Podcasts about Communist party

Today on the Christian History Almanac, we remember the H-mao Christians in China and their suppression by the Communist Party. GTI Zoom Info Meeting on August 11th at 7 pm Eastern/4 pm Pacific: https://us06web.zoom.us/j/89787313197 Show Notes: Support the work at 1517 1517 on YouTube 1517 Podcast Network on Apple Podcasts 1517 Events Schedule 1517 Academy - Free Theological Education Germany / Switzerland - Study Tour What's New from 1517: The Turk at the Door by Adam Francisco Luther and the Lion: A Narnian Catechism by Samuel Schuldheisz By Water and the Word by Brian Thomas Being Family by Dr. Scott Keith More from the hosts: Dan van Voorhis Follow 1517:  Instagram X/Twitter Facebook SHOW TRANSCRIPTS are available: https://www.1517.org/podcasts/the-christian-history-almanac CONTACT: CHA@1517.org Facebook Twitter Audio production by Christopher Gillespie (outerrimterritories.com)

In this continuation of our African Revolutions and Decolonization series, we we have an lengthy conversation that just starts to scratch the surface of Sudan, with a terrific guest and guest host.  Here, we are joined by Mohamed Khougali, author of Politically Unconscious: The Psychic Aftermath of the Sudanese Revolution, and returning guest host Ruehl Muller, whom you will remember from our episodes with the Communist Party of Swaziland's Bafanabakhe Sacolo.  Stay tuned, part 2 of this conversation will be coming very soon! Mohamed Khougali is a Sudanese socialist who was part of the Sudanese revolution of 2018-19. He is currently residing in Germany where he and his wife founded the Black Radicals, an anti-racist group informed by the Black Radical Tradition. He also continues his radical psychological practice, where you can reach him (notatherapist.de).  Also be sure to follow his instagram, Black Radicals!  Ruehl Muller is senior lecturer/associate professor at the Institute of Creativity and Innovation at Xiamen University in China, and the editor of the fantastic Building a People's Art: Selected Works of Trường Chinh and Tố Hữu (buy a physical copy or download the free PDF from Iskra Books). Help support the show by signing up to our patreon, where you also will get bonus content: https://www.patreon.com/guerrillahistory 

Last time we spoke about the Miluo River Catastrophe. On September 17, General Xue Yue, watching alarming reconnaissance telegrams, learns the Japanese 11th Army has massed across the north bank of the Xinqiang River—3rd, 4th, 6th, and 40th Divisions—alongside additional detachments. Chinese operatives even intercept a Japanese order directing divisions to prepare for an attack on September 18. Despite this, Xue Yue's decisions and readiness remain inadequate. By September 21–23, the fighting at and around the Miluo River and Dongting Lake destroys the 37th Army's ability to function as a coherent combat force. The disaster as both tactical collapse and a failure of planning: Japanese interception and decoding of radio orders allow them to shift toward encirclement, turning Chinese movements into a "trap" laid in advance.   #211 The Japanese Blunt China's Iron Army at Changsha Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The four divisions that had stormed into northern Hunan had made good progress, achieving the victory of defeating three main Chinese armies in quick succession. General Anami Korechika, commanding the Japanese forces, was secretly pleased, but he dared not slacken his efforts in the slightest. He was a methodical man, and he understood that the contest was not yet decided. Every day, his intelligence officers placed before him a stream of intercepted Chinese military telegrams and aerial reconnaissance reports. What they showed gave him reason for both confidence and caution. Two significant forces were moving toward the battlefield — forces unlike those he had so far encountered. One of them was Chiang Kai-shek's elite 74th Army, a formation whose reputation had reached Anami long before, from his time at headquarters in Tokyo. The other was the 10th Army, considered second only to the 74th in quality and fighting spirit.   The 74th Army was no ordinary unit. It had been rigorously trained under German and Soviet instructors specially hired by Chiang Kai-shek, its officers schooled in both European combined-arms doctrine and Soviet tactical flexibility. It was characterized by its disciplined offensive and defensive tactics and was lavishly equipped by the standards of the Chinese military. Most remarkably, it had maintained an undefeated record on the battlefield since the beginning of the war — a distinction that had earned it the title of "Iron Army of the Anti-Japanese War" among the Chinese people. In the high command of the Imperial Japanese Army, it was referred to, with a mixture of respect and wariness, as the Tora no Ko — the "Tiger Child" — meaning, in essence, the ace in the enemy's hand.   The 10th Army was held in nearly equal esteem. The deployment of either of these two formations required the personal approval of Chiang Kai-shek himself. The Generalissimo's principle for employing them was clear and deliberate: they were to be committed only to the most critical battles, those that would decide outcomes, or to the most prominent ones, where their prowess could demonstrate the might of the Chinese army to a watching nation. Since the outbreak of the war, the 74th Army had been kept in reserve at Fenyi in Jiangxi Province, and the 10th Army at Hengyang in southern Hunan. Both forces had been conserving their strength, training, and waiting.   Now Anami's relentless offensive had forced Chiang Kai-shek's hand. The battle situation had tilted dangerously under the weight of Japanese pressure, and the fall of several elite units had left the Chinese commander of the Ninth War Zone, General Xue Yue, with little room to maneuver. Xue Yue had no choice but to appeal to Chongqing for help, and Chiang Kai-shek, reluctantly and with full awareness of the risks, agreed to release his two trump cards. Anami, having mastered his opponent's intentions through his intelligence apparatus, now found himself in the rare and advantageous position of a card player who could see his opponent's hole cards. He carefully planned his battle strategy, studying maps late into the night, conferring with his officers, and calculating how best to neutralize the Chinese elite before they could bring their full weight to bear. He knew that his life's honor, his career, and his legacy rested on this one gamble.   Li Yutang, the commander of the 10th Army, was from Guangrao in Shandong Province — a place that had given China more than its share of fighting men. He was a graduate of the first class of the illustrious Whampoa Military Academy, where he had trained alongside men who would go on to shape the fate of China. At the academy, he had been part of a celebrated group known informally as the "Four Lis of Shandong": himself, Li Xianzhou, Li Yannian, and Li Hanfan. The first three would all rise to significant commands in the Nationalist army. The fourth, Li Hanfan, a native of Changqing in Shandong, had taken an entirely different path, joining the Communist Party of China and fighting the same war under a different flag. In later years, the group became known as the "Three Lis of Shandong," the fourth having parted ways with his classmates long before the guns fell silent.   