanding that military equipment—specifically objects such as large or small horns, drums, flutes, flags, large bows, or catapults—should be stored at the government district house and not kept in private arsenals.  The "large bow" in this case may be something like a ballista, though Aston translates it to crossbow—unfortunately, it isn't exactly clear, and we don't necessarily have a plethora of extant examples to point to regarding what they meant.  Still, these seem to be focused on things that would be used by armies—especially the banners, large bows, and catapults.  The musical instruments may seem odd, though music was often an important part of Tang dynasty military maneuvers.  It was used to coordinate troops, raise morale, provide a marching rhythm, and more.  Granted, much of this feels like something more continental, and it is unclear if music was regularly used in the archipelago.  This could be more of Yamato trying to emulate the Tang dynasty rather than something that was commonplace on the archipelago.  That might also explain the reference to the Ohoyumi and the catapults, or rock throwers. All of this language having to do with military preparations could just be more of the same as far as the Sinicization of the Yamato government is concerned; attempts to further emulate what they understood of the civilized governments on the mainland—or at least their conception of those governments based on the various written works that they had imported.  Still, I think it is relevant that there was a lot of uncertainty regarding the position of various polities and the potential for conflict.  Each year could bring new changes to the political dynamic that could see military intervention make its way across the straits.  And of course, there was always the possibility that Yamato itself might decide to raise a force of its own. Throughout all of this, there was continued contact with the peninsula and other lands.  Of course, Silla and Goguryeo were both represented when Ohoama came to the throne—though only the Silla ambassador made it to the ceremony, apparently.  In the 7th lunar month of 675, Ohotomo no Muraji no Kunimaro was sent to Silla as the Chief envoy, along with Miyake no Kishi no Irishi.  They likely got a chance to witness first-hand the tensions between Silla and the Tang court.  The mission would return in the second lunar month of the following year, 676.  Eight months later, Mononobe no Muarji no Maro and Yamashiro no Atahe no Momotari were both sent.  That embassy also returned in the 2nd lunar month of the following year. Meanwhile, it wasn't just Yamato traveling to Silla—there were also envoys coming the other way.  For example, in the 2nd lunar month of 675 we are told that Silla sent Prince Chyungweon as an ambassador.  His retinue was apparently detained on Tsukushi while the actual envoy team went on to the Yamato capital.  It took them about two months to get there, and then they stayed until the 8th lunar month, so about four months in total. At the same time, in the third month, Goguryeo and Silla both sent "tribute" to Yamato.  And in the 8th month, Prince Kumaki, from Tamna, arrived at Tsukushi as well.  Tamna, as you may recall, refers to nation on the island known today as Jeju.  The late Alexander Vovin suggested that the name originated from a proto-Japonic cognate with "Tanimura", and many of the names seem to also bear out a possible Japonic influence on the island nation. Although they only somewhat recently show up in the Chronicles from our perspective, archaeological evidence suggests that they had trade with Yayoi Japan and Baekje since at least the first century.  With the fall of Baekje, and the expansion of Yamato authority to more of the archipelago, we've seen a notable uptick in the communication between Tamna and Yamato noted in the record.  A month after the arrival of Prince Kumaki in Tsukushi, aka Kyushu, it is noted that a Prince Koyo of Tamna arrived at Naniwa.  The Tamna guests would stick around for almost a year, during which time they were presented with a ship and eventually returned in the 7th lunar month of the following year, 676.   Tamna envoys, who had also shown up in 673, continued to be an annual presence at the Yamato court through the year 679, after which there is an apparent break in contact, picking back up in 684 and 685. 676 also saw a continuation of Silla representatives coming to the Yamato court, arriving in the 11th lunar month.  That means they probably passed by the Yamato envoys heading the other way.  Silla, under King Mumnu, now had complete control of the Korean peninsula south of the Taedong river.  In the same month we also see another mission from Goguryeo, but the Chronicle also points out that the Goguryeo envoys had a Silla escort, indicating the alliance between Silla and those attempting to restore Goguryeo—or at least the area of Goguryeo under Tang control.  The Tang, for their part, had pulled back their commandary to Liaodong, just west of the modern border between China and North Korea, today.  Goguryeo would not go quietly, and the people of that ancient kingdom—one of the oldest on the peninsula—would continue to rise up and assert their independence for years to come. The chronicles also record envoys from the somewhat mysterious northern Mishihase, or Sushen, thought to be people of the Okhotsk Sea culture from the Sakhalin islands.  There were 11 of them, and they came with the Silla envoys, possibly indicating their influence on the continent and through the Amur river region.  Previously, most of the contact had been through the regions of Koshi and the Emishi in modern Tohoku and Hokkaido.  This seems to be their only major envoy to the Yamato court recorded in this reign. Speaking of outside groups, in the 2nd lunar month of 677 we are told that there was an entertainment given to men of Tanegashima under the famous Tsuki tree west of Asukadera.  Many people may know Tanegashima from the role it played in the Sengoku Period, when Europeans made contact and Tanegashima became a major hub of Sengoku era firearm manufacturing.  At this point, however, it seems that it was still a largely independent island in the archipelago off the southern coast of Kyushu.  Even southern Kyushu appears to have retained some significant cultural differences at this time, with the "Hayato" people being referenced in regards to southern Kyushu—we'll talk about them in a bit as they showed up at the capital in 682.  Tanegashima is actually closer to Yakushima, another island considered to be separate, culturally, from Yamato, and could be considered the start of the chain of islands leading south to Amami Ohoshima and the other Ryukyuan islands.  That said, Tanegashima and Yakushima are much closer to the main islands of the archipelago and show considerable influence, including Yayoi and Kofun cultural artifacts, connecting them more closely to those cultures, even if Yamato initially saw them as distinct in some way. A formal Yamato envoy would head down to Tanegashima two years later, in the 11th lunar month of 679.  It was headed up by Yamato no Umakahibe no Miyatsuko no Tsura and Kami no Sukuri no Koukan.  The next reference to the mission comes in 681, when the envoys returned and presented a map of the island.  They claimed that it was in the middle of the ocean, and that rice was always abundant. With a single sowing of rice it was said that they could get two harvests.  Other products specifically mentioned were cape jasmine and bulrushes, though they then note that there were also many other products that they didn't bother to list.  This must have been considered quite the success, as the Yamato envoys were each awarded a grade of rank for their efforts.   They also appear to have returned with some of the locals, as they were entertained again in Asuka—this time on the riverbank west of Asukadera, where various kinds of music were performed for them. Tanegashima and Yakushima would be brought formally under Yamato hegemony in 702 with the creation of Tane province, but for now it was still considered separate.  This was probably just the first part of the efforts to bring them into Yamato, proper. Getting back to the Silla envoys who had arrived in 676, they appear to have remained for several months.  In the third lunar month of 677 we are told that they, along with guests of lower rank—thirteen persons all told—were invited to the capital.  Meanwhile, the escort envoys and others who had not been invited to the capital were entertained in Tsukushi and returned from there. While this was going on, weather out in the straits drove a Silla boat to the island of Chikashima.  Aboard was a Silla man accompanined by three attendants and three Buddhist priests.  We aren't told where they were going, but they were given shelter and when the Silla envoy, Kim Chyeonpyeong, returned home he left with those who had been driven ashore, as well. The following year, 678, was not a great one for the Silla envoys.  Garyang Jyeongsan and Gim Hongsye arrived at Tsukushi, but they were just the escorts.  The actual envoys had been separated by a storm at sea and never arrived.  In their place, the escort envoys were sent to the capital, probably to at least carry through with the rituals of diplomacy.  This was in the first month of the following year, 679, and given when envoys had previously arrived, it suggests to me that they waited a few months, probably to see if the envoys' ship eventually appeared and to give the court time to figure out what to do.  A month later, the Goguryeo envoys arrived, still being accompanied by Silla escorts, also arrived. Fortunately the Yamato envoys to Silla and elsewhere fared better.  That year, 679, the envoys returned successfully from Silla, Goguryeo, and Tamna.  Overall, though, I think it demonstrates that this wasn't just a pleasure cruise.  There was a very real possibility that one could get lost at sea.  At the same time, one needed people of sufficient status to be able to carry diplomatic messages and appropriately represent the court in foreign lands.  We often seen envoys later taking on greater positions of responsibility in the court, and so you didn't have to go far to find those willing to take the risk for later rewards. That same year, another tribute mission from Silla did manage to make the crossing successfully.  And in this mission we are given more details, for they brought gold, silver, iron, sacrificial cauldrons with three feet, brocade, cloth, hides, horses, dogs, mules, and camels.  And those were just the official gifts to the court.  Silla also sent distinct presents for the sovereign, the queen, and the crown prince, namely gold, silver, swords, flags, and things of that nature. This appears to demonstrate increasingly close ties between Silla and Yamato. All of that arrived in the 10th lunar month of 679, and they stayed through the 6th lunar month of 680—about 7 to 9 months all told, depending on if there were any intercalary months that year.  In addition to entertaining the Silla envoys in Tsukushi—it is not mentioned if they made it to the capital—we are also told that in the 2nd lunar month, halfway through the envoys' visit, eight labourers from Silla were sent back to their own country with gifts appropriate to their station. Here I have to pause and wonder what exactly is meant by this.  "Labourer" seems somewhat innocuous.  I suspect that their presence in Yamato may have been less than voluntary, and I wonder if these were captured prisoners of war who could have been in Yamato now for over a decade.  If so, this could have been a gesture indicating that the two sides were putting all of that nastiness with Baekje behind them, and Yamato was accepting Silla's new role on the peninsula.  Or maybe I'm reading too much into it, but it does seem to imply that Silla and Yamato were growing closer, something that Yamato would need if it wanted to have easy access, again, to the wider world. Speaking of returning people, that seems to have been something of a common thread for this year, 680, as another mission from Goguryeo saw 19 Goguryeo men also returned to their country.  These were condolence envoys who had come to mourn the death of Takara Hime—aka Saimei Tennou.  They must have arrived in the midst of all that was happening peninsula, and as such they were detained.  Their detention is somewhat interesting, when you think about it, since technically Baekje and Goguryeo—and thus Yamato—would have been on the same side against the Silla-Tang alliance.  But perhaps it was just considered too dangerous to send them home, initially, and then the Tang had taken control of their home.  It is unclear to me how much they were being held by Yamato and how much they were just men without a country for a time.  This may reflect how things on the mainland were stabilizing again, at least from Yamato's perspective.  However, as we'll discuss a bit later, it may have also been another attempt at restoring the Goguryeo kingdom by bringing back refugees, especially if they had connections with the old court.  The Goguryeo envoys—both the recent mission and those who had been detained—would remain until the 5th lunar month of 681, when they finally took their leave.  That year, there were numerous mission both from and to Silla and Goguryeo, and in the latter part of the year, Gim Chyungpyeong came once again, once more bearing gives of gold, silver, copper, iron, brocade, thin silk, deerskins, and fine cloth.  They also brought gold, silver, flags of a rosy-colored brocade and skins for the sovereign, his queen, and the crown prince. That said, the 681 envoys also brought grave news:  King Munmu of Silla was dead.  Munmu had reigned since 661, so he had overseen the conquest of Silla and Goguryeo.  His regnal name in Japanese might be read as Monmu, or even "Bunbu", referencing the blending of literary and cultural achievements seen as the pinnacle of noble attainment.  He is known as Munmu the Great for unifying the peninsula under a single ruler—though much of the Goguryeo territory was still out of reach.  Indeed he saw warfare and the betterment of his people, and it is no doubt significant that his death is recorded in the official records of the archipelago.   He was succeeded by his son, who would reign as King Sinmun, though the succession wasn't exactly smooth. We are told that Munmu, knowing his time was short, requested that his son, the Crown Prince, be named king before they attended to Munmu's own funerary arrangements, claiming that the throne should not sit vacant.  This may have been prescient, as the same year Munmu died and Sinmun ascended to the throne there was a revolt, led by none other than Sinmun's own father-in-law, Kim Heumdol.  Heumdol may, himselve, have been more of a figurehead for other political factions in the court and military.  Nonetheless, the attempted coup of 681 was quickly put down—the envoys in Yamato would likely only learn about everything after the dust had settled upon their return. The following year, 682, we see another interesting note about kings, this time in regards to the Goguryeo envoys, whom we are told were sent by the King of Goguryeo.  Ever since moving the commandery to Liaodong, the Tang empire had claimed dominion over the lands of Goguryeo north of the Taedong river.  Originally they had administered it militarily, but in 677 they crowned a local, Bojang as the "King of Joseon", using the old name for the region, and put him in charge of the Liaodong commandery.  However, he was removed in 681, and sent into exile in Sichuan, because rather than suppressing revolt, he had actually encouraged restoration attempts, inviting back Goguryeo refugees, like those who had been detained in Yamato.  Although Bojang himself was sent into exile, his descendants continued to claim sovereignty, so it may have been one of them that was making the claim to the "King of Goguryeo", possibly with Silla's blessing. Later that year, 682, we see Hayato from Ohosumi and Ata—possibly meaning Satsuma—the southernmost point of Kyushu coming to the court in 682.  They brought tribute and representatives of Ohosumi and Ata wrestled, with the Ohosumi wrestler emerging victorious.  They were entertained west of Asukadera, and various kinds of music was performed and gifts were given. They were apparently quite the sight, as Buddhist priests and laiety all came out to watch. Little is known for certain about the Hayato.  We have shields that are attributed to them, but their association may have more to do with the fact that they were employed as ceremonial guards for a time at the palace.  We do know that Southern Kyushu had various groups that were seen as culturally distinct from Yamato, although there is a lot of overlap in material culture.  We also see early reports of the Kumaso, possibly two different groups, the Kuma and So, in earlier records, and the relationship between the Kumaso and the Hayato is not clearly defined. What we do know is that southern Kyushu, for all that it shared with Yamato certain aspects of culture through the kofun period, for example, they also had their own traditions. For example, there is a particular burial tradition of underground kofun that is distinct to southern Kyushu.  A great example of this can be found at the Saitobaru Kofun cluster in Miyazaki, which contains these unique southern Kyushu style burials along with more Yamato style keyhole shaped and circular type kofun.  Miyazaki sits just north of the Ohosumi peninsula, in what was formerly the land of Hyuga, aka  Himuka.  This is also where a lot of the founding stories of the Heavenly grandchild were placed, and even today there is a shrine there to the Heavenly Rock Cave.  In other words there are a lot of connections with Southern Kyushu, and given that the Chronicles were being written in the later 7th and early 8th centuries, it is an area of intense interest when trying to understand the origins of Yamato and Japanese history. Unfortunately, nothing clearly tells us exactly how the Hayato were separate, but in the coming century they would both come under Yamato hegemony and rebel against it, time and again.  This isn't the first time they are mentioned, but it may be the first time that we see them as an actual people, in a factual entry as earlier references in the Chronicles are suspect. Continuing on with our look at diplomacy during this period, the year 683 we see a continuation of the same patterns, with nothing too out of the ordinary.  Same with most of 684 until the 12th lunar month.  It is then that we see a Silla ship arrive with Hashi no Sukune no Wohi and Shirawi no Fubito no Hozen.  They had both, previously been to the Tang empire to study, though we don't have a record of them leaving for that or any other purpose.  They are accompanied by Witsukahi no Muraji no Kobito and Tsukushi no Miyake no Muraji no Tokuko, both of whom had apparently been captured and taken by the Tang dynasty during the Baekje campaign.  Apparently they had all traveled back from the Tang empire together to Silla, who then provided them passage to Yamato. The timing of this suggests it may have had something to do with the changes going on in the Tang empire—changes that I desperately want to get into, but given that we are already a good ways into this current episode, I think I will leave it for later.  But I will note this:  Emperor Gaozong had passed away and his wife, Empress Wu Zetian, was now ruling as regent for her sons.  Wu Zetian is probably the most famous empress in all of Chinese history, and while she held de facto power as a co-regent during her husband's reign and as a regent during her sons' reigns, she would actually ascend the throne herself in 690.  Her reign as a woman during a time of heightened patriarchal tradition is particularly of note, and it leads us to wonder about the vilification that she received by the men who followed her rule.  And I really want to get into all of that but, thematically, I think it better to wait.  Those of you reading ahead in the syllabus—which is to say the Chronicles—probably know why.  So let us just leave it there and say that the Tang was going through a few things, and that may explain why students were returning back in the company of former war captives. A few months later, the Silla escort, Gim Mulyu, was sent home along with 7 people from Silla who had been washed ashore—presumably during a storm or other such event, again illustrating the dangers of taking to the ocean at this time.  Perhaps related to that theme is the entry only a month later, which merely stated that Gim Jusan of Silla returned home.  Gim Jusan was an envoy sent to Yamato in the 11th lunar month of 683.  He was entertained in Tsukushi, and we are told that he returned to his own country on the 3rd month of 684.  Now we are seeing an entry in the 4th month of 685 that this same person apparently returned home. It is possible that something got mixed up, and that the Chroniclers were dealing with a typo in the records that made it seem like this took place a year later than it did.  This was certainly an issue at this time, given all the math one had to do just to figure out what day it was.  There is also the possibility that he returned on another embassy, but just wasn't mentioned for some reason.  The last possible explanation is that he somehow got lost and it took him a year to find his way back.  Not entirely impossible back then, though I am a bit skeptical.  Among other things, why would that note have found its way into the Chronicles in Yamato?  While they were certainly using some continental sources, this seems like something they were talking about as far as him leaving the archipelago, rather than discussion of something happening elsewhere. Speaking of happening elsewhere, I'm wondering about another event that happened around this time as well.  In fact, it was while Gim Mulyu was still in the archipelago.  For some reason the Yamato court granted rank to 147 individuals from Tang, Baekje, and Goguryeo.  Interestingly, they don't mention Silla.  Furthermore, there is no real mention of any Tang envoys during this reign.  In fact, there is hardly mention of the Tang dynasty at all.  There is a mention of some 30 Tang men—captives, presumably—being sent to the Yamato court from Tsukushi.  Those men were settled in Toutoumi, so there were men of Tang in the archipelago.  But beyond that, there are only three other mentions of the Tang dynasty.  One was when the students and war captives came back.  Another was this note about giving rank to 147 individuals.  Finally there is a similar record in 686, at the very end of the reign, where it is 34 persons who were given rank.  This time it was to carpenters, diviners, physicians, students from Tang—possibly those who had just come back a year or so earlier.  So if there weren't envoys from Tang, Goguryeo, and Baekje, who were these people and why were they being granted Yamato court rank?  My assumption is that it was foreigners living in the archipelago, and being incorporated into the Yamato court system.  Still, it is interesting that after the overtures by the Tang in the previous reign we have heard virtually nothing since then.  Again, that is likely largely due to the conflicts between Tang and Silla, though now, things seem to be changing.  The conflicts have settled down, and new rulers are in place, so we'll see how things go. Speaking of which, let's finish up with the diplomatic exchanges in this reign.  I'm only hitting some of the highlights here.  First is the return from Silla, in the 5th month of 685, of Takamuku no Asomi no Maro and Tsuno no Asomi no Ushikahi.  They had traveled to Silla in 684, and they did not come back emptyhanded.  The new King of Silla presented them with gifts, including 2 horses, 3 dogs, 2 parrots, and 2 magpies.  They also brought back the novice monks Kanjou and Ryoukan.  Not bad, overall. Then, 6 months later, another tribute mission came, but this one has an interesting—if somewhat questionable—note attached to it.  It is said that the envoys Gim Jisyang and Gim Geonhun were sent to request "governance" and to bring tribute.  This certainly go the court's attention.  They didn't bring the envoys all the way to the capital, but they did send to them, in Tsukushi, Prince Kawachi, Ohotomo no Sukune no Yasumaro, Fujiwara no Asomi no Ohoshima, and Hodzumi no Asomi no Mushimaro. About three months later they send the musical performers from Kawaradera to provide entertainment during a banquet for the Silla envoy, and in payment some 5,000 bundles of rice rom the private lands attached to the queen's palace were granted to the temple in gratitude. The Silla tribute was then brought to the capital from Tsukushi.  This time it was more than 100 items, including one fine horse, one mule, two dogs, a gold container inlaid with some kind of design, gold, silver, faint brocade, silk gauze, tiger and leopard skins, and a variety of medicines.  In addition, as was now common, the envoys, Gim Jisyang and Gim Geonhun, apparently had personal gifts to give in the form of gold, silver, faint brocade, silk gauze, gold containers, screens, saddle hides, silk cloth, and more medicine.  There were also gifts specifically for the sovereign, the queen, the Crown Prince, and for the various princes of the blood. The court returned this favor with gifts to the envoys, presented at a banquet just for them, before sending them on their way. A couple of notes.  First off, it is interesting that they are entertained at Tsukushi rather than being invited to the capital, and I wonder if this was because the sovereign, Ohoama, wasn't doing so well.  This was all happening in 685 and 686, and the sovereign would pass away shortly afterwards.  So it is possible that Ohoama just was not up to entertaining visitors at this time.  Of course, the Chronicles often don't tell us exactly why a given decision was made, only that it was.  And sometimes not even that. The other thing that seems curious is the mention of a request for governance.  That almost sounds like Silla was asking to come under Yamato hegemony, which I seriously doubt.  It may be that they were asking something along the lines of an alliance, but it is also possible that the scribes recording things for Yamato heard what they wanted to hear and so wrote it down in the light most favorable to Yamato laying claim to the peninsula. Or perhaps I'm misunderstanding exactly what they were asking for.  Maybe "governance" here means something else—perhaps just some kind of better relationship. And with that, we'll leave it for now.  There is more developing in the next reign, but I think we want to wait until we get there.  There are still a lot more things to cover in this reign before we move on—we haven't even touched on the establishment of the new capital, on the various court events, not to mention some of the laws and punishments that this period is named for.  And there is the minor issue of a rebellion.  All of that will be dealt with.  And then, after that, we get to the final reign of the Chronicles: the reign of Jitou Tennou.  From there?  Who knows. It is the winter holiday season, so I hope everyone is enjoying themselves.  Next episode will be the New Year's recap, and then we should finish with this reign probably in January or early February. Until then, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

