Podcasts about Communist party

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We've launched Minimum Competence CLE, and our first course is now available completely free. Researching Federal Tax Issues After Loper Brightlooks at how the Supreme Court's decision ending Chevron deference changes the way lawyers should research and evaluate Treasury regulations, IRS guidance, and other federal tax authorities.Take the course and earn CLE credit at cle.minimumcomp.com.This Day in Legal History: Communist Control ActOn August 24, 1954, President Dwight Eisenhower signed the Communist Control Act, a law that did something extraordinary in a country built around the First Amendment: it effectively outlawed a political party. The Act declared the Communist Party of the United States an instrument of a conspiracy to overthrow the government. It stripped it of “all rights, privileges, and immunities” available to legal organizations, and made knowing membership in the party potentially criminal.Perhaps more remarkable is how little resistance any of this encountered. This was the height of the McCarthy era, when the political cost of appearing insufficiently hostile to communism was enormous. The bill passed the Senate 79-0 and the House 265-2. Those margins tell you something important about the moment: liberals and conservatives alike had strong incentives to demonstrate their anti-communist bona fides, and almost no one had much incentive to be the person standing up for the constitutional rights of communists. Eisenhower signed the bill, and, at least on paper, an American political party ceased to have any legal existence.The significance of August 24, 1954 is mostly as a lesson in what happens to civil liberties when they are placed under enough political pressure—and in the messier ways our constitutional system often corrects itself. The Communist Control Act was constitutionally dubious from the start; punishing someone for just belonging to a political organization runs directly into the freedoms of speech and association. But the law was rarely enforced, courts largely avoided confronting its most sweeping provisions head-on, and it gradually withered into a stricture approaching a dead letter, though it technically remains on the books. Later Supreme Court decisions made considerably clearer that the government can't punish mere association or abstract advocacy, as opposed to incitement to imminent lawless action.That makes this a fitting anniversary for a day when we also have a story about protesters sentenced for their political activity. The point captured in today's opening quote from Justice Brandeis is easy to endorse when the speaker and the cause are popular. The real test of the freedom to think and speak as you will comes when neither is.A federal judge has struck down one of the administration's broader immigration policies, vacating a State Department decision that suspended immigrant visa processing for applicants from 75 countries.The policy, announced in January, halted immigrant visa processing for nationals of 75 countries—including Afghanistan, Iran, Russia, and Somalia—on the theory that applicants from those countries were likely to require public assistance. U.S. District Judge Jeannette Vargas in Manhattan called the policy “patently unlawful,” but the interesting part of the decision is less the rhetoric than the relatively straightforward statutory problem she identified: Secretary of State Marco Rubio did not have the power Congress gave someone else.Federal immigration law expressly limits the Secretary of State's authority over how consular officers process immigrant visas. The administration therefore could not use the Secretary's general authority to accomplish something Congress had specifically placed beyond his reach. It is a theme we have seen repeatedly this summer: not some enormous constitutional confrontation over presidential power, but the considerably more mundane question of whether the executive branch can point to a statute that actually authorizes what it is doing.Vargas's order also does more than stop the policy going forward. She vacated visa denials based solely on the suspended-processing policy, meaning applicants who were turned away under it can have their applications reconsidered. The lawsuit was brought by immigrant-rights organizations, visa applicants, and U.S. citizens seeking visas for family members.The broader point is that immigration and foreign affairs may be areas in which the executive branch enjoys substantial discretion, but discretion is not the same thing as unlimited authority. The government still needs to identify where Congress gave it the power it claims to possess. Here, the court concluded Congress had done essentially the opposite.US judge strikes down policy suspending immigrant visa processing for 75 nations | ReutersWashington Post · Al JazeeraSeven pro-Palestinian protesters who shut down the Golden Gate Bridge in 2024 have now been sentenced, and the result is a useful little illustration of how the law handles civil disobedience.The seven were among 26 protesters who drove onto the bridge in April 2024, stopped their vehicles, and chained themselves together to protest the war in Gaza, blocking traffic for hours. They were convicted in July of misdemeanor false imprisonment, obstruction of a thoroughfare, and unlawful assembly. On Friday, they were sentenced to 30 days in jail—with an option that could cut that time in half—along with six months of probation and roughly $1,000 in fines and restitution.The First Amendment line here is not especially mysterious. Protest is protected; physically preventing other people from leaving is not. That is the significance of the false-imprisonment charge: motorists were stuck on a bridge with nowhere else to go. You can stand alongside the road holding a sign. You do not acquire a First Amendment right to chain the road shut merely because your reason for doing it is political.But the sentence is interesting in the other direction. The defendants potentially faced years in prison and received 30 days, while prosecutors dropped the most serious felony conspiracy charge after the jury deadlocked on it. That gap illustrates just how much calibration occurs after we decide that conduct is criminal. Prosecutors and judges can recognize both that the protesters deliberately interfered with the rights of hundreds of other people and that they did so as part of nonviolent political expression rather than for personal gain or predatory purposes.That is more or less how a legal system metabolizes civil disobedience: the political motivation does not erase the underlying offense, but neither must the law pretend that motivation is irrelevant when deciding how severely to punish it. On the anniversary of the Communist Control Act, it is an especially useful reminder that the legal treatment of dissent rarely comes down to a simple choice between “protected” and “illegal.” Much of the real work happens in between.Pro-Palestinian protesters sentenced over blocking Golden Gate Bridge traffic | ReutersKQED · Mission LocalAnd finally, TikTok and parent company ByteDance have agreed to pay $400 million to settle the Justice Department's lawsuit accusing the platform of violating federal children's privacy law—an enormous number for a case built around a statute passed before TikTok, or really modern social media, existed.The Justice Department filed the lawsuit in 2024 on behalf of the Federal Trade Commission, alleging that TikTok allowed millions of children under 13 to create accounts without their parents' knowledge or consent and then made it unnecessarily difficult for parents to have those accounts deleted. The statute at issue is COPPA, the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act of 1998, which generally requires online services covered by the law to obtain verifiable parental consent before collecting personal information from children under 13.There is an especially interesting wrinkle in how the $400 million settlement is structured. TikTok will pay $300 million now and another $100 million once a court vacates an earlier consent decree entered against Musical.ly, TikTok's predecessor. That matters because this is not the first time the platform has encountered the government over children's privacy. Musical.ly had already been penalized over COPPA violations, and the government's latest case alleged that the problems continued afterward.TikTok is settling without admitting wrongdoing and says it has made substantial changes to its age controls and parental-oversight systems. But whatever one thinks of the underlying allegations, $400 million is a fairly substantial reminder that COPPA is not merely a disclosure statute sitting around from the early Internet.And this case fits into the larger fight over children and social media from a somewhat different direction than the addiction and product-design litigation we have been following. Those cases ask what platforms may design for children and what harms those designs may cause. COPPA asks the considerably less glamorous but foundational question that comes before all of that: who gets to collect information about children in the first place, and on what terms? Four hundred million dollars suggests the government still thinks the answer matters quite a bit.US Justice Department, TikTok settle $400 million children's privacy suit | ReutersAxios · Justice Department This is a public episode. 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Why does a kettle cost less than ten pounds?What kind of official refuses to send the army against protesters in one decade, then puts thirty million people out of work in the next?And when the man who built modern China spent his last twenty years saying nothing at all, what was he saying?Peter Frankopan and Afua Hirsch disagree, at length and on the record, about whether the architect of the modern cheap economy was brave or simply ruthless.Zhu Rongji died in Beijing in August, aged 97. Outside China his name means very little. Inside China, and inside every container ship leaving Ningbo, it means a great deal. He trained as an electrical engineer, was expelled from the Communist Party for speaking approvingly of economic reform in Hungary and Yugoslavia, spent five years doing manual labour during the Cultural Revolution, and came back to run Shanghai. In 1989 he refused to send the army against the city's protesters and went on television to talk them down instead. Then, as premier, he dismantled the iron rice bowl and cost somewhere between thirty and forty million people their jobs. Peter thinks that took nerve. Afua thinks ruthless and callous are the better words. Neither quite talks the other round.Join Legacy Plus for bonus episodes, early access, Q&A's, fewer adverts and more.legacy.supportingcast.fm[0:00] Three deaths in eight weeks, in Havana, Washington and Beijing — and why the deputy often tells you more[4:30] Zhu Rongji, dead at 97, and why a kettle costs less than ten pounds[6:08] Expelled from the Party, then five years of manual labour[8:38] Shanghai, 1989: the man who would not send in the army[11:47] Grasping the large, letting go of the small — and the end of the iron rice bowl[17:00] Brave or callous? Peter and Afua fail to agreeStay connected with Legacy:Instagram: @originallegacypodcastTikTok: @legacy_productionsExplore more from Peter and Afua — essays, sources, and ideas:Substack: peterfrankopan.substack.com | afuahirsch.substack.comJoin Legacy+ for bonus episodes, early access, Q&A's, fewer adverts and more.legacy.supportingcast.fmStay connected with Legacy:Instagram: @originallegacypodcastTikTok: @legacy_productionsExplore more from Peter and Afua — essays, sources, and ideas: Substack: peterfrankopan.substack.com | afuahirsch.substack.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

After German reunification, former East German Air Force officer Roland faced an extraordinary transformation: joining the military alliance he had once been trained to fight. Roland recounts his difficult passage from the East German military into the Bundeswehr. His experience, qualifications and years of service suddenly counted for less. Having been a member of the Communist Party, he endured intensive screening, as well as a reduction in rank, lower pay than western colleagues and long separations from his family. Some new comrades welcomed him; others regarded him with suspicion, prejudice and open hostility. Yet Roland was determined to prove that professionalism could survive the collapse of the country he had served. From working with Mi-8 helicopters to supporting Germany's inherited MiG-29 fleet, he rebuilt his career inside a radically different military culture. This is a revealing story of reunification from inside the armed forces—and of one former “enemy” confronting divided loyalties, institutional mistrust and the challenge of beginning again. Special thanks to Witali Gerber, military historian and curator at the Militärhistorisches Museum der Bundeswehr, for his assistance in arranging this interview. Curated episode extras ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/episode469/⁠⁠⁠ Help me preserve Cold War history via a simple monthly donation, You'll become part of our community, get ad-free episodes, receive a sought-after CWC coaster as a thank-you, and bask in the warm glow of knowing you are helping to preserve Cold War history. Just go to ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/donate/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ If a monthly contribution is not your cup of tea, we also welcome one-off tips via the same link. Find the ideal gift for the Cold War enthusiast in your life! Just go to ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://coldwarconversations.com/store/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ CONTINUE  THE COLD WAR CONVERSATION o BlueSky ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://bsky.app/profile/coldwarpod.bsky.social⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ o Threads ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.threads.net/@coldwarconversations⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ o Twitter/X ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://twitter.com/ColdWarPod⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ o Facebook ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.facebook.com/groups/coldwarpod/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ o Instagram ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.instagram.com/coldwarconversations/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ o Youtube ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://youtube.com/@ColdWarConversations⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

China has ample room to introduce pro-consumption policies in the second half of the year, as consumer prices maintained a moderate overall increase in July, experts said.专家表示，由于7月居民消费价格总体保持温和上涨，中国在下半年推出促消费政策仍有充足空间。The country's consumer price index, a main gauge of inflation, rose 0.5 percent year-on-year last month, according to data released by the National Bureau of Statistics. The core CPI, which excludes food and energy prices, increased 0.9 percent year-on-year.国家统计局发布的数据显示，作为衡量通胀主要指标的居民消费价格指数（CPI）上月同比上涨0.5%。扣除食品和能源价格的核心CPI同比上涨0.9%。There is considerable room for pro-consumption policies in the second half of the year, and price factors in particular will not be a major constraint on the central bank's potential interest rate cuts, said Wang Qing, chief macroeconomic analyst at Orient Golden Credit Rating International.东方金诚国际信用评估有限公司首席宏观分析师王青表示，下半年促消费政策仍有较大空间，尤其是物价因素不会对央行可能的降息形成明显制约。Wen Bin, chief economist at China Minsheng Bank, said he expects pro-consumption policies to be stepped up in the second half of the year, with summer vacations and the National Day holiday boosting prices in tourism, accommodation and catering services.中国民生银行首席经济学家温彬预计，下半年促消费政策将加大力度，暑假和国庆假期将带动旅游、住宿和餐饮服务价格上涨。Data show that industrial consumer goods excluding energy rose 1.5 percent year-on-year in July, slowing by 0.2 percentage points from a month earlier, contributing about 0.37 percentage points to the CPI growth.数据显示，7月扣除能源的工业消费品价格同比上涨1.5%，涨幅较上月回落0.2个百分点，对CPI涨幅贡献约0.37个百分点。Service prices increased 0.7 percent year-on-year, down by 0.1 percentage points from June, contributing about 0.36 percentage points to the CPI growth. Food prices fell 1.5 percent year-on-year, narrowing the decline by 0.1 percentage points from the previous month, dragging the CPI down by about 0.25 percentage points.服务价格同比上涨0.7%，涨幅较6月回落0.1个百分点，对CPI涨幅贡献约0.36个百分点。食品价格同比下降1.5%，降幅较上月收窄0.1个百分点，拖累CPI下降约0.25个百分点。On a month-on-month basis, the CPI edged down 0.1 percent in July, with the decline narrowing by 0.2 percentage points from the previous month.环比来看，7月CPI小幅下降0.1%，降幅较上月收窄0.2个百分点。NBS attributed the monthly decline to international market price fluctuations, which drove down domestic gasoline prices by 10.7 percent month-on-month, with the decline widening by 5.8 percentage points from June, pulling the CPI down by about 0.35 percentage points.国家统计局将环比下降归因于国际市场价格波动，导致国内汽油价格环比下降10.7%，降幅较6月扩大5.8个百分点，拉低CPI约0.35个百分点。Food prices remained flat month-on-month, 0.6 percentage points below the seasonal average. Service prices, which were flat in June, turned to a 0.4 percent monthly increase, pushing up the CPI by about 0.21 percentage points.食品价格环比持平，较季节性平均水平低0.6个百分点。服务价格由6月的持平转为环比上涨0.4%，推升CPI约0.21个百分点。The Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee recently held a meeting on economic work. At the meeting, it was stressed that macro policies should be strengthened and more effective, disbursement of fiscal funds and bonds proceeds should be accelerated, and solid progress should be made in promoting large-scale equipment renewals and trade-ins of consumer goods.中共中央政治局近日召开经济工作会议。会议强调，宏观政策要更加有力有效，加快财政资金和债券资金拨付使用进度，扎实推进大规模设备更新和消费品以旧换新。The meeting also underscored the need to effectively expand domestic demand, increase the supply of quality goods and services in response to the consumption needs of different groups, and tap the potential of services consumption.会议还强调，要有效扩大国内需求，针对不同群体消费需求增加优质商品和服务供给，挖掘服务消费潜力。Local authorities have stepped up efforts to optimize trade-in policies. The southwestern city of Chongqing, for instance, has expanded its subsidy categories for home appliances and smart home products, covering nearly all aspects of daily life. Hunan province in Central China added 10 new categories to its trade-in program, including smart service robots, smart door locks, smart air purifiers and smart toilets.各地政府也在加大优化以旧换新政策的力度。例如，西南城市重庆已扩大家电和智能家居产品的补贴范围，几乎覆盖日常生活的方方面面。中部省份湖南在消费品以旧换新计划中新增了10个品类，包括智能服务机器人、智能门锁、智能空气净化器和智能马桶。NBS data also show that China's producer price index, which measures costs for goods at the factory gate, went up 3.5 percent year-on-year in July.国家统计局数据还显示，衡量工业品出厂价格的工业生产者出厂价格指数（PPI）7月同比上涨3.5%。Wen said that China's price trend is expected to improve further as domestic demand potential continues to be released and a lower comparison base comes into play.温彬表示，随着国内需求潜力持续释放以及低基数效应显现，中国物价走势有望进一步改善。"Although the transmission of PPI recovery to CPI will entail a lag, the equipment renewal and trade-in policies will gradually lift prices of durable consumer goods such as home appliances and automobiles," Wen added.他补充说：“尽管PPI回升向CPI传导存在一定滞后，但设备更新和以旧换新政策将逐步推高家电和汽车等耐用消费品的价格。”core CPI /kɔːr siː piː aɪ/核心CPIconstraint /kənˈstreɪnt/制约因素interest rate cuts /ˈɪntrəst reɪt kʌts/降息industrial consumer goods /ɪnˈdʌstriəl kənˈsjuːmə ɡʊdz/工业消费品contributing /kənˈtrɪbjuːtɪŋ/贡献（拉动）dragging down /ˈdræɡɪŋ daʊn/拖累month-on-month /mʌnθ ɒn mʌnθ/环比edge down /edʒ daʊn/小幅下降

Listen to current week's news from and about the Church in Asia in a capsule of around 10 to 15 minutes. This week we look at deadly Philippine floods, Thai Catholic school security, a Hong Kong sedition ruling, Cambodian dissident arrests, Sri Lankan prison unrest, Indian church clashes, Indonesian dress-code warnings, and Seoul's World Youth Day. Tune in for the latest developments from Asia. Filed by UCA News reporters, compiled by Fabian Antony, presented by Joe Mathews, Cover photo by AFP, background score by Andre Louis, edited and produced by Binu Alex for Union of Catholic Asian News. For news in and about the Church in Asia, visit www.ucanews.comTo contribute please visit www.ucanews.com/donateOn Twitter Follow Or Connect through DM at : twitter.com/ucanewsTo view Video features please visit https://www.youtube.com/@ucanews

A.M. Edition for Aug. 13. A Journal investigation finds that thousands of North Korean operatives have landed jobs at American companies and are funneling millions of dollars back to the regime. Plus, big businesses like Apple and FedEx start reeling in hundreds of millions in tariff refunds. And the WSJ's Stu Woo details how American chatbots are towing Beijing's party line. Luke Vargas hosts. Sign up for the WSJ's free What's News newsletter. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Mark Clifford: Mark Clifford discusses the ongoing detention of British citizen and entrepreneur Jimmy Lai in Hong Kong. While China recently released a Protestant pastor, Xi Jinping reportedly remains determined that Lai, a fervent Catholic and advocate for Western values, will die in prison. Clifford suggests Xi's animosity is personal, rooted in a belief that the survival of the Communist Party is paramount and that any dissent is an existential threat. Despite the UK's new leadership focusing on domestic issues, Clifford hopes the government continues to pressure Beijing for the release of its citizen. (4)