Li Yutang had not risen quickly or through privilege. He embodied the hardworking, resilient, and tenacious qualities long associated with the men of Shandong — qualities forged by a hard land and harder circumstances. He had climbed the ranks of the army step by step: platoon leader, company commander, battalion commander, regimental commander. Each step had been earned through performance under fire. When Japan launched its full-scale invasion in 1937, Li Yutang was serving as commander of the 3rd Division of the 2nd Army under Li Yannian, participating in the brutal Battle of Shanghai in August of that year. He fought in the grinding urban warfare along the Suzhou Creek, learning lessons in modern combat that would serve him for the rest of the war. The following spring, in March and April of 1938, he led his troops in the Battle of Xuzhou, holding the Linyi line northeast of Taierzhuang, blocking the Japanese 5th Division under Itagaki Seishiro from breaking through to reinforce the embattled Japanese forces at that critical engagement. His handling of the defense contributed to one of the few early Chinese battlefield successes of the war.   For his performance at Xuzhou, he was promoted to commander of the 8th Army. During the Battle of Wuhan in 1938, he led his troops in major engagements against the Japanese 101st and 106th Divisions along the Nanxun Railway, inflicting significant casualties on the attackers. After that campaign, General Xue Yue, recognizing both Li's talent and his Shandong origins — Shandong being home to Mount Tai, the foremost of China's Five Sacred Mountains — personally inscribed a banner reading "Mount Tai Army" and formally presented it to Li Yutang's 8th Army. Chiang Kai-shek added his own recognition, awarding Li Huazhou a medal. In the Battle of Nanchang, Li Yutang again distinguished himself, leading his troops in the defense of Wuning for ten days and ten nights of uninterrupted fighting. When the battle was over, Japanese soldiers lay piled in front of his defensive lines, and the name "Taishan Army" was on every officer's lips from Chongqing to the front. After the First Battle of Changsha in 1939, Chiang Kai-shek personally nominated Li Yutang to take command of the 10th Army — the posting that would now define his legacy. The orders came on September 20, 1941 — three days after the Japanese forces had broken through the Xiangbei defense line in the north. General Xue Yue's summons reached Li Yutang's headquarters in Hengyang, and the 10th Army began immediate preparations for movement to the battlefield.   The mobilization was extraordinary even by the standards of an army that prided itself on discipline and fighting spirit. Li Yutang addressed his men, and the response was unlike anything a commander might ordinarily expect. He received wave after wave of letters — requests to be placed at the front, declarations of determination, pledges to die before surrendering. Some of the letters were written in ordinary ink. Others had been written in blood, the soldier biting his own finger to draw enough for a few lines. These were not men who needed to be driven to battle. They were men who had spent months training for precisely this moment.   Their preparation had been rigorous to the point of fanaticism. For six months before the order came, the 10th Army had conducted intensive training in the three core skills of infantry combat: marksmanship, grenade throwing, and bayonet fighting. The Ministry of National Defense had set a standard that considered a unit successful if one quarter of its men scored "top-tier" in each category. Chiang Kai-shek had personally raised the bar for the 10th Army: eighty percent of every unit must score "top-tier," with the remainder no lower than "excellent." Any unit falling short would face elimination. When the assessments were completed, the result was unambiguous — one hundred percent of the army had met the standard.   Over 30,000 men boarded seven special trains at Hengyang, their military songs and mobilization slogans ringing through the station as families and bystanders watched them depart. The troops traveled by train to Zhuzhou, then transferred to motor vehicles for the road north to Changsha, arriving in the Jinjing area — some seventy kilometers northeast of the city — on September 22nd. They had moved with professional speed. What awaited them would test something no training exercise could fully replicate. From the moment of arrival, the situation was clear to any officer with eyes: the 10th Army had stepped into chaos. However, given the already established passive situation, the 10th Army was like a leaf caught in a whirlpool as soon as it arrived on the battlefield. General Xue Yue, at the Ninth War Zone Command, immediately ordered the entire army to support the besieged 37th Army and simultaneously launch an offensive against the Japanese 3rd Division. It was an ambitious order for troops who had just completed a multi-day journey and had not yet oriented themselves to the ground. Nevertheless, Li Yutang passed the order down and his divisions began to move.   The first division to feel the dislocating effect of high command's demands was Zhu Yue's 190th Division. On September 23rd, the vanguard regiment of the 190th made contact with Japanese forces and was preparing to engage. Before a single shot was fired in earnest, Division Commander Zhu Yue received a telegram from army headquarters ordering him to abandon his current position and rush immediately to Shending Mountain to relieve the siege of the 140th Division of the 37th Army. The order brooked no delay. The troops dropped their baggage where it lay and ran — truly ran, in light order — to the vicinity of Shending Mountain.   They had barely formed ranks at their new position when a second telegram arrived from General Xue Yue. The 190th Division was to immediately reverse course and return to the Fulipu area to establish a defensive line and block the Japanese advance southward. Another forced march, exhausting men who had already marched and traveled for days. They arrived at the designated position on time — a testimony to their conditioning — and Zhu Yue established his division headquarters at Liangjiaduan, near Fulipu. After all the aimless marching and countermanding orders, after all the wasted energy and fruitless attempts, the troops were running on the last of their reserves. They worked through the night constructing fortifications with shovels and bare hands. Just as the first light of dawn revealed the outline of their new positions, the Japanese army advanced.   General Toyoshima Fusataro's Japanese 3rd Division had not rested. It had decisively defeated the 37th Army on the night of the 23rd and turned immediately, without pause, to attack the 190th Division. The blow came from the sky before it came from the ground. At dawn, more than ten Japanese planes swept down over Zhu Yue's division headquarters — seemingly guided, as the Chinese soldiers would later say, as if they had eyes in their heads, so accurate was the targeting. The small village that housed the headquarters was bombed almost to the ground. Dust and smoke billowed over the ruins as the aircraft banked away, and before it had settled, over a thousand Japanese infantrymen, seemingly springing from the earth itself, rushed forward directly toward the headquarters position. The regiment commanders, still at their positions elsewhere, could not be recalled in time.   Division Commander Zhu Yue did not hesitate. He drew his pistol and began commanding his subordinate units to fight back, rallying the headquarters staff and support troops into a perimeter defense. Under the fierce and accurate Japanese fire, Zhu Yue was hit by a bullet in his right arm. Then another round struck him in the left leg, and he went down. Almost simultaneously, Deputy Division Commander Lai Shixiang took command of the nearest available men and attempted to lead a breakout with a machine gun. An enemy mortar round found its mark, and Lai Shixiang was killed instantly. The division headquarters personnel, already shocked by the swiftness of the attack and the wounding of their commander, broke into disorder. Chaos erupted on the battlefield. Many soldiers ran blindly in the smoke and confusion, dying in the crossfire from multiple directions.   