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Last time we spoke about the battle over Changfukeng Hill. In the frost-bit dawn by the Chaun and Tumen, two empires faced a cliff of fate: Soviet and Japanese, each convinced that Changkufeng belonged to them. Diplomats urged restraint, yet Tokyo's generals brewed a daring plan, strike at night, seize the crest, then bargain. Sato and Suetaka debated risk and restraint, weighing "dokudan senko" against disciplined action as rain hissed on the ground. Night fell like velvet. Nakano, a quiet, meticulous regimental leader, gathered the 75th Regiment's veterans, choosing five fearless captains and a rising star, Nakajima, to carry the charge. Scouts and engineers moved ahead, weaving a fragile path across the Tumen: wire-cutters in the dark, signals humming softly, and the thunder of distant Soviet tanks rolling along the shore. At 02:15, after breaches breached and silent men slid through wire, the Japanese surged up the slopes with bayonets glinting, swords ready, and nerves as taut as steel. The crest lunged with savage resistance: grenades flashed, machine guns roared, and leaders fell. By 05:15, dawn broke, and the hill, Course of blood and courage, stood in Japanese hands.   #180 A premature Japanese Victory over Changkufeng Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On 31 July 1938, dawn seemed to indicate Changkufeng Hill was in Japanese hands. From his command post, Colonel Sato Kotoku, his regimental staff, and most of Hirahara's 3rd Battalion had been anxiously watching the progress of the 1st Battalion's operations since 12:30 on 31 July. Around 03:00, the Japanese infantry commanders issued "heroic orders to charge," audible above the withering fire. Sato expected the crest to fall in little more than an hour; when no signal shell burst over the hill, he grew apprehensive, praying for success with his heart breaking. A mile away on Hill 52, the troops could discern no voices, only gunfire and the spectacular glow of flares and tracers. As one soldier recalled "It was like fireflies," another soldier added "it was like a carnival". To Sasai, on the heights at Kucheng, it was, as he put it, "c'était un grand spectacle." By the way I think its one of the only times I've read a Japanese soldier using French, what he said translates to "it was a large spectacle", I am from Quebec so I speak baguette. The mist moved up Changkufeng Hill, and Japanese troops followed it, fighting for hours. Fearing Nakano's battalion might have been wiped out, Sato's staff prayed for fog. Sato later admitted, "By dawn we were failing to take our objectives."   At the base of Chiangchunfeng, Sato held the 6th Company in reserve, ready to attack Changkufeng from the left. He would have preferred not to commit it, given the danger of an accidental fire-fight with friendly forces. Nevertheless, as combat intensified, Sato decided to push the company into support of the 1st Battalion. After orders at 03:15, Ito moved toward the northwest side of Changkufeng. The Russians laid down heavy fire, especially from a well-placed machine-gun position on the far left. Ito's company, suffering heavy and needlessly casualties, had to hold near the middle of the slope. A runner was sent to the regimental command post requesting artillery support after dawn. By 04:30, Sato could discern the Changkufeng crest, where fierce close-quarters fighting raged between Japanese and Russians on the south edge, while the enemy continually sent reinforcements, troops followed by tanks, up the northern slope. Ito's company was visible on the western slope, bravely bearing a Japanese flag. 10-15 minutes later, grenade-discharger fire began to blast the Soviet positions. At 04:40, Ito, redeploying at dawn, observed elements of the 1st Company near the hill's summit. Contact was established with Inagaki's men. The Russians began to show signs of disarray under the grenade dischargers and the heavy weapons deployed by the reserve battalion at Chiangchunfeng. Thereupon Ito's company charged as well, capturing the northwest corner of Changkufeng roughly concurrently with the main body of the 1st Battalion under Sakata. Ito was wounded and evacuated; two sergeants were later cited in dispatches. Meanwhile, the 10th Company, led by Takeshita of the 3rd Battalion, was to conduct a separate night assault against fire points around Hill 24, about 1,000 meters north of Changkufeng. The aim was to disrupt Russian withdrawal along the slopes to the rear and to hinder reinforcements. At midnight, the company left the skirts of Chiangchunfeng in fog and darkness. Moving stealthily over the undulating terrain, they faced knee-deep bogs and tall vegetation. After evading sentries, they penetrated behind the enemy. By 02:00, five teams totaling 16 men under Sergeant Uchibori were ready to strike Hill 24. Takeshita led the charge from the right and overran the defenders by 02:20. The Russians, numbering 20 to 30 riflemen with one machine gun, fled toward Khasan, leaving four soldiers behind whom the Japanese bayoneted. Takeshita's company continued to consolidate Hill 24, awaiting counterattacks, which soon followed. At 04:00, eight tanks, with headlights on, launched an attack from the Shachaofeng sector, supported by an infantry company . Takeshita reinforced Uchibori's unit with assault teams; the Russian infantry were routed, and five tanks were knocked out. At dawn, about 100 Soviet troops were observed retreating from the direction of Changkufeng, surprised and mowed down by heavy and light machine guns at ranges of about 300 meters. At 06:30, the Soviets attacked again with an infantry battalion and a machine-gun company from north of Khasan. The Japanese allowed them to close, then concentrated the firepower of both infantry platoons plus heavy machine guns. After a 30-minute firefight with heavy casualties on the Soviet side, the Russians fell back. Again, at 07:10, the Soviets struck from the north of Khasan, this time with one company and five tanks. Russian infantry, supported by three tanks, pushed in front of the Japanese positions, but machine-gun and small-arms fire forced them to retreat eastward, the tanks being stopped 50 meters from the lines. Meanwhile, two Japanese enlisted men on patrol near the lake encountered armor; they attacked and, after taking casualties, returned with captured ammunition and equipment. One rapid-fire piece had been providing covering fire behind Takeshita's unit and opened fire on three tanks attacking north of Changkufeng, helping to stop them. As daybreak arrived, Takeshita's company cleared the battlefield, retrieved casualties, and reinforced the defenses. Then an order from the regiment transferred the main body to Changkufeng. Leaving one platoon at Hill 24, Takeshita came directly under Hirahara's command. Takeshita was later officially cited by the regiment. If Hill 52 fell, Changkufeng would be lost. The Russians understood the importance of this constricted sector as well. Their armor could swing south of Khasan, while the terrain to the north was boggier and could be made impassable by the field-artillery battery emplaced on the Korean side of the Tumen. To check hostile reinforcements into this vital region, Sato had dispatched an infantry element to Hill 52 early. Northward, he had 1st Lieutenant Hisatsune emplacement the two 75-millimeter mountain pieces belonging to his infantry gun battery, together with two of 2nd Lieutenant Saito's three 20-millimeter anti-tank guns and the two 37-millimeter infantry rapid-fire guns belonging to 2nd Lieutenant Kutsukake's battalion gun battery. At 23:00 on 30 July, in accord with Nakano's orders, Hisatsune moved these six guns to the ridgeline between Changkufeng and Hill 52. Apart from the guns to the left, defense of Hill 52 was entrusted to the experienced Master Sergeant Murakoshi Kimio, 2nd Platoon leader in Nakajima's company. After the Shachaofeng affair, Murakoshi was ordered to occupy the hill. Moving along the shore on 30 July, his unit encountered neither friendly nor hostile troops. The regimental records note that "some enemy unit came into the dip east of Hill 52 since morning on the 30th, and both sides were watching each other." Murakoshi deployed his three rifle squads, totaling 34 men. After Nakano's battalion jumped off on 31 July, the platoon observed not only the "fireworks display" but also Soviet motorized units with lights aglow, moving on high ground east of Khasan. Later, tanks could be heard clanking toward Hill 52. Around 04:00, Murakoshi organized anti-tank teams and sent them into action. Most accounts emphasize the anti-tank efforts, rather than the fire of Murakoshi's machine gunners. Three privates, carrying anti-tank mines, undertook daring assaults once the terrain obliged the Russian tanks to slow. They laid their mines, but the soil proved too soft, and the attempt failed. In the most publicized episode, Private First Class Matsuo, nicknamed a "human bullet," was badly wounded by machine-gun fire from a tank and knocked from the vehicle, but he managed to reboard with a satchel charge and, it is said, stop the tank at the cost of his life. The platoon leader and his remaining 20 men, having withdrawn 200 meters below their positions, poured torrents of fire at the infantry accompanying the tanks. Flames from the antitank mine assaults provided blazing targets. In concert with Hisatsune's six infantry guns emplaced on the Crestline southeast of Changkufeng, Murakoshi knocked out the remaining two tanks. When the tanks were immobilized, the Soviet troops did not press forward; exposed to Japanese fire, their losses mounted. By daybreak, the Russians had pulled back. Official records describe one Soviet company with four heavy machine guns, led by mounted officers. After hours of intense combat, Colonel Sato and his staff observed that all operations were succeeding by dawn. It was fortunate that Japanese units had posed a threat from the east; only then did the Russians begin to retreat. "But what an incomparably heroic first combat it had been… the scene at Changkufeng was sublime and inspiring. Private feelings were forgotten, and all bowed their heads in respect for the gallant fighting by matchless subordinates." As soon as Sato confirmed that Changkufeng had been occupied, he sent an aide to assess casualties. "When the colonel learned about the death of his capable and dependable officers," a lieutenant recalled, "he… murmured, 'Is that so?' and closed his eyes. The dew glistened on his lids." Meanwhile, in addition to the battle of annihilation at Changkufeng, Major Takenouchi of Okido's regiment was to conduct the dawn assault in the Shachaofeng area. His 1st Battalion and attached elements numbered 379 men; Kanda's company of the Kucheng Border Guard Unit added another 49. An engineer platoon was attached. At 18:00 on 30 July, Takenouchi issued his orders. According to that evening's regimental maps, north of Khasan were two battalions of Soviet infantry and 20 tanks. South of Shachaofeng, the Russians had entanglements and machine-gun nests, with additional emplacements to the rear, west of the lake, and armor moving south toward Changkufeng. Northwest of Shachaofeng lay the main body of Takenouchi's battalion. Signal lines connected his headquarters with Sato's command post. The only Soviet patrol activity noted, as of evening, was in the direction of Matsunobe. Around 02:00, machine guns chattered south of Changkufeng, signaling an increasing intensity of Sato's night assault. On Takenouchi's front, the Russians went on alert, firing illuminating shells and opening fire from the north side of Changkufeng. At 02:30, Matsunobe's unit finished breakfast and moved to the jump-off site. The terrain was difficult and there was considerable enemy tracer fire, but, thanks to effective reconnaissance, the force reached its destination without loss by 04:00. Matsunobe eliminated an outpost unit using rear-area scouts who struck from the rear and gave the enemy little opportunity to respond. Then the Japanese prepared for the main attack as they awaited daybreak. At 04:00, the supporting mountain artillery platoon took position between Matsunobe and Takenouchi. Throughout this period, the sounds of fighting grew more violent toward Changkufeng; machine guns were especially active. At 05:00, three enemy tanks could be seen moving up the northern slope of Changkufeng, but soon after news arrived that friendly forces had seized the crest. With sunrise imminent, the Japanese guns assumed their role. The longest-range support Takenouchi could expect was Narukawa's two 15-centimeter howitzers, emplaced across the Tumen north of Sozan. This battery took position at 04:20, after which the commander went to join Sato just behind the front. Several thousand meters of telephone line had been strung across the river, linking observation post and battery. Narukawa watched the fierce struggle at Changkufeng and prepared to support the dawn assault, while honoring the desperate effort of Ito's company for covering fire. Firing began at 05:10, though range data were not adequate. After little more than ten rounds, the enemy heavy machine guns on the Shachaofeng front subsided. A veteran artilleryman proudly remarked, "These were the first howitzer shells ever fired against the Soviet Army." At 05:20, Takenouchi's own heavy weapons added effective counterfire. Matsunobe and his company had crept to a line 150 meters in front of the Russian positions, taking advantage of dead angles and covered by light machine guns. Three Soviet tanks, however, had pressed forward against the main body. Two Private First Class soldiers, members of a close-quarters team, waited until the lead tank reversed course, then dashed in from the rear and blew it up. Two other soldiers attacked the third tank with mines but could not destroy it because of the tall grass. In a dramatic action that always thrilled Japanese audiences, a Private First Class jumped aboard with a portable mine, while a superior private jammed explosives into the tank's rear and allegedly blew off both treads, though the tank continued firing. While Matsunobe's company laid a smoke screen and prepared to charge, the Soviet tank was knocked out by rapid-fire guns. Master Sergeant Sudo's platoon seized the opportunity to race forward 15 meters and overrun two firing points at 05:40. When the Russians counterattacked with 60 infantrymen and three new tanks, Matsunobe ordered the grenade-discharger squad to fire while he had Sudo pull back to the foot of the hill. Close-quarter teams knocked out the tanks in succession. By this time the Russians had been shaken badly, allowing Matsunobe's main force to surge into two more positions. Five or six remaining Soviet soldiers were wiped out by a combination of Japanese pursuit fire and Soviet gunfire emanating from east of Khasan. After 06:00, the Japanese held the high ground at Shachaofeng. Kanda's unit had achieved a similar result, swinging around Matsunobe and skirting the left of the Soviet positions. Russian artillery opened from the east, but the Japanese used the terrain to advantage and suffered no casualties. Around this time, enemy forces in the Changkufeng area began to retreat, a portion by motor vehicle. Takenouchi had Matsunobe secure the site and, at 06:13, directed the main battalion to advance toward the north side of Khasan. A stubborn four-hour battle then ensued as Soviet forces delayed their retreat and the covering unit occupied the northern edge of the lake. Takenouchi estimated the enemy's strength at two infantry companies, a company of 12 heavy machine guns, and one heavy battery. Several Russian counterattacks were mounted against Matsunobe, while Takenouchi reinforced Kanda. The battalion attacked with great intensity and by 10:30 had managed to encircle the right flank of the enemy defenses at the northwest edge of Khasan. The Russians began to fall back, though one company of infantry resisted vigorously. At 10:50, the Soviet rear-guard company opened fire with machine guns while several tanks delivered heavy machine-gun and cannon fire. Soviet artillery, firing rapidly, also joined the resistance to Takenouchi's advance. Firepower pinned down the Japanese in this sector from late morning until nightfall.    For reasons of necessity as well as doctrine, the night assault on Changkufeng Hill received no artillery support. The dawn assault to clear Shachaofeng, however, required all available firepower, even if limited. Firing diagrams reflect no howitzer fire directed north of Changkufeng; this is understandable since Narukawa had only two pieces to handle numerous targets. A Soviet tank element was driven off, west of the lake, by 03:00 from the skirt of Chiangchunfeng by 3rd Battalion heavy weapons. Sasai, at the Kucheng command post, contends that Japanese artillery scored a significant success: school-tactics were followed, and the battery stood ready in case the night assault by the infantry failed. By dawn, Russian remnants clung to the crest, though the infantry had "peeled the skin" from their defenses. "In the morning, one of our howitzer shells hit near Changkufeng, whereupon the last of the enemy fled." Survivors of the night assault recalled no direct artillery support by Japanese artillery, though firing charts suggest some; Soviet sources dispute this. Regimental records note: "After firing against positions southwest of Shachaofeng, the Narukawa battery fired to cut off the enemy's retreat path from Shachaofeng and to neutralize the foe's superior artillery. Results were great." In the morning, Sato returned to Chiangchunfeng, observed the difficult anti-artillery combat by the Narukawa battery, and commended their performance. He watched howitzer fire disrupt Soviet artillery positions opposite Shachaofeng and estimated enemy strength at a battalion. Sato saw Russian horse-drawn artillery blasted from its sites and pulled back north of Khasan. Narukawa's first targets were positions and tanks south of Shachaofeng. Northeast of the lake, one battery of Russians headed north after dawn. In Narukawa's firing pattern, north of the lake, a Soviet motorized unit of more than ten vehicles withdrew in the afternoon. A new Russian artillery formation moving north of Khasan that afternoon received the heaviest fire from the howitzers. On that day Narukawa's two active pieces fired a total of 74 rounds. The only other Japanese artillery support for the infantry consisted of the half-battery of 75-millimeter mountain guns already forward. The platoon under 2nd Lieutenant Ikue moved west of Shachaofeng, starting from behind Kanda at 04:00, and bombarded Soviet positions to the northeast. Firing a lighter projectile than Narukawa's pieces, Ikue's men fired 162 shells and 37 shrapnel rounds at the Russians. Colonel Tanaka, the artillery regiment commander, reached the front during the night as battle's fury peaked from Changkufeng. Tanaka's mission was to take over Narukawa's battery and support infantry combat from dawn. Upon establishing his headquarters, Tanaka sent a liaison officer to the 75th Regiment. The 3rd Mountain Artillery Battalion completed unloading at Shikai Station in the night, and at 03:40, it entered emplacements on the north side of Nanpozan. Tanaka ordered Rokutanda to repel any enemy attacks that might be staged from Changkufeng and north of Yangkuanping. The battalion made good use of prior surveys and proved helpful in thwarting offensive attempts from the vicinity of Shachaofeng after daybreak. Rokutanda also coordinated with Narukawa to cut off the Soviet retreat route after enemy motorized and infantry forces began to fall back from Shachaofeng.   At Changkufeng, once the last Russians had been routed, two hours of quiet settled over both sides. The Japanese busied themselves with cleaning up the field, retrieving casualties, and bearing the dead to the rear. The few Japanese historians who have worked with 75th Regiment records have argued with a dramatic passage describing dawn: "From 05:15, after the top had been secured by us, the fog began to drift in. At about 05:30 rain started to drench the whole area; therefore, enemy artillery had to stop firing. God's will." Sakata counters that no Russian artillery shelled the peak after his men had cleared it. Sato agrees; only in the afternoon did at least 20 Soviet guns, emplaced north of the lake, open fire at Changkufeng. At first, Russian shells fell harmlessly into a pond nearby; Sato recalls fish splashing out. Thereafter, Soviet gunners gradually corrected their aim, but the Japanese took cover behind rocks and sustained no casualties. Soviet shellfire may have begun at dawn but appeared to be directed mainly toward Shachaofeng, where Soviet defenders were not evicted until an hour after Changkufeng fell. Tanaka, however, argues that when he arrived at the front at 05:00, Russian artillery was firing on objectives west of the Tumen, and several shells struck his men and guns. Japanese firing charts show that Soviet guns initially bombarded Takenouchi's sector at Shachaofeng from two positions north and northeast of Khasan. After these Russian positions were forced to evacuate, the new Soviet gun unit that arrived in the afternoon engaged not only Changkufeng but also the area of the Japanese regimental headquarters. A Japanese military history suggests that Chiangchunfeng, the site of the observation post for the heavy field-artillery battery, was hit early in the morning, just after Takenouchi's ground assault against Shachaofeng had begun. The only other Russian artillery fire noted is the early-morning bombardment of the region of Hill 52. This shelling emanated from a point southeast of the lake but appeared directed primarily against Hisatsune's guns, which pulled back to Changkufeng at 06:00. Takeshita's company, which had jumped off at 02:00 and struck to the rear of Changkufeng toward the heights southwest of Shachaofeng, sustained severe enemy artillery fire after dawn. The main body secured the positions it had captured, while one platoon occupied Hill 24. On Takenouchi's front, intense enemy artillery fire continued after the Shachaofeng district was cleared, but the battalion maintained its position throughout the day. At 20:00, Takenouchi pulled back to the heights northwest of Shachaofeng. Elements of Matsunobe's unit on the right flank clung to advanced positions southeast of Shachaofeng. Regarding the theological allusion to merciful rain at dawn, no interviewee recalled a torrential downpour at Changkufeng. One soldier remembered descending from the crest at 08:30, taking breakfast, and returning for battlefield cleanup an hour later, at which time it began to drizzle. The 75th Regiment's weather record for Sunday, 31 July, simply states, "Cloudy; sunrise 05:08."   At 06:40, Colonel Sato ordered Hirahara's 3rd Battalion to relieve Nakano's mauled 1st Battalion and Ito's company atop Changkufeng. The 1st Battalion was to become the regimental reserve force, assemble at Chiangchunfeng, and collect its dead and wounded. Shortly after 08:00, Hirahara arrived at the crest of Changkufeng. Sakata was still upright, blood-streaked. "It's all right now," Hirahara told him. "You can go down." Sakata limped away with the remnants of the 1st Battalion. At the command post he met Sato, who praised him, promised to replace his damaged sword with one of his own, and told him to head for the hospital. When he protested, Sato bellowed, more in pride than anger, "To the hospital with you!" Sakata went, leaving Kuriyama as acting company commander. That morning, Sato climbed Changkufeng and gave Hirahara instructions. He commended the heavy field artillery battery commander, Narukawa, for his effective support of Takenouchi's dawn attack at Shachaofeng. Before returning to his command post, Sato carefully supervised the collection of Japanese dead. He looked into the face of each man and bade him farewell, a regiment officer recalls. "His sincerity and sorrow inspired reverence in all of us." In the afternoon, Sato sent Oshima back to Haigan to report the victory to forces in the rear, to visit the families of the fallen, and to "exert a beneficial influence on the native inhabitants lest they become confused and upset by the recent fighting." After the Russians had been ousted from Changkufeng and Shachaofeng, information became available to Japanese headquarters concerning the extent of the victory and the price. The 75th Regiment put Soviet casualties at 300 men in each area and claimed a total of 17 tanks knocked out during the operations—seven at Changkufeng, three at Hill 52, seven at Shachaofeng. Assault infantrymen noted that few Soviet bodies were found in the crestline positions, other than those cut down by cold steel; many Russians were presumably wounded by grenades. Colonel Sato asserts that 30 Soviet corpses were picked up in the Changkufeng area after the night attack. Most Japanese survivors judge that Soviet casualties were at least double those incurred by their own forces. The Japanese used much of the materiel they had captured. The price had been grim in the assault units: 45 killed, 133 wounded. In both Colonel Nakano's and Colonel Takenouchi's battalions, about 25 percent of the officers and almost 10 percent of the men were killed or wounded. The main assault waves, chiefly the 1st and 2nd infantry companies and 1st Machine-Gun Company of Colonel Nakano's unit, suffered as many as one-half or two-thirds casualties, down to platoons and squads. Before the night attack, Colonel Nakano's battalion had a total of 401 men. The strength of Shimomura's battalion had diminished by only 17: Hirahara's by 10. Nakano's unit lost over 80 percent of all Japanese killed and wounded in the Changkufeng–Hill 52 sector.  Japanese accounts were lavish in their praise of Colonel Sato's conception and execution of the night-dawn assaults. "Everybody had conducted several inspections of the front, yet only two or three individuals were acquainted with the precise sector where we carried out our assault." The costly lack of comprehensive intelligence necessitated reduction of firing points in succession and made the assault on the peak, the true key, possible only at the end. "This was a rather difficult method. It would have been better to have thrown one small unit against one firing point invariably and to have used the main force to break through the depth of the foe swiftly." On the larger benefits of the night operation, Akaishizawa wrote, "We prevented the main hostile forces, numbering several thousand troops concentrated east of Khasan about 600 or 700 meters behind Changkufeng, from laying a finger on us." Sato regards the night attack as a success: "The Soviets would have taken over the entire region unless checked." But with respect to Suetaka's words of praise for Sato himself, one candid division staff officer does not share what he calls "extravagant laudation." "The night-attack plan had been devised long in advance. I do not see anything particularly brilliant about it. Only in terms of results could one call the assault well done." Sakata concurs but stresses that training paid off: "All the men in my company followed their leaders to the crest and thus displayed their teamwork and unity," despite the unexpectedly severe casualties. The Soviets seemed particularly apprehensive about the possibility of Japanese armored operations. Antitank weapons were deployed on the eastern slopes of Changkufeng, ready to fire against the axis of Hill 52, which theoretically was good tank country. Illuminating shells and flares were employed profusely in concert with heavy machine guns firing blue tracers from the time Japanese troops entered the zone of wire defenses. Tanks supplemented the fire network, as did artillery zeroed in east of Khasan. But it was the grenades, in "heaps and mounds," that troubled the attackers most: "This tactic must be one of the most important aspects of Soviet infantry training, together with snipers. Our night assault unit did not sustain too many casualties until the crest but, since we could not run up into the positions, the foe was able to hurl many milk-bottle-size grenades. Our forces must be given more training with hand grenades".  The first phone call to Seoul did not come until Changkufeng had been assaulted and cleared. Around 05:00 the division learned that victory had been achieved at Changkufeng; the first reports mentioned no Japanese casualties. "Thank God!" was the reaction. Suetaka and the major toasted Sato's victory with sake. "At 06:00, one company of the Sato unit occupied Shachaofeng and expelled the Soviet forces across the border." Not long afterward, the division, like the 75th Regiment, began to learn the extent of the casualties. Although personal sorrow displaced initial elation, there was grim satisfaction that the insolent Russians had been ousted and the dignity of the Imperial Army maintained. It was hoped and expected that the Korea Army would share this view. Seoul had learned of the Japanese assaults only after the fact and in a rather cursory fashion. Nakamura ordered the front-line units to secure the heights and to localize the affair by limiting the strength used in that area and by ensuring cautious action.  Nakamura's orders to not expand upon the victory were criticized heavily. However Tsuchiya recalled "The decision was taken too easily. Perhaps some had covert opposition, but no one spoke up. I think there was some misunderstanding of individual positions. Yet the crisis should have been analyzed carefully. It is too bad that there was no direct supervision by the Chief of Staff." For Tsuchiya, the Korea Army would have been in trouble if the incident had dragged on because of Soviet buildup and Japanese casualties and low mobilization. Although Nakamura likely wished the 19th Division to abandon unnecessary actions regardless of victory or defeat, he did not seem to care; he showed no intention of inspecting the local scene. Yet Tsuchiya felt such a keen sense of responsibility that he was prepared to commit suicide if matters went wrong. Inada argued that Nakamura did not visit the front to avoid expanding the troubles and disturbing the troops. Analyzing the Korea Army's nebulous control, Imaoka notes that Nakamura had only recently arrived in Korea and had little time before fighting began, but something seemed lacking in the army's exercise of command. Thus, Nakamura never met Suetaka until after the incident had been resolved, although the governor-general came from Seoul to visit Suetaka at the battlefront and to express appreciation in person. "It was quite proper to adhere to the policy of nonenlargement, but the Korea Army should have furnished more positive operational guidance in such a case when a subordinate division was in serious trouble." There were important lessons to be learned here, Tsuchiya recalled  "The 19th Division attacked the Russians twice in 36 hours without army orders or approval. How is it that the division commander, a lieutenant general and certainly not an reckless man, could have been allowed so much margin to act independently?" Some suggest that Suetaka tended to violate the spirit of the law, especially in force majeure. Others think that Suetaka was loyal, deliberate, and law-abiding, a worrier who could be expected to follow orders. Why risk one's career—one's life, given that self-censure loomed—when headquarters' decision was available? Military discipline and national interest dictated prior consultation and compliance. Or did Suetaka, like other notable generals, think gambles were justified by the goddess of Victory? I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. A daring Japanese night assault, led by Colonel Sato and his bold captains, threaded through fog, wire, and enemy fire. As dawn broke, the crest fell into Japanese hands, after brutal stand-ins on Hill 52 and Shachaofeng. Glinting grenades, roaring tanks, and disciplined infantry forged the victory, at a heavy price: dozens of officers and many men lost.   