TABLE OF CONTENTS, THE JOHN BATCHELOR SHOW, 8-12-2026Michael Bernstam: Michael Bernstam discusses a critical shortage of refined products such as diesel and gasoline, noting that global supply has dropped by 8.3 million barrels per day. While crude oil is available, refining capacity in the US and Europe has declined for decades. Recent Ukrainian drone strikes have further crippled Russia's refining capabilities, forcing it to import fuel. These disruptions, along with Houthi attacks in the Red Sea, contribute to a daily deficit of 2 million barrels. Bernstam warns that consumers worldwide will face higher energy and food prices indefinitely as a result. (1)Michael Lucchese: Michael Lucchese explores the history and modern return of isolationism within American politics, particularly the Republican Party. He characterizes isolationism as a short-sighted avoidance of global affairs that often coincides with political extremism. Lucchese argues that the West is currently in a civilizational contest against an axis of revisionist powers including China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea. He critiques recent administrations for showing a lack of civilizational confidence, which he believes has encouraged adversaries to be more aggressive on the world stage. (2)Captain James Fanell: Captain James Fanell reports on China's escalating campaign to annex international waters east of Taiwan. For the first time, Chinese vessels are interrogating ships on the high seas, an outrageous violation of maritime norms. This aggression occurs as the US Navy is severely overstretched, with carrier deployments extending to nine months and the arsenal of democracy being depleted by conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East. Fanell urges the US and partner navies to conduct joint maneuvers with Taiwan to counter Beijing's comprehensive national power strategy. (3)Mark Clifford: Mark Clifford discusses the ongoing detention of British citizen and entrepreneur Jimmy Lai in Hong Kong. While China recently released a Protestant pastor, Xi Jinping reportedly remains determined that Lai, a fervent Catholic and advocate for Western values, will die in prison. Clifford suggests Xi's animosity is personal, rooted in a belief that the survival of the Communist Party is paramount and that any dissent is an existential threat. Despite the UK's new leadership focusing on domestic issues, Clifford hopes the government continues to pressure Beijing for the release of its citizen. (4)Charles Burton: Charles Burton provides insight into the annual Beidaihe retreat, where Chinese leaders meet secretly to decide the party's direction. This year's focus is on a failing domestic economy, including a collapsed housing market and crushing local government debt. Burton notes that Xi Jinping's limited international travel may indicate internal instability. Additionally, the discussion touches on escalating trade tensions between Canada and the US over potential tariffs and disagreements regarding the financing of the new Gordie Howe International Bridge. (5)Peter Huessy: Peter Huessy examines the fragile state of nuclear deterrence as Russia conducts drills for tactical nuclear weapons. He warns that the US is behind the eight ball regarding theater nuclear options, possessing only gravity bombs while Russia maintains thousands of short-range weapons. Huessy fears Putin may use these weapons for blackmail if he perceives a conventional loss in Ukraine. He advocates for the rapid modernization of the US nuclear triad, specifically calling for sea-launched cruise missiles to restore a credible deterrent against reckless adversaries. (6)Cliff May: Cliff May argues that Islamism is not being studied with the rigor that communism once received during the Cold War. He observes that many university Middle East studies departments, funded by foreign interests such as Qatar, have become Islamist adjacent. May highlights a recent Senate hearing on the Muslim Brotherhood where most senators failed to attend, fearing accusations of Islamophobia. This willful determination to ignore history allows the red-green alliance of far-left activists and Islamists to grow, posing a significant threat to democratic values. (7)Admiral Mark Montgomery: Admiral Mark Montgomery details the growing cyber and hybrid warfare cooperation within the axis of aggressors: China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea. This cooperation often involves criminal actors sharing attack techniques and technology to target critical infrastructure. Montgomery warns of new generation warfare, including terrorist acts, jamming, and disinformation. He specifically points to China's Volt Typhoon program, which has installed malware in US rail, water, and energy systems. Montgomery urges an all-hands-on-deck approach to secure essential systems, as attribution for these ghost-like attacks remains difficult. (8)Simon Constable: Simon Constable reports on rising commodity prices, with Brent crude reaching $89 per barrel and European gas prices surging 18 percent. He discusses the recent change in UK government, where new Prime Minister Andy Burnham has pledged to focus almost exclusively on domestic issues. Constable also touches on the results of a longevity quiz, noting that average life expectancy in the US has reached 79 years. Finally, the conversation addresses unusual political rhetoric in Britain regarding the monarchy and the impact of extreme weather and wildfires across Europe. (9)Bob Zimmerman: Bob Zimmerman discusses the progress of commercial space ventures, highlighting Rocket Lab's new contract for its reusable Neutron rocket. He explains how companies such as SpaceX are developing recoverable capsules for in-space manufacturing, including pharmaceuticals. Zimmerman also notes a recent Chinese rocket failure, which was transparently reported only because of local live-streamers. Additionally, India is attempting to transfer control of its spaceports to the private sector to foster competition. Despite opposition from fake environmental activist groups, Zimmerman remains optimistic about the future of private-sector space exploration. (10)One correction applied: the raw had "Vault Typhoon" — the PRC infrastructure intrusion campaign is Volt Typhoon. Also still open from the prior batch: Hu Chunhua and Mohammad Reza Tavakoli.Across both batches, four threads run through nearly every segment.The axis as a working system, not a slogan. Chinese and Russian materiel moving to Iran (Holt), Iranian resupply of the Houthis (Fitton-Brown), Hezbollah's Syrian pipeline (Daoud), and Montgomery's cyber cooperation among all four — the same four capitals appear in Lucchese's civilizational contest and Montgomery's shared attack techniques. The story is no longer four separate adversaries but one logistics and learning network.Pauses as rearmament. Haqqani, Daoud, and Fitton-Brown independently report Iran boasting that ceasefires are for restocking. Sayeh supplies the domestic mirror: executions spike precisely when negotiations are underway. Ben-Ur gives the Gaza version — Hamas distributing rifles while the disarmament deal is being signed. The diplomatic interval is the adversary's production cycle.American absence, and who fills it. Haqqani's "helpless giant," Fitton-Brown's elephant in the room, Fanell's nine-month carrier deployments and depleted arsenal, Huessy's theater nuclear gap, Bernstam's lost refining capacity. Chang and Holt argue the reticence is a gambit; the guests closer to the ground read it as depletion. Haqqani's line is the sharpest: China wins by saying nothing.Xi's brittleness. Collier's $7.7 trillion in hidden bad loans, Burton's Beidaihe meeting on a collapsed housing market and local debt, Xi's shrinking travel schedule, Holt's factional rival. Clifford's Jimmy Lai segment is the same material in personal form — the vindictiveness of a leader who treats any dissent as existential. External aggression from Fanell sits directly on top of internal weakness from Collier and Burton, which is the more interesting juxtaposition than either alone.Two smaller pairings worth an hour break: Bernstam and Constable both on energy and food prices as the civilian bill for all of the above, and Araújo/Peña Esclusa's hemispheric shift as the one segment where the trend runs the other way — Petro out, De la Espriella in, Lula isolated.If you want a running order argument: Collier and Burton to establish the weakness, Fanell and Holt for the aggression it produces, then the Iran arc from Haqqani through Sayeh, with Bernstam and Constable as the price tag.

In part two of our deep dive into China (and part four of our socialist organization series), we break down how Mao attempted to dialectically sublate a national front and a united front. We explore the structural inclusion of the "patriotic national bourgeoisie" into the block of four classes (symbolized by the stars on the Chinese flag) and contrast it with classical Soviet developmental theory and orthodox Marxism.We also dive into:- The historical debate between Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, Lenin, and Trotsky.- Why modern "Hoxhaists" and Left Communists consider New Democracy to be revisionist.- The evolution of class structures under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin's "Three Represents" doctrine (allowing billionaires into the Party).- The reality of modern China's development: Is it a transitioning socialist project, or an hyper-competent form of state capitalism and developmental liberalism?Don't forget to like, subscribe, and hit the notification bell for Episode 5, where we pivot to National Frontism and National Bolshevism.Journal ArticlesDirlik, A. (1970). The ideological foundations of the Chinese Revolution. Journal of Contemporary History, 5(3), 39–54.Dittmer, L. (1977). Line struggle: Notes on its organizational context and theoretical development. Modern China, 3(3), 303–312.Fogel, J. A. (1980). Ai Siqi, establishment intellectual by Joshua A. Fogel. Modern China, 6(1), 23–47.Hammond, E. R. (1978). Marxism and the mass line [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Korolev, A. (2017). De-ideologized mass line, regime responsiveness, and state-society relations. China Review, 17(2), 7–36.Lyman, S. V. (1970). The Chinese Communist Party in the United Front, 1937–1945 [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Mazur, M. G. (1995). The United Front of the 1940s: A social and cultural perspective. Modern China, 21(4), 431–456.Selden, M. (1971). The Yenan Way in revolutionary China. The China Quarterly, (45), 263–294.Steiner, H. A. (1951). Current mass line tactics in Communist China. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 277(1), 422–436.Teiwes, F. C. (1978). The origins of rectification: Inner-party purgation in the 1930s. The China Quarterly, (74), 181–201.Tokuda, N. (1971). The mass line during the Yenan period. The China Quarterly, (47), 1–18.Townsend, J. R. (1967). Political participation in Communist China. University of California Press.Womack, B. (1980). The phase of de-Maoization in China. China Report, 16(1), 7–21.Womack, B. (1991). Mao Zedong and the sinification of Marxism. The China Quarterly, (126), 1–15.Young, G. (1980). On New Democracy and the transition to socialism. Modern China, 6(1), 3–22.Books & Primary SourcesCoble, P. M. (2023). The collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek lost China's civil war. Cambridge University Press.Elbaum, M. (2018). Revolution in the air: Sixties radicals turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. Verso Books.Hirata, K. (2024). Making Mao's steelworks: Industrial Manchuria and the transnational origins of Chinese socialism. Cambridge University Press.Karl, R. E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world: A concise history. Duke University Press.Li, H. (2024). Fighting on the cultural front: U.S.-China relations in the Cold War. Columbia University Press.Lin, C. (2019). Mass line. In C. Sorace, I. Franceschini, & N. Loubere (Eds.), Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political concepts from Mao to Xi (p. 122). ANU Press.Lovell, J. (2019). Maoism: A global history. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.Lowe, D. M. (1966). The function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. University of California Press.Mao, Z. (1940). On New Democracy. Marxists Internet Archive.Mao, Z. (1977). A critique of Soviet economics. Monthly Review Press.Moufawad-Paul, J. (2016). Continuity and rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist terrain. Zero Books.Schram, S. R. (Ed.). (2005). Mao's road to power: Revolutionary writings 1912–1949: Vol. VII. New Democracy, 1939–1941. M.E. Sharpe.Zheng, Q. (Ed.). (2020). An ideological history of the Communist Party of China (Vol. 2) (L. Sun & S. Bryant, Trans.). Royal Collins Publishing Group.Send us Fan Mail Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan, Parzival, Adriel Mixon, Buddy Roark, Daniel Petrovic,Julian, Drea, Free Beer 

Former premier Zhu Rongji passed away in Beijing on Wednesday. He was 98.Zhu, who had served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the 14th and 15th Central Committees of the Communist Party of China, died of illness, according to an official obituary.The obituary was jointly issued by the CPC Central Committee; the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislature; the State Council, China's Cabinet; and the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, China's top political advisory body.It extolled Zhu as an excellent Party member, a time-tested and loyal communist fighter, and an outstanding proletarian revolutionist, statesman and leader of the Party and the State.Born in October 1928 in Changsha, Hunan province, Zhu joined revolutionary work in December 1948 and became a CPC member in October 1949.Between 1987 and 1991, he served successively as deputy secretary of the CPC Shanghai Municipal Committee, mayor of Shanghai, and secretary of the CPC Shanghai Municipal Committee.During his tenure, he advocated for adjusting the city's industrial structure, developing an export-oriented economy and enhancing its international competitiveness.Zhu played a crucial role in advancing the development and opening-up of Shanghai's Pudong New Area. His efforts laid a solid foundation for Shanghai's further reform, opening-up and development, the obituary said.In 1991, Zhu was appointed vice-premier of the State Council.In October 1992, he was elected a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and its standing committee, and he was responsible for the executive work of the State Council.In June 1993, he concurrently served as the governor of the People's Bank of China, the country's central bank.Zhu studied and developed approaches and measures to strengthen and improve macroeconomic regulation, making significant and effective contributions to curbing an overheated economy, reining in inflation and achieving an economic "soft landing".He pushed forward efforts to rectify and restore order in the fiscal and taxation sectors, accelerated fiscal and tax reforms and helped improve China's financial regulation system.In September 1997, Zhu was reelected a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and its standing committee.In March 1998, he was appointed premier of the State Council, and he later served as the secretary of the leading Party members group of the State Council.Facing the impact of the Asian financial crisis and the catastrophic flooding in China, Zhu focused on a shift from implementing a moderately tight fiscal and monetary policy to adopting a proactive fiscal policy and a prudent monetary policy, expanding domestic demand and deepening reforms in key areas, thereby maintaining steady and rapid economic growth.During Zhu's tenure as vice-premier and premier of the State Council, a series of policies and measures were adopted to expand opening-up, encourage exports, keep the renminbi exchange rate stable without devaluation, attract foreign investment, and firmly safeguard the prosperity and stability of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region as an international financial center.He also presided over the implementation of major reforms in the social security system, healthcare system, and investment and financing system, among others, promoting the establishment of the basic framework of a socialist market economy.He oversaw the completion of the arduous negotiations for China's accession to the World Trade Organization.In March 2003, Zhu no longer served as premier of the State Council. After retiring from leadership posts, he steadfastly upheld and supported the leadership of the CPC Central Committee.He continued to care about the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and firmly supported efforts to improve conduct, promote integrity and fight corruption.Zhu's life was a revolutionary, fighting and glorious one, and one that was dedicated to wholeheartedly serving the people and the communist cause, the obituary said, adding that his death is a great loss to the Party and the State.