Division Chief of Staff Tao Xiu, now acting as deputy division commander with Zhu Yue incapacitated, took hold of the situation as best he could. He led the remnants of the headquarters staff in retreat toward a hollow in a grove of trees near the edge of the village. When the headcount was taken, approximately twenty men remained capable of fighting. It was already ten o'clock in the morning. Tao Xiu gathered these few men and led them along a small path through the dense forest on the outskirts of the village, bypassing Liangjiaduan, searching for the dispersed units of the division.   Out on the main positions, the 568th, 569th, and 570th Regiments were simultaneously surrounded and attacked. The officers and soldiers, exhausted from days and nights of continuous fighting, summoned what remained of their endurance and put up a tenacious resistance. From dawn until the afternoon, several positions were cut off and divided by Japanese encircling movements. In the ever-shrinking pockets, each cluster of defenders became an isolated target for enemy aircraft and artillery. Completely losing the initiative, groups of officers and soldiers perished in the shelling. Many of them died not in defiance but in something closer to despair — regretting this humiliating reversal, the waste of their patriotic aspirations, their unfulfilled desire to fight and kill the enemy on their own terms.   By evening, the regimental commanders had lost control of their respective battalions and companies. The remaining soldiers on each position scattered and concealed themselves in whatever ground offered cover, hiding in all directions across the darkening hills. It was not until midnight that the lightly wounded and unwounded officers and soldiers managed to assemble, as the contingency plan had directed, in a dense forest on the southwest side of the position. Division Commander Zhu Yue, wounded in both his arm and his leg, had been sent to the rear to receive treatment. Acting Deputy Division Commander Tao Xiu stood before the assembled survivors — more than two hundred men gathered from the regiments — and offered them quiet words of comfort. There was little else he could give them. The people present carried the seriously wounded on improvised stretchers and supported the lightly wounded with their arms and shoulders, groping their way through the darkness toward Zhuzhou. The 10th Reserve Division, under Commander Fang Xianjue, had been assigned to hold the Jinjing line — a position that, on paper, formed an anchor of the defensive scheme. In practice, the situation was deeply flawed from the outset. The Ninth War Zone Command had placed the 10th Reserve Division alone at Jinjing with no depth behind it and no friendly forces on either flank — an isolated salient that offered the Japanese every opportunity for encirclement.   On the 23rd, the division captured the Kanai line at noon, an initial success that promised more than it delivered. Around six o'clock in the evening, as darkness gathered, General Kanda Masatsuka arrived at the front with the vanguard of the Japanese 6th Division. He was not a man to move without information. Before committing to a full assault, Kanda ordered a probing attack and watched its progress carefully through binoculars from a small hill behind the advancing force. What he saw gave him pause. However he searched for a weak point in the Chinese line, the defenders showed none. No gap in the wire, no position carelessly manned, no sector that sagged under pressure. Kanda lowered his binoculars and considered his next step. He felt this was indeed an elite unit with excellent tactical skills, and should not be underestimated. He ordered a halt to the attack and waited for the full arrival of his division's strength.   On the morning of the 24th, the Japanese launched their proper assault — a fierce attack from the east, north, and west simultaneously. The three-directional pressure was designed to pin the defenders and deny any lateral reinforcement. Kanda went further, requesting permission from General Anami to concentrate all thirty-plus bombers available for the entire battlefield and direct them at the 10th Reserve Division's positions in a single concentrated raid. Anami granted the request. The bombing was devastating. The defending positions were almost completely destroyed from the air. Yet in the ruins of their fortifications and bunkers, the soldiers of the 10th Reserve Division continued fighting, repelling Japanese ground attacks wave after wave through the rubble and the smoke.   At two o'clock in the afternoon, a report reached Fang Xianjue that halted him in his tracks. A Japanese regiment had executed a large-scale outflanking maneuver around the south side of Jinjing and was approaching the rear of the position. The encirclement was closing. Fang Xianjue was shocked. He now grasped in full the tactical impossibility of his assignment. The Ninth War Zone Command had placed the 10th Reserve Division here alone, exposed on all sides, without depth and without support. The order to "block the enemy's southward advance" had been an empty promise from the start. Fang Xianjue could not understand the strategic intention behind the deployment at all — there was none that made any tactical sense. The only purpose of holding out here, he concluded bitterly, was to theoretically be seen to be "fighting the Japanese." Before Fang Xianjue could translate his analysis into a decision, the Japanese troops launched another fierce attack from the front and both flanks, and one side of the defensive line was breached. The situation became critical. Fang Xianjue decided to withdraw before the encircling force to the south could complete its movement and seal off all escape. He did not have time to seek authorization from the war zone — there was no time. He ordered each regiment to organize its own breakout and reassemble at designated locations.   At four o'clock in the afternoon, Fang Xianjue led the division headquarters in the first withdrawal from the battlefield. Looking back as he departed, he watched as the regiments were cut apart by Japanese fire, large numbers of officers and soldiers falling among the mountain ridges and into the ditches and gullies. There was nothing more he could do for them.   By the 25th, approximately half of the division's troops had reached the designated reception point. After a hasty reorganization, they were ordered to occupy positions along the Xueshi Bridge line and prepare to resume the defense. That same evening, a portion of the Japanese 3rd Division — fresh from its defeat of the 190th Division — launched a fierce attack on Xueshi Bridge. The positions could not be held. The scene of the previous day's rout was repeated almost exactly, and this second defeat completed the destruction of the 10th Reserve Division as a coherent fighting force. General Xue Yue's rebuke reached Fang Xianjue shortly afterward, and the division commander had no way to express the depth of his frustration — the tactical position he had been placed in had made his assignment impossible before the first shot was fired. On the 26th, he led the surviving troops to be received and reorganized by war zone units near Changsha. Compared to the bitter fates of the 190th Division and the 10th Reserve Division, Zhou Qingxiang's 3rd Division wrote a different kind of story in these same days — one of extraordinary tactical competence maintained against mounting odds. In the equally fierce battles, the 3rd Division demonstrated the qualities of an elite force more effectively than any other unit on either side.   