Does the European Union have an ‘intelligent' green strategy that is failing in practice while Hungary pursues a ‘dumb' one that seems to work?In this episode of the Visegrad Insight Podcast, Wojciech Przybylski speaks with Hungarian journalist Vilmos Weiler about the surge of Chinese and Korean battery investments in Hungary and what this means for European competitiveness, economic security and environmental safety.This podcast is a part of our Europe Future Forum Polish-Hungarian Perspectives project. Through a programme of meetings with experts, political advisers and opinion leaders from both countries, we aim to explore Poland's and Hungary's perspectives on the transformations underway in the European Union at the threshold of an age of economic warfare. Supported by the Wacław Felczak Institute for Polish-Hungarian Cooperation.Watch on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f0ZVjpVC-rAListen on Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/5rS975XzpvScfteSbUFuaM?si=fA_K_aAVSkytXZmjQ15A4g

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Snow-Kissed Confessions: A Christmas Tale on Namiseom Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-12-15-23-34-02-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 첫눈이 내린 날, 진수는 남이섬으로 가는 배에 몸을 실었다.En: On the day the first snow fell, Jinsu boarded the boat heading to Namiseom.Ko: 하얗게 덮인 섬은 크리스마스 불빛으로 가득했고, 친구들 간의 웃음소리가 따뜻한 겨울 공기를 데우고 있었다.En: The island, blanketed in white, was aglow with Christmas lights, and the laughter among friends warmed the chilly winter air.Ko: 진수는 잠시 눈을 감고 깊은 숨을 들이마셨다.En: Jinsu closed his eyes for a moment and took a deep breath.Ko: 오늘이 특별한 하루가 되길 바랐다.En: He hoped today would be a special day.Ko: 남이섬에 도착하자, 민아와 현은 이미 기다리고 있었다.En: Upon arriving at Namiseom, Mina and Hyun were already waiting.Ko: "진수야, 여기야!" 현이 손을 흔들었다.En: "Jinsu, over here!" Hyun waved.Ko: 진수는 미소를 지으며 그들에게 다가갔다.En: Jinsu smiled as he approached them.Ko: 섬 구석구석을 둘러보며 셋은 즐거운 시간을 보냈다.En: As they explored every corner of the island, the three of them had a fun time.Ko: 눈 덮인 나무 사이를 지나며 산책하고, 따뜻한 코코아를 나누어 마셨다.En: They walked between the snow-covered trees and shared warm cocoa.Ko: 그러나 진수의 마음속에는 여전히 걱정이 가득했다.En: However, Jinsu's heart was still filled with worries.Ko: 그는 친구들과 멀어진 느낌이 들었고, 민아에게 자신의 마음을 어떻게 전할지 고민 중이었다.En: He felt a sense of distance from his friends, and he was contemplating how to express his feelings to Mina.Ko: 점심시간이 되자, 그들은 눈 위에 담요를 깔고 앉았다.En: By lunchtime, they spread a blanket over the snow and sat down.Ko: 진수는 큰 결심을 했다.En: Jinsu made a big decision.Ko: 주머니 속에 손을 넣어 작은 상자를 꺼냈다.En: He reached into his pocket and took out a small box.Ko: "민아야," 진수가 조심스럽게 말했다.En: "Mina," Jinsu said carefully.Ko: 민아는 놀란 듯 눈을 크게 떴다.En: Mina opened her eyes wide in surprise.Ko: "이거 네게 주고 싶어. 크리스마스 선물이야."En: "I want to give this to you. It's a Christmas present."Ko: 상자를 열자 안에는 반짝이는 팔찌가 있었다.En: When he opened the box, inside was a sparkling bracelet.Ko: "사실... 너를 좋아해. 정말 많이," 진수는 힘겹게 말을 이어갔다.En: "Actually... I like you. A lot," Jinsu continued with effort.Ko: 민아의 얼굴에는 부드러운 미소가 어렸다.En: A gentle smile appeared on Mina's face.Ko: "진수야, 나도 너 좋아해," 민아는 진솔한 목소리로 대답했다.En: "Jinsu, I like you too," Mina replied in a sincere voice.Ko: 진수는 마음이 편안해졌다.En: Jinsu felt at ease.Ko: 그동안의 걱정이 눈 녹듯 사라졌다.En: His previous worries melted away like the snow.Ko: 현은 기뻐하며 두 사람을 축하했다.En: Hyun joyfully congratulated the two.Ko: "이거야말로 최고의 크리스마스 선물이네!" 현은 크게 웃으며 말했다.En: "This really is the best Christmas gift!" Hyun said with a big laugh.Ko: 진수는 속으로 친구들의 진심을 느꼈다.En: Jinsu felt the sincerity of his friends deep inside.Ko: 눈이 여전히 포근히 내리며 섬을 감싸고 있었다.En: The snow continued to fall softly, wrapping around the island.Ko: 진수는 다시 한 번 깊이 숨을 들이마셨다.En: Jinsu took another deep breath.Ko: 이제 그는 확신했다.En: Now he was certain.Ko: 그의 친구들은 그를 소중히 여겼고, 그 자신도 친구들에게 솔직해질 수 있었다.En: His friends valued him, and he could be honest with them as well.Ko: 그 날, 남이섬은 추운 겨울에도 불구하고 그 어느 때보다 따뜻하게 느껴졌다.En: That day, Namiseom felt warmer than ever, despite the cold winter.Ko: 진수는 웃으며 말했다. "고마워, 친구들아. 다 널리 더 친해진 것 같아."En: Jinsu smiled and said, "Thank you, friends. I feel like we've grown even closer."Ko: 그의 마음은 한결 가벼워졌고, 그는 친구들과 함께 하는 순간들이 최고의 선물이라는 것을 깨달았다.En: His heart felt much lighter, and he realized that moments spent with friends were the greatest gift.Ko: 각자의 마음속에 따뜻함을 간직한 채, 그들은 크리스마스 행사를 더욱 즐겼다.En: Holding warmth in each of their hearts, they enjoyed the Christmas event even more.Ko: 낭만적인 겨울의 남이섬은 그들의 우정에 새롭고 빛나는 추억을 더했다.En: The romantic winter of Namiseom added new, shining memories to their friendship. Vocabulary Words:boarded: 탔다blanketed: 덮인aglow: 가득했고chilly: 춥다explored: 둘러보며cocoa: 코코아contemplating: 고민 중이다spread: 깔다bracelet: 팔찌sparkling: 반짝이는sincere: 진솔한congratulated: 축하했다sincerity: 진심wrapping: 감싸고certain: 확신valued: 소중히 여겼다honest: 솔직해질friendship: 우정romantic: 낭만적인shining: 빛나는memories: 추억laughter: 웃음소리decision: 결심effort: 힘겹게gentle: 부드러운previous: 그동안의softly: 포근히realized: 깨달았다held: 간직한event: 행사

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Building Bonds in Snow: A Team's Journey at Gyeongbokgung Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-12-15-08-38-19-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 서울의 겨울은 차갑고도 아름답다.En: Winter in Seoul is both cold and beautiful.Ko: 나는 프로젝트 매니저로서 팀원들과 함께 경복궁에 가기로 했다.En: As a project manager, I decided to go to Gyeongbokgung with my team members.Ko: 우리는 팀 빌딩 여행을 통해 서로를 이해하고 새로울 결속을 다지려고 한다.En: Through this team-building trip, we aim to understand each other and forge a new bond.Ko: 눈으로 덮인 궁궐은 마치 다른 세계처럼 고요하고 장엄하다.En: The palace, covered in snow, is serene and majestic, like another world.Ko: 나는 경복궁의 정원에서 신뢰 쌓기 연습을 준비했다.En: I prepared a trust-building exercise in the gardens of Gyeongbokgung.Ko: 그 날, 하늘은 맑고 공기는 상쾌하다.En: The sky was clear, and the air was refreshing that day.Ko: 내가 두려움을 숨기며 말했다. "모두 여기 모여주세요. 오늘 우리는 서로에게 마음을 열고 신뢰를 쌓아보겠습니다."En: Hiding my anxiety, I said, "Everyone, please gather here. Today, we are going to open our hearts to each other and build trust."Ko: 미소를 띠던 민준이는 나에게 다가와 말했다. "제가 먼저 해볼까요?" 그의 웃음은 따뜻했지만, 나는 그가 요즘 고민이 있는 것을 알고 있다.En: Minjun, with a smile on his face, approached me and said, "Shall I go first?" His smile was warm, but I knew he had been troubled lately.Ko: 우리는 간단한 게임을 시작했다.En: We started with a simple game.Ko: 서로의 이야기를 듣고, 서로를 믿는 연습을 한다.En: We listened to each other's stories and practiced trusting one another.Ko: 윤아는 조금 망설이는 듯했지만, 조금씩 참여하기 시작했다.En: Yuna seemed a little hesitant at first, but she gradually started participating.Ko: "솔직히, 저는 이게 좀 억지스럽다고 생각했어요," 윤아가 말했다. "하지만 진심으로 하면 괜찮을 것 같아요."En: "Honestly, I thought this was a bit forced," Yuna said. "But if we do it sincerely, I think it will be okay."Ko: 시간이 흘러, 우리는 경복궁 안쪽으로 걸어갔다.En: Time passed, and we walked further inside Gyeongbokgung.Ko: 그때 우리 귀에 전통 음악 소리가 들렸다.En: Then we heard the sound of traditional music.Ko: 겨울 소리, 한복을 입은 예술가들이 북을 치고 있었다.En: It was a winter sound, with artists dressed in hanbok playing drums.Ko: 우리는 그앞에 모였다.En: We gathered in front of them.Ko: 음악은 우리의 마음을 녹였다.En: The music melted our hearts.Ko: 나는 팀원들에게 물었다. "각자 내년의 목표가 무엇인가요?" 민준이 자신을 돌아봤다.En: I asked the team members, "What are your goals for next year?" Minjun reflected on himself.Ko: "저는... 제 능력을 더 믿고 싶어요," 그가 조심스럽게 말했다.En: "I want to believe in my abilities more," he said cautiously.Ko: 윤아는 우리에게 고백했다. "저는 동료들에게 더 진심을 전하고 싶어요."En: Yuna confessed to us, "I want to show more sincerity to my colleagues."Ko: 그녀의 말에 우리는 고개를 끄덕였다.En: We nodded at her words.Ko: 나도 용기 내어 말했다. "나는 여러분에게 완벽하지 않아도 괜찮다는 것을 보여주고 싶어요."En: Taking courage, I said, "I want to show you that it's okay not to be perfect."Ko: 마침내 우리는 버스로 돌아갔다.En: Finally, we returned to the bus.Ko: 모두의 표정이 한층 밝아졌다.En: Everyone's expressions were notably brighter.Ko: 나는 가슴 속에 따뜻함을 느낀다.En: I felt a warmth in my heart.Ko: 팀원들이 함께 웃고 이야기를 나누고 있었다.En: The team members were laughing and talking with each other.Ko: 이번 경복궁 방문은 단순한 여행이 아니었다.En: This visit to Gyeongbokgung was not just a simple trip.Ko: 우리는 함께 성장하고, 서로를 이해하게 되었다.En: We grew together and understood one another.Ko: 나에게 팀은 이제 단순한 동료가 아니다.En: To me, the team is no longer just colleagues.Ko: 신뢰와 존중이 가득한 가족 같다.En: It feels like a family full of trust and respect.Ko: 이 겨울, 나는 그 어떤 것보다 소중한 것을 배웠다.En: This winter, I've learned something more precious than anything else. Vocabulary Words:forge: 다지다serene: 고요한majestic: 장엄한anxiety: 두려움hesitant: 망설이는participate: 참여하다cautiously: 조심스럽게sincere: 진심confess: 고백하다notably: 한층precious: 소중한refreshing: 상쾌한gather: 모이다troubled: 고민이 있는exercise: 연습melted: 녹였다colleagues: 동료expressions: 표정bond: 결속trust: 신뢰smile: 미소hearts: 마음sound: 소리reflect: 돌아보다gather: 모여illuminate: 밝아지다goals: 목표courage: 용기artists: 예술가honestly: 솔직히

learn how to write ㅝ (wo)