Chinese humanoid robot maker Unitree Robotics opened subscriptions for its initial public offering on the Shanghai Stock Exchange's sci-tech innovation board, or STAR Market, on Monday, as the market witnessed a broader economic shift with future industries expected to power the country's next wave of economic growth.8月10日中国人形机器人制造商宇树科技在上海证券交易所科创板启动新股认购，此举正值中国经济迎来更广泛的转型，未来产业有望成为驱动国家新一轮经济增长的重要引擎。President Xi Jinping, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, said in an article published in June in the Qiushi Journal, a flagship magazine of the CPC Central Committee, that cultivating and developing future industries are of great significance for seizing the development initiative, developing new quality productive forces and improving people's quality of life.中共中央总书记、国家主席习近平在中共中央机关刊物《求是》杂志6月刊发的文章中指出，培育和发展未来产业，对于抢占发展主动权、发展新质生产力、提高人民生活品质具有重大意义。Efforts should be made to vigorously foster first-class scientific, technological and high-tech enterprises that excel in core technologies and possess strong innovation capacities, Xi said.习近平指出，要大力培育掌握核心技术、创新能力强的一流科技型高新技术企业。For decades, China's economic expansion was powered largely by traditional industries, infrastructure investment and manufacturing scale.数十年来，中国经济增长主要依靠传统产业、基础设施投资和制造业规模驱动。But the next wave of growth is increasingly expected to come from future industries, including embodied intelligence, future energy, quantum technology, brain-computer interfaces and 6G, which have been highlighted as key areas in China's 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30).但下一轮增长动能正日益转向未来产业，包括具身智能、未来能源、量子科技、脑机接口和6G等，这些领域已被列为"十五五"规划（2026年至2030年）的重点方向。Since leading semiconductor firm ChangXin Memory Technologies debuted on the STAR Market in late July, a number of companies including artificial intelligence chip developer Enflame Technology, semiconductor manufacturer Can-Semi Technology, commercial rocket maker LandSpace and AI chip company Kunlunxin have been moving toward potential listings.自领先半导体企业长鑫存储7月下旬在科创板上市以来，人工智能芯片研发商燧原科技、半导体制造商积塔半导体、商业火箭企业蓝箭航天以及人工智能芯片企业昆仑芯等多家企业也在积极推进上市进程。Behind the wave of listings is not just a reshuffle of capital market preferences, but a transformation in the sources of future economic growth.这波上市潮的背后，不仅是资本市场偏好的重新洗牌，更是未来经济增长动能来源的深刻转变。Hu Yongjun, secretary-general of future industries and platform economy research center under the State Information Center, said: "Developing future industries is a key move in driving industrial transformation and upgrade. Technologies that appear to be in an exploratory stage today could become engines of economic growth over the next decade or more."国家信息中心未来产业与平台经济研究中心秘书长胡拥军表示："发展未来产业是推动产业转型升级的关键举措。今天看似仍处于探索阶段的技术，未来十年乃至更长时间里可能成为经济增长的引擎。"He said that future industries will fuel China's economic growth through new trillion-yuan-level industries that will come about as emerging technologies transform into commercial applications, and traditional industries are upgraded by integrating technologies such as AI, digitalization and low-carbon solutions.他表示，随着新兴技术加快向商业化应用转化，以及人工智能、数字化、低碳等技术与传统产业深度融合、推动其转型升级，未来产业将通过催生新的万亿级产业，为中国经济增长注入新动能。"More importantly, future industries are not simply about developing several new products. They could accelerate upgrades across an entire industrial chain, from core components to end-user applications," he said.他说："更重要的是，未来产业并非仅仅是研发几款新产品，而是能够带动从核心零部件到终端应用的整条产业链加速升级。"A humanoid robot illustrates this ecosystem effect.一台人形机器人便是这种生态带动效应的生动例证Behind a single robot are dozens of interconnected sectors, including AI models, chips, sensors, precision reducers, motors, batteries, new materials, industrial software and intelligent manufacturing equipment.一台机器人的背后，牵动着数十个相互关联的产业领域，涵盖人工智能大模型、芯片、传感器、精密减速器、电机、电池、新材料、工业软件以及智能制造装备等。China's electric vehicle industry offers a similar example.中国电动汽车产业也提供了类似的例证。Over the past decade, the rise of new energy vehicles has reshaped the global auto industry while driving rapid growth in power batteries, energy storage materials, intelligent driving technologies and automotive chips.过去十年间，新能源汽车的崛起重塑了全球汽车产业格局，同时带动动力电池、储能材料、智能驾驶技术和车规级芯片实现快速增长。In addition, the Unitree IPO and other upcoming listings represent a broader reallocation of capital toward technologies that may require years of investment before generating large-scale commercial returns.此外，宇树科技上市及其他即将登陆资本市场的企业，也反映出资本正更广泛地流向那些可能需要多年投入才能实现规模化商业回报的技术领域。Xi also stressed efforts to improve fiscal and taxation policies, vigorously develop technology finance, and optimize government procurement and talent cultivation, introduction and utilization to foster a robust environment that encourages innovation.习近平还强调，要完善财税政策，大力发展科技金融，优化政府采购，做好人才培养、引进和使用工作，营造鼓励创新的良好环境。Tian Xuan, dean of Peking University's Guanghua School of Management, said: "China is transiting from factor-driven growth toward innovation-driven development. Capital is moving beyond its traditional role of financing capacity expansion in mature industries and increasingly taking on the earlier-stage, longer-term uncertainty involved in building future industries."北京大学光华管理学院院长田轩表示："中国正从要素驱动型增长向创新驱动型发展转变。资本正超越以往为成熟产业产能扩张融资的传统角色，日益承担起培育未来产业过程中早期、长周期不确定性的风险。"As of June 2026, the STAR Market had attracted 609 hard technology companies, with total funds raised through IPOs and refinancing exceeding 1.37 trillion yuan ($203 billion).截至2026年6月，科创板已吸引609家硬科技企业上市，通过首次公开募股及再融资累计筹资超过1.37万亿元人民币（约合2030亿美元）。More than 40 listed companies on the market have also entered cutting-edge fields such as quantum technology, 6G and biomanufacturing.科创板上市公司中，已有40余家企业布局量子科技、6G和生物制造等前沿领域。The China Securities Regulatory Commission has also introduced a regular "green channel" mechanism for IPO financing and mergers and acquisitions involving technology companies in strategically important core technology areas.中国证券监督管理委员会还针对掌握战略性核心技术的科技企业，建立了常态化的首次公开募股融资及并购重组"绿色通道"机制。For instance, Unitree Robotics moved rapidly through the listing process, taking less than four months to go from the application acceptance stage to approval, marking the fastest review under the STAR Market's preliminary review mechanism since its implementation.以宇树科技为例，其上市进程推进迅速，从申报受理到审核通过历时不足四个月，创下科创板预先审阅机制实施以来的最快审核纪录。"Amid the rapid development of AI, rising geopolitical tensions and a growing emphasis on strategic security, China needs to build a financial system better aligned with the development of new quality productive forces," Tian said.田轩表示："在人工智能快速发展、地缘政治紧张局势加剧、战略安全日益受到重视的背景下，中国需要构建一个与新质生产力发展更加适配的金融体系。""This requires expanding the supply of patient capital, improving market structures, enhancing policy predictability and reducing resource misallocation, thereby providing sustained and solid financial support for innovation," he added.他补充说："这需要扩大耐心资本供给，完善市场结构，增强政策可预期性，减少资源错配，从而为创新提供持续而坚实的金融支撑。"quantum technology /ˈkwɒntəm tekˈnɒlədʒi/ n.量子科技brain-computer interface /breɪn kəmˈpjuːtər ˈɪntərfeɪs/ n.脑机接口semiconductor /ˌsemikənˈdʌktər/ n.半导体reshuffle /riːˈʃʌfəl/ n./v.重新洗牌，调整secretary-general /ˈsekrətəri ˈdʒenərəl/ n.秘书长trillion-yuan-level /ˈtrɪljən juˈɑːn ˈlevəl/ adj.万亿元级的digitalization /ˌdɪdʒɪtəlaɪˈzeɪʃən/ n.数字化low-carbon /loʊ ˈkɑːrbən/ adj.低碳的industrial chain /ɪnˈdʌstriəl tʃeɪn/ n.产业链precision reducer /prɪˈsɪʒən rɪˈduːsər/ n.精密减速器

Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962 by Frank Dikötter  Winner of the Samuel Johnson Prize An unprecedented, groundbreaking history of China's Great Famine that recasts the era of Mao Zedong and the history of the People's Republic of China. "Between 1958 and 1962, China descended into hell. Mao Zedong threw his country into a frenzy with the Great Leap Forward, an attempt to catch up to and overtake Britain in less than fifteen years. The experiment ended in the greatest catastrophe the country had ever known, destroying tens of millions of lives." So opens Frank Dikötter's riveting, magnificently detailed chronicle of an era in Chinese history much speculated about but never before fully documented, as access to Communist Party archives has long been restricted to all but the most trusted historians. A new archive law has opened up thousands of central and provincial documents that "fundamentally change the way one can study the Maoist era." Dikötter makes clear, as nobody has before, that far from being the program that would lift the country among the world's superpowers and prove the power of Communism, as Mao imagined, the Great Leap Forward transformed the country in the other direction. It became the site not only of “one of the most deadly mass killings of human history"--at least forty-five million people were worked, starved, or beaten to death--but also of "the greatest demolition of real estate in human history," as up to one-third of all housing was turned into rubble. The experiment was a catastrophe for the natural world as well, as the land was savaged in the maniacal pursuit of steel and other industrial accomplishments. In a powerful meshing of exhaustive research in Chinese archives and narrative drive, Dikötter, for the first time, links up what happened in the corridors of power--the vicious backstabbing and bullying tactics that took place among party leaders--with the everyday experiences of ordinary people, giving voice to the dead and disenfranchised. His magisterial account recasts the history of the People's Republic of China.

Neha Bora has emerged as a charismatic student leader and one of the key faces of the Jantar Mantar protests. She is the national president of AISA, the All India Students Association, which is affiliated with the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation. We speak with her about the impact of the National Education Policy (NEP), 2020 on India's higher education system, what it means to be a leftwing student leader in India, and the challenges in mobilising students and working class youth for social justice in a scenario of shrinking spaces for dissent and civil liberties. Host: G Sampath Producer: Shiksha Jural Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

If you ever studied modern Chinese history, you likely met the “century of humiliation” in your first class. In 1840, British gunboats shattered the pride and legitimacy of the Qing empire, and the decades of semi-colonization that followed inaugurated a century of reform and revolution — all aimed at restoring an ancient, creaky civilization to unity and to the top of the world. The Kuomintang and the Communist Party told the same story and drew the same conclusion: the mandate belongs to whoever ends the humiliation.In China, history has never been merely academic. Where elections do not exist, leaders seek legitimacy in historical title deeds — which is why the Party still teaches the story in every classroom and invokes it in every speech on national rejuvenation. The battle crossed the Pacific, too. John King Fairbank absorbed the nationalist framework in wartime China and canonized it at Harvard, organizing American understanding of modern China around two dates: 1840 and 1949. He built the field of China studies as we know it, and generations of his students inherited the framework with it, until American scholarship was teaching China's nationalist mythology back to itself — and to Washington, where it still underwrites op-eds casting Xi Jinping as the new emperor. How America tells China's story shapes how America makes China policy.Dr. Alice Miller thinks we have the story wrong. From 1974 to 1990, she was a senior CIA analyst of Chinese foreign policy and domestic politics, and later a division chief supervising analysis of China, North Korea, Indochina, and Soviet policy in East Asia. She is now a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, where she edited and contributed to the China Leadership Monitor from 2001 to 2018. She published as H. Lyman Miller before her gender transition.In part two of our conversation — edited for clarity and brevity — we trace her formation at Princeton under Fritz Mote, the ferocious “Who lost China?” debates of the 1950s, the eternal feud between historians and political scientists, and her heterodox verdict on engagement: it didn't fail — it worked so well that Xi Jinping had to stomp on it. We close with a story of a different kind: her transition in 2006, and the unexpected grace with which the CIA, Hoover, and the Naval Postgraduate School received it. Part one, on her years decoding Beijing for the CIA, is here.Enjoy!LeoMusic: Carnaval Op. 9 No. 18 - “Aveu”, Bishara Haroni, Artlist Classics, Robert SchumannFor quick navigation to the specific sections:* Early sinologist debates about “who lost China?”* The fallacy of “The Century of Humiliation”* The battle between historians and political scientists over contemporary China studies* “How Did We Get China So Wrong?”* An identity transition from Harold to AlicePeking Hotel is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.About usThe Peking Hotel podcast and newsletter are digital publications in which Liu He interviews China specialists about their first-hand experiences and observations from decades past. The project grew out of Liu's research at Hoover Institution collecting oral history of China experts living in the U.S. Their stories are a reminder of what China used to be and what it is capable of becoming.We also have a Chinese-language Substack. We hope to publish more conversations like this one, so stay tuned! Get full access to Peking Hotel at pekinghotel.substack.com/subscribe

Xi Jin ping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, has called for efforts to strengthen political guidance and deepen innovation-driven development to advance the high-quality modernization of national defense and the armed forces.Xi, who is also Chinese president and chairman of the Central Military Commission, made the remarks on Thursday when presiding over a group study session of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.He urged efforts to fulfill the goals for the centenary of the People's Liberation Army in 2027 and make "decisive progress" in basically realizing the modernization of national defense and the armed forces. This, he said, will provide strong strategic support for advancing the cause of building a great country and achieving national rejuvenation on all fronts through Chinese modernization.The study session was held ahead of the founding anniversary of the PLA, which falls on Saturday. On behalf of the CPC Central Committee and the CMC, Xi extended festival greetings to all members of the PLA and the People's Armed Police Force, civilian personnel of the PLA, and members of the reserve forces and the militia.Xi said that since the 18th CPC National Congress in 2012, China has made comprehensive efforts to enhance political loyalty in the military, strengthen the military through reform, personnel training and science and technology, and run the military in accordance with the law.By simultaneously carrying out operations, strengthening combat preparedness and enhancing military capabilities, the Chinese military has significantly improved its modernization level and become a capable fighting force, making historic achievements and transformations, he said.Emphasizing the importance of ensuring political loyalty in the military, Xi urged upholding and strengthening the absolute leadership of the Party over the armed forces. Efforts should be made to ensure that military officers and soldiers follow the Party and that they always obey the Party's commands, he said.Xi called for unremitting efforts to fight against corruption, improve the supervision system for major projects and ensure that all initiatives are underpinned by quality, capability and integrity.He noted the importance of combat effectiveness in the high-quality modernization of national defense and the armed forces, saying that it is essential to enhance the military application of unmanned intelligent technologies and intensify construction and application of a network information system to gradually build an intelligent military system.Solid steps should be taken to advance military training and enhance combat preparedness to effectively safeguard China's national sovereignty, security and development interests, he said.Xi emphasized that consolidating and enhancing integrated national strategies and strategic capabilities is the path the nation must take to achieve high-quality modernization of national defense and the armed forces.He called for strengthening military governance, optimizing institutional frameworks and improving policies and regulations to strengthen close collaboration between the military and civilian sectors.In another development, Xi has signed an order to commend Yang Yong from Troop 91548 of the PLA, honoring him with a first-class merit citation in defense-related science and technology.China has also commended and honored 12 military officers and soldiers as "the most beautiful revolutionary personnel of the new era", according to a joint announcement on Friday by the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee and the Political Work Department of the CMC.

https://www.amazon.co.uk/Villain-Venice-Steampunk-Adventure-Expanded/dp/B0GYVW1ZM3?source=ps-sl-shoppingads-lpcontext&ref_=fplfs&psc=1&smid=A3P5ROKL5A1OLE The Zygons have come to claim the Earth, and this time they're playing the long game. For the Black Cadre have a plan, a plan that will take exactly one hundred years to come to fruition. From the streets of St Petersburg to the plains of Death Valley, the Zygon Century continues... 1922: The Black Cadre by Jonathan Barnes From Munich to Dublin to an asylum in Dartmoor, the Zygons have agents everywhere, and their plans are growing in scope and ambition. Can Herbert Scott, that long incarcerated investigator of the occult, do anything to stop them? Is his rescuer - the German heiress, Ilse Lange - all that she seems? And why are the Black Cadre so interested in a mysterious carnival, travelling the wilder reaches of the Cornish coast? 1968: An Incident in Death Valley by Lauren Mooney and Stewart Pringle Fleeing her brutal human captors, and in hiding from the Black Cadre, the Zygon Vorvoren arrives at a run-down diner in the bowels of Death Valley. There, she finds a friend in Junie, a young waitress, and a town terrorised by a ruthless cult. But just who is their mysterious leader, 'The Arkon'? And could he really hold the key to Vorvoren's liberation and revenge? 1974: The Caldwell Restitution by Ken Bentley Agent Caldwell has been posted to the British Embassy in Moscow and ordered to investigate a rising star of the Communist Party. But Caldwell is a shadow of his former self, plagued by nightmares of the past and misty visions of the future.

Proletarian TV | 17 July 2026 Joti Brar, Chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist), discusses in this video how reports concerning rape and sexual violence are being weaponised to promote anti-immigration politics in Britain despite the complete absence of comprehensive ethnicity data. Bad actors, reactionary media commentators and politicians manipulating reports of sexual violence by racialising the information and associating it with the immigrant communities in Britain who are victims of imperialism in their own countries. By adopting such a framing, these bad actors and their ilk are attempting to divert attention from the real institutional and economic failures of our system onto migrants. This is just one of the many problems that are pinned on to migrants; others include: overstretched services, falling wages, deteriorating living standards, et cetera. The reality is that Britain does not have an immigration problem. It has a capitalism problem. ______________________________________________ Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! http://www.thecommunists.org http://www.lalkar.org http://www.redyouth.org Telegram: https://t.me/thecommunists Twitter: / cpgbml Soundcloud: / proletarianradio Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: https://odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: / cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: Each one teach one! http://www.londonworker.org/education... Join the struggle! https://www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: https://www.thecommunists.org/donate/

The fifth plenary session of the 20th Communist Party of China Central Committee will be held in Beijing in October, with a focus on studying major issues on consistently advancing the Party's full and rigorous self-governance.The announcement came on Thursday after a meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, which was presided over by Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee.A statement issued after the meeting said that with the profound changes in the international landscape, national conditions and the Party's development, there are new circumstances and issues in advancing the Party's self-governance.In exercising full and rigorous Party governance, efforts should be focused on enhancing the Party's long-term governance capability, maintaining its advanced nature and integrity, and preserving the close bond between the Party and the people, in order to ensure that the Party always remains the strong leadership core in developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, the statement said.The meeting also analyzed and studied the current economic situation and made arrangements for economic work in the second half of this year.During the meeting, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, the Party's top decision-making body, pledged to step up macro policy support, and underlined the need to implement a more proactive fiscal policy and a moderately loose monetary policy, fully leverage the effectiveness of existing policies and roll out practical and effective incremental measures in a timely manner.It is essential to strengthen countercyclical adjustments, intensify efforts to expand domestic demand and optimize supply, enhance development momentum and stimulate social vitality in order to achieve sustained, innovative and improved economic growth, the meeting said.The meeting emphasized the need to accelerate the pace of fiscal spending and the use of bond funds, effectively utilize monetary policy tools and adjust them in a timely manner, and optimize fiscal-monetary coordination to boost domestic demand.It is important to expand mutually beneficial international economic and trade cooperation, vigorously develop service trade, and promote balanced trade development, the meeting said, calling for efforts to actively attract and utilize foreign capital.The meeting emphasized the importance of stabilizing the real estate market, while highlighting the need to enhance the resilience of the capital market and investors' confidence.China's economy grew 4.7 percent year-on-year in the first half of the year. This put the country largely on track to meet its annual growth target of between 4.5 and 5 percent.To effectively carry out economic work for the remainder of the year, efforts must be made to better consider both the domestic and international situations in a coordinated way, balance development and security, consistently deepen reform and opening-up, and speed up the transition from old growth drivers to new ones, the meeting said.The meeting underlined the need to take solid steps to build the "six networks" — water, new-type power grids, computing power, next-generation communication, urban underground pipe and logistics, while calling for efforts to accelerate the development of a modern industrial system and strengthen long-term and steady support for basic research.While calling for deeply implementing the "AI Plus" initiative, fostering new forms of the smart economy and improving the governance system for artificial intelligence, the meeting underscored the need to seek breakthroughs in cutting-edge technologies and the development of future industries.Efforts should be made to build emerging pillar industries, while continuously driving the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries, the meeting said.The meeting emphasized the need to create a level playing field for market entities, comprehensively address "rat race" competition, further deepen the reform of State-owned assets and enterprises, optimize the development environment for the private economy, and promote the regulated and healthy development of the internet-based platform economy.It is important to effectively implement a package of debt relief measures, and steadily advance the reform and risk mitigation of local small and medium-sized financial institutions, the meeting said.Advice on economic workPrior to Thursday's Political Bureau meeting, the CPC Central Committee held a symposium on July 24 with non-CPC personages to solicit opinions and suggestions on the current economic situation and economic work for the second half of this year.While presiding over the symposium, Xi said that in the first half of the year, China's economy made steady progress despite headwinds, demonstrating strong resilience and vitality.In the second half of the year, efforts should focus on enhancing the effectiveness of macroeconomic policies, Xi said.Key priorities include tapping into the potential for expanding domestic demand, promoting the deep integration of technological and industrial innovation, deepening reform and expanding high-standard opening-up, improving people's livelihoods and continuing to mitigate risks in key areas, he said.plenary /ˈpliːnəri/ adj.全体出席的；全体会议的countercyclical /ˌkaʊntəˈsɪklɪkl/ adj.逆周期的incremental /ˌɪŋkrəˈmentl/ adj.增量的；新增的resilience /rɪˈzɪliəns/ n.韧性；抗风险能力symposium /sɪmˈpəʊziəm/ n.座谈会；专题研讨会mitigate /ˈmɪtɪɡeɪt/ v.缓解；化解（风险、债务、压力）

Sam has been AWOL for the summer and he offers us a peek into why. He has been traveling around Asia solo, visiting Japan, China, Hong Kong, Malaysia and Thailand. Hear about his escapades as he visits Buddhist temples, tropical Islands and the densest urban neighborhood on planet earth. Deep in the jungle of Southern Thailand, what are the karaoke bars like? Did Sam end up visiting the Great Wall of China? Did the Communist Party of China's propaganda museum work on him? And what does Sam hope he can learn from Buddhist tendencies from the other side of the world? All of this and more on this week's special, informal episode. Sam says he misses the Party Girls family very much and will be back in August! SIGN UP NOW at https://patreon.com/partygirls to get all of our bonus content, Discord access, and a shout out on the pod! Follow us on ALL the Socials: Instagram: @party.girls.pod TikTok: @party.girls.pod Twitter: @partygirlspod BlueSky: @partygirls.bsky.social Leave us a nice review on Apple Podcasts or Spotify if you feel so inclined: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/party-girls/id1577239978 https://open.spotify.com/show/71ESqg33NRlEPmDxjbg4rO Executive Producer: Andrew Callaway Producers: Ryan M., Jon B

The Communist Party of China will hold the fifth plenary session of its 20th Central Committee in Beijing this October to discuss major issues including Party governance.