On the 22nd, the 3rd Division had been ordered to establish positions two kilometers east of Fulipu. At noon on the 24th, after the Japanese 3rd Division defeated Zhu Yue's 190th Division, a portion of the Japanese force turned and attacked the right flank of Zhou Qingxiang's position. It was repelled. That evening, the Japanese 4th Division, riding the momentum of its success against the 37th Army, launched a night attack on the 3rd Division's left flank. It too was repelled. On the 25th, Zhou Qingxiang's division was attacked from both sides simultaneously by the main forces of two Japanese divisions — forces that outnumbered the defenders several times over. The officers and soldiers of the entire division showed no fear. They fought bravely and with skill honed by months of intensive preparation, holding their lines despite heavy casualties and preventing the Japanese from breaking through at any point.   When word of this resistance was relayed to General Anami Korechika at his headquarters, he fell into a long, uncharacteristic silence. He studied the reports before him, the maps, the casualty tallies on both sides. Then he turned to his chief of staff, General Isamu Kinoshita. "This is the elite force," Anami said quietly. He paused a moment, and added: "I really want to go there and see for myself." The compliment, delivered in the private setting of a Japanese headquarters, was perhaps the most honest assessment of the fighting quality of Zhou Qingxiang's men that history has preserved.   Anami's response, however, was not admiration — it was determination to overwhelm. On the morning of the 26th, he concentrated nearly the entire combat power available to him against the single 3rd Division: units drawn from the Japanese 3rd, 4th, 6th, and 40th Divisions — close to 100,000 men — were directed to surround and destroy the Chinese formation. The 3rd Division stubbornly held its ground despite catastrophic casualties, the soldiers refusing to give way even as the perimeter contracted and the dead accumulated.   To ease the relentless pressure from enemy aircraft, the division commanders made a calculated decision: all positions were ordered to allow the Japanese troops to close to hand-to-hand fighting range. If the enemy was within arm's reach, the bombers above could not strike without killing their own men. Several instances of fierce hand-to-hand fighting erupted across the defensive line as a result — bayonets, shovels, pistols and bare hands in the broken earth and shell craters. By noon, the 8th Regiment had been divided and surrounded. Shortly afterward, the 7th and 9th Regiments met the same fate. Zhou Qingxiang moved the division headquarters to the position of the 7th Regiment to maintain command over his most accessible unit, while the deputy division commander and chief of staff were dispatched to coordinate the independent defense of the 8th and 9th Regiments respectively. For another half day, each of the three regimental pockets fought alone. At dusk, Zhou Qingxiang ordered a breakout.   As darkness fell, exploiting the brief respite that came when the Japanese halted their attacks for the night, each regiment burst simultaneously from its position. Carefully prepared covering detachments remained behind and created convincing feints toward false breakout directions, drawing the enemy's main pursuit forces away from the actual withdrawal routes. The deceptions worked. By the time the Japanese commanders understood what had happened, the breakout had succeeded. Officers and soldiers filtered into the designated reception point in small groups — three men here, five there — arriving through the night and into the following morning. When the count was complete, the 3rd Division was a remnant of less than one-fifth of its pre-battle strength. The finest infantry division in the 10th Army had bled itself almost dry, but it had done so on its own terms, and it had extracted as much as it was possible to extract from an impossible situation.   On September 27th, a chilly autumn wind blew across the city of Changsha. At the playground of Lizhong Middle School in the eastern part of the city, Li Yutang stood and watched the survivors of his divisions come in. A week before, on September 20th, more than 30,000 men had departed Hengyang aboard seven special trains. Their military songs had filled the railway station. Their letters of determination, some written in blood, had been stacked on Li Yutang's desk. Their training scores were the highest ever recorded for a Chinese army unit — a perfect one hundred percent of "top-tier" achievement across all three infantry skills. They had been, by every measurable standard, the finest army China could produce.   Standing now at the playground of a secondary school repurposed as a muster point, Li Yutang looked at what remained: a little over 2,000 men, including lightly wounded soldiers from Changsha who had been caught up in the fighting and bandaged civilians who had taken up arms. Two thousand, from thirty thousand. What had happened to the others? They were dead. They were injured. They were maimed. Some had broken under the pressure and run. The accounting was simple and devastating. Li Yutang's expression remained dignified as he inspected his survivors — the face of a commander who understood that bearing is required of officers precisely in the moments when bearing costs the most. But his heart was filled with tears. Perhaps soon, he reflected, there would be another 10th Army — still heroic and spirited, still singing loudly as it went to war. But it would not be the same one.   History has no gaps or blank pages. The story of the 10th Army's ordeal was barely complete before the next chapter began. Reluctantly, one must turn the page. Following the 10th Army, Wang Yaowu's 74th Army also suffered a crushing defeat. Wang Yaowu had received his orders from Commander Xue on September 21st and had immediately begun moving his three divisions from their cantonments at Fenyi and Xinyu in Jiangxi Province. The 74th Army was composed of three divisions: the 51st Division under Li Tianxia, the 57th Division under Yu Chengwan, and the 58th Division under Liao Lingqi. These were the formations that had kept the "Iron Army" undefeated through four years of brutal warfare. Their code names told their own story — the 51st Division was called "Frontline," the 57th was called "Tiger Warrior," and the 58th was called "Exhilarating." Wang Yaowu had personally chosen the code name for the army headquarters: "Brilliant." Chiang Kai-shek himself had once remarked, "Of all the code names, yours is the best." It was a small distinction, but one that Wang Yaowu quietly cherished.   What Wang Yaowu did not know — could not know, for Anami's intelligence network had kept the preparation perfectly concealed — was that Anami Korechika had been monitoring his movements since the order to deploy was first issued. The Japanese commander had already selected the terrain, positioned his units, and laid the trap. He was waiting for the 74th Army's arrival.   