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Bridging Hearts: A Tale of Reconciliation in the First Snow Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-12-14-08-38-20-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 부산 하늘 위로 첫눈이 내린다는 예보가 있었다.En: There was a forecast that the first snow would fall over the sky of Busan.Ko: 지민은 그 예보를 들었을 때, 마음이 급해졌다.En: When Jimin heard that forecast, he felt urgent.Ko: 지민의 손에는 손수 만든 특별한 장식이 있었다.En: In Jimin's hand, there was a special decoration he had made by hand.Ko: 그것을 동혁에게 전달해야 했다.En: He needed to deliver it to Donghyuk.Ko: 그는 요즘 가족 모임에 잘 나오지 않는다.En: Lately, Donghyuk hasn't been attending family gatherings.Ko: 지민은 동혁이 있는 북촌 한옥마을로 가야 했다.En: Jimin needed to go to Bukchon Hanok Village where Donghyuk was.Ko: 겨울이 시작된 북촌 한옥마을은 고요했다.En: Bukchon Hanok Village, which had just entered winter, was quiet.Ko: 전통적인 한옥이 줄지어 있는 언덕길은 이미 얇은 눈으로 덮여 있었다.En: The hillside lined with traditional hanok houses was already covered with a thin layer of snow.Ko: 바람이 차갑게 불어와 지민의 뺨을 스쳤다.En: The cold wind brushed against Jimin's cheeks.Ko: 지민은 시간이 많지 않음을 알았다.En: Jimin knew he didn't have much time.Ko: 첫눈이 오기 전에 동혁을 만나야 했다.En: He had to meet Donghyuk before the first snow arrived.Ko: 지민은 마음속으로 결심했다.En: Jimin made up his mind.Ko: 좀 더 험한 길을 선택하기로 했다.En: He decided to take a more difficult path.Ko: 그것은 시간 절약을 위한 대가였다.En: It was the price of saving time.Ko: 그 길은 눈으로 덮여 있어서 미끄러웠다.En: The path was slippery because it was covered in snow.Ko: 하지만 지민은 신중하게 조심하며 걸었다.En: However, Jimin walked carefully and cautiously.Ko: 추운 바람 속에서도 장식은 따뜻했다.En: Even in the cold wind, the decoration felt warm.Ko: 그것은 가족의 사랑을 담고 있었다.En: It contained the love of family.Ko: 드디어 지민은 도착했다.En: Finally, Jimin arrived.Ko: 동혁의 어린 시절 집 앞에서 기다렸다.En: He waited in front of Donghyuk's childhood home.Ko: 그 순간, 첫눈이 내리기 시작했다.En: At that moment, the first snow began to fall.Ko: 하늘에서 흩날리는 눈송이는 마치 축복 같았다.En: The snowflakes swirling from the sky seemed like a blessing.Ko: 동혁이 문을 열고 나왔다. 얼굴에 놀람이 가득했다.En: Donghyuk opened the door and came out, his face full of surprise.Ko: "지민?" 동혁이 말했다.En: "Jimin?" Donghyuk said.Ko: 지민은 두려움과 긴장으로 그의 눈을 바라보았다.En: Jimin looked into his eyes with fear and tension.Ko: "이거, 네게 주려고... 직접 만들었어." 지민은 장식을 내밀었다.En: "I made this... to give to you," said Jimin, holding out the decoration.Ko: 동혁은 잠시 말이 없었다.En: Donghyuk was silent for a moment.Ko: 하지만 이후에 그의 표정이 부드러워졌다.En: But his expression softened afterward.Ko: 그는 장식을 받아들였다.En: He accepted the decoration.Ko: 눈송이가 그들의 주위를 감싸며 내렸다.En: The snowflakes surrounded them as they fell.Ko: "고맙다, 지민아." 동혁이 말했다.En: "Thanks, Jimin-ah," Donghyuk said.Ko: 그 순간, 두 사람은 눈을 피하지 않았다.En: At that moment, neither of them avoided the snow.Ko: 그것은 작은 순간이었지만, 그들에게는 큰 의미였다.En: It was a small moment, but it held great meaning for them.Ko: 차가운 눈 속에서 그들의 마음은 따뜻해졌다.En: Amidst the cold snow, their hearts warmed.Ko: 작은 제스처가 사람들 사이의 거리를 좁힐 수 있다는 것을 지민은 깨달았다.En: Jimin realized that a small gesture could bridge the distance between people.Ko: 하늘에서는 꾸준히 눈이 내렸다.En: Snow continued falling steadily from the sky.Ko: 그것은 화해의 상징이었다.En: It was a symbol of reconciliation. Vocabulary Words:forecast: 예보urgent: 급해지다decoration: 장식attending: 참석하다gatherings: 모임들hillside: 언덕길layer: 층brushed: 스치다slippery: 미끄럽다cautiously: 조심스럽게expression: 표정softened: 부드러워지다symbol: 상징reconciliation: 화해swirling: 흩날리는blessing: 축복surrounded: 둘러싸다realized: 깨달았다gesture: 제스처bridge: 다리를 놓다, 연결하다distance: 거리steadily: 꾸준히quiet: 고요하다contain: 담고 있다delivered: 전달하다urgent: 긴급하다silent: 말이 없다moment: 순간meaning: 의미childhood: 어린 시절

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Serendipity in Snow: An Artist and Teacher's Inspiring Encounter Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-12-14-23-34-01-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 눈 내리는 겨울 아침, 진수는 남산에 올랐다.En: On a snowy winter morning, Jinsu climbed Namsan.Ko: 하얀 눈으로 덮인 산길이 그를 맞이했다.En: The mountain path, covered in white snow, welcomed him.Ko: 그는 조용히 걸으며 새로운 그림의 영감을 찾고 있었다.En: He walked silently, searching for inspiration for a new painting.Ko: 그런데, 그날 따라 그의 머릿속은 하얗게 비어 있었다.En: However, on that particular day, his mind was completely blank.Ko: 예술가로서 답답함이 밀려왔다.En: As an artist, a sense of frustration overwhelmed him.Ko: 그 시각, 은숙은 일상의 소음을 피해 남산으로 향했다.En: Around the same time, Eunsook headed to Namsan to escape the noise of everyday life.Ko: 교사로서 바쁜 그녀는 잠시나마 평화를 찾고 싶었다.En: As a busy teacher, she wanted to find a moment of peace.Ko: 남산의 맑은 공기와 하얀 세상 속에서 그녀는 자신을 되찾으려 했다.En: In the crisp air and white world of Namsan, she sought to rediscover herself.Ko: 두 사람은 서로 다른 목표를 가지고 같은 산길을 걷고 있었다.En: Both were walking the same mountain path with different goals.Ko: 그러다 진수는 은숙을 보았다.En: Then Jinsu saw Eunsook.Ko: 그녀는 따뜻한 목도리를 두르고, 가방에서 카메라를 꺼내 서울의 겨울 풍경을 찍고 있었다.En: She had a warm scarf wrapped around her neck and was taking out a camera from her bag to capture the winter scenery of Seoul.Ko: 그 모습이 진수에게 은근한 영감을 주었다.En: Her presence quietly inspired Jinsu.Ko: 진수는 잠시 망설이다가 은숙에게 다가갔다.En: After a moment of hesitation, Jinsu approached Eunsook.Ko: "안녕하세요," 그가 말했다.En: "Hello," he said.Ko: "사진이 참 예쁩니다."En: "Your photos are really beautiful."Ko: 은숙은 놀란 표정으로 그를 바라보다가 웃었다.En: Eunsook looked at him with a surprised expression and then smiled.Ko: "안녕하세요. 겨울의 서울은 참 아름답죠?"En: "Hello. Winter in Seoul is truly beautiful, isn't it?"Ko: 침묵이 흘렀다.En: A silence passed between them.Ko: 처음 만난 사람 사이의 어색함.En: The awkwardness of meeting someone for the first time.Ko: 하지만, 둘 다 그 침묵 속에서 편안함을 느꼈다.En: However, both felt a sense of comfort in that silence.Ko: 함께 정상까지 오른 두 사람은 서울을 내려다보았다.En: Having reached the summit together, they looked down on Seoul.Ko: 그 순간, 하늘에서 눈송이가 떨어지기 시작했다.En: At that moment, snowflakes began to fall from the sky.Ko: 테라스에서 눈속에 반짝이는 서울의 야경은 경이로웠다.En: From the terrace, the view of Seoul sparkling in the snow was magnificent.Ko: "여기서 뭘 그리고 싶나요?" 은숙이 물었다.En: "What do you want to paint here?" Eunsook asked.Ko: 진수는 잠시 생각하다가 대답했다. "당신이 찍은 서울처럼요.En: Jinsu thought for a moment and replied, "Like the Seoul you captured.Ko: 이 순간처럼."En: Like this moment."Ko: 은숙은 미소 지었다.En: Eunsook smiled.Ko: "우리 다시 만날래요?En: "Shall we meet again?Ko: 함께 서울의 겨울 축제를 즐기고 싶어요."En: I want to enjoy Seoul's winter festival together."Ko: 그래서 두 사람은 연락처를 교환했다.En: So they exchanged contact information.Ko: 그들은 약속했다.En: They promised.Ko: 진수는 새로운 경험에서 영감을 얻겠다고, 은숙은 더 느긋하게 현재를 즐기겠다고.En: Jinsu would seek inspiration from new experiences, and Eunsook would take more time to enjoy the present.Ko: 눈 오는 남산에서의 만남은 그들에게 새로운 시작을 의미했다.En: Their meeting on snowy Namsan signified a new beginning for them.Ko: 진수는 영감을 되찾았고, 은숙은 마음의 평화를 얻었다.En: Jinsu found his inspiration once more, and Eunsook regained her inner peace.Ko: 그날의 만남은 둘 모두에게 따뜻한 기억으로 남았다.En: The encounter became a warm memory for both of them. Vocabulary Words:snowy: 눈 내리는inspiration: 영감frustration: 답답함overwhelmed: 밀려왔다crisp: 맑은rediscover: 되찾으려scarf: 목도리capture: 찍고hesitation: 망설임expression: 표정awkwardness: 어색함summit: 정상snowflakes: 눈송이terrace: 테라스magnificent: 경이로운sparkling: 반짝이는moment: 순간festival: 축제exchanged: 교환했다contact information: 연락처promised: 약속했다experiences: 경험encounter: 만남signified: 의미했다regained: 되찾았다inner peace: 마음의 평화warm memory: 따뜻한 기억new beginning: 새로운 시작silence: 침묵peace: 평화

Sam Bankman-Fried BioSnap a weekly updated Biography.Sam Bankman-Fried, the fallen crypto kingpin serving a 25-year sentence at Brooklyns notorious Metropolitan Detention Center, made headlines this week as high-profile chatter swirls around his harsh fate. On Thursday, Anthony Scaramucci, the fiery former White House comms chief who lost big in FTXs collapse, told CNBC that Samb 25 years feels a bit too much, even as he slammed the fraud that victimized him and thousands more. Scaramucci, who penned a pardon letter for Binance ex-boss Changpeng Zhao—recently freed by Trump—hinted Samb lack of Trump ties seals his doom, adding as a Christian, the sentence seems onerous given the chaos aftermath. No pardon call though; he insists Sam deserved jail time.Prison buzz heated up too, with Business Insider and AOL reporting accused UnitedHealthcare slayer Luigi Mangione, fresh from solitary, poised to join Sam and Sean Diddy Combs in the jails 15-man protective custody unit by Monday—high-profile troublemakers bunking amid maggot meals and barbaric conditions that have dogged the Sunset Park hellhole. Sam, 32, stays mum there post his March fraud conviction for looting over eight billion in customer cash.Do Kwons Thursday sentencing to 15 years for his 40 billion TerraLuna scam—10 years lighter than Sams—stirred comparisons galore. BeInCrypto and Finance Magnates noted Kwons guilty plea, victim apologies, and looming Korean charges softened his US blow, unlike Sams evasive trial lies, perjury findings, and zero remorse that Judge Lewis Kaplan scorched. Law360 meanwhile flagged FTX customers pushing a 10 million Silvergate settlement for final approval on December 9, a trickle of justice years after the implosion.Book chatter lingers too, as The American Prospect reviewed David Z. Morriss Stealing the Future this week, painting Sam as a chameleon con artist who played media like a harp from Hell, chasing power via effective altruism hype. Amid crypto CEOs dropping like flies—Kwons lighter hit now a benchmark—no fresh Sam sightings, pleas, or posts surfaced, just echoes of his enduring infamy. Word count: 378Get the best deals https://amzn.to/3ODvOtaThis content was created in partnership and with the help of Artificial Intelligence AI

Joel Kim Booster jokes about being Korean in his Netfix special, "Psychosexual".

You never see them coming, and yet they never stop coming. From the beginning of popular music to today, offbeat songs just keep pushing into our consciousness. As much as we're conditioned to respond to formula-based songs that fit into established genres, the outliers just keep catching our attention and burrowing into our brains. Over the decades, there's been a singing nun and chanting monks, weird mini-musicals from the likes of Queen and Paul McCartney, unlikely foreign-language acts promoting red balloons, taxi drivers and whatever “Gangnam Style” was. Unconventional instruments, animals (including the performer who thought she was a cow), cheerleader-esque songs and mashed-up genres also found fame. And in just the last year we've seen the charts topped by everything from a song based on a Korean drinking game to a country hit that was completely invented by AI. On this week's “How We Heard It,” your hosts explore some of the strangest songs that have ever been made - funny, bizarre, racy, disturbing, catchy … and sometimes annoying in the long run. Expect the unexpected!

444,163 viewsStreamed live 12/12/25 #arestovych #shelest #war#arestovych #shelest #war #zelensky #trump #trumpplanFundraising for the 9th Brigade of the Special Operations Forces "Lavri Patriots"

When Kim Kardashian shared her Korean beauty treatment results, global interest exploded. Discover why Seoul has become the world's plastic surgery capital and how Korea's strict safety standards and leading-edge technology attract patients worldwide.https://www.lydianclinic.com/blog/kim-kardashian-prp-prf-treatment-korea/ Lydian Cosmetic Surgery Clinic City: Seoul Address: 836 Nonhyeon-ro, Sinsa-dong, Gangnam Website: https://www.lydianclinic.com/

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Rekindling Connections in the Snowy Splendor of Gyeongbokgung Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-12-13-08-38-20-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 겨울의 첫눈이 하늘에서 천천히 내려오고 있었다.En: The first snow of winter was slowly falling from the sky.Ko: 보름달 사진과 같은 경복궁의 아름다움은 눈 속에서 더 빛났다.En: The beauty of Gyeongbokgung was even more radiant, like a picture of a full moon, in the snow.Ko: 사람들은 가족들과 함께 궁궐을 돌아다니며 즐거운 시간을 보내고 있었다.En: People were spending a joyful time walking around the palace with their families.Ko: 진수는 가족들 사이에서 방황하듯 걸었다.En: Jinsu walked as if wandering among his family.Ko: 그는 고등학교 추억을 떠올리고 있었다. 특히, 민지를.En: He was reminiscing about his high school memories, especially those involving Minji.Ko: 그들의 우정은 갑자기 끝났고, 그 이유를 아직도 알 수 없었다.En: Their friendship had ended suddenly, and he still didn't know why.Ko: 그때, 멀지 않은 곳에서 누군가 그의 이름을 불렀다.En: Then, from not far away, someone called his name.Ko: "진수야!" 돌아보니, 그곳에는 민지가 서 있었다.En: "Jinsu!" When he turned around, there stood Minji.Ko: 그녀의 얼굴에는 미소가 가득했다.En: Her face was full of smiles.Ko: 진수의 마음은 갑자기 복잡해졌다.En: Suddenly, Jinsu's emotions became complicated.Ko: "오랜만이야, 민지야." 이야기는 자연스럽게 시작되었다.En: "It's been a while, Minji." The conversation started naturally.Ko: 벗겨진 이해와 말하지 않은 감정들이 공기 중에 떠다녔다.En: Unspoken emotions and peeled-off misunderstandings floated in the air.Ko: 그들은 천천히 경복궁의 고즈넉한 마당으로 걸어갔다.En: They slowly walked into the serene courtyard of Gyeongbokgung.Ko: 눈은 계속해서 내렸다.En: Snow continued to fall.Ko: 진수는 깊은 숨을 들이쉬었다.En: Jinsu took a deep breath.Ko: "우리가 왜 멀어졌는지 알고 싶어." 그의 목소리는 조심스러웠다.En: "I want to know why we drifted apart." His voice was cautious.Ko: 민지는 고개를 끄덕였다.En: Minji nodded.Ko: "나도 그래. 그때는 서로 많이 오해했어." 그녀의 눈에는 솔직함이 담겨 있었다.En: "Me too. Back then, we misunderstood each other a lot." There was honesty in her eyes.Ko: 그들은 눈 내리는 마당에서 오랫동안 이야기했다.En: They talked for a long time in the snowy courtyard.Ko: 진수는 그날의 사건들을, 민지는 자신의 마음을 솔직히 털어놓았다.En: Jinsu spoke about the events of that day, and Minji candidly shared her feelings.Ko: 그들은 서로의 아픔을 이해하고 있었다.En: They were understanding each other's pain.Ko: 대화 끝에, 두 사람은 서로에게 미소 지었다.En: At the end of the conversation, the two smiled at each other.Ko: "앞으로는 더 자주 연락하자." 민지가 제안했다.En: "Let's keep in touch more often from now on," Minji suggested.Ko: 진수는 고개를 끄덕이며 동의했다.En: Jinsu nodded in agreement.Ko: 그 순간, 진수는 마음의 짐이 조금 내려가는 것을 느꼈다.En: At that moment, Jinsu felt a little of his burden lift.Ko: 민지와의 사이에 다시 다리를 놓는 기분이었다.En: It felt like a bridge was being rebuilt between him and Minji.Ko: 그날 밤, 경복궁의 아름다움은 조금 더 특별하게 다가왔다.En: That night, the beauty of Gyeongbokgung felt a bit more special.Ko: 눈 속에서, 진수와 민지는 새로운 시작의 발걸음을 함께 내딛고 있었다.En: In the snow, Jinsu and Minji were taking the first steps of a new beginning together.Ko: 비록 모든 것이 완벽히 해결되지는 않았지만, 그들은 한 걸음 더 가까워졌다.En: Although not everything was perfectly resolved, they had taken a step closer.Ko: 진수는 사람 사이의 관계는 소통과 이해에서 시작된다는 것을 배웠다.En: Jinsu learned that relationships between people start with communication and understanding.Ko: 그 소중한 깨달음과 함께, 진수는 추운 겨울밤의 시원한 바람을 맞으며 집으로 돌아갔다.En: With that precious realization, Jinsu returned home, embracing the cool breeze of the cold winter night. Vocabulary Words:radiant: 빛나는reminiscing: 추억을 떠올리다wander: 방황하다misunderstanding: 오해serene: 고즈넉한courtyard: 마당cautious: 조심스러운drifted apart: 멀어지다honesty: 솔직함candidly: 솔직히understanding: 이해하다special: 특별한embracing: 맞다complicated: 복잡하다unspoken: 말하지 않은emotions: 감정peeling off: 벗겨진breeze: 바람burden: 짐bridge: 다리realization: 깨달음lift: 내리다steps: 발걸음resolve: 해결하다communication: 소통apart: 멀어지다joyful: 즐거운smile: 미소nod: 고개를 끄덕이다together: 함께