With the 2026 summer travel season now at its peak, China's tourism market continues to sizzle, with record-breaking passenger flows and shifting preferences reshaping the holiday landscape, according to travel agencies.各大旅行社表示，2026年暑期旅游正值旺季峰值，国内文旅市场热度持续高涨，出行人次创下新高，游客偏好不断转变，重塑了假日出行格局。Travel booking platforms are reporting strong growth. Tuniu, an online travel agency, said bookings for summer tourism products had risen 17 percent year-on-year as of late July, with domestic travel bookings up more than 20 percent. On online travel platform Qunar, summer car rental bookings have increased by nearly 60 percent year-on-year.旅游预订平台订单量大幅攀升。在线旅游服务商途牛数据显示，截至7月下旬，暑期旅游产品预订量同比上涨17%，其中国内游预订涨幅超20%；去哪儿平台暑期租车订单同比增长近60%。To further stimulate summer consumption, more than 450 million yuan ($66 million) in travel vouchers will be distributed nationwide this summer, according to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.文化和旅游部称，今年夏季全国将发放总额超4.5亿元（折合6600万美元）文旅消费券，进一步拉动暑期消费。More than 30,000 culture and tourism consumption events will also be held across the country. Local authorities will expand the supply of high-quality tourism and cultural offerings, including summer retreats, coastal vacations, nighttime tourism, cruises and yachting, family trips, study tours, culinary experiences and museum visits, the ministry said.全国各地还将举办三万余场文旅消费活动。文旅部介绍，各地持续丰富优质文旅产品供给，涵盖避暑休闲、滨海度假、夜间文旅、邮轮游艇、亲子家庭游、研学旅行、美食体验、博物馆游览等多种业态。Family travel remains the dominant force in the summer tourism market. Parents and kids account for over 60 percent of summer travelers on Tuniu and 45 percent on Qunar. According to Qunar, the top family travel destinations this summer are Shanghai, Beijing, Chengdu in Sichuan province, Kunming in Yunnan province and Guangzhou in Guangdong province.亲子家庭游依旧是暑期旅游市场主力军。途牛平台暑期亲子游客占比超60%，去哪儿平台该比例达45%。去哪儿数据显示，今夏热门亲子目的地依次为上海、北京、四川成都、云南昆明以及广东广州。Family travel itself is also evolving. Gone are the days when parents planned trips entirely around their children's needs. This summer, as more people born after 1995 become parents, an "everyone has a good time" approach to family vacations is becoming increasingly popular, according to Qunar.亲子游模式也在不断迭代。过去父母一切围绕孩子需求规划行程的时代已然过去。去哪儿平台表示，随着大批95后步入父母行列，兼顾全家游玩体验、人人都能收获快乐的度假理念愈发流行。Hotels are adapting to the trend by offering childcare services and children's clubs. On Qunar, searches for hotels with childcare services and children's programs rose 40 percent month-on-month. The five most popular search criteria for family-friendly hotels are swimming pools, children's clubs, washing machines, refrigerators and child safety facilities.各大酒店顺应趋势，纷纷推出托管服务、儿童乐园。去哪儿平台上，带有育儿服务、儿童游乐项目的酒店搜索量环比上涨40%；亲子酒店五大热门筛选条件为：泳池、儿童俱乐部、洗衣机、冰箱、儿童安全设施。Yan Yun, a resident of Wuhan, Hubei province, in her 30s, is traveling with her 5-year-old daughter and her brother's family — five people in all — on a nine-day road trip from Shenyang and Dalian in Liaoning province to Yantai, Shandong province, from July 25 to Aug 2.湖北武汉30多岁市民严芸，带着5岁女儿以及哥哥一家，共计五人，开启了9天自驾之旅：7月25日至8月2日，从辽宁沈阳、大连一路前往山东烟台。Still on the road and renting a car for the entire trip, Yan said the journey has been highly enjoyable.全程租车自驾、旅途仍在继续的严芸坦言，这次出行体验十分美好。She said traveling with children slows the pace and requires more negotiation, making the itinerary less predictable.她说道，带孩子出游行程节奏会放缓，凡事需要互相商量，旅途计划不会一成不变。Despite the slower pace, she described the journey as a unique and rewarding experience for the whole family.虽说行程节奏舒缓，但她认为这场旅行给全家人带来了独一无二、充实美好的收获。The growing demand for richer travel experiences has become another defining feature of this summer's tourism market. Tuniu said users are increasingly seeking in-depth and experiential travel, driven by sustained demand for emotional value and experience-based consumption.游客对沉浸式深度体验的需求攀升，是今夏文旅市场另一大鲜明特点。途牛表示，受情感价值需求与体验式消费热潮带动，游客愈发偏爱深度体验游。Li Pengbo, Communist Party of China secretary of the School of Tourism Sciences at Beijing International Studies University and a professor at the school, said the shift reflects a fundamental change in consumer values.北京第二外国语学院旅游科学学院党委书记、教授李朋波表示，这种出游偏好转变，本质上是大众消费观念的更迭。"In the era of 'check-in tourism', when travel opportunities were relatively scarce, simply having been somewhere was valuable. Photos served as proof, and social media posts announced the experience.“打卡旅游盛行的年代，出游机会有限，只要抵达过某地就极具意义；拍照留存当作凭证，再发到社交平台分享，便是旅行的全部意义。”"Today, as travel becomes more routine, the marginal value of simply having been somewhere has plummeted. How did you travel? What did you feel? Do you have a story to tell? These have become the new value anchors," Li said.李教授讲道：“如今旅行早已常态化，单纯到此一游的边际价值大幅下降。人们更在意出行方式、内心感受、旅途故事，这些才是当下旅行新的价值核心。”That helps explain the rapid rise of experiences such as city walks, intangible cultural heritage workshops and local food tours, which offer stories to tell rather than simply places to show, he said.这也就能解释为何城市漫步、非遗手作体验、本地美食探访等项目迅速走红：这类旅行重在收获可讲述的旅途故事，而非单纯打卡景点。Summer also remains the peak season for both outbound and inbound travel. According to Qunar, the most popular outbound destinations include Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, Indonesia and the United States. Thailand tops the list, with skill-learning trips — in which travelers learn activities such as cooking, yoga and Muay Thai — driving a 3.3-fold increase in hotel bookings in Chiang Mai.暑期同样是出入境旅游旺季。去哪儿数据显示，热门出境目的地有泰国、韩国、马来西亚、新加坡、中国香港、印度尼西亚、美国。泰国稳居榜首，厨艺、瑜伽、泰拳等技能研学旅行热度高涨，直接带动清迈酒店预订量暴涨3.3倍。Inbound tourism is also booming, with Shanghai, Beijing, Guangzhou and Chengdu among the most popular destinations.入境游市场同样蓬勃发展，上海、北京、广州、成都最受外籍游客青睐。By source market, the leading countries for inbound travelers this summer are Thailand, Canada, the US, the United Kingdom and Russia. Greek visitors to China increased 9.5 times year-on-year, the fastest growth among all source markets. Visitor numbers from Sri Lanka, Mongolia, Sweden, Finland and Mexico also more than doubled, according to Qunar.从客源国来看，今夏来华游客主要来自泰国、加拿大、美国、英国、俄罗斯。其中希腊来华游客同比暴涨9.5倍，涨幅位居所有客源市场首位；斯里兰卡、蒙古、瑞典、芬兰、墨西哥来华人数也均实现翻倍增长。surge /sɜːdʒ/激增，热潮sizzle /ˈsɪzl/热度高涨，火爆experiential /ɪkˌspɪəriˈenʃl/体验式的plummet /ˈplʌmɪt/暴跌，大幅下降intangible /ɪnˈtændʒəbl/无形的outbound /ˈaʊtbaʊnd/出境的；外出的

SCHEDULE THE MAKING OF THE JOHN BATCHELOR SHOW, 7-28-26.1900 IDAHOLiz Peek reports the US economy remains robust, driven by strong consumer spending in rural areas like Connecticutand Lancaster County. Peek highlights rising small business and consumer confidence despite increasing gasoline prices. Attention shifts to new Federal Reserve Chairman Kevin Warsh, who may end "dot plot" forecasting. Warsh aims to be more "taciturn," forcing markets to rely on incoming data rather than Fed projections. (1)Liz Peek examines the Michigan Democratic Senate primary as a national test for the party's ideological direction. Moderate Haley Stevens faces Dr. Abdul El-Sayed, a candidate favored by the Democratic Socialists of America. Peek notes the "shocker" UAW endorsement of El-Sayed, highlighting a shift toward "woke" politics among union members in higher education. This race evaluates if a far-left candidate can win a statewide swing-state contest. (2)Thaddeus McCotter and Judy Dempsey discuss Ukraine's strike on an Iranian vessel in the Caspian Sea, which complicates global energy security for Europe. This inland sea is a vital source of non-Russian energy. Dempsey reports that Germany is carefully observing the implications of this new front. The strike underscores the deep military connection between Russia and Iran regarding equipment exchanges. Meanwhile, recent polls show seven out of ten Americans oppose the Iran war. (3)Thaddeus McCotter and Judy Dempsey turn to a deadly ramming attack at a Berlin parade that has put Chancellor Friedrich Merz on the defensive regarding his security credentials. The populist AfD party is exploiting the tragedy to criticize "uncontrolled immigration" ahead of crucial state elections. While Merz responded with calls for law and order, the incident underscores the difficulty police face in monitoring numerous terrorist suspects. The AfD utilizes these crises to offer simple solutions. (4)Mary Kissel notes diplomatic efforts with Iran currently involve "shuttling messages" through intermediaries like Omanand Qatar. Kissel argues that the Islamic Republic is a revolutionary regime with no interest in genuine strategic peace. The administration's lack of a cohesive strategy has led to declining public support for military action. Meanwhile, the Houthi threat in the Red Sea remains a dangerous Iranian-backed tool for disrupting international shipping. (5)Mary Kissel observes President Zelenskyy is receiving a warmer reception in Washington due to Ukraine's increasing military leverage. Innovative long-range drone strikes on Russian energy nodes have demonstrated Ukraine's utility to USstrategic interests. Unlike the situation with Iran, the US maintains active diplomatic channels in Moscow to discuss potential conflict resolutions. Kissel notes that influential voices on the right are beginning to shift their views on Ukraine. (6)Jonathan Schanzer reports the conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East are merging as Russia, Iran, and Chinacoordinate their efforts. Schanzer notes that Ukraine's Caspian Sea strike has clarified this global partnership. The US is currently attempting to "keep a lid" on Israel to prevent a regional escalation. However, the US military faces a depletion of missile interceptors, making it difficult to sustain a long, high-intensity conflict. (7)Jonathan Schanzer discusses new UK–US talks focused on a maritime coalition to secure the Strait of Hormuz and Red Sea. Prime Minister Andy Burnham has an opportunity to reset the relationship with Donald Trump. The Iranian-backed Houthi threat remains a top concern for global oil analysts and regional powers like Egypt. Meanwhile, the US is signaling that Lebanon is "too big to fail" to counter Hezbollah's regional influence. (8)Gregory Copley reports the Trump administration has imposed tariffs on Australia, alleging "forced labor" practices—a claim Copley describes as spurious. This move antagonizes a loyal ally that has fought alongside the US for over a century. Consequently, Australia and Canada are beginning to lessen their strategic dependence on the US. Copley warns that such unilateral protectionism could weaken the long-term structure of the Western alliance. (9)Gregory Copley describes Cuba's total implosion as its infrastructure collapses and major blackouts occur. Copley describes a strategic failure in the Caribbean, where China has built significant influence over the last 20 years. The USmust decide whether to facilitate a rapid collapse or a managed transition of the regime. While the Cuban people suffer, the wealthy expatriate community remains ready to fund reconstruction. (10)Gregory Copley reports Xi Jinping faces significant internal opposition from Communist Party elders at the Beidaiheretreat. Despite his titles, Xi's operational power is waning as the Chinese economy evaporates and social unrest grows. A recent ballistic missile launch served as a show of strength before a state visit to the US. Copley notes that youth unemployment is high, and the PLA may eventually act independently. (11)Gregory Copley turns to the UK, where following the rise of Prime Minister Andy Burnham, the country faces political uncertainty as Labour struggles with a lack of growth. Copley highlights King Charles III's vital role as a unifying force, focusing on British national identity and values. While the Burnham government is viewed as sclerotic and ideological, the King remains an egalitarian figure. His efforts to preserve heritage, like Dumfries House, bolster his standing. (12)Joseph Sternberg criticizes Prime Minister Andy Burnham's economic policy as ineffective against the cost-of-living crisis. Sternberg argues that the UK is trapped by net-zero regulations that prevent the use of vast North Sea oil and gas reserves. Burnham finds it politically difficult to cut taxes or reverse climate policies despite potential economic benefits. This paralysis makes his government a target for future replacement. (13)Joseph Sternberg notes Chairman Kevin Warsh is moving the Federal Reserve toward a "taciturn" style, ending the practice of "forward guidance." This reform aims to prevent the Fed from becoming locked into policies that may become inappropriate as data shifts. Sternberg suggests that saying less may protect the Fed from political conflict with the White House over tariffs. Markets must now interpret raw data rather than Fed signals. (14)Thaddeus McCotter describes the Michigan Democratic Senate primary as a "civil war" between establishment candidate Haley Stevens and progressive Dr. Abdul El-Sayed. The candidates are sharply divided over AIPAC funding and support for Israel. Stevens is endorsed by high-profile figures like Gretchen Whitmer and Barack Obama. The result will indicate if the Democratic Socialists of America can succeed in a statewide race in a swing state. (15)Thaddeus McCotter notes Dr. Abdul El-Sayed denies being a socialist, claiming he merely wants to regulate "capitalism run amok." However, his platform includes radical proposals such as abolishing ICE. Haley Stevens frames him as a "celebrity candidate" and questions his appeal to women voters. McCotter notes that while the DSA lacks a ground model, identity politics may drive a high turnout among Michigan's large Muslim population. (16)Corrections applied throughout as directed: Thaddeus McCotter and Liz Peek.