On the 25th, Wang Yaowu led the 57th Division into the battlefield first, marching rapidly as Xue Yue had directed to Chunhua Mountain on the north bank of the Laodao River, east of Changsha, to occupy positions and cover the main force's deployment. On the evening of the 25th, the 169th and 170th Regiments of the 57th Division arrived at the south side of Chunhua Mountain and encountered a Japanese search party of over a hundred men. The 169th Regiment swiftly cut off the small force's escape route, coordinating effectively with the 170th. The Japanese detachment suffered heavy casualties, and the survivors fled toward Chunhua Mountain. When part of the 170th Regiment reached the foot of the mountain, they ran into a much larger Japanese force coming down to meet them — and learned in that moment that Chunhua Mountain had already been occupied by the enemy.   Wang Yaowu responded instantly. To seize the initiative before the Japanese could consolidate, he ordered two regiments to assault Chunhua Mountain that same night. Around midnight, the troops advanced in silence through the dark. After a fierce night battle, two Japanese battalions were unable to hold against the assault and withdrew in the early hours of the morning. The 57th Division had its foothold. At dawn on the 26th, a regiment from the 57th Division followed up the night's success, and Yu Chengwan positioned the division along the Chunhua Mountain line. As the morning advanced, the 51st and 58th Divisions arrived to complete the deployment. Following Xue Yue's orders, Wang Yaowu spread his force across the line: the 57th Division at Chishi River, the 58th Division at Chunhua Mountain itself, and the 51st Division at Fengjiang Bridge. They were ready. Or so it appeared.   At dawn on the 27th, Wang Yaowu went on the offensive. The 57th Division launched a surprise attack on the camp of the main force regiment of the Japanese 3rd Division. The Japanese were caught entirely unprepared — the attack came in total darkness, and the camp was thrown into chaos before anyone could organize a coherent response. The Japanese managed to form some kind of defense only as the first light of dawn broke, and through the morning the two armies clashed furiously. By mid-morning, the Japanese had been forced back three kilometers — a genuine and significant victory achieved through aggression and timing.   Then, at eight o'clock, the Japanese 3rd Division launched its counterattack with the support of dozens of aircraft — fighter-bombers diving low over the Chunhua Mountain positions, strafing and bombing. Both armies knew themselves to be elite formations; each had its country's reputation riding on the outcome. They clashed with corresponding ferocity.   Around noon, Wang Yaowu climbed to the rooftop of a farmhouse and studied the Japanese battle line through his field glasses. What he saw was encouraging: a breach had appeared in the enemy's formation to the north of Chunhua Mountain — a gap that, if exploited quickly, could roll up the Japanese flank. He ordered Li Hanqing, the infantry commander of the 51st Division, to take two regiments and execute an outflanking maneuver through that gap, striking the Japanese from the side. An hour later, Li Hanqing's movement succeeded. The Japanese forces were thrown into disarray, breaking rearward in a rout. For one brief hour, it seemed as though the 74th Army might achieve a decisive success. Then the Japanese 4th Division arrived. It swept in from behind Li Hanqing's flanking force, surrounding his two regiments before they could extract themselves. In the desperate fighting of the breakout attempt, Li Hanqing was shot and killed.   In the afternoon, with two of its regiments lost to encirclement and its flanking stroke reversed, the 57th Division found itself holding off two full Japanese divisions alone. The fighting continued — artillery, rifle fire, close assaults — until nightfall dimmed the battlefield. The division had suffered over 3,000 casualties, and more than half of all commanders below battalion level had been killed or wounded. Division Commander Yu Chengwan conferred with Wang Yaowu over the field telephone, and together they decided to withdraw the troops to prepared positions to hold through the night.   Meanwhile, on the same 27th of September, Liao Lingqi's 58th Division at Chunhua Mountain was subjected to a separate and equally devastating assault by the Japanese 6th Division, reinforced by elements of the 3rd Division. The positions at Chunhua Mountain were compact and clustered — ideal targets for concentrated aerial bombardment. The Japanese bombers came in two waves, and after both had passed, the hastily constructed earthen fortifications were almost entirely destroyed. Across what had been the defensive line, limbs and broken bodies could be seen among the wreckage. The entire division had suffered devastating casualties.   Beginning at nine o'clock in the morning, tens of thousands of Japanese troops launched successive offensive waves, methodically dividing the defensive line into sections and breaking through each one in turn. The defenders engaged the Japanese in hand-to-hand combat at position after position, gunfire and the shouts of bayonet fighters filling the smoke-thickened air. At two o'clock in the afternoon, the Chunhua Mountain defense line collapsed. The surviving soldiers attempted to break out in small groups, but many were intercepted and cut down by Japanese forces waiting along the escape routes.   Wang Yaowu was seething. He directed the battle from wherever he could find a usable vantage point, issuing orders in rapid succession — one moment ordering the 51st Division to send reinforcements to Chunhua Mountain, the next directing the army's directly subordinate regiments to absorb the shattered remnants of the 58th Division, then ordering the 57th Division to block Japanese forces from reinforcing the encirclement. He was everywhere at once, doing the work of a staff of twenty, improvising responses to crises that unfolded faster than any plan could accommodate. And as he directed, the same thought played and replayed: wasn't the Ninth War Zone just feeding them to the wolves? They had jumped into the enemy's encirclement without any initiative, while the enemy could attack from whatever direction they chose. He had nowhere to vent his frustration on the battlefield, only able to fend for himself. While directing the battle, he cursed under his breath: "What kind of hell is this?!"   As dusk fell over the chaos, the gunfire gradually subsided. The Japanese as a rule did not launch night attacks — a pattern the Chinese had come to rely upon for the brief respite it offered. Li Tianxia, commander of the 51st Division, concentrated his troops from the flanks toward the center to consolidate a defensible perimeter. The 57th Division, adjacent to the 51st and badly diminished by the day's fighting, did the same. Both divisions settled into their positions, and the exhausted soldiers lay down fully clothed, weapons in hand, and tried to rest. At midnight, the battlefield exploded.   Fierce gunfire roused the soldiers from whatever shallow sleep they had found. Two elite regiments of the Japanese 6th Division had broken through the gap that had opened between the positions of the 51st and 57th Divisions — a gap created by both units pulling inward — and were driving directly toward the headquarters of the 74th Army. In Wang Yaowu's many years of battlefield experience, this was the only instance he ever encountered of a large Japanese force launching a major attack at night.   The knowledge of terrain displayed by the attacking Japanese regiments was so precise, the route to army headquarters so accurately selected, that it raised immediate suspicions of an intelligence compromise — an inside source who had provided the attackers with maps and positions. Whatever the explanation, the effect was devastating. The headquarters' directly subordinate regiment and guard battalion were outnumbered and quickly overwhelmed. They fought where they could, but the Japanese pushed through them.   