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Bonds in the Snow: A Winter Tale of Friendship and Strength Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-12-13-23-34-02-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 겨울의 맑은 공기가 고궁의 장대한 기와를 스치는 날이었다.En: It was a day when the clear winter air brushed against the grand tiles of the ancient palace.Ko: 경복궁의 하얀 눈이 풍경에 고즈넉함을 더하고 있었다.En: The white snow at Gyeongbokgung added a serene calmness to the scenery.Ko: 지수, 민준, 수아는 그 오래된 돌길을 밟으며 함께 투어를 하고 있었다.En: Jisoo, Minjun, and Sooa were taking a tour together, stepping on those old stone paths.Ko: 눈이 내린 경복궁은 마치 다른 세상 같은 아름다움을 자랑했다.En: The snow-covered Gyeongbokgung boasted a beauty that looked as if it belonged to another world.Ko: 지수는 공부와 가족의 기대에 지쳐 있었다.En: Jisoo was tired of her studies and her family's expectations.Ko: 오늘만큼은 모든 걸 잊고 친구들과 자유를 만끽하고 싶었다.En: Just for today, she wanted to forget everything and enjoy her freedom with friends.Ko: 그러나 그녀의 마음속에는 항상 그녀의 약점, 천식이 자리 잡고 있었다.En: However, she always had the shadow of her weakness, asthma, looming in her mind.Ko: 그런 약점을 친구들에게 보이고 싶지 않았다.En: She didn't want to show this weakness to her friends.Ko: 민준은 걱정 없이 웃음을 주는 친구였다.En: Minjun was a carefree friend who made people laugh.Ko: 그는 언제나 사람들을 즐겁게 하는 데에 탁월했지만, 지수를 향한 자신의 감정을 고백할 용기는 없었다.En: He was always great at making others happy, but he lacked the courage to confess his feelings to Jisoo.Ko: 수아는 언제나 친구들 사이를 잘 조율하며 그들의 마음을 이해했다.En: Sooa was adept at mediating between friends and understood their hearts well.Ko: 그녀는 지수를 보며 뭔가 불안함을 느꼈다.En: She sensed something amiss when she looked at Jisoo.Ko: "여기 정말 멋지지 않아?" 민준이 웃으며 말했다.En: "Isn't it just wonderful here?" Minjun said with a smile.Ko: "응, 정말 이 순간이 계속되면 좋겠다," 지수가 대답했다.En: "Yeah, I wish this moment could last forever," Jisoo replied.Ko: 그러나 그녀의 숨은 점점 더 가빠지고 있었다.En: However, her breathing was becoming increasingly labored.Ko: 차가운 공기가 폐로 들어오면서 그녀의 천식이 서서히 다가오고 있었다.En: As the cold air entered her lungs, her asthma gradually began to surface.Ko: 그녀는 크게 숨을 내쉬었다.En: She took a deep breath.Ko: 수아는 곧 이상함을 느꼈다.En: Sooa quickly sensed something was wrong.Ko: "지수, 너 괜찮아?" 그녀는 살피듯 물었다.En: "Jisoo, are you okay?" she asked tentatively.Ko: "어, 괜찮아. 정말이야," 지수는 억지로 미소 지으며 말했다.En: "Yeah, I'm fine. Really," Jisoo said, forcing a smile.Ko: 그러나 그녀의 얼굴은 창백했다. 피부는 땀에 젖어 있었다.En: But her face was pale, and her skin was damp with sweat.Ko: "정말 괜찮아 보여?" 민준이 걱정스레 물었다.En: "Do you really look okay?" Minjun asked with concern.Ko: 그 순간, 지수는 더 이상 숨쉴 수 없었다. 그녀는 무너지듯 땅에 주저앉았다.En: At that moment, Jisoo could no longer breathe and collapsed to the ground.Ko: 민준과 수아는 즉시 그녀에게 다가가 그녀를 도왔다.En: Minjun and Sooa immediately approached to help her.Ko: "지수야, 힘내! 우리 구급차를 부를게," 민준은 떨리는 목소리로 말했다.En: "Jisoo, hang in there! We'll call an ambulance," Minjun said in a trembling voice.Ko: 지수는 결국 자신의 약함을 인정하며, "미안해... 도와줘,"라고 작게 말했다.En: Finally admitting her weakness, Jisoo softly said, "I'm sorry... help me."Ko: 그녀는 두 친구의 지원 속에서 차분히 호흡을 맞춰갔다.En: She calmly regained her breath with the support of her two friends.Ko: 시간이 지나면서, 지수는 그곳에서 진정했고, 민준과 수아는 그녀 곁을 지켰다.En: As time passed, Jisoo recovered there, and Minjun and Sooa stayed by her side.Ko: 그들은 잃어버린 시간이 아니었다.En: It wasn't time wasted.Ko: 그날의 경험으로 그들은 서로의 진정한 친구가 되었다.En: Through that day's experience, they became true friends to each other.Ko: 나중에 지수는 두 친구에게 말했다. "고마워.En: Later, Jisoo told her two friends, "Thank you.Ko: 너희가 있어서 정말 다행이야."En: I'm really glad I have you."Ko: 수아는 웃으며 답했다. "우리가 서로 도울 수 있어서 좋았어."En: Sooa replied with a smile, "I'm glad we could help each other."Ko: 민준은 희미하게 웃으며 말했다. "우리 언제든 도와줄게, 알지?"En: Minjun smiled faintly and said, "We'll always help, you know?"Ko: 그날 이후, 지수는 자신의 약점을 더 이상 숨기지 않았다.En: After that day, Jisoo no longer hid her weaknesses.Ko: 그녀는 친구들과 함께하는 것이 무엇보다 소중하다는 것을 깨달았다.En: She realized that being with her friends was more valuable than anything.Ko: 그리고 그 모든 것 속에서, 그녀는 진정한 강함을 발견했다.En: Amidst it all, she discovered her true strength.Ko: 친구들은 그녀의 일부가 되었고, 그녀는 그들과 함께 할 미래를 더욱 기대했다.En: Her friends became a part of her, and she looked forward to a future with them.Ko: 경복궁의 맑은 하늘 아래, 그들의 우정은 더 깊어졌다.En: Under the clear skies of Gyeongbokgung, their friendship deepened even more. Vocabulary Words:serene: 고즈넉함calmness: 평온함ancient: 고대의expectations: 기대asthma: 천식looming: 다가오는confess: 고백하다courage: 용기adept: 능숙한mediating: 조율sensed: 느꼈다tentatively: 살피듯pale: 창백한damp: 젖은trembling: 떨리는admitting: 인정하다collapsed: 무너지듯 주저앉았다gasping: 헐떡거리며reassure: 안심시키다support: 지원recovered: 회복했다valuable: 소중한amidst: 가운데discovered: 발견했다future: 미래skies: 하늘experience: 경험genuine: 진정한faintly: 희미하게breathing: 호흡

Gina Darling joins The Steebee Weebee Show for the 2nd time!! We talk about: her dating experience with a Pastor's Kid cheating on her, the difficulties in dating Korean men, dealing with GRIFTERS: con artists who swindles people, especially through online platforms or social media, to make money through deceptive means, Steebee's nightmare- dealing with a demonic woman posing as his mother, and him losing another tooth, Korean Ghost Stories, how Gina met her current boyfriend, The Choi's, Tooth Butter: plaque "gunk" that builds up which causes bad breath , and much much more. Go this week to: www.youtube.com/steebeeweebee to watch. More Gina : https://www.instagram.com/missginadarling ** Now on iTunes:  https://goo.gl/CdSwyV ** Subscribe: https://goo.gl/d239PO Little Ray promises a Karma Boost if you join our Patreon: https://goo.gl/aiOi7J Or, click here for a one time Karma Boost. https://www.paypal.me/steebeeweebeeshow/2 More Steven: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/quangou Bandcamp: https://steebeeweebee.bandcamp.com/ Itunes: https://goo.gl/PSooa0 Twitch: https://www.twitch.tv/steebeeweebee Send stuff to: 1425 N. Cherokee Ave P.O. Box 1391 Los Angeles, CA 90093 

Friday Fail Series: Locked Out of Church Episode Title: Friday Fail Series: Locked Out of Church Host: Rob Skinner Podcast: The Rob Skinner Podcast

improve your listening skills by comparing different versions of "Stone Soup"

Elle & Christina are back this week to talk about the highly anticipated new K-drama Surely Tomorrow! (We asked Maddie if she would like to join....she said, hard pass

In this week's episode of The Korea Pro Podcast, John and Joon Ha begin by discussing South Korea's deepening domestic downturn, beginning with South Korea's job-to-applicant ratio collapsing to the lowest level since the 1998 Asian Financial Crisis. They assess how the labor freeze intersects with the chaebol capital strike, as nearly 60% of major firms halt 2026 investment plans amid tax, labor and decarbonization pressures. They then discuss Mexico's 35% tariff wall targeting Asian supply chains — a move that directly threatens the logistics model used by Korean automotive and electronics firms for decades. They then discuss the Federal Reserve's quarter-point rate cut, evaluating what impact it may have on South Korea. Turning to defense and security, the hosts review Peru's agreement to purchase 54 K2 tanks and 141 K808 armored vehicles, a deal marking South Korea's largest ground-systems export to Latin America. They also discuss the fallout from the Unification Church scandal, culminating in the resignation of the oceans minister. The episode closes with a look ahead to next week's developments: Laotian President Thongloun Sisoulith's visit to Seoul for a summit focused on economic and security cooperation, and National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac's trip to Washington for high-stakes consultations on nuclear-powered submarines, enrichment capabilities and South Korea's defense spending commitments under the new U.S.-ROK strategic framework. About the podcast: The Korea Pro Podcast is a weekly conversation hosted by Korea Risk Group Executive Director Jeongmin Kim, Editor John Lee and correspondent Joon Ha Park, delivering deep, clear analysis of South Korean politics, diplomacy, security, society and technology for professionals who need more than headlines. Uploaded every Friday. This episode was recorded on Thursday, Dec. 11, 2025. Audio edited by Gaby Magnuson

Send us a textKeywordsKorean supercars, Genesis, Lexus LFA, performance cars, electrification, automotive industry, luxury cars, supercar market, brand heritage, car enthusiastsSummaryIn this conversation, Adam and John explore the evolving landscape of supercars, focusing on the emergence of Korean brands like Genesis and their ambitious new models. They discuss the implications of electrification, the legacy of the Lexus LFA, and the challenges faced by traditional European manufacturers. The hosts delve into the balance between prestige and performance, the importance of brand heritage, and the future of supercars in a rapidly changing automotive market.TakeawaysHyundai's luxury brand Genesis is entering the supercar market with bold ambitions.The Magma series from Genesis represents a significant shift towards performance.There is a debate on whether Genesis is chasing prestige or performance.The Lexus LFA remains a benchmark for sound and performance in supercars.Electrification is reshaping the supercar landscape, but may lack the visceral experience of traditional engines.Brand heritage plays a crucial role in consumer perception of supercars.Korean brands are challenging the dominance of European supercar manufacturers.The future of supercars may involve a mix of hybrid and electric technologies.Consumer preferences are shifting towards performance and reliability over brand legacy.The automotive industry is witnessing a new era of competition and innovation.TitlesKorean Supercars: A New Era BeginsGenesis and the Magma Series: Performance RedefinedSound bites"Is Genesis chasing prestige or performance?""The LFA is a crazy story.""Genesis is the newcomer with big ambitions."Chapters00:00 The Rise of Korean Supercars02:51 Genesis and the Magma Series05:49 Chasing Prestige vs. Performance08:39 The Legacy of the Lexus LFA11:29 The Future of Supercars14:22 The Impact of Electrification17:11 Market Dynamics and Brand Heritage20:01 The Challenge to European Dominance22:51 The Evolution of Performance Cars25:40 Consumer Preferences in the Supercar Market28:36 Final Thoughts on the New Era of SupercarsSupport the show

Learn how Korean stem cell therapy provides medical tourists an affordable, non-surgical alternative to fix shoulder arthritis pain. Discover why Korea leads in regenerative medicine, what the treatment involves, and how it compares to traditional options.https://www.lydianclinic.com/stemcelleng/ Lydian Cosmetic Surgery Clinic City: Seoul Address: 836 Nonhyeon-ro, Sinsa-dong, Gangnam Website: https://www.lydianclinic.com/

learn about catching up with friends and expressing possession

Jamie is joined by Bryan Quinby, formerly of Street Fight Radio and currently of Guys: With Bryan Quinby, to discuss Yorgos Lanthimos' latest piece of wackypants cinema. In this remake of the 2003 Korean film "Save the Green Planet," a wingnut named Teddy (Jesse Plemons) kidnaps girlboss big pharma CEO Michelle Fuller (Emma Stone) because he thinks she's an alien who's killing the bees. Themes of paranoia, atomization, niche internet culture, and...Stav?! Bryan uses his PhD in guy-ology to determine what kind of guy Teddy is. Check out Guys: With Bryan Quinby: patreon.com/GuysPodcast *** SIGN UP NOW at https://patreon.com/partygirls to get the full version of this episode, all other bonus content, Discord access, and a shout out on the pod! Follow us on ALL the Socials: Instagram: @party.girls.pod TikTok: @party.girls.pod Twitter: @partygirlspod BlueSky: @partygirls.bsky.social Leave us a nice review on Apple Podcasts or Spotify if you feel so inclined: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/party-girls/id1577239978 https://open.spotify.com/show/71ESqg33NRlEPmDxjbg4rO Executive Producer: Andrew Callaway Producers: Ryan M., Jon B., Charlotte Albrecht (emeritus) Design: Julie J.

Send us a textBall Watching hosts, Jake Koenig and Justin Graham, recap SLU Men's Elite 8 win over Akron and other NCAA results with local impacts, chat about the MLS Cup Final, talk about the US Open Cup schedule, break down the World Cup draw, and a whole lot more!Follow the show on X and/or Instagram (@BallWatchingSTL)! Find our guest interviews and all episodes in video form on YouTube by searching https://www.youtube.com/@ballwatchingSTL. Be sure to hit subscribe and turn notifications on!Hoffmann Brothers is the 2025 presenting sponsor of Ball Watching! Headquartered right here in St. Louis for over 40 years, Hoffmann Brothers is a full-service residential & commercial provider, providing Heating, Air Conditioning, Plumbing, Drains, Sewer, Water Heaters, Duct Cleaning, Electrical and Appliance Repair services. Visit them online at hoffmannbros.com!Make The Pitch Athletic Club & Tavern (thepitch-stl.com) your St. Louis CITY SC pregame and postgame destination for all your food and drink needs! Tell them your friends at Ball Watching sent you... Seoul Juice is the official drink of Ball Watching and made with three clean simple ingredients: water, organic lemon juice, and Korean pear juice. Get yours at Dierbergs, Sams Club, or online at seouljuice.com. Use code "BALLWATCHING" at checkout for 20% off all online orders!Shop in-store or online at Series Six (seriessixcompany.com) and receive a 15% discount on all orders storewide using code "BALLWATCHING" at checkout!

This week, Jun and Daniel catch up on a busy month of events, kicking things off with Daniel's participation in "No Shave November" and the cultural stigma surrounding beards in Korea. The conversation moves to a visit to a US Army base for Halloween, which sparks a debate about cultural differences in fairness and connections highlighted by a specific incident involving a pizza order. Daniel also vents about his frustration with household items constantly breaking in Korea, leading to a broader discussion on consumerism, manufacturing quality, and the "fast fashion" mindset that permeates daily life.If you're interested in hearing a deep dive into why Americans identify so strongly with their driver's licenses compared to Korea's centralized resident ID system, or the sociological flip where Americans trust their neighbors but distrust the government while Koreans generally feel the opposite, this episode is for you. We also discuss the intense fitness culture of HYROX, differing attitudes toward pregnancy and activity, the reality of job stability and layoffs in the AI era, and Daniel's realization that after four years, he finally feels completely settled and comfortable living in Korea.As a reminder, we publish our episodes bi-weekly from Seoul, South Korea. We hope you enjoy listening to our conversation, and we're so excited to have you following us on this journey!Living the Dream with CurveballOn the living the dream with curveball podcast I interview guests that inspire.Listen on: Apple Podcasts Support the showWe hope you enjoy listening to our conversation, and we're so excited to have you following us on this journey!Support us on Patreon:https://patreon.com/user?u=99211862Follow us on socials: https://www.instagram.com/koreanamericanpodcast/https://twitter.com/korampodcasthttps://www.tiktok.com/@koreanamericanpodcastQuestions/Comments/Feedback? Email us at: koreanamericanpodcast@gmail.com Member of the iyagi media network (www.iyagimedia.com)

“Is Chili's Skillet Queso really back for good—or is this just a McRib-style tease?” That's where today's Ben and Skin Show kicks off, as Ben Rogers, Jeff “Skin” Wade, Kevin “KT” Turner, and Krystina Ray dive into the viral return of Chili's iconic appetizer and the hilarious social media exchange that followed. From there, the crew unpacks the genius behind Chili's marketing strategy, speculates on whether this was all a calculated outrage campaign, and debates if skillet queso is powerful enough to send you sprinting to the Korean embassy bathroom floor.But the laughs don't stop there. Skin shares one of the darkest and funniest celebrity stories ever—a jaw-dropping clip from Conan's podcast with Will Arnett.

Nathan and Ryan cross the DMZ (metaphorically) to talk about Joint Security Area (2000), Park Chan-wook's breakout thriller that blends political tension, mystery, and emotional drama in a story set at the border between North and South Korea. The hosts dig into the film's Rashomon-style structure, its look at fractured brotherhood, early hints of Park's signature style, and why this film still resonates as one of the strongest anti-war statements of its era. From bullets to bittersweet bonds, Drive-In Double Feature heads into one of the most gripping “what really happened?” mysteries in modern Korean cinema.