Gregory Copley reports Xi Jinping faces significant internal opposition from Communist Party elders at the Beidaiheretreat. Despite his titles, Xi's operational power is waning as the Chinese economy evaporates and social unrest grows. A recent ballistic missile launch served as a show of strength before a state visit to the US. Copley notes that youth unemployment is high, and the PLA may eventually act independently. (11)

Today on the Christian History Almanac, we remember the H-mao Christians in China and their suppression by the Communist Party. GTI Zoom Info Meeting on August 11th at 7 pm Eastern/4 pm Pacific: https://us06web.zoom.us/j/89787313197 Show Notes: Support the work at 1517 1517 on YouTube 1517 Podcast Network on Apple Podcasts 1517 Events Schedule 1517 Academy - Free Theological Education Germany / Switzerland - Study Tour What's New from 1517: The Turk at the Door by Adam Francisco Luther and the Lion: A Narnian Catechism by Samuel Schuldheisz By Water and the Word by Brian Thomas Being Family by Dr. Scott Keith More from the hosts: Dan van Voorhis Follow 1517:  Instagram X/Twitter Facebook SHOW TRANSCRIPTS are available: https://www.1517.org/podcasts/the-christian-history-almanac CONTACT: CHA@1517.org Facebook Twitter Audio production by Christopher Gillespie (outerrimterritories.com)

In this continuation of our African Revolutions and Decolonization series, we we have an lengthy conversation that just starts to scratch the surface of Sudan, with a terrific guest and guest host.  Here, we are joined by Mohamed Khougali, author of Politically Unconscious: The Psychic Aftermath of the Sudanese Revolution, and returning guest host Ruehl Muller, whom you will remember from our episodes with the Communist Party of Swaziland's Bafanabakhe Sacolo.  Stay tuned, part 2 of this conversation will be coming very soon! Mohamed Khougali is a Sudanese socialist who was part of the Sudanese revolution of 2018-19. He is currently residing in Germany where he and his wife founded the Black Radicals, an anti-racist group informed by the Black Radical Tradition. He also continues his radical psychological practice, where you can reach him (notatherapist.de).  Also be sure to follow his instagram, Black Radicals!  Ruehl Muller is senior lecturer/associate professor at the Institute of Creativity and Innovation at Xiamen University in China, and the editor of the fantastic Building a People's Art: Selected Works of Trường Chinh and Tố Hữu (buy a physical copy or download the free PDF from Iskra Books). Help support the show by signing up to our patreon, where you also will get bonus content: https://www.patreon.com/guerrillahistory 

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit www.wethefifth.comFrank Dikötter is a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and one of the foremost historians of modern China. His research in overlooked and restricted Communist Party archives has transformed our understanding of Maoist rule.-Frank Dikötter is kind of Dutch, but not really-Writing the definitive history of Maoist horror-Edgar Snow a…

President Xi Jinping has called for efforts to carry out the basic task of fostering virtue through education and break new ground in the high-quality development of the country's basic education.Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, made the remarks in an instruction on work related to basic education.He pointed out that since the 18th CPC National Congress in 2012, the CPC Central Committee has prioritized basic education as a foundational and leading task, taking multiple measures to promote significant development in basic education, thus providing robust support for building a strong country in education.Xi required fully implementing the Party's policies on education to nurture students with well-rounded development in terms of moral grounding, intellectual capability, physical vigor, aesthetic sensibility and work skills, who will fully develop socialism and carry forward the socialist cause.He underlined the need to follow the inherent laws of education, uphold the "health first" principle, and enhance the quality of education and teaching to promote physical and mental health and the overall development of students.It is important to meet the new expectations of the people to enhance the quality of basic education and ensure equality in education, Xi said, emphasizing the importance of cultivating a high-caliber and professional teaching workforce.He urged Party committees and governments at all levels to shoulder their political responsibilities, optimize the allocation of educational resources, deepen comprehensive education reform, and promote coordinated efforts from schools, families and society to continuously make new advances in the high-quality development of basic education.Xi's instruction was conveyed by Vice-Premier Ding Xuexiang at the national basic education work conference, which was held in Beijing on Wednesday.Addressing the conference, Ding said that efforts must be made to strictly manage student admissions and enrollment, and provide more care and support to left-behind children in rural areas and the children of migrant workers in cities.It is essential to firmly ensure equity in education and promote balanced development in basic education, he said, calling for efforts to optimize the allocation of educational resources to adapt to demographic changes.Ding emphasized the need to deepen education and teaching reforms with a student-centered approach, and shape new advantages in basic education.The basic education system in China includes preschool education, nine-year compulsory education from elementary to junior high school, and standard senior high school.China has built the world's largest basic education system and is shifting its focus from ensuring access to improving education quality, with major progress in equality in education, digital learning and student development, according to the Ministry of Education.Beyond expanding access, China is placing greater emphasis on students' all-around development.compulsory /kəmˈpʌlsəri/义务的，强制的allocation /ˌæləˈkeɪʃn/配置，分配comprehensive /ˌkɒmprɪˈhensɪv/综合的，全面的aesthetic /iːsˈθetɪk/审美的；美学的demographic /ˌdeməˈɡræfɪk/人口统计学的；人口结构的