The guard platoon leader, a man who had served at Wang Yaowu's side through numerous campaigns, gathered several of his best soldiers and formed a close escort. He led Wang Yaowu into the darkness as the Japanese closed around the headquarters compound. More than a hundred Japanese soldiers gave chase — moving through the dark with a sureness of foot that seemed almost preternatural, as if they had developed night vision. The platoon leader recognized that Wang Yaowu could not outrun a hundred men. He shouted to the general and the remaining escort: "Go quickly!" Then he and a single machine gunner turned and stayed behind. Wang Yaowu ran. A few minutes later, the machine gunner was killed. Shortly after that, the platoon leader was shot through the leg and fell to the ground. He was captured.   Wang Yaowu threw himself into the grass beside a drainage ditch and lay still as Japanese soldiers searched the ground around him, their voices close enough to touch. From his hiding place, he heard his platoon leader — the man who had been at his side day and night, who had chosen to stay behind so that his general might live — cursing the Japanese soldiers from the ground where he lay captured and wounded. Then a Japanese officer drew his sword. The cursing stopped. The Japanese soldiers moved on. The gunfire subsided. Wang Yaowu lay in the grass in the dark and did not move until he was certain they were gone. When he crawled out of the bushes, he looked up at the stars, found the direction of Liuyang, and began walking in the darkness with the few guards who had stayed close. He walked until dawn.   Since joining the army, Wang Yaowu had never allowed himself to think about fear of death. He had spent too many years on battlefields, seen too much death and bloodshed, to entertain it as a personal concern. This time, however, he was in tears. Not from sadness, and not from fear. From something harder to name and harder to bear: frustration — the frustration of a capable commander who had been committed to battle by a higher command that neither understood the ground nor provided him the support to fight on it, and who had watched good men die for orders that made no tactical sense.   In the aftermath of the battle, Wang Yaowu's grief was compounded by something beyond the ordinary losses of combat. The 27th alone had cost the 57th Division nearly half its strength, and the 58th Division had been essentially wiped out as a fighting formation. Of his three powerful divisions, only the 51st remained relatively intact. In war, such losses, however painful, are comprehensible. What happened next was not. Liao Lingqi, the commander of the 58th Division — one of the three officers Wang Yaowu had called his "tigers" — did not remain with his shattered troops to regroup and reorganize them. Instead, after the division's collapse, he slipped away from the battlefield with only his personal guards, changed into civilian clothes, and boarded a train bound for his hometown of Qiyang in southern Hunan to visit his family.   By unhappy chance, a senior staff officer from the Ninth War Zone was aboard the same train. He recognized Liao Lingqi and watched, saying nothing, as the division commander traveled south in civilian dress while his men lay dead on Chunhua Mountain. Upon arriving in Hengyang, the officer went directly to report the incident to General Xue Yue. Xue Yue instructed the Military Law Supervision Department to investigate and referred the case to the Military Commission's Military Law Enforcement Directorate on charges of desertion in the face of the enemy. At that point, in that situation, there was nothing Wang Yaowu could say. He had no words left. He had given everything he had to the battle, and this was what greeted him at the end of it.   The elite 74th Army, with its heroic spirit and its unbroken record, had captured the imagination of the Chinese nation and the hearts of countless young men. When soldiers of the 74th Army returned to their hometowns on leave, they wore their elite status openly, and the prestige of the unit was such that families sought them as sons-in-law. Young men who enlisted and were not selected for the 74th Army were known to weep. What a fine unit. But this time, the trap had been perfectly laid, and the intelligence had been mastered. Anami had looked at his opponent's hole cards and played accordingly. He had concentrated overwhelming force, moved with coordination and speed, and exploited the confusion generated by contradictory orders from the Ninth War Zone Command. The Chinese elite had fought with courage and skill that earned the admiration of their enemies. They had simply been outgeneraled at the operational level.   The Second Battle of Changsha, Phase Three, had cost China two of its finest armies. The 10th Army had departed Hengyang over 30,000 strong and returned barely 2,000. The 74th Army had suffered a crushing defeat from which it would require months to rebuild. Wang Yaowu had walked alone through the dark to Liuyang. Li Yutang had stood in the autumn wind at a schoolyard and looked at what remained of the men who had written their determination in blood.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Phase Three of the second battle of Changsha showed Anami Korechika using intelligence and planning to blunt China's elite forces as Chiang Kai-shek reluctantly deployed the "Iron Army" 74th and the 10th. Intercepted communications enable encirclement and heavy losses. Li Yutang's merit and experience shape resistance, yet Japanese strategy dominates from the outset through coordinated advances.

isten to current week's news from and about the Church in Asia in a capsule of around 10 to 15 minutes. This week, China accelerates its severe crackdown on unregistered churches, while a deadly prison riot in Sri Lanka claims multiple lives. Plus, Pakistan delivers a rare mob conviction, and devastating monsoon floods ravage southeastern Bangladesh. All these stories and more. Tune in for the latest developments from Asia. Filed by UCA News reporters, compiled by Fabian Antony, presented by Joe Mathews, Cover photo by AFP, background score by Andre Louis, edited and produced by Binu Alex for Union of Catholic Asian News. For news in and about the Church in Asia, visit www.ucanews.comTo contribute please visit www.ucanews.com/donateOn Twitter Follow Or Connect through DM at : twitter.com/ucanewsTo view Video features please visit https://www.youtube.com/@ucanews