Structured in two almost novella-like sections, “Hard Margins” follows Wyoming's Towuk tribe. The story begins in the spring of 1958 and is told by Danny Hubbard, a Korean war veteran, who has taken this remote BIA position for a chance to remake his life...Out of a mixture of duty and boredom, Hubbard begins to read the reports written by his BIA predecessors, dating back to the 1870s, looking for answers. It's here he discovers the record left by Agent Dorrance, who almost religiously believed in his mandate, to work “for the welfare and improvement of the Indians.”Dorrance is an amazing creation, a man who can be admired and reviled on the same page. A Civil War veteran turned correspondent for Horace Greeley's New York Tribune, he quickly becomes a devotee of Greeley's idea of an agrarian utopia in the West, made famous with the phrase, “Go West, young man.”We often think that ideas such as Manifest Destiny and the needs of a growing population made western expansion a fait accompli, but Delaney's novel reminds readers about the mood of the country after the Civil War.The long, bloody conflict gave rise to a generation who wanted to believe their sacrifice meant something, which led many to utopian philosophies about how the spiritual connection of men to the land could undo the corruption of governments and cities. For many, the supposedly unpopulated West could be a chance to reinvent America, and leave behind the worst aspects of human nature.Edward J. Delaney is an award-winning author, journalist, and filmmaker. His books include the novels Follow the Sun, Broken Irish, and Warp & Weft, and the short story collection The Drowning and Other Stories. His short fiction has also been published in The Atlantic and Best American Short Stories, and featured on PRI's Selected Shorts program. Among other honors, he has received the PEN/New England Award, O. Henry Prize, and a National Endowment for the Arts Fellowship. He is also the co-author of Born to Play, by Boston Red Sox second baseman Dustin Pedroia. As a journalist, Delaney has written for publications including the Denver Post and Chicago Tribune, received the National Education Reporting Award, and has served as an editor at the Neiman Journalism Lab at Harvard University. As a filmmaker, he has directed and produced documentary films including The Times Were Never So Bad: The Life of Andre Dubus and Library of the Early Mind.Born and raised in Massachusetts, Delaney has also spent time in Georgia, Florida, and Colorado, and now lives in Rhode Island, where he teaches at Roger Williams University and edits the literary journal Mount Hope.#authorpodcast #podcast #edwardjdelaney #speakingofwriterspodcast

Sometimes I wish I could just have the intro paragraph to an episode be GAAHHHHHHH THIS ONE WAS SO FUN! So this is my version of that: telling you that I wish it could be that, and then also telling you that we go deep on so many components of the global spread (and embrace) of Korean pop culture. We go into the calculated political elements, the uncanny elision of North Korean stories, and why so many of the Korean narratives resonating with American audiences are ones crafted by Korean-Americans. This is a really effusive and loving episode that also manages to have some very real talk about why kids dressing up as characters from K-Pop Demon Hunters is not yellow face. IT'S SO GOOD, and I know we're gonna have a great discussion about it. ALSO GUESS WHAT, WE HAVE VERY GOOD EPISODES TRANSCRIPTS NOW! They come out within 24 hours of the pod, so you just have to be a little patient and then come back and click here. We pay an actual human for help with these, so thank you for either being a paid subscriber or listening to the ads that make this model possible! If you're a paid subscriber and haven't yet set up your subscriber RSS feed in your podcast player, here's the EXTREMELY easy how-to .And if you're having any other issues with your Patreon subscription — please get in touch! Email me at annehelenpetersen @ gmail OR submit a request to Patreon Support. Thank you for making the switch with us — the podcast in particular is much more at home here!Thanks to the Sponsors of Today's Episode! Stop putting off those doctors appointments and go to Zocdoc.com/CULTURE to find and instantly book a top-rated doctor today.Head to Graza.co/CULTURESTUDY and use code CULTURESTUDY to get 10% off your order and get cooking this holiday season with some fresh, delicious olive oil!Visit moshlife.com/CULTURE to save 20% off plus FREE shipping on the best sellers trial pack or the new plant-based trial pack.Go to shopremi.com/CULTURE and use code CULTURE to receive 55% off  your new nightguard PLUS a free foam gift.Show Notes:GO LISTEN TO BIG KOREAN ENERGY!!! And then go find out a lot more about The Mash-Up AmericansSubscribe to The Mash-Up Americans newsletter for updates Really cannot recommend Episode 1 highly enough — it puzzle pieces so well with what we talk about for each of these questions A good secondary listen: our episode with Elise Hu about the Sephora Teen Freakout and my interview with Elise re: her book on K-Beauty We also reference this episode on The Irishification of Pop Culture with Caroline O'Donoghue REP SWEATSTHE KOREAN VEGAN!R.O. Kwon's appearance on Big Korean EnergySusan Choi's Flashlight, Min Jin Lee's Pachinko, Lisa See's Island of Sea Women I try to remember the name of Kim Ji-Young, Born 1982 by Cho Nam-Joo We're currently looking for your questions for future episodes about:Questions About How to Respond When People Ask/React To the Knowledge That You're Not Having Kids'90s Movie SoundtracksHow we think about the morality of money and taxes — who should pay taxes, who shouldn't, who "deserves" money, who doesn't, how we came to decide that religious organizations shouldn't pay taxes (and how that belief is changing), SO MUCHHow to process all the STUFF accumulated from relatives (we have a really helpful organizer with a bunch of mental health training for this one!) The State of The CHAIN RESTAURANT — and chain restaurant supply chain!!! (I'm so excited for this one) Anything you need advice or want musings on for the AAA segment. You can ask about anything, it's literally the name of the segmentAs always, you can submit your questions (and ideas for future eps) hereFor this week's discussion: What's your favorite manifestation of BIG KOREAN ENERGY right now?

Episode Summary: We're back with a short one, and the last one of 2025! In this week's episode of your favorite Korean Adoptee podcast, the Janchi Boys sit down and talk about whether or not we can trust our origin stories, and have further reflections on the TRC Report — Human Rights Violations in Intercountry AdoptionShow Resources:Full English Language version of the reportPatrick's Substack Reflection (and new podcast, “From the Kitchen Table”)---// Support the Show!Online at janchishow.com / @janchishowSupport the show at janchishow.com/supportJoin our Facebook Group! janchishow.com/afterpartyWatch our Youtube VideosLeave a voicemail! 972-677-8867Write us a note: janchishow@gmail.comThe Janchi Show Quick BioThe Janchi Show focuses on exploring intersectional identities and current events through the lens of adoption, race, lived experience and more. Sometimes we have guests, and sometimes it's just the three of us. Either way, it's always a janchi!// Meet the Janchi Boys!Nathan NowackNathan (he/him) is a transracial Korean American adoptee who was born in Seoul in the 1970s. He was adopted at the age of 5 months old and raised in a small town in Oklahoma along with a non-biological Korean adopted sister.  After going to college in Colorado he later moved to Los Angeles to pursue a digital media career and eventually started 2 photography companies.  He loves spending time with his wife and 3 kids, playing golf, and collecting Lego. He is in reunion with his biological family as the youngest of 7 and has been in contact since 2015.  He currently serves on the Advisory Council for KAAN and helps with the planning of their annual adoptee conference.  In 2021, Nathan and his family moved back to Colorado to be closer to family and start a new chapter in their lives.  Connect with Nathan!Website: http://www.coverve.comInstagram: http://instagram.com/nnowackPatrick ArmstrongPatrick Armstrong (he/him) is a transracial Korean American adoptee, podcaster, speaker, and community facilitator. He is one of the hosts of the Janchi Show, a podcast that explores and celebrates the experiences and stories of Korean adoptees everywhere. He also is host of Conversation Piece with Patrick Armstrong, a podcast where he discusses the missing pieces of the conversations we're already having. He is a cofounder of the Asian Adoptees of Indiana, a group dedicated to creating a safe, engaging community for all Asian adoptees who need it. He is currently based in Indianapolis with his wife and cat. Connect with Patrick!Website: http://patrickintheworld.meLinkedIn: http://linkedin/in/patrickintheworldInstagram: http://instagram.com/patrickintheworldK.J. Roelke (@kjroelke)KJ (he/him) was adopted from Daegu and raised in Dallas, Texas with his two biological, older siblings and his younger sister, adopted from Russia. After spending a decade in the Midwest for college and career, he and his wife are back in Dallas and living large! He has been on his journey of discovery since 2015 and spends his days as a web developer for the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma.Connect with K.J.!Website: https://kjroelke.online/LinkedIn: https://linkedin/in/kjroelkeInstagram: https://instagram.com/kjroelke// Listen to/Watch The Janchi Show on all major platforms:Apple: http://janchishow.com/appleSpotify: http://janchishow.com/spotifyYoutube: http://janchishow.com/youtubeGratitude & CreditsMichelle Nam for our logo and brandingJerry Won for bring us togetherThis show is created and produced by Patrick, Nathan and KJ and is the sole property of the Janchi Show, LLC.

An insecure Korean-American woman struggles with old resentments against her beautiful best friend, exposing the impossible beauty standards that caused them. https://www.instagram.com/iwishiwere_pretty/ Conversation with actor/director Hanah Chang & Producer Quand C. Robinson Director Statement I Wish I Were Pretty is not just the title, but also a phrase I have constantly thought since I was old enough to understand that with beauty comes power. Many of the elements included in this story are inspired by my personal experiences. One of my constants while growing up was hearing my mother say to me that I would be prettier if I had “ssanggeopul” (double eyelids). I will never forget the drunk customer from my bartending days who asked me to bring him a pretty server. And more recently, when my father saw a K-Pop music video and asked if that is the kind of thing I want to do, his then-girlfriend said “that is for the young and beautiful.” These experiences were painful, and I wanted to redeem them by turning them into part of my art. The struggle to feel that we are enough is felt across all genders. As I was revising the script, I sent it to a family friend in the film industry in Korea, only to find out he had just recently undergone plastic surgery. I both hate that he felt that he had to make that choice and understand it. After all, I can understand how much emotional turmoil he had to suffer for him to decide to permanently alter his physical appearance. Because I know how important representation is both in front of and behind the camera, I hope this film will be inspiring specifically for folks who work in the industry. I am so proud to state that I made this film with a crew of mostly womxn/people of color from beginning to end! For these reasons and more, I believe this film will be impactful, influential, and monumental. There are already many Korean dramas and movies about beauty standards, but the story typically begins after the protagonist undergoes plastic surgery. My intention with ‘I Wish I Were Pretty' is never to judge anyone who chooses that, but to provide a fresh take and a different way to deal with what we have internalized. And my hope is that we will learn to be kinder to and more accepting of ourselves as we are. —— Subscribe to the podcast: https://twitter.com/wildsoundpod https://www.instagram.com/wildsoundpod https://www.facebook.com/wildsoundpod

Send us a textFairfax criminal lawyer Jonathan Katz knows the power of a compellingly persuasive story. The elements of such a story can include setting a vivid scene, often with word pictures, a keen sense of the audience, and full engagement with the listeners. The story must not get lost in the translation. All of that lends itself well to this podcast episode's interviewee Matty Wegehaupt, who is an instructor of East Asian studies at Lawrence University in Appleton, Wisconsin. Matty first came to Jon Katz's attention in his role as English translator of the great collection of the late Korean Buddhist teacher Beopjeong Sunim's writings, entitled May All Beings Be Happy. In this translation, Matty does an excellent job in conveying the words and essence of Beopjeong. With so many speakers of English as a second language in Northern Virginia, Jon Katz repeatedly represents clients whose first language is not English. When a language interpreter is needed, the right interpreter is needed, not merely someone fully bilingual in two languages, but someone who has the personal and cultural sensitivity to sufficiently convey the meaning of the speaker and to assist the testifying witness in understanding what is being asked of the witness. The interpreter must have the attention and readiness to ask a speaker to repeat what the interpreter does not sufficiently hear, while also paying sufficient attention to what is being said. Matty fully understands that. Interpreting and translating is an art, rather than some sort of robotic exercise. Listen to Matty's telling of his journey from the Air Force Academy to leaving the academy when recognizing that warfare was not for him, ultimately choosing to learn in Korea, and learning the language when doing so was with fewer resources than today. Matty talks about the greatness of Beopjeong Sunim, the lessons and ideas from Beopjeong's life and writings, Beopjeong's experience during the Korean dictatorship, and his ability to relate well with a wide range of people. Matty talks not only about the importance of not fearing death, but also not fearing life. This shedding of fear is so very important for fighting in court. Going one step further about not fearing life involves fully engaging with the people and circumstances around us, no matter how seemingly unpleasant or not, which is also essential in court. Treading one's own powerful path is also vital for trial lawyers. In that regard, Matty here talks about how he disregarded Beopjeong's wish for his writings not to continue in publication after his passing, to the point that after Beopjeong's passing, Matty translated this monk's Pure and Fragrant collection of essays. Matty's clear voice shines throughout this interview. ____This episode is also available on YouTube at https://youtu.be/Ykhyv_iCQhg.This podcast with Fairfax, Virginia criminal / DUI lawyer Jon Katz is playable on all devices at podcast.BeatTheProsecution.com. For more information, visit https://KatzJustice.com or contact us at info@KatzJustice.com, 703-383-1100 (calling), or 571-406-7268 (text). If you like what you hear on our Beat the Prosecution podcast, please take a moment to post a review at our Apple podcasts page (with stars only, or else also with a comment) at https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/beat-the-prosecution/id1721413675

Sheena Chestnut Greitens sat down with Ambassador Kang Kyung-wha, the Republic of Korea's ambassador to the United States. Recorded before a live audience at The University of Texas at Austin on December 3, the conversation explores the deepening alignment between Seoul and Washington. Ambassador Kang and Dr. Greitens discuss the implementation of the recent $350 billion Korean government-led investment in the United States, focusing on seven key sectors including shipbuilding, semiconductors, and nuclear energy. The discussion addresses the challenges of workforce training and visa policy following recent immigration enforcement actions in Georgia. The conversation also covers the shifting geopolitical landscape, specifically the implications of deepened military cooperation between North Korea and Russia. Finally, the ambassador outlines priorities for modernizing the alliance, including the transfer of wartime operational control and cooperation on nuclear fuel cycles and nuclear-powered submarines. This event was supported by the Asia Policy Program at The University of Texas at Austin, the Clements Center for National Security, the Strauss Center for International Security and Law, the LBJ School of Public Affairs, and the Korea Economic Institute of America.

Send us a textEver wonder how a Republic of Korea Recon Marine ends up passing the bar in the U.S.?Minjoon Kim's journey—from freezing Korean night hikes to earning his place at a California law firm—proves that grit and legacy outlast hardship. His path shows how discipline, humility, and a deep respect for family history can reshape an entire trajectory.He brings us into recon life: brutal weather, relentless training, and the humor that kept both ROK and U.S. Marines pushing forward. The rations may have been questionable, but the standard never was.Off the battlefield, Minjoon reflects on leading with kindness, tuning out the noise, and why the strongest Marines never start with “I.” Legacy—Korea, Vietnam, Desert Storm—became his compass more than rank ever could.Stay unarmored, stay authentic, and stay mentally fit. And as always — I'm praying for you all. God bless.Key Takeaways

The fifth installment of Fresh Immigrants, Rotten Fascists introduces us to the Yi family - Korean immigrants chasing the American dream in Arkansas, led by patriarch Jacob (Steven Yeun). MINARI was a bit of an awards darling in the midst of COVID, and it even nabbed a Best Supporting Actress Oscar for Youn Yuh-jung for her role as the family's disruptive grandma. So get some kimchi to snack on, and listen to us discuss the trials and tribulations of farmers in the 80s!Thank you for checking this new project out, whether you are a long-time Contrarians fan or someone who's just trying to listen to people talking positively about immigrants and negatively about fascism. If you have any recommendations for future entries in the series, let us know!- Many thanks to the amazing Jordan Cooper for composing our intro and outro. Fantastic collaborator to work with - and he has a They Might Be Giants podcast: DON'T LET'S START. You can also check out Jordan's band TROUBLE'S AFOOT on Bandcamp!- Interested in more Contrarians goodness? Join THE CONTRARIANS SUPPLEMENTS on our Patreon Page! Deleted clips, extended plugs, bonus episodes free from the Tomatometer shackles… It's everything a Contrarians devotee would want!- Our YouTube page is live! Get some visual Contrarians delight with our Contrarians Warm-Ups and other fun videos!- Our buddy Cory Ahre is being kind enough to lend a hand with the editing of some of our videos. If you like his style, wait until you see what he does over on his YouTube Channel.- THE LATE NIGHT GRIN isn't just a show about wrestling: it's a brand, a lifestyle. And they're very supportive of our Contrarian endeavors, so we'd like to return the favor. Check out their YouTube Channel! You might even spot Alex there from time to time.- Hans Rothgiesser, the man behind our logo, can be reached at @mildemoniospe on Instagram or you can email him at mildemonios@hotmail.com in case you ever need a logo (or comics) produced. And you can listen to him talk about economy on his new TV show, VALOR AGREGADO. Aaaaand you can also check out all the stuff he's written on his own website. He has a new book: a sort of Economics For Dummies called MARGINAL. Ask him about it!