The International Brigades and the Fight for Spain**In this episode of the Explaining History Podcast, we are joined by Tony Fox, organiser of the Northeast Volunteers for Liberty and the International Brigades Memorial Organisation, to discuss the newly published collection, *Remember Me to My Comrades: Letters from Spain to Britain*.**The book emerged from a remarkable collaboration with the families of volunteers from the North East of England – one of the industrial heartlands hit hardest by the Great Depression. Through letters, diaries, and previously unpublished documents from the Russian archives, it brings to life the voices of men who went to Spain to fight fascism.Tony explains how the International Brigades were formed in response to the Non-Intervention Treaty signed by Britain, France and other powers. While Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy poured troops and weapons into Franco's Nationalist forces, the Soviet Union organised volunteers through the Comintern. In Britain, the Communist Party – not the Labour Party, which supported non-intervention – recruited and vetted two-and-a-half thousand men.We discuss the diverse motivations of the volunteers: from committed communists who had already fought Oswald Mosley's fascists on the streets of Britain, to idealists who saw Spain as the front line of a wider war against fascism. We explore the unique political character of the International Brigades – an army of working-class activists who knew why they were fighting, and whose morale was sustained through political education, including an essay competition held in the middle of the war.Tony also shares the story of Sam Wild, the last and finest commander of the British Battalion, and the chaotic, heroic rear‑guard actions that defined the British experience – from the defence of Madrid to the bloody retreats across the Ebro.**Topics covered:**- The Non-Intervention Treaty and its consequences- The formation of the International Brigades- The role of the Communist Party in recruitment- The social and political character of the volunteers- The Battle of Jarama and the defence of Madrid- Sam Wild and the British Battalion- Letters from the Russian archives- The human cost of the Spanish Civil War---*Tony Fox's *Remember Me to My Comrades* is available from Barnfather Publishing and independent bookshops. Please consider buying from an independent retailer or directly from the publisher.**If you enjoy the podcast, please consider supporting us – we are migrating from Patreon to Substack. Details in the show notes.*Explaining History helps you understand the 20th Century through critical conversations and expert interviews. We connect the past to the present. If you enjoy the show, please subscribe and share.▸ Support the Show & Get Exclusive ContentBecome a Patron: patreon.com/explaininghistory▸ Join the Community & Continue the ConversationFacebook Group: facebook.com/groups/ExplainingHistoryPodcastSubstack: theexplaininghistorypodcast.substack.com▸ Read Articles & Go DeeperWebsite: explaininghistory.org Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last time we spoke about the Miluo River Catastrophe. On September 17, General Xue Yue, watching alarming reconnaissance telegrams, learns the Japanese 11th Army has massed across the north bank of the Xinqiang River—3rd, 4th, 6th, and 40th Divisions—alongside additional detachments. Chinese operatives even intercept a Japanese order directing divisions to prepare for an attack on September 18. Despite this, Xue Yue's decisions and readiness remain inadequate. By September 21–23, the fighting at and around the Miluo River and Dongting Lake destroys the 37th Army's ability to function as a coherent combat force. The disaster as both tactical collapse and a failure of planning: Japanese interception and decoding of radio orders allow them to shift toward encirclement, turning Chinese movements into a "trap" laid in advance.   #211 The Japanese Blunt China's Iron Army at Changsha Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The four divisions that had stormed into northern Hunan had made good progress, achieving the victory of defeating three main Chinese armies in quick succession. General Anami Korechika, commanding the Japanese forces, was secretly pleased, but he dared not slacken his efforts in the slightest. He was a methodical man, and he understood that the contest was not yet decided. Every day, his intelligence officers placed before him a stream of intercepted Chinese military telegrams and aerial reconnaissance reports. What they showed gave him reason for both confidence and caution. Two significant forces were moving toward the battlefield — forces unlike those he had so far encountered. One of them was Chiang Kai-shek's elite 74th Army, a formation whose reputation had reached Anami long before, from his time at headquarters in Tokyo. The other was the 10th Army, considered second only to the 74th in quality and fighting spirit.   The 74th Army was no ordinary unit. It had been rigorously trained under German and Soviet instructors specially hired by Chiang Kai-shek, its officers schooled in both European combined-arms doctrine and Soviet tactical flexibility. It was characterized by its disciplined offensive and defensive tactics and was lavishly equipped by the standards of the Chinese military. Most remarkably, it had maintained an undefeated record on the battlefield since the beginning of the war — a distinction that had earned it the title of "Iron Army of the Anti-Japanese War" among the Chinese people. In the high command of the Imperial Japanese Army, it was referred to, with a mixture of respect and wariness, as the Tora no Ko — the "Tiger Child" — meaning, in essence, the ace in the enemy's hand.   The 10th Army was held in nearly equal esteem. The deployment of either of these two formations required the personal approval of Chiang Kai-shek himself. The Generalissimo's principle for employing them was clear and deliberate: they were to be committed only to the most critical battles, those that would decide outcomes, or to the most prominent ones, where their prowess could demonstrate the might of the Chinese army to a watching nation. Since the outbreak of the war, the 74th Army had been kept in reserve at Fenyi in Jiangxi Province, and the 10th Army at Hengyang in southern Hunan. Both forces had been conserving their strength, training, and waiting.   Now Anami's relentless offensive had forced Chiang Kai-shek's hand. The battle situation had tilted dangerously under the weight of Japanese pressure, and the fall of several elite units had left the Chinese commander of the Ninth War Zone, General Xue Yue, with little room to maneuver. Xue Yue had no choice but to appeal to Chongqing for help, and Chiang Kai-shek, reluctantly and with full awareness of the risks, agreed to release his two trump cards. Anami, having mastered his opponent's intentions through his intelligence apparatus, now found himself in the rare and advantageous position of a card player who could see his opponent's hole cards. He carefully planned his battle strategy, studying maps late into the night, conferring with his officers, and calculating how best to neutralize the Chinese elite before they could bring their full weight to bear. He knew that his life's honor, his career, and his legacy rested on this one gamble.   Li Yutang, the commander of the 10th Army, was from Guangrao in Shandong Province — a place that had given China more than its share of fighting men. He was a graduate of the first class of the illustrious Whampoa Military Academy, where he had trained alongside men who would go on to shape the fate of China. At the academy, he had been part of a celebrated group known informally as the "Four Lis of Shandong": himself, Li Xianzhou, Li Yannian, and Li Hanfan. The first three would all rise to significant commands in the Nationalist army. The fourth, Li Hanfan, a native of Changqing in Shandong, had taken an entirely different path, joining the Communist Party of China and fighting the same war under a different flag. In later years, the group became known as the "Three Lis of Shandong," the fourth having parted ways with his classmates long before the guns fell silent.   Li Yutang had not risen quickly or through privilege. He embodied the hardworking, resilient, and tenacious qualities long associated with the men of Shandong — qualities forged by a hard land and harder circumstances. He had climbed the ranks of the army step by step: platoon leader, company commander, battalion commander, regimental commander. Each step had been earned through performance under fire. When Japan launched its full-scale invasion in 1937, Li Yutang was serving as commander of the 3rd Division of the 2nd Army under Li Yannian, participating in the brutal Battle of Shanghai in August of that year. He fought in the grinding urban warfare along the Suzhou Creek, learning lessons in modern combat that would serve him for the rest of the war. The following spring, in March and April of 1938, he led his troops in the Battle of Xuzhou, holding the Linyi line northeast of Taierzhuang, blocking the Japanese 5th Division under Itagaki Seishiro from breaking through to reinforce the embattled Japanese forces at that critical engagement. His handling of the defense contributed to one of the few early Chinese battlefield successes of the war.   For his performance at Xuzhou, he was promoted to commander of the 8th Army. During the Battle of Wuhan in 1938, he led his troops in major engagements against the Japanese 101st and 106th Divisions along the Nanxun Railway, inflicting significant casualties on the attackers. After that campaign, General Xue Yue, recognizing both Li's talent and his Shandong origins — Shandong being home to Mount Tai, the foremost of China's Five Sacred Mountains — personally inscribed a banner reading "Mount Tai Army" and formally presented it to Li Yutang's 8th Army. Chiang Kai-shek added his own recognition, awarding Li Huazhou a medal. In the Battle of Nanchang, Li Yutang again distinguished himself, leading his troops in the defense of Wuning for ten days and ten nights of uninterrupted fighting. When the battle was over, Japanese soldiers lay piled in front of his defensive lines, and the name "Taishan Army" was on every officer's lips from Chongqing to the front. After the First Battle of Changsha in 1939, Chiang Kai-shek personally nominated Li Yutang to take command of the 10th Army — the posting that would now define his legacy. The orders came on September 20, 1941 — three days after the Japanese forces had broken through the Xiangbei defense line in the north. General Xue Yue's summons reached Li Yutang's headquarters in Hengyang, and the 10th Army began immediate preparations for movement to the battlefield.   The mobilization was extraordinary even by the standards of an army that prided itself on discipline and fighting spirit. Li Yutang addressed his men, and the response was unlike anything a commander might ordinarily expect. He received wave after wave of letters — requests to be placed at the front, declarations of determination, pledges to die before surrendering. Some of the letters were written in ordinary ink. Others had been written in blood, the soldier biting his own finger to draw enough for a few lines. These were not men who needed to be driven to battle. They were men who had spent months training for precisely this moment.   Their preparation had been rigorous to the point of fanaticism. For six months before the order came, the 10th Army had conducted intensive training in the three core skills of infantry combat: marksmanship, grenade throwing, and bayonet fighting. The Ministry of National Defense had set a standard that considered a unit successful if one quarter of its men scored "top-tier" in each category. Chiang Kai-shek had personally raised the bar for the 10th Army: eighty percent of every unit must score "top-tier," with the remainder no lower than "excellent." Any unit falling short would face elimination. When the assessments were completed, the result was unambiguous — one hundred percent of the army had met the standard.   Over 30,000 men boarded seven special trains at Hengyang, their military songs and mobilization slogans ringing through the station as families and bystanders watched them depart. The troops traveled by train to Zhuzhou, then transferred to motor vehicles for the road north to Changsha, arriving in the Jinjing area — some seventy kilometers northeast of the city — on September 22nd. They had moved with professional speed. What awaited them would test something no training exercise could fully replicate. From the moment of arrival, the situation was clear to any officer with eyes: the 10th Army had stepped into chaos. However, given the already established passive situation, the 10th Army was like a leaf caught in a whirlpool as soon as it arrived on the battlefield. General Xue Yue, at the Ninth War Zone Command, immediately ordered the entire army to support the besieged 37th Army and simultaneously launch an offensive against the Japanese 3rd Division. It was an ambitious order for troops who had just completed a multi-day journey and had not yet oriented themselves to the ground. Nevertheless, Li Yutang passed the order down and his divisions began to move.   The first division to feel the dislocating effect of high command's demands was Zhu Yue's 190th Division. On September 23rd, the vanguard regiment of the 190th made contact with Japanese forces and was preparing to engage. Before a single shot was fired in earnest, Division Commander Zhu Yue received a telegram from army headquarters ordering him to abandon his current position and rush immediately to Shending Mountain to relieve the siege of the 140th Division of the 37th Army. The order brooked no delay. The troops dropped their baggage where it lay and ran — truly ran, in light order — to the vicinity of Shending Mountain.   They had barely formed ranks at their new position when a second telegram arrived from General Xue Yue. The 190th Division was to immediately reverse course and return to the Fulipu area to establish a defensive line and block the Japanese advance southward. Another forced march, exhausting men who had already marched and traveled for days. They arrived at the designated position on time — a testimony to their conditioning — and Zhu Yue established his division headquarters at Liangjiaduan, near Fulipu. After all the aimless marching and countermanding orders, after all the wasted energy and fruitless attempts, the troops were running on the last of their reserves. They worked through the night constructing fortifications with shovels and bare hands. Just as the first light of dawn revealed the outline of their new positions, the Japanese army advanced.   General Toyoshima Fusataro's Japanese 3rd Division had not rested. It had decisively defeated the 37th Army on the night of the 23rd and turned immediately, without pause, to attack the 190th Division. The blow came from the sky before it came from the ground. At dawn, more than ten Japanese planes swept down over Zhu Yue's division headquarters — seemingly guided, as the Chinese soldiers would later say, as if they had eyes in their heads, so accurate was the targeting. The small village that housed the headquarters was bombed almost to the ground. Dust and smoke billowed over the ruins as the aircraft banked away, and before it had settled, over a thousand Japanese infantrymen, seemingly springing from the earth itself, rushed forward directly toward the headquarters position. The regiment commanders, still at their positions elsewhere, could not be recalled in time.   Division Commander Zhu Yue did not hesitate. He drew his pistol and began commanding his subordinate units to fight back, rallying the headquarters staff and support troops into a perimeter defense. Under the fierce and accurate Japanese fire, Zhu Yue was hit by a bullet in his right arm. Then another round struck him in the left leg, and he went down. Almost simultaneously, Deputy Division Commander Lai Shixiang took command of the nearest available men and attempted to lead a breakout with a machine gun. An enemy mortar round found its mark, and Lai Shixiang was killed instantly. The division headquarters personnel, already shocked by the swiftness of the attack and the wounding of their commander, broke into disorder. Chaos erupted on the battlefield. Many soldiers ran blindly in the smoke and confusion, dying in the crossfire from multiple directions.   Division Chief of Staff Tao Xiu, now acting as deputy division commander with Zhu Yue incapacitated, took hold of the situation as best he could. He led the remnants of the headquarters staff in retreat toward a hollow in a grove of trees near the edge of the village. When the headcount was taken, approximately twenty men remained capable of fighting. It was already ten o'clock in the morning. Tao Xiu gathered these few men and led them along a small path through the dense forest on the outskirts of the village, bypassing Liangjiaduan, searching for the dispersed units of the division.   Out on the main positions, the 568th, 569th, and 570th Regiments were simultaneously surrounded and attacked. The officers and soldiers, exhausted from days and nights of continuous fighting, summoned what remained of their endurance and put up a tenacious resistance. From dawn until the afternoon, several positions were cut off and divided by Japanese encircling movements. In the ever-shrinking pockets, each cluster of defenders became an isolated target for enemy aircraft and artillery. Completely losing the initiative, groups of officers and soldiers perished in the shelling. Many of them died not in defiance but in something closer to despair — regretting this humiliating reversal, the waste of their patriotic aspirations, their unfulfilled desire to fight and kill the enemy on their own terms.   By evening, the regimental commanders had lost control of their respective battalions and companies. The remaining soldiers on each position scattered and concealed themselves in whatever ground offered cover, hiding in all directions across the darkening hills. It was not until midnight that the lightly wounded and unwounded officers and soldiers managed to assemble, as the contingency plan had directed, in a dense forest on the southwest side of the position. Division Commander Zhu Yue, wounded in both his arm and his leg, had been sent to the rear to receive treatment. Acting Deputy Division Commander Tao Xiu stood before the assembled survivors — more than two hundred men gathered from the regiments — and offered them quiet words of comfort. There was little else he could give them. The people present carried the seriously wounded on improvised stretchers and supported the lightly wounded with their arms and shoulders, groping their way through the darkness toward Zhuzhou. The 10th Reserve Division, under Commander Fang Xianjue, had been assigned to hold the Jinjing line — a position that, on paper, formed an anchor of the defensive scheme. In practice, the situation was deeply flawed from the outset. The Ninth War Zone Command had placed the 10th Reserve Division alone at Jinjing with no depth behind it and no friendly forces on either flank — an isolated salient that offered the Japanese every opportunity for encirclement.   On the 23rd, the division captured the Kanai line at noon, an initial success that promised more than it delivered. Around six o'clock in the evening, as darkness gathered, General Kanda Masatsuka arrived at the front with the vanguard of the Japanese 6th Division. He was not a man to move without information. Before committing to a full assault, Kanda ordered a probing attack and watched its progress carefully through binoculars from a small hill behind the advancing force. What he saw gave him pause. However he searched for a weak point in the Chinese line, the defenders showed none. No gap in the wire, no position carelessly manned, no sector that sagged under pressure. Kanda lowered his binoculars and considered his next step. He felt this was indeed an elite unit with excellent tactical skills, and should not be underestimated. He ordered a halt to the attack and waited for the full arrival of his division's strength.   On the morning of the 24th, the Japanese launched their proper assault — a fierce attack from the east, north, and west simultaneously. The three-directional pressure was designed to pin the defenders and deny any lateral reinforcement. Kanda went further, requesting permission from General Anami to concentrate all thirty-plus bombers available for the entire battlefield and direct them at the 10th Reserve Division's positions in a single concentrated raid. Anami granted the request. The bombing was devastating. The defending positions were almost completely destroyed from the air. Yet in the ruins of their fortifications and bunkers, the soldiers of the 10th Reserve Division continued fighting, repelling Japanese ground attacks wave after wave through the rubble and the smoke.   At two o'clock in the afternoon, a report reached Fang Xianjue that halted him in his tracks. A Japanese regiment had executed a large-scale outflanking maneuver around the south side of Jinjing and was approaching the rear of the position. The encirclement was closing. Fang Xianjue was shocked. He now grasped in full the tactical impossibility of his assignment. The Ninth War Zone Command had placed the 10th Reserve Division here alone, exposed on all sides, without depth and without support. The order to "block the enemy's southward advance" had been an empty promise from the start. Fang Xianjue could not understand the strategic intention behind the deployment at all — there was none that made any tactical sense. The only purpose of holding out here, he concluded bitterly, was to theoretically be seen to be "fighting the Japanese." Before Fang Xianjue could translate his analysis into a decision, the Japanese troops launched another fierce attack from the front and both flanks, and one side of the defensive line was breached. The situation became critical. Fang Xianjue decided to withdraw before the encircling force to the south could complete its movement and seal off all escape. He did not have time to seek authorization from the war zone — there was no time. He ordered each regiment to organize its own breakout and reassemble at designated locations.   At four o'clock in the afternoon, Fang Xianjue led the division headquarters in the first withdrawal from the battlefield. Looking back as he departed, he watched as the regiments were cut apart by Japanese fire, large numbers of officers and soldiers falling among the mountain ridges and into the ditches and gullies. There was nothing more he could do for them.   By the 25th, approximately half of the division's troops had reached the designated reception point. After a hasty reorganization, they were ordered to occupy positions along the Xueshi Bridge line and prepare to resume the defense. That same evening, a portion of the Japanese 3rd Division — fresh from its defeat of the 190th Division — launched a fierce attack on Xueshi Bridge. The positions could not be held. The scene of the previous day's rout was repeated almost exactly, and this second defeat completed the destruction of the 10th Reserve Division as a coherent fighting force. General Xue Yue's rebuke reached Fang Xianjue shortly afterward, and the division commander had no way to express the depth of his frustration — the tactical position he had been placed in had made his assignment impossible before the first shot was fired. On the 26th, he led the surviving troops to be received and reorganized by war zone units near Changsha. Compared to the bitter fates of the 190th Division and the 10th Reserve Division, Zhou Qingxiang's 3rd Division wrote a different kind of story in these same days — one of extraordinary tactical competence maintained against mounting odds. In the equally fierce battles, the 3rd Division demonstrated the qualities of an elite force more effectively than any other unit on either side.   On the 22nd, the 3rd Division had been ordered to establish positions two kilometers east of Fulipu. At noon on the 24th, after the Japanese 3rd Division defeated Zhu Yue's 190th Division, a portion of the Japanese force turned and attacked the right flank of Zhou Qingxiang's position. It was repelled. That evening, the Japanese 4th Division, riding the momentum of its success against the 37th Army, launched a night attack on the 3rd Division's left flank. It too was repelled. On the 25th, Zhou Qingxiang's division was attacked from both sides simultaneously by the main forces of two Japanese divisions — forces that outnumbered the defenders several times over. The officers and soldiers of the entire division showed no fear. They fought bravely and with skill honed by months of intensive preparation, holding their lines despite heavy casualties and preventing the Japanese from breaking through at any point.   When word of this resistance was relayed to General Anami Korechika at his headquarters, he fell into a long, uncharacteristic silence. He studied the reports before him, the maps, the casualty tallies on both sides. Then he turned to his chief of staff, General Isamu Kinoshita. "This is the elite force," Anami said quietly. He paused a moment, and added: "I really want to go there and see for myself." The compliment, delivered in the private setting of a Japanese headquarters, was perhaps the most honest assessment of the fighting quality of Zhou Qingxiang's men that history has preserved.   Anami's response, however, was not admiration — it was determination to overwhelm. On the morning of the 26th, he concentrated nearly the entire combat power available to him against the single 3rd Division: units drawn from the Japanese 3rd, 4th, 6th, and 40th Divisions — close to 100,000 men — were directed to surround and destroy the Chinese formation. The 3rd Division stubbornly held its ground despite catastrophic casualties, the soldiers refusing to give way even as the perimeter contracted and the dead accumulated.   To ease the relentless pressure from enemy aircraft, the division commanders made a calculated decision: all positions were ordered to allow the Japanese troops to close to hand-to-hand fighting range. If the enemy was within arm's reach, the bombers above could not strike without killing their own men. Several instances of fierce hand-to-hand fighting erupted across the defensive line as a result — bayonets, shovels, pistols and bare hands in the broken earth and shell craters. By noon, the 8th Regiment had been divided and surrounded. Shortly afterward, the 7th and 9th Regiments met the same fate. Zhou Qingxiang moved the division headquarters to the position of the 7th Regiment to maintain command over his most accessible unit, while the deputy division commander and chief of staff were dispatched to coordinate the independent defense of the 8th and 9th Regiments respectively. For another half day, each of the three regimental pockets fought alone. At dusk, Zhou Qingxiang ordered a breakout.   As darkness fell, exploiting the brief respite that came when the Japanese halted their attacks for the night, each regiment burst simultaneously from its position. Carefully prepared covering detachments remained behind and created convincing feints toward false breakout directions, drawing the enemy's main pursuit forces away from the actual withdrawal routes. The deceptions worked. By the time the Japanese commanders understood what had happened, the breakout had succeeded. Officers and soldiers filtered into the designated reception point in small groups — three men here, five there — arriving through the night and into the following morning. When the count was complete, the 3rd Division was a remnant of less than one-fifth of its pre-battle strength. The finest infantry division in the 10th Army had bled itself almost dry, but it had done so on its own terms, and it had extracted as much as it was possible to extract from an impossible situation.   On September 27th, a chilly autumn wind blew across the city of Changsha. At the playground of Lizhong Middle School in the eastern part of the city, Li Yutang stood and watched the survivors of his divisions come in. A week before, on September 20th, more than 30,000 men had departed Hengyang aboard seven special trains. Their military songs had filled the railway station. Their letters of determination, some written in blood, had been stacked on Li Yutang's desk. Their training scores were the highest ever recorded for a Chinese army unit — a perfect one hundred percent of "top-tier" achievement across all three infantry skills. They had been, by every measurable standard, the finest army China could produce.   Standing now at the playground of a secondary school repurposed as a muster point, Li Yutang looked at what remained: a little over 2,000 men, including lightly wounded soldiers from Changsha who had been caught up in the fighting and bandaged civilians who had taken up arms. Two thousand, from thirty thousand. What had happened to the others? They were dead. They were injured. They were maimed. Some had broken under the pressure and run. The accounting was simple and devastating. Li Yutang's expression remained dignified as he inspected his survivors — the face of a commander who understood that bearing is required of officers precisely in the moments when bearing costs the most. But his heart was filled with tears. Perhaps soon, he reflected, there would be another 10th Army — still heroic and spirited, still singing loudly as it went to war. But it would not be the same one.   History has no gaps or blank pages. The story of the 10th Army's ordeal was barely complete before the next chapter began. Reluctantly, one must turn the page. Following the 10th Army, Wang Yaowu's 74th Army also suffered a crushing defeat. Wang Yaowu had received his orders from Commander Xue on September 21st and had immediately begun moving his three divisions from their cantonments at Fenyi and Xinyu in Jiangxi Province. The 74th Army was composed of three divisions: the 51st Division under Li Tianxia, the 57th Division under Yu Chengwan, and the 58th Division under Liao Lingqi. These were the formations that had kept the "Iron Army" undefeated through four years of brutal warfare. Their code names told their own story — the 51st Division was called "Frontline," the 57th was called "Tiger Warrior," and the 58th was called "Exhilarating." Wang Yaowu had personally chosen the code name for the army headquarters: "Brilliant." Chiang Kai-shek himself had once remarked, "Of all the code names, yours is the best." It was a small distinction, but one that Wang Yaowu quietly cherished.   What Wang Yaowu did not know — could not know, for Anami's intelligence network had kept the preparation perfectly concealed — was that Anami Korechika had been monitoring his movements since the order to deploy was first issued. The Japanese commander had already selected the terrain, positioned his units, and laid the trap. He was waiting for the 74th Army's arrival.   On the 25th, Wang Yaowu led the 57th Division into the battlefield first, marching rapidly as Xue Yue had directed to Chunhua Mountain on the north bank of the Laodao River, east of Changsha, to occupy positions and cover the main force's deployment. On the evening of the 25th, the 169th and 170th Regiments of the 57th Division arrived at the south side of Chunhua Mountain and encountered a Japanese search party of over a hundred men. The 169th Regiment swiftly cut off the small force's escape route, coordinating effectively with the 170th. The Japanese detachment suffered heavy casualties, and the survivors fled toward Chunhua Mountain. When part of the 170th Regiment reached the foot of the mountain, they ran into a much larger Japanese force coming down to meet them — and learned in that moment that Chunhua Mountain had already been occupied by the enemy.   Wang Yaowu responded instantly. To seize the initiative before the Japanese could consolidate, he ordered two regiments to assault Chunhua Mountain that same night. Around midnight, the troops advanced in silence through the dark. After a fierce night battle, two Japanese battalions were unable to hold against the assault and withdrew in the early hours of the morning. The 57th Division had its foothold. At dawn on the 26th, a regiment from the 57th Division followed up the night's success, and Yu Chengwan positioned the division along the Chunhua Mountain line. As the morning advanced, the 51st and 58th Divisions arrived to complete the deployment. Following Xue Yue's orders, Wang Yaowu spread his force across the line: the 57th Division at Chishi River, the 58th Division at Chunhua Mountain itself, and the 51st Division at Fengjiang Bridge. They were ready. Or so it appeared.   At dawn on the 27th, Wang Yaowu went on the offensive. The 57th Division launched a surprise attack on the camp of the main force regiment of the Japanese 3rd Division. The Japanese were caught entirely unprepared — the attack came in total darkness, and the camp was thrown into chaos before anyone could organize a coherent response. The Japanese managed to form some kind of defense only as the first light of dawn broke, and through the morning the two armies clashed furiously. By mid-morning, the Japanese had been forced back three kilometers — a genuine and significant victory achieved through aggression and timing.   Then, at eight o'clock, the Japanese 3rd Division launched its counterattack with the support of dozens of aircraft — fighter-bombers diving low over the Chunhua Mountain positions, strafing and bombing. Both armies knew themselves to be elite formations; each had its country's reputation riding on the outcome. They clashed with corresponding ferocity.   Around noon, Wang Yaowu climbed to the rooftop of a farmhouse and studied the Japanese battle line through his field glasses. What he saw was encouraging: a breach had appeared in the enemy's formation to the north of Chunhua Mountain — a gap that, if exploited quickly, could roll up the Japanese flank. He ordered Li Hanqing, the infantry commander of the 51st Division, to take two regiments and execute an outflanking maneuver through that gap, striking the Japanese from the side. An hour later, Li Hanqing's movement succeeded. The Japanese forces were thrown into disarray, breaking rearward in a rout. For one brief hour, it seemed as though the 74th Army might achieve a decisive success. Then the Japanese 4th Division arrived. It swept in from behind Li Hanqing's flanking force, surrounding his two regiments before they could extract themselves. In the desperate fighting of the breakout attempt, Li Hanqing was shot and killed.   In the afternoon, with two of its regiments lost to encirclement and its flanking stroke reversed, the 57th Division found itself holding off two full Japanese divisions alone. The fighting continued — artillery, rifle fire, close assaults — until nightfall dimmed the battlefield. The division had suffered over 3,000 casualties, and more than half of all commanders below battalion level had been killed or wounded. Division Commander Yu Chengwan conferred with Wang Yaowu over the field telephone, and together they decided to withdraw the troops to prepared positions to hold through the night.   Meanwhile, on the same 27th of September, Liao Lingqi's 58th Division at Chunhua Mountain was subjected to a separate and equally devastating assault by the Japanese 6th Division, reinforced by elements of the 3rd Division. The positions at Chunhua Mountain were compact and clustered — ideal targets for concentrated aerial bombardment. The Japanese bombers came in two waves, and after both had passed, the hastily constructed earthen fortifications were almost entirely destroyed. Across what had been the defensive line, limbs and broken bodies could be seen among the wreckage. The entire division had suffered devastating casualties.   Beginning at nine o'clock in the morning, tens of thousands of Japanese troops launched successive offensive waves, methodically dividing the defensive line into sections and breaking through each one in turn. The defenders engaged the Japanese in hand-to-hand combat at position after position, gunfire and the shouts of bayonet fighters filling the smoke-thickened air. At two o'clock in the afternoon, the Chunhua Mountain defense line collapsed. The surviving soldiers attempted to break out in small groups, but many were intercepted and cut down by Japanese forces waiting along the escape routes.   Wang Yaowu was seething. He directed the battle from wherever he could find a usable vantage point, issuing orders in rapid succession — one moment ordering the 51st Division to send reinforcements to Chunhua Mountain, the next directing the army's directly subordinate regiments to absorb the shattered remnants of the 58th Division, then ordering the 57th Division to block Japanese forces from reinforcing the encirclement. He was everywhere at once, doing the work of a staff of twenty, improvising responses to crises that unfolded faster than any plan could accommodate. And as he directed, the same thought played and replayed: wasn't the Ninth War Zone just feeding them to the wolves? They had jumped into the enemy's encirclement without any initiative, while the enemy could attack from whatever direction they chose. He had nowhere to vent his frustration on the battlefield, only able to fend for himself. While directing the battle, he cursed under his breath: "What kind of hell is this?!"   As dusk fell over the chaos, the gunfire gradually subsided. The Japanese as a rule did not launch night attacks — a pattern the Chinese had come to rely upon for the brief respite it offered. Li Tianxia, commander of the 51st Division, concentrated his troops from the flanks toward the center to consolidate a defensible perimeter. The 57th Division, adjacent to the 51st and badly diminished by the day's fighting, did the same. Both divisions settled into their positions, and the exhausted soldiers lay down fully clothed, weapons in hand, and tried to rest. At midnight, the battlefield exploded.   Fierce gunfire roused the soldiers from whatever shallow sleep they had found. Two elite regiments of the Japanese 6th Division had broken through the gap that had opened between the positions of the 51st and 57th Divisions — a gap created by both units pulling inward — and were driving directly toward the headquarters of the 74th Army. In Wang Yaowu's many years of battlefield experience, this was the only instance he ever encountered of a large Japanese force launching a major attack at night.   The knowledge of terrain displayed by the attacking Japanese regiments was so precise, the route to army headquarters so accurately selected, that it raised immediate suspicions of an intelligence compromise — an inside source who had provided the attackers with maps and positions. Whatever the explanation, the effect was devastating. The headquarters' directly subordinate regiment and guard battalion were outnumbered and quickly overwhelmed. They fought where they could, but the Japanese pushed through them.   The guard platoon leader, a man who had served at Wang Yaowu's side through numerous campaigns, gathered several of his best soldiers and formed a close escort. He led Wang Yaowu into the darkness as the Japanese closed around the headquarters compound. More than a hundred Japanese soldiers gave chase — moving through the dark with a sureness of foot that seemed almost preternatural, as if they had developed night vision. The platoon leader recognized that Wang Yaowu could not outrun a hundred men. He shouted to the general and the remaining escort: "Go quickly!" Then he and a single machine gunner turned and stayed behind. Wang Yaowu ran. A few minutes later, the machine gunner was killed. Shortly after that, the platoon leader was shot through the leg and fell to the ground. He was captured.   Wang Yaowu threw himself into the grass beside a drainage ditch and lay still as Japanese soldiers searched the ground around him, their voices close enough to touch. From his hiding place, he heard his platoon leader — the man who had been at his side day and night, who had chosen to stay behind so that his general might live — cursing the Japanese soldiers from the ground where he lay captured and wounded. Then a Japanese officer drew his sword. The cursing stopped. The Japanese soldiers moved on. The gunfire subsided. Wang Yaowu lay in the grass in the dark and did not move until he was certain they were gone. When he crawled out of the bushes, he looked up at the stars, found the direction of Liuyang, and began walking in the darkness with the few guards who had stayed close. He walked until dawn.   Since joining the army, Wang Yaowu had never allowed himself to think about fear of death. He had spent too many years on battlefields, seen too much death and bloodshed, to entertain it as a personal concern. This time, however, he was in tears. Not from sadness, and not from fear. From something harder to name and harder to bear: frustration — the frustration of a capable commander who had been committed to battle by a higher command that neither understood the ground nor provided him the support to fight on it, and who had watched good men die for orders that made no tactical sense.   In the aftermath of the battle, Wang Yaowu's grief was compounded by something beyond the ordinary losses of combat. The 27th alone had cost the 57th Division nearly half its strength, and the 58th Division had been essentially wiped out as a fighting formation. Of his three powerful divisions, only the 51st remained relatively intact. In war, such losses, however painful, are comprehensible. What happened next was not. Liao Lingqi, the commander of the 58th Division — one of the three officers Wang Yaowu had called his "tigers" — did not remain with his shattered troops to regroup and reorganize them. Instead, after the division's collapse, he slipped away from the battlefield with only his personal guards, changed into civilian clothes, and boarded a train bound for his hometown of Qiyang in southern Hunan to visit his family.   By unhappy chance, a senior staff officer from the Ninth War Zone was aboard the same train. He recognized Liao Lingqi and watched, saying nothing, as the division commander traveled south in civilian dress while his men lay dead on Chunhua Mountain. Upon arriving in Hengyang, the officer went directly to report the incident to General Xue Yue. Xue Yue instructed the Military Law Supervision Department to investigate and referred the case to the Military Commission's Military Law Enforcement Directorate on charges of desertion in the face of the enemy. At that point, in that situation, there was nothing Wang Yaowu could say. He had no words left. He had given everything he had to the battle, and this was what greeted him at the end of it.   The elite 74th Army, with its heroic spirit and its unbroken record, had captured the imagination of the Chinese nation and the hearts of countless young men. When soldiers of the 74th Army returned to their hometowns on leave, they wore their elite status openly, and the prestige of the unit was such that families sought them as sons-in-law. Young men who enlisted and were not selected for the 74th Army were known to weep. What a fine unit. But this time, the trap had been perfectly laid, and the intelligence had been mastered. Anami had looked at his opponent's hole cards and played accordingly. He had concentrated overwhelming force, moved with coordination and speed, and exploited the confusion generated by contradictory orders from the Ninth War Zone Command. The Chinese elite had fought with courage and skill that earned the admiration of their enemies. They had simply been outgeneraled at the operational level.   The Second Battle of Changsha, Phase Three, had cost China two of its finest armies. The 10th Army had departed Hengyang over 30,000 strong and returned barely 2,000. The 74th Army had suffered a crushing defeat from which it would require months to rebuild. Wang Yaowu had walked alone through the dark to Liuyang. Li Yutang had stood in the autumn wind at a schoolyard and looked at what remained of the men who had written their determination in blood.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Phase Three of the second battle of Changsha showed Anami Korechika using intelligence and planning to blunt China's elite forces as Chiang Kai-shek reluctantly deployed the "Iron Army" 74th and the 10th. Intercepted communications enable encirclement and heavy losses. Li Yutang's merit and experience shape resistance, yet Japanese strategy dominates from the outset through coordinated advances.