In this episode of VarnVlog, we are joined by Brandon Lightly to discuss the complex and often misunderstood history of Maoism. We dive deep into the theoretical underpinnings of the "mass line" and "new democracy," exploring how these concepts served as an internal critique of Marxism and a departure from Soviet-style bureaucracy.Key Topics Covered:Defining the Mass Line: Is it just populism, or a sophisticated leadership feedback loop?The Historical Origins: From the Hunan Report to the Long March and the second United Front.Theoretical Innovations: Mao's 1961 critique of Joseph Stalin and the rejection of the "Great Man" theory of history.Fragmentation: Why there are so many different Maoist tendencies (MLM, MIM, Third Worldism).Praxis: The rectification movement and the relationship between urban intellectuals and the rural peasantry.Journal ArticlesDirlik, A. (1970). The ideological foundations of the Chinese Revolution. Journal of Contemporary History, 5(3), 39–54.Dittmer, L. (1977). Line struggle: Notes on its organizational context and theoretical development. Modern China, 3(3), 303–312.Fogel, J. A. (1980). Ai Siqi, establishment intellectual by Joshua A. Fogel. Modern China, 6(1), 23–47.Hammond, E. R. (1978). Marxism and the mass line [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Korolev, A. (2017). De-ideologized mass line, regime responsiveness, and state-society relations. China Review, 17(2), 7–36.Lyman, S. V. (1970). The Chinese Communist Party in the United Front, 1937–1945 [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Mazur, M. G. (1995). The United Front of the 1940s: A social and cultural perspective. Modern China, 21(4), 431–456.Selden, M. (1971). The Yenan Way in revolutionary China. The China Quarterly, (45), 263–294.Steiner, H. A. (1951). Current mass line tactics in Communist China. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 277(1), 422–436.Teiwes, F. C. (1978). The origins of rectification: Inner-party purgation in the 1930s. The China Quarterly, (74), 181–201.Tokuda, N. (1971). The mass line during the Yenan period. The China Quarterly, (47), 1–18.Townsend, J. R. (1967). Political participation in Communist China. University of California Press.Womack, B. (1980). The phase of de-Maoization in China. China Report, 16(1), 7–21.Womack, B. (1991). Mao Zedong and the sinification of Marxism. The China Quarterly, (126), 1–15.Young, G. (1980). On New Democracy and the transition to socialism. Modern China, 6(1), 3–22.Books & Primary SourcesCoble, P. M. (2023). The collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek lost China's civil war. Cambridge University Press.Elbaum, M. (2018). Revolution in the air: Sixties radicals turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. Verso Books.Hirata, K. (2024). Making Mao's steelworks: Industrial Manchuria and the transnational origins of Chinese socialism. Cambridge University Press.Karl, R. E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world: A concise history. Duke University Press.Li, H. (2024). Fighting on the cultural front: U.S.-China relations in the Cold War. Columbia University Press.Lin, C. (2019). Mass line. In C. Sorace, I. Franceschini, & N. Loubere (Eds.), Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political concepts from Mao to Xi (p. 122). ANU Press.Lovell, J. (2019). Maoism: A global history. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.Lowe, D. M. (1966). The function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. University of California Press.Mao, Z. (1940). On New Democracy. Marxists Internet Archive.Mao, Z. (1977). A critique of Soviet economics. Monthly Review Press.Moufawad-Paul, J. (2016). Continuity and rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist terrain. Zero Books.Schram, S. R. (Ed.). (2005). Mao's road to power: Revolutionary writings 1912–1949: Vol. VII. New Democracy, 1939–1941. M.E. Sharpe.Zheng, Q. (Ed.). (2020). An ideological history of the Communist Party of China (Vol. 2) (L. Sun & S. Bryant, Trans.). Royal Collins Publishing Group.Send us Fan Mail Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan, Parzival, Adriel Mixon, Buddy Roark, Daniel Petrovic,Julian, Drea, Free Beer 

President Xi Jinping stressed advancing high-quality urban renewal during an inspection tour in Shanghai on Wednesday, calling for comprehensive efforts to fully embrace the people-centered philosophy of urban development and keep enhancing urban residents' sense of gain, happiness and security.In advancing urban renewal, sustained efforts must be made to listen to the people's needs, draw on their suggestions and assess results through their feedback, said Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission.During the tour, Xi spoke with residents and community workers at a residential community in Shanghai's Huangpu district. He listened to a briefing on Shanghai's efforts to renovate old residential buildings lacking sanitary facilities and on the city's resolution of the long-standing problem of residents in old neighborhoods having to carry chamber pots.He stressed that the CPC Central Committee has made urban work a policy priority, outlining steps to build modern cities of the people that are innovative, desirable to live in, beautiful, resilient, culturally advanced and smart.Renovating aging urban residential communities is an important part of this endeavor, Xi said.During the Central Urban Work Conference in July last year, Xi stressed that the nation must take urban renewal as a key driver and vigorously optimize urban structure, foster new growth drivers, improve urban quality, advance green transformation, preserve cultural heritage and enhance governance efficiency.The State Council, China's Cabinet, released in May an urban renewal plan, outlining key targets and policy measures for the country's urban renewal efforts during the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) period.According to the plan, the nation will launch renovation projects for 115,000 aging urban residential communities and carry out comprehensive community upgrading in 5,000 neighborhoods during the 2026-30 period, with the aim of creating higher-quality urban living spaces.Xi underscored on Wednesday that officials must firmly establish and practice a correct understanding of governance performance, think about what concerns the people, respond to their most pressing needs, formulate and implement effective policies, and persevere in improving people's livelihoods over the long term.He also called for improving property management and community services with what he described as the precision of "needlework", striving to better meet residents' expectations.At the home of retired resident Zhu Guoli, Xi carefully checked the family's living conditions.He told the family that the lives of ordinary people are both family affairs and affairs of the State.The CPC is dedicated to serving the people, and only when the people live in peace and contentment can the Party and the government rest assured, he said.The president also checked the supply of fruits and vegetables and spoke with community representatives, subdistrict officials and community workers.He pointed out that communities are the basic units of the urban governance system.Xi also called for steps to improve the level of community governance, directing more resources, services and management to the grassroots, while continuing to reduce burdens on primary-level organizations and empower them.With the nation now at a critical stage of flood control and prevention, Xi called on various regions and departments to establish worst-case scenario thinking, closely monitor rainfall, flood conditions and typhoon developments, and carry out detailed investigations of potential risks and hazards. He highlighted the importance of making solid preparations for flood prevention and control, emergency rescue and disaster relief, and effectively safeguarding the lives and property of the people.renewal /rɪˈnjuːəl/更新；改造；复兴resilient /rɪˈzɪliənt/有韧性的，抗风险能力强的grassroots /ˈɡrɑːsruːts/基层；草根endeavor /ɪnˈdevə(r)/努力；事业，工作underscore /ˌʌndəˈskɔː(r)/着重强调，凸显scenario /səˈnɑːriəʊ/情景、预想情况