Get MORE Bad Friends at our Patreon!! https://www.patreon.com/c/badfriends Thank you to our Sponsors: Dominos, Rocket Money, Shopify, Raycon, Quince & Simplisafe • Dominos: Order now at https://dominos.com • Rocket Money: Cancel your unwanted subscriptions and reach your financial goals faster with Rocket Money. Go to https://RocketMoney.com/BADFRIENDS today. • Shopify: Sign up for your $1 per month trial and start selling today at https://shopify.com/badfriends • Raycon: Go to https://buyraycon.com/badfriendsOPEN to get up to 20% off during this holiday season. Thanks Raycon for sponsoring! • Quince: Go to https://Quince.com/BADFRIENDS for free shipping on your order and 365-day returns. • Simplisafe: This month only, take 50% off any new system at https://SIMPLISAFE.com/BADFRIENDS YouTube Subscribe: http://bit.ly/BadFriendsYouTube Audio Subscribe: https://apple.co/31Jsvr2 Merch: http://badfriendsmerch.com 0:00 Hispanic Or Latino? 5:00 Cancer Surgeon 10:00 Ombre 15:00 Meeting Yuki Tsunoda 20:00 Bryce L.A. Howard 25:20 Elephant Ghosts 30:00 Cow Poo Cologne 34:30 Marge and Barbara's Clam Chowder 39:00 Eddie Murphy Documentary 45:00 Carbon Monoxide Detector 50:00 Rudy's Mom 55:00 Savoring My Sovereignty 1:00:00 Sub in a Tub 1:05:00 Koreans in the Philippines 1:10:00 Frog Those Pants More Bobby Lee TigerBelly: https://www.youtube.com/tigerbelly Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/bobbyleelive Twitter: https://twitter.com/bobbyleelive Tickets: https://bobbylee.live More Andrew Santino Whiskey Ginger: https://www.youtube.com/andrewsantinowhiskeyginger Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/cheetosantino Twitter: https://Twitter.com/cheetosantino Tickets: http://www.andrewsantino.com More Fancy SOS VHS: https://www.youtube.com/@7EQUIS Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/fancyb.1 More Bad Friends iTunes: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/bad-friends/id1496265971 Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/badfriendspod/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/badfriends_pod Official Website: http://badfriendspod.com/ Opening Credits and Branding: https://www.instagram.com/joseph_faria & https://www.instagram.com/jenna_sunday Credit Sequence Music: http://bit.ly/RocomMusic // https://www.instagram.com/rocom Character Design: https://www.instagram.com/jeffreymyles Bad Friends Mosaic Sign: https://www.instagram.com/tedmunzmosaicart Produced by: 7EQUIS https://www.7equis.com/ Podcast Producer: Andrés Rosende This video contains paid promotion. #bobbylee #andrewsantino #badfriends #sponsored #ad Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the battle of lake Khasan. On a frost-bitten dawn by the Chaun and Tumen, two empires, Soviet and Japanese, stared at Changkufeng, each certain the ridge would decide their fate. Diplomats urged restraint, but Tokyo's generals plotted a bold gamble: seize the hill with a surprise strike and bargain afterward. In the Japanese camp, a flurry of trains, orders, and plans moved in the night. Officers like Sato and Suetaka debated danger and responsibility, balancing "dokudan senko", independent action with disciplined restraint. As rain hammered the earth, they contemplated a night assault: cross the Tumen, occupy Hill 52, and strike Changkufeng with coordinated dawn and night attacks. Engineers, artillery, and infantry rehearsed their movements in near-poetic precision, while the 19th Engineers stitched crossings and bridges into a fragile path forward. Across the river, Soviet scouts and border guards held their nerve, counting enemy shadows and watching for a break in the line. The clash at Shachaofeng became a lightning rod: a small force crossed into Manchurian soil in the restless dark, provoking a broader crisis just as diplomacy teetered.   #179 From Darkness to Crest: The Changkufeng Battle Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As remarked in the 19th division's war journal "With sunset on the 30th, the numbers of enemy soldiers increased steadily. Many motor vehicles, and even tanks, appear to have moved up. The whole front has become tense. Hostile patrols came across the border frequently, even in front of Chiangchunfeng. Tank-supported infantry units were apparently performing offensive deployment on the high ground south of Shachaofeng." Situation maps from the evening indicated Soviet patrol activity approaching the staging area of Nakano's unit near the Tumen, moving toward Noguchi's company to the left of Chiangchunfeng, and advancing toward Matsunobe's unit southwest of Shachaofeng. Russian vessels were depicted ferrying across Khasan, directly behind Changkufeng, while tanks moved south from Shachaofeng along the western shores of the lake. The 19th division's war journal states "Then it was ascertained that these attack forces had gone into action. All of our own units quietly commenced counteraction from late that night, as scheduled, after having systematically completed preparations since nightfall." Meanwhile, to the north, the Hunchun garrison reinforced the border with a battalion and tightened security. All evidence supported the view that Suetaka "in concept" and Sato"(in tactics" played the main part in the night-attack planning and decisions. Sato was the only infantry regimental commander at the front on 30 July. One division staff officer went so far as to say that Suetaka alone exerted the major influence, that Sato merely worked out details, including the type of attack and the timing. Intertwined with the decision to attack Changkufeng was the choice of an infantry regiment. The 76th Regiment was responsible for the defense of the sector through its Border Garrison Unit; but the latter had no more than two companies to guard a 40-mile border extending almost to Hunchun, and Okido's regimental headquarters was 75 miles to the rear at Nanam. T. Sato's 73rd Regiment was also at Nanam, while Cho's 74th Regiment was stationed another 175 miles southwest at Hamhung. Thus, the regiment nearest to Changkufeng was K. Sato's 75th, 50 miles away at Hoeryong. Although Suetaka had had time to shuffle units if he desired, Sasai suggested that troop movements from Nanam could not be concealed; from Hoeryong they might be termed maneuvers. Suetaka undoubtedly had favorites in terms of units as well as chiefs. K. Sato had served longest as regimental commander, since October 1937; Okido's date of rank preceded K. Sato's, but Okido had not taken command until 1938. He and Cho were able enough, but they were unknown quantities; T. Sato and Cho were brand-new colonels.  Thus, K. Sato was best known to Suetaka and was familiar with the terrain. While he did not regard his regiment as the equal of units in the Kwantung Army or in the homeland, K. Sato's training program was progressing well and his men were rugged natives of Nagano and Tochigi prefectures. From the combat soldier's standpoint, the Changkufeng Incident was waged between picked regulars on both sides. The matter of quantitative regimental strength could have played no part in Suetaka's choice. The 74th, 75th, and 76th regiments each possessed 1,500 men; the 73rd, 1,200. Even in ordinary times, every unit conducted night-attack training, attended by Suetaka, but there was nothing special in July, even after the general inspected the 75th Regiment on the 11th. It had been said that the most efficient battalions were selected for the action. Although, of course, Sato claimed that all of his battalions were good, from the outset he bore the 1st Battalion in mind for the night attack and had it reconnoiter the Changkufeng area. Some discerned no special reasons; it was probably a matter of numerical sequence, 1st-2nd-3rd Battalions. Others called the choice a happy coincidence because of the 1st Battalion's 'splendid unity' and the aggressive training conducted by Major Ichimoto, who had reluctantly departed recently for regimental headquarters. Coming from the 75th Regiment headquarters to take over the 1st Battalion was the 40-year-old aide Major Nakano. By all accounts, he was quiet, serious, and hard-working, a man of noble character, gentle and sincere. More the administrative than commander type, Nakano lacked experience in commanding battalions and never had sufficient time to get to know his new unit (or they, him) before the night assault. He could hardly be expected to have stressed anything particular in training. Since there was no battalion-level training, the most valid unit of comparison in the regiment was the company, the smallest infantry component trained and equipped to conduct combat missions independently. Sato valued combat experience among subordinates; Nakano's 1st Battalion was considered a veteran force by virtue of its old-timer company commanders. All but one had come up through the ranks; the exception, young Lieutenant Nakajima, the darling of Sato, was a military academy graduate. For assault actions synchronized with those of the 1st Battalion, Sato selected Ito, the one line captain commanding the 6th Company of the 2nd Battalion, and Takeshita, 10th Company commander, one of the two line captains of the 3rd Battalion. In short, Sato had designated five veteran captains and a promising lieutenant to conduct the night-attack operations of 30-31 July, the first Japanese experience of battle against the modern Red Army. During the last two weeks of July, numerous spurious farmers had gambled along the lower reaches of the Tumen, reconnoitered the terrain, and prepared for a crossing and assault. Scouts had operated on both the Manchurian and Korean sides of the river. Major Nakano had conducted frequent personal reconnaissance and had dispatched platoon and patrol leaders, all heavy-weapons observation teams, and even the battalion doctor to Sozan Hill, to Chiangchunfeng, and close to enemy positions. In Korean garb and often leading oxen, the scouts had threaded their way through the Changkufeng sector, sometimes holing up for the night to observe Soviet movements, soil and topography, and levels of illumination. From this data, Nakano had prepared reference materials necessary for an assault. Hirahara, then located at Kucheng BGU Headquarters, had established three observation posts on high ground to the rear. After Chiangchunfeng had been occupied, Hirahara had set up security positions and routes there. Regarding Changkufeng, he had sought to ensure that even the lowest private studied the layout. Formation commanders such as Takeshita had volunteered frequently. Sato had also utilized engineers. Since the order to leave his station on 17 July, Lieutenant Colonel Kobayashi had had his regiment engage in scouting routes, bridges, and potential fords. Sato's 1st Company commander had prepared a sketch during 3% hours of reconnaissance across from Hill 52 during the afternoon of 18 July. Captain Yamada's intelligence had contributed to the tactical decisions and to knowledge of Russian strength and preparations. The most important information had been his evaluation of attack approaches, suggesting an offensive from the western side, preferably against the right flank or frontally. This concept had been the one applied by the regiment in its night assault two weeks later; Yamada had died on the green slopes he had scanned. Cloudy Saturday, 30 July, had drawn to a close. The moment had been at hand for the 75th Regiment to storm the Russians atop Changkufeng. Setting out from Fangchuanting at 22:30, Nakano's battalion, about 350 strong, had assembled at a fork one kilometer southwest of Changkufeng. The roads had been knee-deep in mud due to intermittent rain and downpours on 29–30 July. Now the rain had subsided, but clouds had blotted out the sky after the waning moon had set at 22:30. Led by Sakata's 1st Platoon leader, the men had marched silently toward the southern foot of Changkufeng; the murk had deepened and the soldiers could see no more than ten meters ahead. It had taken Sakata's men less than an hour to push forward the last 1,000 meters to the jump-off point, where they had waited another two hours before X-hour arrived. Scouts had advanced toward the first row of wire, 200–300 meters away. Platoon Leader Amagasa had infiltrated the positions alone and had reconnoitered the southeastern side of the heights. Sakata had heard from the patrols about the entanglements and their distance and makeup. While awaiting paths to be cut by engineer teams, the infantry had moved up as far as possible, 150 meters from the enemy, by 23:30. Although records described Changkufeng as quite steep, it had not been hard to climb until the main Russian positions were reached, even though there were cliffs. But as the craggy peak had been neared, the enemy defenses, which had taken advantage of rocks and dips, could not have been rushed in a bound. It had been 500 meters to the crest from the gently sloping base. The incline near the top had been steep at about 40 degrees and studded with boulders. Farther down were more soil and gravel. Grass had carpeted the foot. Japanese Army radio communications had been in their infancy; wire as well as runners had served as the main means of linking regimental headquarters with the front-line infantry, crossing-point engineers, and supporting guns across the Tumen in Korea. From Chiangchunfeng to the 1st Battalion, lines had been installed from the morning of 29 July. Combat communications had been operated by the small regimental signal unit, 27 officers and men. In general, signal traffic had been smooth and reception was good. Engineer support had been rendered by one platoon, primarily to assist with wire-cutting operations. Nakano had ordered his 1st Company to complete clearing the wire by 02:00. At 23:30 the cutters had begun their work on the right with three teams under 1st Lieutenant Inagaki. Since the proposed breach had been far from the enemy positions and there were no outposts nearby, Inagaki had pressed the work of forced clearing. The first entanglements had been breached fairly quickly, then the second. At about midnight, a dim light had etched the darkness, signaling success. There had been two gaps on the right. On the left side, Sakata's company had hoped to pierce the barbed wire in secrecy rather than by forced clearing. Only one broad belt of entanglements, actually the first and third lines, had been reconnoitered along the south and southeastern slopes. Sakata had assigned one team of infantry, with a covering squad led by Master Sergeant Amagasa, to the engineer unit under 2nd Lieutenant Nagayama. Covert clearing of a pair of gaps had begun. The Russian stakes had been a meter apart and the teams cut at the center of each section, making breaches wide enough for a soldier to wriggle through. To the rear, the infantry had crouched expectantly, while from the direction of Khasan the rumble of Soviet armor could be heard. At 00:10, when the first line of wire had been penetrated and the cutters were moving forward, the silence had been broken by the furious barking of Russian sentry dogs, and pale blue flares had burst over the slopes. As recalled by an engineer "It had been as bright as day. If only fog would cover us or it would start to rain!" At the unanticipated second line, the advancing clearing elements had drawn gunfire and grenades. But the Russians had been taken by surprise, Sakata said, and their machine guns had been firing high. Two engineers had been wounded; the security patrol on the left flank may have drawn the fire. Sakata had crawled up to Lieutenant Nagayama's cutting teams. One party had been hiding behind a rock, with a man sticking out his hand, grasping for the stake and feeling for electrified wire. Another soldier lay nearby, ready to snip the wire. The enemy had seemed to have discerned the Japanese, for the lieutenant could hear low voices. Although the cutters had been told to continue clearing in secrecy, they had by now encountered a line of low barbed wire and the work had not progressed as expected. Forced clearing had begun, which meant that the men had to stand or kneel, ignoring hostile fire and devoting primary consideration to speed. The infantrymen, unable to delay, had crawled through the wire as soon as the cutters tore a gap. Ten meters behind the small breaches, as well as in front of the Soviet positions, the Japanese had been troubled by fine low strands. They had resembled piano-wire traps, a foot or so off the ground. The wires had been invisible in the grass at night. As one soldier recalled "You couldn't disengage easily. When you tried to get out, you'd be sniped at. The wires themselves could cut a bit, too." Sakata had kept up with the clearing teams and urged them on. On his own initiative, Amagasa had his men break the first and third lines of wire by 01:50. Meanwhile, at 01:20, Nakano had phoned Sato, reporting that his forces had broken through the lines with little resistance, and had recommended that the attack be launched earlier than 2:00. Perhaps the premature alerting of the Russians had entered into Nakano's considerations. Sato had explained matters carefully, that is, rejected the suggestion, saying Changkufeng must not be taken too early, lest the enemy at Shachaofeng be alerted. The entire battalion, redeployed, had been massed for the charge up the slope. In an interval of good visibility, the troops could see as far as 40 meters ahead. A little before 02:00, Nakano had sent runners to deliver the order to advance. When the final obstructions had been cut, Nagayama had flashed a light. Then a white flag had moved in the darkness and the infantry had moved forward. Sakata's company, heading directly for Changkufeng crest, had less ground to traverse than Yamada's, and the point through which they penetrated the wire had been at the fork, where there appeared to have been only two lines to cut. The soldiers had crawled on their knees and one hand and had taken cover as soon as they got through. It had been 02:15 when the battalion traversed the barbed wire and began the offensive. The Japanese Army manual had stated that unaimed fire was seldom effective at night and that it had been imperative to avoid confusion resulting from wild shooting. At Changkufeng, the use of firearms had been forbidden by regimental order. Until the troops had penetrated the wire, bayonets had not been fixed because of the danger to friendly forces. Once through the entanglements, the men had attached bayonets, but, although their rifles had been loaded, they still had not been allowed to fire. The men had been traveling light. Instead of the 65 pounds the individual rifleman might ordinarily carry, knapsack, weapons and ammunition, tools, supplies, and clothing, each helmeted soldier had only 60 cartridges, none on his back, a haversack containing two grenades, a canteen, and a gas mask. To prevent noise, the regulations had prescribed wrapping metal parts of bayonets, canteens, sabers, mess kits, shovels, picks, and hobnails with cloth or straw. The wooden and metal parts of the shovel had been separated, the canteen filled, ammunition pouches stuffed with paper, and the bayonet sheath wrapped with cloth. Instead of boots, the men had worn web-toed, rubbersoled ground socks to muffle sound. Although their footgear had been bound with straw ropes, the soldiers occasionally had slipped in the wet grass. Considerations of security had forbidden relief of tension by talking, coughing, or smoking. Company commanders and platoon leaders had carried small white flags for hand signaling. In Sakata's company, the platoons had been distinguished by white patches of cloth hung over the gas masks on the men's backs, triangular pieces for the 1st Platoon, square for the second. Squad leaders had worn white headbands under their helmets. The company commanders had strapped on a white cross-belt; the platoon leaders, a single band. Officer casualties had proven particularly severe because the identification belts had been too conspicuous; even when the officers had lay flat, Soviet illuminating shells had made their bodies visible. On the left, the 2nd Company, 70–80 strong, had moved up with platoons abreast and scouts ahead. About 10 meters had separated the individual platoons advancing in four files; in the center were Sakata and his command team. The same setup had been used for Yamada's company and his two infantry platoons on the right. To the center and rear of the lead companies were battalion headquarters, a platoon of Nakajima's 3rd Company, and the Kitahara Machine-Gun Company, 20 meters from Nakano. The machine-gun company had differed from the infantry companies in that it had three platoons of two squads each. The machine-gun platoons had gone through the center breach in the entanglements with the battalion commander. Thereafter, they had bunched up, shoulder to shoulder and with the machine guns close to each other. Kitahara had led, two platoons forward, one back. The night had been so dark that the individual soldiers had hardly been able to tell who had been leading and who had been on the flanks. The 2nd Company had consolidated after getting through the last entanglements and had walked straight for Changkufeng crest. From positions above the Japanese, Soviet machine guns covering the wire had blazed away at a range of 50 meters. Tracers had ripped the night, but the Russians' aim had seemed high. Soviet illuminating shells, by revealing the location of dead angles among the rocks, had facilitated the Japanese approach. Fifty meters past the barbed wire, Sakata had run into the second Soviet position. From behind a big rock, four or five soldiers had been throwing masher grenades. Sakata and his command team had dashed to the rear and cut down the Russians. The captain had sabered one soldier who had been about to throw a grenade. Then Master Sergeant Onuki and the others had rushed up and overran the Russian defenses. The Japanese had not yet fired or sustained casualties. There had been no machine guns in the first position Sakata had jumped into; the trenches had been two feet deep and masked by rocks. To the right, a tent could be seen. Blind enemy firing had reached a crescendo around 02:30. The Russians had resisted with rifles, light and heavy machine guns, hand grenades, rifle grenades, flares, rapid-fire guns, and a tank cannon. "The hill had shaken, but our assault unit had advanced, disregarding the heavy resistance and relying only on the bayonet." The battalion commander, Major Nakano, had been the first officer to be hit. Moving to the left of Sakata's right-hand platoon, he had rushed up, brandishing his sword, amid ear-splitting fire and day-like flashes. He had felled an enemy soldier and then another who had been about to get him from behind. But a grenade had exploded and he had dropped, with his right arm hanging grotesquely and many fragments embedded in his chest and left arm. After regaining consciousness, Nakano had yelled at soldiers rushing to help him: "You fools! Charge on! Never mind me." Staggering to his feet, he had leaned on his sword with his left hand and pushed up the slope after the assault waves, while "everybody had been dashing around like mad." Sakata had encountered progressive defenses and more severe fire. The main body of the company had lost contact with other elements after getting through the entanglements. Sakata had thought that he had already occupied an edge of Changkufeng, but about 30 meters ahead stood a sharp-faced boulder, two or three meters high, from which enormous numbers of grenades had been lobbed. The Japanese, still walking, had come across another Soviet position, manned by four or five grenadiers. Sword in hand, Sakata had led Sergeant Onuki and his command team in a rush : "The enemy was about to take off as we jumped them. One Russian jabbed the muzzle of his rifle into my stomach at the moment I had my sword raised overhead. He pulled the trigger but the rifle did not go off. I cut him down before he could get me. The others ran away, but behind them they left grenades with pins pulled. Many of my men fell here and I was hit in the thighs".  Onuki had felled two or three Russians behind Sakata, then disposed of an enemy who had been aiming at Sakata from the side. It had been around 03:00. On the right, the 1st Company had made relatively faster progress along the western slopes after having breached two widely separated belts of barbed wire. Once through the second wire, the troops had found a third line, 150 meters behind, and enemy machine guns had opened fire. Thereupon, a left-platoon private first class had taken a "do or die" forced clearing team, rushed 15 meters ahead of the infantry, and tore a path for the unit. At 03:00, Yamada had taken his men in a dash far up the right foot of the hill, overran the unexpected position, and captured two rapid-fire guns. The company's casualties had been mounting. Yamada had been hit in the chest but had continued to cheer his troops on. At 03:30, he had led a rush against the main objective, tents up the hill, behind the antitank guns. Yamada had cut down several bewildered soldiers in the tents, but had been shot again in the chest, gasping "Tenno Heika Banzai!" "Long Live the Emperor!", and had fallen dead. His citation had noted that he had "disrupted the enemy's rear after capturing the forwardmost positions and thus furnished the key to the ultimate rout of the whole enemy line." Sergeant Shioda, though wounded badly, and several of the men had picked up their commander's body and moved over to join Lieutenant Inagaki. On the left, Kadowaki had charged into the tents with his platoon and had played his part in interfering with the Russian rear. After this rush, the unit had been pinned down by fire from machine-gun emplacements, and Kadowaki had been wounded seriously. His platoon had veered left while watching for an opportunity to charge. Eventual contact had been made with Sakata's company.   The assault on the right flank had been failing. With the death of Yamada, command of the company had been assumed temporarily by Inagaki. He and his right-flank platoon had managed to smash their way through the entanglements; Inagaki had sought to rush forward, sword in hand. Furious firing by Soviet machine guns, coupled with hand grenades, had checked the charge. Losses had mounted. Still another effort had bogged down in the face of enemy reinforcements, supported not only by covered but by tank-mounted machine guns. Russian tanks and trucks had appeared to be operating behind Changkufeng. Sergeant Shioda had been trying to keep the attack moving. Again and again, he had pushed toward the Soviet position with five of his surviving men, to no avail. The left-flank platoon had sought to evade the fierce fire by taking advantage of rock cover and hurling grenades. Finally, a private first class had lobbed in a grenade, rushed the machine gun, and silenced the weapon. By now, precious time and lives had been lost. Either instinctively or by order, the 1st Company had been shifting to the left, away from the core of the enemy fire-net. Inagaki had decided to veer left in a wide arc to outflank Changkufeng from the same side where the 2nd Company and most of the battalion were at-tacking. There would be no further attempts to plunge between the lake and the heights or to head for the crest from the rear. Military maps had indicated tersely that remnants of the 1st Company had displaced to the 2nd Company area at 04:00, sometime after the last charge on the right by Yamada. On the left front, in the sector facing the main defenses on Changkufeng crest, Sakata had fallen after being hit by a grenade. A machine gunner had improvised a sling. "I had lost a lot of blood," Sakata had said, "and there were no medics. Onuki, my command team chief who had been acting platoon leader, had been killed around here. I had ordered Warrant Officer Kuriyama to take the company and push on until I could catch up." As Sakata lay on the ground, he had seen the battalion commander and the Nakajima company move past him in the darkness. Nakano had said not a word; Sakata had not known the major had been maimed. "I still hadn't felt intense pain," Sakata had recalled. "I had rested after the first bad feelings. In about 15 minutes I had felt well enough to move up the hill and resume command of my company." With both Nakano and Sakata wounded, individual officers or noncoms had kept the assault moving. The 1st Platoon leader, Kuriyama, had been securing the first position after overrunning it but had become worried about the main force. On his own initiative, he had brought his men up the hill to join the rest of the company, while the battalion aide, 2nd Lieutenant Nishimura, had made arrangements to deploy the heavy machine guns and reserve infantry in support. Before 4 A.M., these troops under Kitahara and Nakajima had caught up with the remnants of the 2nd Company, which had pressed beyond the third position to points near the Soviet Crestline.   By the time Sakata had regained his feet and moved toward the peak, somewhere between 03:30 and 04:00, the Japanese had been pinned down. Most of the losses had been incurred at this point. "Iron fragments, rock, sand, blood, and flesh had been flying around," Akaishizawa had written. Grenades had caused the preponderance of wounds after the men had penetrated the barbed wire. Deaths had been inflicted mainly by the Soviet "hurricane" of small arms and machine-gun fire and by ricochets ripping from man to man. Six Russian heavy weapons had kept up a relentless fire from three emplacements, and milk-bottle-shaped grenades had continued to thud down on the Japanese. The grenades had hindered the advance greatly. Mainly at the crest, but at every firing position as well, the Russians had used rifle grenades, primarily to eliminate dead angles in front of positions. There had been low piano wire between firing points, and yellow explosive had been planted amidst rock outcroppings and in front of the emplacements. "The Russians had relied exclusively on fire power; there had been no instance of a brave enemy charge employing cold steel." Only 20 meters from the entrenchments atop Changkufeng, Kitahara had been striving to regain the initiative and to hearten the scattered, reeling troops. One Japanese Army motto had concerned the mental attitude of commanders: "When surprised by the enemy, pause for a smoke." Kitahara had stood behind a rock, without a helmet, puffing calmly on a cigarette—a sight which had cheered the men. Sakata could not forget the scene. "It really happened," he had said, respectfully. As soon as Sakata had reached the forward lines, he had joined Kitahara (the senior officer and de facto battalion commander till then) and three enlisted men. All had been pinned behind the large boulder, the only possible cover, which had jutted in front of the Soviet crestline positions. Fire and flame had drenched the slopes, grenades from the peak, machine guns from the flank. The eastern skies had been brightening and faces could be discerned. Troubled by the stalemate yet not feeling failure, Sakata had said nothing about his own wounds but had told Kitahara he would lead his 2nd Company in a last charge up the left side of Changkufeng if only the machine gun company could do something about the enemy fire, especially some Soviet tanks which had been shooting from the right. "The enemy must have learned by now," the regimental records had observed, "that our forces were scanty, for the Soviets exposed the upper portions of their bodies over the breastworks, sniped incessantly, and lobbed illuminating shells at us." Agreeing with Sakata that the "blind" Japanese would have to take some kind of countermeasure to allow his two available heavy machine guns to go into concerted action, Kitahara had ordered illuminating rounds fired by the grenade dischargers. He had clambered atop the boulder and squatted there amidst the furious crossfire to spot for his guns, still only 20 meters from the Russian lines. Perhaps it had been the golden spark of Kitahara's cigarette, perhaps it had been the luminescence of his cross-bands, but hardly a moment later, at 04:03 am, a sniper's bullet had caught the captain between the eyes and he had toppled to his death. Nakajima had wanted to support Sakata's stricken company as well. The lieutenant had seen the advantage of outflanking the emplacements from the far left of Changkufeng where the fire of two Soviet heavy machine guns had been particularly devastating. Nakajima had swung his reserve unit around the crest to the southwest side, pressed forward through deadly grenade attacks, and had managed to reach a point ten meters from the Russian positions. Perched on the cliff's edge, he had prepared to continue: "Nakajima, who had been calming his men and looking for a chance to advance, leaped up and shouted, "Right now! Charge!" Sword in hand, he led his forces to the front on the left and edged up against the crest emplacements. But the enemy did not recoil; grenades and machine gun fusillades burst from above on all sides. Men fell, one after another. [During this final phase, a platoon leader and most of the key noncoms were killed.] A runner standing near Nakajima was hit in the head by a grenade and collapsed. Nakajima picked up the soldier's rifle, took cover behind a boulder, and tried to draw a bead on a Russian sniper whom he could see dimly 20 meters away through the lifting mist. But a bullet hit him in the left temple and he pitched forward, weakly calling, "Long Live the Emperor!" A PFC held the lieutenant up and pleaded with him to hang on, but the company commander's breath grew fainter and his end was at hand. The time was 4:10 am". Nakajima's orderly said of the event "Lieutenant Nakajima charged against the highest key point on Changkufeng, leading the reserve unit, and ensured the seizure of the hill. The lieutenant was wearing the boots which I had always kept polished but which he had never worn till this day." Akaishizawa added that Nakajima had purified himself in the waters of the Tumen before entering combat, in traditional fashion. Lieutenant Yanagihara had penned a tribute to his young fellow officer, the resolute samurai "Lt. Nakajima must have been expecting a day like today. He was wearing brand-new white underclothes and had wrapped his body with white cloth and the thousand-stitch stomach band which his mother had made for him. .. . Was not the lieutenant's end the same as we find in an old tanka verse? "Should you ask what is the Yamato spirit, the soul of Japan: It is wild cherry blossoms glowing in the rising sun."  On this main attack front, Soviet heavy machine guns and tanks had continued to deliver withering fire against the Japanese remnants, while Russian snipers and grenadiers had taken an increasing toll. Shortly after 04:00, enemy reinforcements had appeared at the northeast edge. Of the company commanders, only Sakata had still been alive; the other three officers had died between 03:30 and 04:30. A machine gunner who had been pinned down near the crest had commented: "It must have been worse than Hill 203" (of bloody Russo-Japanese War fame). Between a half and two-thirds of each company had been dead or wounded by then. Sakata had still been thinking of ways to rush the main positions. After Kitahara had been shot down, he had moved around to investigate. A colleague had added: "The agony of the captain's wounds had been increasing. He rested several times to appease the pain while watching intently for some chance to charge once more." Now, Sakata had been wounded again by grenade fragments tearing into the right side of his face. "It hadn't been serious," Sakata had insisted. As he had limped about, he could see his platoon leader, Kuriyama, sniping at a Russian grenadier.   Much would depend on the effectiveness of supporting firepower. With the death of Kitahara, control of the machine-gun company had been assumed by Master Sergeant Harayama. There had been almost no time to coordinate matters before Kitahara had fallen, but Harayama as well as Sakata had known that the infantry could not break loose until the Soviet heavy weapons had been suppressed. Working with another sergeant, Harayama had ordered his gunners to displace forward and rush the positions 20 meters away. The one heavy machine gun set up for action had been the first to fire for the Japanese side at Changkufeng, after its crew had manhandled it the last few meters to the first Soviet trench below the crest. The trench had been empty. Thereupon, the gunner had opened up against tents which could be seen 20 meters to the rear. Other friendly machine guns had begun to chatter. Kuriyama had dashed up and secured the southeast edge of the heights. Enemy resistance had begun to slacken. What appeared to be two small Soviet tanks, actually a tank and a tractor had been laying down fire near the tents in an apparent effort to cover a pullback. The two vehicles had advanced toward the Japanese and sought to neutralize the heavy machine guns. A squad leader had engaged the tractor, set it afire, and shot down the crewmen when they had tried to flee. Next, the tank had been stopped. The Japanese lead gun had consumed all of its armor-piercing (AP) ammunition—three clips, or 90 rounds—in 10 or 15 seconds. No more AP ammunition had been available; one box had been with the last of the six squads struggling up the heights. "More AP!" had yelled the 1st Squad leader, signaling with his hand—which had at that moment been hit by a Russian slug. A tank machine-gun bullet had also torn through the thumb and into the shoulder of the squad's machine gunner, whereupon the 21-year-old loader had taken over the piece. Similar replacements had occurred under fire in all squads, sometimes more than once in the same unit. "It had been a fantastic scene," Sakata had commented. "Just like grasshoppers! But they had finally neutralized the heavy weapons." The knocked-out Russian vehicles had begun to blaze while the eastern skies had lightened. New enemy tanks (some said many, others merely three) had lumbered up the slopes, but the Japanese heavy machine guns had continued to fire on them, and the tanks had stopped. If the machine guns had gone into action minutes later, the Russian armor might have continued to the top, from which they could have ripped up the surviving Japanese infantrymen: "So we gunners fired and fired. I could see my tracers bouncing off the armor, for there was still no AP. We also shot at machine guns and infantry. Since we carried little ammo for the night attack, my gun ran out, but by then the enemy had been ousted. We had originally expected that we might have to fire in support of the infantry after they took the crest. We lost none of our own heavy machine guns that night, overran four Maxims and captured mountains of hand grenades. By dawn, however, our machine gun company had lost more than half of its personnel—about 40 men".  The light-machine-gun squad leader had been wounded in the hand by a grenade near the site where Sakata had been hit. Nevertheless, the superior private had clambered up the slope with his men. After 04:00, when he and his squad had been pinned down with the infantry below the crest, he had heard Japanese heavy machine guns firing toward the foe on the right: "Our units were in confusion, bunched up under terrific fire in a small area. Getting orders was impossible, so I had my light machine gun open up in the same direction at which the heavies were firing. We could identify no targets but tried to neutralize the enemy located somewhere on the crest. Although Soviet flares were going off, we never could glimpse the enemy clearly. But we heard the Russians yelling "Hurrah!" That ought to have been the signal for a charge; here it meant a retreat".  But, of the ten men in this Japanese machine-gun squad, only four had been in action when dawn had come. The turning point had arrived when the machine-guns belonging to Sakata, and the reserves of the late Nakajima, had torn into the Russian emplacements, tanks, and tents behind. Others had said the key had been the fire of grenade dischargers belonging to the same units. A high-angle weapon, the grenade discharger, had been light, effective, and ideal for getting at dead space. In terms of ammunition, it had been especially useful, for it could fire hand grenades available to the foot soldier. Undoubtedly, the combined action of the grenade dischargers and machine guns (heavy and light) had paved the way for a last charge by the infantry. The four light machine guns of the 2nd and 4th companies had played their part by pouring flank fire against the Russians, who had clung to the position although Kuriyama's platoon had made an initial penetration. At about 04:30, Japanese assault forces could be seen dimly, in the light of dawn, exchanging fire with the Russians only a few meters away on the southern edge of Changkufeng Hill. At the same time, on the northern slopes, enemy reinforcements numbering 50 men with trucks and tanks had been scaling the hill. Around 04:45, Japanese grenades began to burst over the heads of the last enemy atop Changkufeng; the Russians had wavered. After the heavy weapons had finally begun to soften up the Soviet positions, Sakata had judged that there were not many Russians left. He had jumped into the first trench, ahead of his only surviving platoon leader, Kuriyama, and several soldiers. Two or three Russians had been disposed of; the rest had fled. By then the 2nd Company had been chopped down to a platoon; about 40 men still lived. There had been no cheer of banzai, as journalists had written; it would have drawn fire to stand up and raise one's arms. But Sakata had remained proud of the assertion by Sato that, from Chiangchunfeng, he had observed the last rush and knew the "real story," that "Sakata was the first to charge the peak." The regimental eulogist had written that Sakata's earnestness "cut through iron, penetrated mountains, and conquered bodily pain." As for Inagaki, about 15 or 20 minutes after the badly wounded Sakata had managed to reach the point where Kitahara and Nakajima had been pinned down near the Crestline, the lieutenant had arrived with the remnants of Yamada's company, probably by 04:20. The records would have us believe that Sakata had been able to coordinate the next actions with Inagaki despite the storm of fire: "The acting battalion commander [Sakata] resumed the charge with a brand-new deployment—his 2nd Company on the right wing and the 1st Company on the left." Actually, all Sakata could think of had been to charge; it had been too confused a time to issue anything like normal orders as acting battalion commander: "About all I remember asking Inagaki was: "What are you doing over here? What happened to your company commander?" I think he told me that Yamada had been killed and resistance on the right flank had been severe. Undoubtedly, he acted on his own initiative in redeploying. Nor was there any particular liaison between my company and Inagaki's force." To the left of Sakata's survivors were the vestiges of Nakajima's platoon, and further to the left, the outflanking troops brought up by Inagaki. These forces gradually edged up to the rear of the foe, in almost mass formation, on the western slope just below the top. "The enemy soldiers who had been climbing up the northern incline suddenly began to retreat, and Inagaki led a charge, fighting dauntlessly hand-to-hand." As a result of the more or less concerted Japanese assaults, "the desperately resisting enemy was finally crushed and Changkufeng peak was retaken completely by 05:15," three hours after the night attackers had jumped off. Akaishizawa had said that the troops "pushed across the peak through a river of blood and a mountain of corpses. Who could withstand our demons?" Sato's regimental attack order had called for the firing of a green star shell to signal success. At 05:15, according to the records, "the signal flared high above Changkufeng, showering green light upon the hill; the deeply stirring Japanese national flag floated on the top." Sakata thought that this must have been 10 or 20 minutes after the hill was taken, but he remembered no flare. "After the last charge I had no time to watch the sky!" The flare had probably been fired from a grenade launcher by the battalion aide or a headquarters soldier. After the final close-quarter fighting, Sakata had pressed forward while the survivors came up. The captain had deployed his men against possible counterattack. Later he had heard that Soviet tanks had lumbered up to reinforce the peak or to counterattack but that, when they observed the Japanese in possession of the crest, they had turned back. Only after his men had secured the peak had Sakata talked to Inagaki about sharing defensive responsibility. The records described Sakata's deployments at 05:20, but there had been painfully few men to match the tidy after-action maps. Did Sakata and his men push across the peak? "Not downhill a bit," he had answered. "We advanced only to the highest spot, the second, or right-hand peak, where we could command a view of the hostile slope." He had merely reconnoitered to deploy his troops. The senior surviving Japanese officer atop Changkufeng heights had been Sakata. What had happened to Major Nakano, who had been wounded shortly after jump-off? Although his right arm had been shattered, he had dragged himself to his feet, once he had regained consciousness, and kept climbing to catch up. His men had pleaded with him to look after his terrible wounds, but he had insisted on advancing, leaning on his sword and relying on spiritual strength. "Left! Move left!" he had been heard to shout, for the faltering Japanese had apparently been of the opinion that they were at the enemy's rear. Instead, they had pressed against the Russians' western wing, directly in front of the enemy works, from which murderous fire had been directed, especially from machine-gun nests ripping at their flanks. With sword brandished in his uninjured hand, high above his head, Nakano had stood at the corner of the positions. The explosion of an enemy grenade had illuminated him "like the god of fire," and he had been seen to crumple. He had died a little before 0500, to the left of where young Nakajima had fallen at 0430. His citation had said: "The battalion commander captured Changkufeng, thanks to his proper combat guidance and deployments. He provided the incentive to victory in the Changkufeng Incident." A eulogist had called Nakano a "human-bullet demon-unit commander": "All who observed this scene were amazed, for it was beyond mortal strength. One could see how high blazed the flame of his faith in certain victory and what a powerful sense of responsibility he had as unit commander. Major Nakano was a model soldier." When Nakano had pitched forward, badly wounded PFC Imamura had tried to protect the commander's corpse. Imamura had killed a soldier who appeared from behind a boulder, had lunged at another two or three, but had toppled off the cliff. Two other Japanese privates—a battalion runner and PFC Iwata—had been lying nearby, hurt seriously; but when they saw Imamura fall to his death, leaving the major's body undefended, they had dragged themselves to the corpse, four meters from the foe. Iwata, crippled and mute, had hugged Nakano's corpse until other soldiers managed to retrieve it. While death had come to Nakano, Sakata had been fighting with no knowledge of what was going on to his left. Pinned behind a boulder, he had had no way of checking on the battalion commander. Only after Sakata had charged onto the crest and asked for the major had he been told by somebody that Nakano had been killed. He had not even been sure where the commander had fallen. Such had been the time of blood and fury when battalion chief, company commanders, and platoon leaders had fought and died like common soldiers, pressing on with saber or pistol or sniping rifle under relentless cross-fire. Pretty patterns of textbook control had meant nothing. Life—and victory—depended on training, initiative, raw courage, and the will to win. The result of this combination of wills could not be ascertained, on 31 July 1938, until dawn brightened the bleeding earth on Changkufeng Hill. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Tokyo gambled on a night strike to seize Changkufeng, while diplomacy urged restraint. Amid mud, smoke, and moonless skies, Nakano led the 1st Battalion, supported by Nakajima, Sakata, Yamada, and others. One by one, officers fell, wounds multiplying, but resolve held. By 05:15, shattered units regrouped atop the peak, the flag rising as dawn bled into a costly, hard-won victory.