To support the ministry of Celebration Church please click here: https://subsplash.com/celebrationchurchtn/giveSubscribe to receive our latest content: https://tr.ee/2b6XuDKlaS...FOLLOW US►► Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/rwmccollum/►► Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/rwmccollum/►► Twitter: https://twitter.com/rwmccollum#celebrationchurchnashville #online #jesus #celebrationchurch #church #onlinechurch #sermon #nashville....Death and life are in the power of the tongue...Proverbs 18:21One of the Devil's most devious devices is controlling a culture by controlling its language. Do we have the discernment to defeat it?“He who controls the language rules the world.”Joseph StalinSecretary-General of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1924 to 1953We hope you enjoy Pastor Ray's message... “Controlling The Language.”

In this episode of VarnVlog, we are joined by Brandon Lightly to discuss the complex and often misunderstood history of Maoism. We dive deep into the theoretical underpinnings of the "mass line" and "new democracy," exploring how these concepts served as an internal critique of Marxism and a departure from Soviet-style bureaucracy.Key Topics Covered:Defining the Mass Line: Is it just populism, or a sophisticated leadership feedback loop?The Historical Origins: From the Hunan Report to the Long March and the second United Front.Theoretical Innovations: Mao's 1961 critique of Joseph Stalin and the rejection of the "Great Man" theory of history.Fragmentation: Why there are so many different Maoist tendencies (MLM, MIM, Third Worldism).Praxis: The rectification movement and the relationship between urban intellectuals and the rural peasantry.Journal ArticlesDirlik, A. (1970). The ideological foundations of the Chinese Revolution. Journal of Contemporary History, 5(3), 39–54.Dittmer, L. (1977). Line struggle: Notes on its organizational context and theoretical development. Modern China, 3(3), 303–312.Fogel, J. A. (1980). Ai Siqi, establishment intellectual by Joshua A. Fogel. Modern China, 6(1), 23–47.Hammond, E. R. (1978). Marxism and the mass line [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Korolev, A. (2017). De-ideologized mass line, regime responsiveness, and state-society relations. China Review, 17(2), 7–36.Lyman, S. V. (1970). The Chinese Communist Party in the United Front, 1937–1945 [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Mazur, M. G. (1995). The United Front of the 1940s: A social and cultural perspective. Modern China, 21(4), 431–456.Selden, M. (1971). The Yenan Way in revolutionary China. The China Quarterly, (45), 263–294.Steiner, H. A. (1951). Current mass line tactics in Communist China. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 277(1), 422–436.Teiwes, F. C. (1978). The origins of rectification: Inner-party purgation in the 1930s. The China Quarterly, (74), 181–201.Tokuda, N. (1971). The mass line during the Yenan period. The China Quarterly, (47), 1–18.Townsend, J. R. (1967). Political participation in Communist China. University of California Press.Womack, B. (1980). The phase of de-Maoization in China. China Report, 16(1), 7–21.Womack, B. (1991). Mao Zedong and the sinification of Marxism. The China Quarterly, (126), 1–15.Young, G. (1980). On New Democracy and the transition to socialism. Modern China, 6(1), 3–22.Books & Primary SourcesCoble, P. M. (2023). The collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek lost China's civil war. Cambridge University Press.Elbaum, M. (2018). Revolution in the air: Sixties radicals turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. Verso Books.Hirata, K. (2024). Making Mao's steelworks: Industrial Manchuria and the transnational origins of Chinese socialism. Cambridge University Press.Karl, R. E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world: A concise history. Duke University Press.Li, H. (2024). Fighting on the cultural front: U.S.-China relations in the Cold War. Columbia University Press.Lin, C. (2019). Mass line. In C. Sorace, I. Franceschini, & N. Loubere (Eds.), Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political concepts from Mao to Xi (p. 122). ANU Press.Lovell, J. (2019). Maoism: A global history. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.Lowe, D. M. (1966). The function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. University of California Press.Mao, Z. (1940). On New Democracy. Marxists Internet Archive.Mao, Z. (1977). A critique of Soviet economics. Monthly Review Press.Moufawad-Paul, J. (2016). Continuity and rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist terrain. Zero Books.Schram, S. R. (Ed.). (2005). Mao's road to power: Revolutionary writings 1912–1949: Vol. VII. New Democracy, 1939–1941. M.E. Sharpe.Zheng, Q. (Ed.). (2020). An ideological history of the Communist Party of China (Vol. 2) (L. Sun & S. Bryant, Trans.). Royal Collins Publishing Group.Send us Fan Mail Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan, Parzival, Adriel Mixon, Buddy Roark, Daniel Petrovic,Julian, Drea, Free Beer 

President Xi Jinping stressed advancing high-quality urban renewal during an inspection tour in Shanghai on Wednesday, calling for comprehensive efforts to fully embrace the people-centered philosophy of urban development and keep enhancing urban residents' sense of gain, happiness and security.In advancing urban renewal, sustained efforts must be made to listen to the people's needs, draw on their suggestions and assess results through their feedback, said Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission.During the tour, Xi spoke with residents and community workers at a residential community in Shanghai's Huangpu district. He listened to a briefing on Shanghai's efforts to renovate old residential buildings lacking sanitary facilities and on the city's resolution of the long-standing problem of residents in old neighborhoods having to carry chamber pots.He stressed that the CPC Central Committee has made urban work a policy priority, outlining steps to build modern cities of the people that are innovative, desirable to live in, beautiful, resilient, culturally advanced and smart.Renovating aging urban residential communities is an important part of this endeavor, Xi said.During the Central Urban Work Conference in July last year, Xi stressed that the nation must take urban renewal as a key driver and vigorously optimize urban structure, foster new growth drivers, improve urban quality, advance green transformation, preserve cultural heritage and enhance governance efficiency.The State Council, China's Cabinet, released in May an urban renewal plan, outlining key targets and policy measures for the country's urban renewal efforts during the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) period.According to the plan, the nation will launch renovation projects for 115,000 aging urban residential communities and carry out comprehensive community upgrading in 5,000 neighborhoods during the 2026-30 period, with the aim of creating higher-quality urban living spaces.Xi underscored on Wednesday that officials must firmly establish and practice a correct understanding of governance performance, think about what concerns the people, respond to their most pressing needs, formulate and implement effective policies, and persevere in improving people's livelihoods over the long term.He also called for improving property management and community services with what he described as the precision of "needlework", striving to better meet residents' expectations.At the home of retired resident Zhu Guoli, Xi carefully checked the family's living conditions.He told the family that the lives of ordinary people are both family affairs and affairs of the State.The CPC is dedicated to serving the people, and only when the people live in peace and contentment can the Party and the government rest assured, he said.The president also checked the supply of fruits and vegetables and spoke with community representatives, subdistrict officials and community workers.He pointed out that communities are the basic units of the urban governance system.Xi also called for steps to improve the level of community governance, directing more resources, services and management to the grassroots, while continuing to reduce burdens on primary-level organizations and empower them.With the nation now at a critical stage of flood control and prevention, Xi called on various regions and departments to establish worst-case scenario thinking, closely monitor rainfall, flood conditions and typhoon developments, and carry out detailed investigations of potential risks and hazards. He highlighted the importance of making solid preparations for flood prevention and control, emergency rescue and disaster relief, and effectively safeguarding the lives and property of the people.renewal /rɪˈnjuːəl/更新；改造；复兴resilient /rɪˈzɪliənt/有韧性的，抗风险能力强的grassroots /ˈɡrɑːsruːts/基层；草根endeavor /ɪnˈdevə(r)/努力；事业，工作underscore /ˌʌndəˈskɔː(r)/着重强调，凸显scenario /səˈnɑːriəʊ/情景、预想情况

Risk Aversion and Logistical Timelines for Moon Landings. Rick Fisher and Doug Messier. The Chinesespace program is highly risk-averse to protect the Communist Party's legitimacy. While NASA is "game on," it faces challenges with the Starship lander, which reportedly requires at least 15 refueling launches per mission. China hopes for a manned landing by 2030, while NASA's 2028 timeline remains subject to potential delays. (16)  

SCHEDULE THE JOHN BATCHELOR SHOW, 7-8-20261966 SWEDEN Chaos in the Strait of Hormuz and Global Alignments. Gordon Chang and Kamran Bokhari. The Strait of Hormuz memorandum of understanding has collapsed, leading the U.S. to end the ceasefire with Iran. Iran is attempting to divide international allies by courting India and Pakistan. Pakistan balances a mediating role against domestic economic instability, while India shifts toward a burden-sharing role in the Indo-Pacific. (1) Chinese Missile Provocations and the Undersea Power Struggle. Gordon Chang and Rebecca Grant. Chinalaunched a long-range missile over sovereign territories toward Fiji, an aggressive move coinciding with major NATO and RIMPAC events. The test signals China's intent to expand its nuclear triad despite its currently "noisy" submarine technology. The U.S. maintains its undersea dominance through advanced programs like the Columbia-class boomer and unmanned Orca systems. (2) Religious Persecution and the Rise of Underground Christianity in China. Gordon Chang and Piero Tozzi. Pastor Ezra Jin's release highlights the CCP's continued persecution of underground churches that refuse to answer to the state. Despite intense Sinicization and arrests of figures like Jimmy Lai, Christianity is flourishing in China as a witness for human dignity. Totalitarian control efforts have created an enemy in an underground congregation potentially numbering over 100 million. (3) PLA Purges and Xi Jinping's Power Consolidation. Gordon Chang and Piero Tozzi. Xi Jinping's provocative missile launches are linked to internal instability and purges within the Central Military Commission. By creating international tension, Xi forces competing party factions to rally behind his leadership. While he controls the propaganda and state security apparatus, his control over the People's Liberation Army remains incomplete. (4) Venezuela's Humanitarian Crisis and US Diplomatic Pragmatism. Evan Ellis. Twin earthquakes in Venezuelahave left thousands dead and missing, with the Maduro regime's response marked by corruption and inefficiency. The U.S. continues to work with regime "thugs" for stability and oil access while preventing the democratically elected leader, María Corina Machado, from returning to aid her country. (5) Electoral Shifts Toward U.S. Cooperation in Peru and Colombia. Evan Ellis. Keiko Fujimori in Peru and Abelardo de la Espriella in Colombia have secured victories, pledging to join U.S.-led regional security coalitions. Both leaders inherit nations plagued by record-high coca production and expanded criminal groups. Their success is viewed as critical for regional stability and counter-cartel efforts in the Americas. (6) Bolivia's Instability and US-Mexico Trade Leverage. Evan Ellis. Bolivia remains on "borrowed time" as Evo Morales leads blockades from his coca-growing stronghold. Simultaneously, the U.S. uses the USMCA's renewal uncertainty as leverage to ensure Mexico's cooperation on migration and drugs. This strategy risks long-term investment but forces immediate strategic compliance from the Mexican administration. (7) Cuba's Grid Collapse and Caribbean Regional Integration. Evan Ellis. Cuba's recurring blackouts highlight a crumbling infrastructure and the failure of economic reforms to appease U.S. sanctions. While the U.S. applies individual sanctions on leaders, CARICOM is expanding its regional influence, recently bringing Martinique in as an associate member to bolster Caribbean governance and maritime security. (8) Russia's Energy Chokepoint and the Shifting Global Oil Map. Michael Bernstam. Ukrainian drone strikes on major Russian refineries have triggered a severe fuel crisis, forcing export bans on diesel and gasoline. Meanwhile, Gulf states are building massive pipelines to bypass the Strait of Hormuz. These developments are neutralizing Iran's "golden weapon" and shifting global oil transit maps away from traditional naval chokepoints. (9) The Strategic Impact of the Drone War on Russia. Michael Bernstam. Ukrainian drones have achieved what sanctions could not, choking Russia's fuel supply and forcing it to sell oil at massive discounts to China and India. This new form of decentralized drone warfare has made fuel supplies the primary vulnerability of the Russianeconomy. Modern nations, including Taiwan, are now observing these lessons in resource warfare. (10) The Capitalism Model and Monetization of the Space Sector. Bob Zimmerman. Wall Street has embraced commercial space, with private companies like Catalyst performing satellite servicing missions once reserved for government agencies. The U.S. Space Force now buys rapid-launch capabilities from the private sector for orbital reconnaissance. India is also transitioning its space program toward this capitalist model to increase efficiency. (11) Asteroid Probes and Scientific Cosmological Anomalies. Bob Zimmerman. Missions are targeting asteroids like the potentially dangerous Apophis, with a fleet of probes planning a 2029 flyby. Meanwhile, the Euclid telescope has detected ancient quasars that challenge Big Bang timelines. Additional anomalies in Galaxy Centaurus A and unpredictable sunspot activity suggest current cosmological models remain incomplete. (12) European Heat Waves and Shifting Commodity Markets. Simon Constable. Extreme heat is becoming the norm in Europe, driving demand for air conditioning and pressuring electrical infrastructure. Commodity prices show mixed signals; oil and gas have risen due to Middle East tensions, while industrial metals like copper decline. In Britain, Andy Burnham is positioned as a likely future prime leader. (13) The Invisible Power of Global Data Centers. Simon Constable. Data centers represent the digital future, with Virginia housing the world's highest concentration for the federal government. Despite accounting for over 4% of U.S. electricity usage, a quiz reveals that a quarter of Americans know nothing about these facilities. The U.K.holds the second-highest number of data centers globally. (14) The Sino-American Lunar Race for Permanent Presence. Rick Fisher and Doug Messier. China aims for a permanent lunar presence at the South Pole to potentially deny access to other powers. NASA is countering with a civilian coalition of private partners like SpaceX to develop sustainable infrastructure for future Mars missions. China's architecture mimics Soviet systems, while NASA's Starship requires complex orbital refueling to reach the moon. (15) Risk Aversion and Logistical Timelines for Moon Landings. Rick Fisher and Doug Messier. The Chinesespace program is highly risk-averse to protect the Communist Party's legitimacy. While NASA is "game on," it faces challenges with the Starship lander, which reportedly requires at least 15 refueling launches per mission. China hopes for a manned landing by 2030, while NASA's 2028 timeline remains subject to potential delays. (16)