Gail Carriger and Piper J. Drake discuss the massive life challenges that drove us into unintended hiatus before diving enthusiastically into discussing our top 5 foods on the go, specifically foods we either pack to go on adventure or foods we immediately look for upon arrival at our destination. Gail's Top 5 Hard Boiled Egg Chocolate Soy Milk Trader Joe's Peanut Butter Rice Crispy Treats (in and out of stock) Cheetos (or Chex Mix) Onigiri Piper's Top 5 Hard Boiled Egg Protein Powder - shoutout to Boba Tea Protein  Tofu  Tinned Fish Yokult Drinkable Yogurt Gadgets! (or coping mechanisms) Perfume - Gail's been exploring scents that bring her joy. Piper now plans to introduce Gail to a Thai based perfumes: Butterfly Thai Perfumes Lipcare - Piper's been exploring lip glosses and lip balms from Korean, Japanese, and Thai beauty brands.  Gail loves lip oils, recommending brands like Versed. – – –  Special thanks to Kelly for editing this episode! Thanks for listening. Travel smart. Pack the snacks!  – – –  Get your question featured on an episode by saying hi on social media:       Facebook.com/20minDelay      @20minDelay      @PiperJDrake      @GailCarriger Use the hashtag: #20mindelaypodcast

Mason brings up a very SPICY hot take, Danny preps us for episode 300, and Daniel asks us to guess what these English terms mean for Koreans.