You’re listening to American Ground Radio with Stephen Parr and Louis R. Avallone. This is the full show for July 7, 2026. We open with a story out of Germany that hits uncomfortably close to home — the German defense minister is publicly discussing whether a conservative party that finishes first in national polling should be denied access to classified information if it wins power. We explain why this isn't just a European problem: it's exactly what James Clapper attempted with Donald Trump in 2016, what the FBI did to the Tea Party under Obama, and what the DOJ did to pro-life Catholics under Biden. When a government starts treating political opponents as security threats, the next steps — denied clearances, restricted briefings, platform pressure, donor investigations — become easier every time. Germany is showing us where that road ends. We'd prefer not to follow. In our Top 3 Things You Need to Know, President Trump declared the ceasefire over after Iran attacked three oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz — launching a second night of U.S. strikes on Iranian air defenses, fast boats, and missile launchers, and saying of negotiations, they're liars, they're cheats, they're sick people. Then Kentucky's Democratic Governor Andy Beshear formally demanded transparency from Senator Mitch McConnell's office about his medical condition — noting that while several Republican colleagues claim to have spoken with him at length, not one of them has quoted a single word he actually said. And a 51-year-old Australian citizen living in Franklinton, Louisiana was arrested and charged by the DOJ for registering to vote by falsely claiming American citizenship and casting ballots in both 2022 and 2024 — which is exactly why the Save America Act exists and exactly why the Senate needs to pass it. Our American Mamas Teri Netterville and Kimberly Burleson get into the financial realities facing young families today — the near impossibility of one parent staying home, the role grandparents and extended family play in filling the gap, and why the bonds forged through that kind of mutual help are often the strongest ones families have. Teri shares how she told her daughter-in-law directly that private school for the grandchildren is something she and her husband are prepared to help with — because that's what family does when it can. We dig into the Supreme Court's birthright citizenship ruling — and the Texas hospital advertising birth packages in Mexico for $4,000 natural or $5,500 for a C-section, with the implied promise that the baby goes home as an American citizen. Governor Greg Abbott has ordered an immediate investigation of Mission Regional Medical Center. We also cover Chinese birth tourism to American Samoa — where more Chinese babies are now born than American babies — with those children raised under the Communist Party before returning to the United States as adult citizens with full legal access. We make the case that the 14th Amendment's original meaning of subject to the jurisdiction thereof meant complete political allegiance — not one foot on American soil — and that Congress must act before birth tourism becomes the dominant business model along our southern border. We then cover Maine Democratic Senate nominee Graham Plattner — who still hasn't dropped out as of broadcast but faces a Monday deadline — and the stunning reversal from a Democratic Party that was fully behind him while he was ahead in the polls and is now trying to deny him any role in choosing his replacement. We note that the only Democrat who called Plattner out while he was still leading was John Fetterman — who this week demanded that every Democrat who championed Plattner publicly apologize to the voters of Maine. A party willing to undo its own nomination process when the polls turn is a party that has made clear the democratic process is a means to an end, not a principle. For our Bright Spot, firearms manufacturer CMMG has announced it will only sell to state and local government agencies the same configurations it is allowed to sell to that state's citizens. If a state bans AR-15 style rifles for civilians, CMMG will not sell AR-15 style rifles to that state's law enforcement. Their statement says it plainly — we do not have two classes of citizenry in this country. We are all subject to the Constitution. A government that doesn't trust its citizens cannot be trusted by its citizens. We call it exactly what it is — a principled stand worth celebrating and worth other manufacturers following. And we close with Jordan Rosenberg, who married Max Creamer this summer after knowing him for about ten years. At the wedding reception, Jordan's parents played a home video of four-year-old Jordan describing her future wedding — naming the friends who would be there, all of whom were present as adults. And when asked who her husband would be, four-year-old Jordan said the name Max. She spoke it into existence. May your pursuit of happiness bring you joy. Listen now wherever you get your podcasts, visit AmericanGroundRadio.com, and join the conversation at 866-AGR-1776!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We continue our month long series on American Communism by doing a close read and discussion of two articles about the Communist Party of the United States of America's role as the cutting edge of liberatory politics in the mid 20th century. Join the Regrettable Century Patreon Visit the NEW IMPROVED Regrettable Century's merch store

For many in the West, the word "communism" carries decades of Cold War associations. But does that label explain today's China? In this special edition of The Point, Australian sinologist Roland Boer and former Carter administration legal adviser Harvey Dzodin explore why the Communist Party of China has thrived for more than a century, and the role of governance and modernization. What has kept the CPC relevant for over 100 years? Listen to the full conversation and draw your own conclusions.

The mask is completely off!

The period between the 20th and the 22nd congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) witnessed the emergence, formation, growth and systematisation of Khrushchevite revisionism on a number of very important questions of principle, during which period the teachings of Marxism Leninism were subjected to wholesale revision, distortion and downright falsification. This pamphlet exposes the Khrushchevites' falsifications of Marxist-Leninist theory, and is an excellent companion to Perestroika – the Complete Collapse of Revisionism. -------------------------------------- Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! www.thecommunists.org www.lalkar.org www.redyouth.org Telegram: t.me/thecommunists Twitter: twitter.com/cpgbml Soundcloud: @proletarianradio Rumble: rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: www.facebook.com/cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: https://thecommunists.org/education-programme/ Each one teach one! www.londonworker.org/education-programme/ Join the struggle www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: www.thecommunists.org/donate/

APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today  Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence.  Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning.  Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden.  Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day.  Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year?  Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very-  Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did-  Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever?  Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan.  Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too.  Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org.  Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.”  Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even-  Cayden: No …  Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah …  Cayden: excluded  Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again.  Samir: Right.  Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.”  Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways.  Sharmin: Right.  Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government.  Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know-  Cayden: Yeah …  Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person.  Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this.  Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because-  Cayden: Hmm …  Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm.  Cayden: Yeah …  Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving]  is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like-  Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.”  Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we-  Cayden: Contest every space.  Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks,  Cayden: dad …  Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now.  Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media.  Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you?  Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so…  Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived.  Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And  Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like-  Cayden: Yeah. …  Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really-  Cayden: Yeah …  Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon.  Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys.  Samir:

“We will not let Communist Party of China define who we are,” said Taiwan's Vice President Hsiao Bi-khim, who has been sanctioned by Beijing and labeled a “separatist.”Despite Beijing's ever-growing hostility toward Taiwan, she is not deterred.In recent years, the Chinese Communist Party has escalated its “gray zone” operations, naval aggression, large-scale encirclement drills and missile tests, and aircraft incursions into Taiwan's Air Defense Identification Zone. Chinese leader Xi Jinping has promised to seize Taiwan—including by force if necessary.Beijing has also aggressively sought to isolate Taiwan internationally and peel away its allies. Only 11 countries and the Holy See still maintain official diplomatic relations with Taiwan as of 2026.“China's cognitive warfare, psychological warfare, political warfare, legal warfare, and very aggressive interventions in our domestic society and politics [have] become an increasingly serious problem,” Hsiao said.Born to a Taiwanese father and an American mother, Hsiao previously served in Taiwan's legislature and as the island's top representative in Washington, where she became known for her “cat warrior diplomacy.”Although Taiwan is only about the size of Maryland, it plays a pivotal role in the global economy, producing more than 90 percent of the world's most advanced semiconductors—the chips that power artificial intelligence, smartphones, cars, and much of tomorrow's technology.It is also America's fourth-largest trading partner, and nearly half of all global container ships—dwarfing even shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz—sail through the narrow Taiwan Strait, carrying trillions in trade.“Everything we're doing today in strengthening Taiwan is to prevent an invasion, to prevent that scenario from happening,” Hsiao said.Recently, Taiwan's National Security Bureau established a secure information-reporting channel for Chinese nationals to submit intelligence tips—a unprecedented move for Taiwan.In this episode, I sat down with Hsiao in the presidential office of Taiwan to understand what's really at stake here and how Taiwan is working to strengthen its whole-of-society resilience and deter a greater conflict.Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

Silicon Bites Ep356 | 2026-06-20 | On 12 June 2026, Vyacheslav Markhayev — Communist Party of the Russian Federation, sitting State Duma deputy, former Buryat OMON riot-police commander, former colonel of the Russian Interior Ministry — published a Telegram statement that, by the standards of the Russian state in 2026, should have produced an immediate Article 280.3 dissemination-of-false-information prosecution. Cross-confirmed across Meduza (12 June 2026), The Moscow Times (12 June 2026), Kyiv Post (12 June 2026), Novaya Gazeta Europe (12 June 2026), the statement read in part — and we paraphrase to preserve the substance:----------ACTIVE CAMPAIGN:We are raising funds for 5 of 15 Vampire DronesSilicon Curtain for Kupiansk Vampires. Dzyga's Paw, together with Jonathan Fink, is joining forces to raise $40,000 to provide the Khartiia Brigade with Vampire Drones.https://dzygaspaw.com/silicon-curtain-for-kupiansk-vampiresThese heavy bombers are designed to destroy manpower and equipment, as well as for remote mining. The Vampire UAV, manufactured by Skyfall, has proven itself to be one of the most effective weapons in the Kupiansk direction. Skyfall is one of Ukraine's largest defense tech companies, producing Vampire bomber drones, various modifications of Shrike FPV drones, P1-SUN, Shahed drone interceptors, communication systems, and components.----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.gofundme.com/f/scaling-up-campaign-to-fight-authoritarian-disinformation----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.org----------SOURCES:Michael Naki — long-form video analysis of 18 June 2026Meduza English — "Communist Party lawmaker warns Russia is 'on the brink of a social explosion' and demands a 'clear plan' to end the war" (12 June 2026) The Moscow Times — Markhayev statement coverage (12 June 2026).Kyiv Post — "Russian Lawmaker Warns of 'Social Explosion' Amid War Losses, Demands 'Public Plan' to End War" (12 June 2026).Eurasia Review — "Russia 'On Brink Of Social Explosion' Because Of Kremlin Policies Over The Last 25 Years – OpEd" (14 June 2026) Novaya Gazeta Europe — Markhayev statement and Russian-language criticism coverage (12 June 2026).The Moscow Times via Charter97 and Dagens.com — VTsIOM stopped publishing the open Putin trust rating after it fell to 29.5% in early April 2026; methodology change to door-to-door canvassing in mid-May 2026; closed-rating still at ~73% (8 June 2026).Mezha (Bukvy) — "VTsIOM halted open Putin approval rating after it fell below 30%" — methodology comparison between open recall and direct trust polling.Kyiv Independent — "Russian pollster stops publishing Putin's 'open trust' figures as ratings slide" (8 June 2026).Kyiv Independent — "Leaked Kremlin reports predict rising dissatisfaction with Putin, Zelensky claims" (14 June 2026)Kyiv Post — "Leaked Forecasts: Putin Faces Soaring Disapproval Ahead of Fall Elections" (14 June 2026)Janis Kluge via Yahoo / Daily Mail — Q1 2026 military spending analysis: 5.9 trillion rubles = 46% of federal budget = 30% YoY increase; military = two-thirds of revenues; oil/gas revenues -45% YoY; classified-spending category +40% to 40% of all expenditure; 12% of GDP per quarter on war.----------

In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: • First up—Ukraine brings the war to Moscow in dramatic fashion. A massive drone attack struck multiple targets across the Russian capital, including a key oil refinery, as new reports suggest Russia's air defenses may be burning through interceptor missiles at an unsustainable rate. • Later in the show—Xi Jinping launches a sweeping new purge inside the Communist Party, punishing nearly one million officials as he tightens his grip on power. • Plus—new reporting reveals the U.S. military prepared a plan to send ground troops into Iran to seize Tehran's enriched uranium stockpile before President Trump reportedly put the operation on hold. • In today's Back of the Brief—Toronto police say a network of hired gunmen may be behind a string of attacks targeting synagogues, Jewish institutions, and even the U.S. Consulate. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief.  YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief Tax Relief Advocates: End your tax nightmare today by visiting us online at https://TRA.com or call 800-583-6515 DeleteMe: Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to https://joindeleteme.com/PDB and use promo code PDB at checkout. Fabletics: Get 70–80% off everything when you sign up as a new Fabletics VIP at https://Fabletics.com/pdb ! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Piero Tozzi and Gordon Chang discuss KMT official Jen Wen, who visited the U.S. to bolster her credentials but faced criticism for meeting individuals linked to the Communist Party. The visit highlighted debates over drone supply chains, as the U.S. encourages "non-red" technology to counter Chinese influence. (7)1935

SCHEDULE JBS, 6-15-20262006 MOLDOVABill Roggio discusses a rumored memorandum of understanding between Washington and Tehran. Roggio expresses skepticism, noting that while the Strait of Hormuz may reopen, the deal fails to address Iran's nuclear program or its support for regional proxies like Hezbollah. (1)Bill Roggio highlights that the ceasefire is a return to the status quo from February. He argues that the military was restrained from finishing the job and doubts the Iranian people's willingness to overthrow the regime. Meanwhile, Hezbollah remains active in southern Lebanon. (2)Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa report that in Peru, Keiko Fujimori leads the presidential race, signaling a "blue wave" against narco-socialism. This shift reinforces regional efforts like the Shield of the Americas. Meanwhile, Bolivia faces a "slow-motion coup" by narco-terrorists, which Brazilian President Lula da Silva has largely ignored. (3)Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa describe how U.S. forces killed drug lord "El Niño Guerrero" with a drone strike inside Venezuela, signaling a transition and military cooperation against the Tren de Aragua cartel. This action pressures regional leaders and criminal gangs, potentially leading to pro-democratic elections and increased American investment. (4)Bill Roggio warns that Sunni jihadists remain a background threat while the West focuses on Iran. Groups like al-Qaedaand ISIS are gaining ground in Africa and Afghanistan, aiming to establish emirates. Pakistan also faces instability as the Taliban provides safe havens for militants. (5)Ahmad Sharawi discusses President Trump's suggestion of using the Syrian army to conduct strikes against Hezbollahin eastern Lebanon. This "creative solution" aims to disarm the proxy without using the IDF. However, experts warn this could cause a "rally around the flag" effect and increase sectarian tensions. (6)Piero Tozzi and Gordon Chang discuss KMT official Jen Wen, who visited the U.S. to bolster her credentials but faced criticism for meeting individuals linked to the Communist Party. The visit highlighted debates over drone supply chains, as the U.S. encourages "non-red" technology to counter Chinese influence. (7)Fraser Howie and Gordon Chang describe the Iran deal as a "repackaging of failure" and a humiliation for America. Markets are experiencing a relief rally due to AI and stabilizing oil prices, but fail to price in geopolitical damage. Allies now view the U.S. as an unreliable partner. (8)John Hardie reports that Russia launched a massive barrage of 70 missiles and 600 drones against Kyiv, damaging a historic monastery. Simultaneously, Ukraine is conducting a "logistics lockdown" campaign to isolate Crimea by striking fuel convoys and bridges. Despite Russian gains near Kostiantynivka, Ukraine's manpower reforms are improving battlefield stability. (9)John Hardie notes that Jared Kushner and U.S. envoys have frequently visited Moscow to negotiate an end to the Ukraine conflict. Putin uses phone calls to flatter Trump and promote the idea that Russia is dominating the battlefield. The administration pressures Ukraine to concede Donbas, despite the military defense holding. (10)David Daoud explains that reports of an upcoming memo of understanding between the U.S. and Iran are contradicted by Israel's refusal to leave Lebanon. Iran aims to save Hezbollah, its most critical asset, while the U.S. seeks a modus vivendi with the regime at almost any cost. (11)David Daoud describes a ceasefire deal requiring Hezbollah to withdraw north of the Litani River as "magical thinking" since the fighters are locals. While the IDF faces manpower limitations, Washington continues to pressure Prime Minister Netanyahu to accept a withdrawal regardless of Israeli security concerns. (12)Bridget Toomey notes that despite the U.S.-Iran memo of understanding, the Houthis remain a threat, recently firing a drone at Eilat. The group maintains autonomy and does not feel bound by ceasefires. They continue to ban Israelimaritime navigation in the Red Sea, aiming for economic and psychological damage. (13)Samuel Ben-Ur explains that the IDF controls 64% of Gaza, but Hamas remains in control of the remaining civilian population through torture and executions. The group refuses to disarm, as their existence is predicated on destroying Israel. Despite the elimination of top leaders, the organization's decentralized structure allows survival. (14)Edmund Fitton-Brown explains that a memorandum of understanding is expected to be signed in Geneva, focusing on freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. The deal includes a 60-day ceasefire but leaves critical issues like the nuclear file for later. Skeptics warn of secret annexes and deceptive Iranian propaganda. (15)Edmund Fitton-Brown notes that Russia and China view a ceasefire as beneficial for weakening U.S. influence and entrenching Iranian power. Experts argue the Islamic Republic will never negotiate away its revolutionary pillars, including its militias and nuclear shield. The deal provides a rest period for Iran to rearm for future assaults. (16)Three name corrections: John Hardy → John Hardie (9, 10) Bridget Tumi → Bridget Toomey (13) Samuel Bener → Samuel Ben-Ur (14)

The fifth episode in a series on the history of Indonesia: a hinge in the world system where colonialism and revolution have decisively shaped the trajectory of global history. This installment traces the armed conflicts—civil wars and then confrontations with the Dutch and British — that propelled Indonesia into Sukarno's authoritarian Guided Democracy system and cascading economic crisis. Both the military and the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) became increasingly powerful forces on the eve of 1965–when the armed forces would slaughter the communists and inaugurate Suharto's New Order. Featuring Rianne Subijanto, Made Supriatma, and Farabi Fakih. Support The Dig at Patreon.com/TheDig Register for the Socialism Conference by June 19th for the early bird rate! Socialismconference.org Get 50% off Backlash: The Global Rise of the Radical Right , or any first book purchase from plutobooks.com with code ‘DIG50' The Dig goes deep into politics everywhere, from labor struggles and political economy to imperialism and immigration. Hosted by Daniel Denvir.

The fifth episode in a series on the history of Indonesia: a hinge in the world system where colonialism and revolution have decisively shaped the trajectory of global history. This installment traces the armed conflicts—civil wars and then confrontations with the Dutch and British—that propelled Indonesia into Sukarno's authoritarian Guided Democracy system and cascading economic crisis. Both the military and the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) became increasingly powerful forces on the eve of 1965–when the armed forces would slaughter the communists and inaugurate Suharto's New Order. Featuring Rianne Subijanto, Made Supriatma, and Farabi Fakih. Support The Dig at Patreon.com/TheDig Register for the Socialism Conference by June 19th for the early bird rate! Socialismconference.org Get 50% off Backlash: The Global Rise of the Radical Right , or any first book purchase from plutobooks.com with code ‘DIG50'

Savage explains how the U.S. feels like a replay of the Roaring '20s—corruption, excess, and a looming crash—citing national debt surpassing GDP and high gas prices in California. He compares HBO's "Boardwalk Empire" to today's "gangster capitalism" and then shares how Napoleon III serves as a cautionary tale about prosperity undone by war costs. Savage says he's alarmed by pressure on President Trump from pro-war talkers and the military-industrial complex to escalate the war in Iran, warning this could draw in Russia and China. He then reads from Mao's "Little Red Book" where Mao calls "democratic socialism" a road to communism. He concludes by condemning Bernie Sanders and the Communist Party while calling for divine help for America.