Good afternoon, I'm _ with today's episode of EZ News. Tai-Ex opening The Tai-Ex opened up 113-points this morning from yesterday's close, at 44,851 on turnover of $9.9-billion N-T. Shares in Taiwan came under pressure Tuesday, falling below 44,000 points at one point, before rebounding in the last 90 minutes of the session to cap the losses. But while most non-tech stocks were also in the doldrums, the petrochemical sector outperformed the market on a spike in international crude oil prices amid renewed unease in the Middle East, which could boost product prices. Heat and Afternoon Thunderstorms Over Next Few Days Forecasters are warning of intense heat and severe afternoon thunderstorms across Taiwan over the next several days. The Central Weather Administration today issued high-temperature alerts for eight counties and cities. Officials say Changhua, Yunlin, Tainan, and Hualien are under an orange alert… meaning temperatures could repeatedly exceed (超過) 36 degrees Celsius. Taipei, New Taipei, Chiayi, and Taitung are under a yellow alert. Taitung also faces a high risk of hot, dry foehn winds. Meteorologist Wu Der-rong says tropical disturbances in the South China Sea and near the Philippines are bringing large amounts of moisture toward Taiwan, creating highly unstable conditions. Wu warns that severe convective thunderstorms will develop in mountainous areas every afternoon through July 21st, and te storms will likely trigger lightning, strong winds, and flash flooding in low-lying areas. (NS) China Senior CCP Member Expelled Chinese state media says a senior official has been expelled from the ruling Communist Party. Ma Xingrui is one of three members of the current Politburo purged in leader Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign, alongside two military generals. Analysts see the campaign as a tool to enforce loyalty to Xi and root out (根除) corruption. Party authorities concluded that Ma committed violations including accepting gifts and using his position to help others. The 66-year-old Ma was previously the Communist Party chief of Xinjiang and governor of Guangdong province. Gold trader gets time served in Iran sanctions case that strained US-Turkey relations A Turkish businessman charged in a conspiracy to help Iran evade (逃避) sanctions gets no additional prison time after helping U.S. investigators. The AP's Jennifer King reports. Spain Gibraltar Border Fence** Dismantled** The fence separating Gibraltar from Spain has been dismantled, easing travel for thousands who cross daily. This change, which goes into effect today, follows years of post-Brexit negotiations between the European Union and the United Kingdom over Gibraltar, a British Overseas Territory that is also claimed by Spain. On Tuesday, the U.K. and the E.U. signed an agreement securing Gibraltar's economic future. The deal de facto brings Gibraltar into the EU's Schengen free travel area. Gibraltar officials say live facial recognition (臉部辨識) cameras are now set up at entry points. When Britain left the EU in 2020, the relationship between Gibraltar and the bloc had been left unresolved. In 2025, the EU and U.K. announced an agreement on those issues, with the two sides and Gibraltar's government signing a treaty Tuesday that eases border crossings. That was the I.C.R.T. EZ News, I'm _. －－－－以下為 SoundOn 動態廣告－－－－ 今秋跟著楓紅展開最動人的旅程~ 日本紅葉祭限定！漫遊河口湖紅葉迴廊，或登上東北藏王紅葉纜車飽覽山林秋色 韓國賞紅葉x銀杏，韓服漫遊景福宮感受秋日浪漫 美加東必追楓葉大道，走訪尼加拉瀑布沉醉最美楓景 限量團位，快搜尋「可樂旅遊」與你分享世界的美好~ https://sofm.pse.is/9bu2gx -- 【暑假首選】雄獅文具想像力製造所天天不休息！白色牆面隨你畫、泡泡雨空中飄，巨型 60 色色彩牆隨手拍都是網美大片！ 八月更有全新「彩耀日」戶外顏料射擊，暑假就是要玩好玩滿。 快來發揮想像力打包快樂！

SCHEDULE THE JOHN BATCHELOR SHOW, 7-8-20261966 SWEDEN Chaos in the Strait of Hormuz and Global Alignments. Gordon Chang and Kamran Bokhari. The Strait of Hormuz memorandum of understanding has collapsed, leading the U.S. to end the ceasefire with Iran. Iran is attempting to divide international allies by courting India and Pakistan. Pakistan balances a mediating role against domestic economic instability, while India shifts toward a burden-sharing role in the Indo-Pacific. (1) Chinese Missile Provocations and the Undersea Power Struggle. Gordon Chang and Rebecca Grant. Chinalaunched a long-range missile over sovereign territories toward Fiji, an aggressive move coinciding with major NATO and RIMPAC events. The test signals China's intent to expand its nuclear triad despite its currently "noisy" submarine technology. The U.S. maintains its undersea dominance through advanced programs like the Columbia-class boomer and unmanned Orca systems. (2) Religious Persecution and the Rise of Underground Christianity in China. Gordon Chang and Piero Tozzi. Pastor Ezra Jin's release highlights the CCP's continued persecution of underground churches that refuse to answer to the state. Despite intense Sinicization and arrests of figures like Jimmy Lai, Christianity is flourishing in China as a witness for human dignity. Totalitarian control efforts have created an enemy in an underground congregation potentially numbering over 100 million. (3) PLA Purges and Xi Jinping's Power Consolidation. Gordon Chang and Piero Tozzi. Xi Jinping's provocative missile launches are linked to internal instability and purges within the Central Military Commission. By creating international tension, Xi forces competing party factions to rally behind his leadership. While he controls the propaganda and state security apparatus, his control over the People's Liberation Army remains incomplete. (4) Venezuela's Humanitarian Crisis and US Diplomatic Pragmatism. Evan Ellis. Twin earthquakes in Venezuelahave left thousands dead and missing, with the Maduro regime's response marked by corruption and inefficiency. The U.S. continues to work with regime "thugs" for stability and oil access while preventing the democratically elected leader, María Corina Machado, from returning to aid her country. (5) Electoral Shifts Toward U.S. Cooperation in Peru and Colombia. Evan Ellis. Keiko Fujimori in Peru and Abelardo de la Espriella in Colombia have secured victories, pledging to join U.S.-led regional security coalitions. Both leaders inherit nations plagued by record-high coca production and expanded criminal groups. Their success is viewed as critical for regional stability and counter-cartel efforts in the Americas. (6) Bolivia's Instability and US-Mexico Trade Leverage. Evan Ellis. Bolivia remains on "borrowed time" as Evo Morales leads blockades from his coca-growing stronghold. Simultaneously, the U.S. uses the USMCA's renewal uncertainty as leverage to ensure Mexico's cooperation on migration and drugs. This strategy risks long-term investment but forces immediate strategic compliance from the Mexican administration. (7) Cuba's Grid Collapse and Caribbean Regional Integration. Evan Ellis. Cuba's recurring blackouts highlight a crumbling infrastructure and the failure of economic reforms to appease U.S. sanctions. While the U.S. applies individual sanctions on leaders, CARICOM is expanding its regional influence, recently bringing Martinique in as an associate member to bolster Caribbean governance and maritime security. (8) Russia's Energy Chokepoint and the Shifting Global Oil Map. Michael Bernstam. Ukrainian drone strikes on major Russian refineries have triggered a severe fuel crisis, forcing export bans on diesel and gasoline. Meanwhile, Gulf states are building massive pipelines to bypass the Strait of Hormuz. These developments are neutralizing Iran's "golden weapon" and shifting global oil transit maps away from traditional naval chokepoints. (9) The Strategic Impact of the Drone War on Russia. Michael Bernstam. Ukrainian drones have achieved what sanctions could not, choking Russia's fuel supply and forcing it to sell oil at massive discounts to China and India. This new form of decentralized drone warfare has made fuel supplies the primary vulnerability of the Russianeconomy. Modern nations, including Taiwan, are now observing these lessons in resource warfare. (10) The Capitalism Model and Monetization of the Space Sector. Bob Zimmerman. Wall Street has embraced commercial space, with private companies like Catalyst performing satellite servicing missions once reserved for government agencies. The U.S. Space Force now buys rapid-launch capabilities from the private sector for orbital reconnaissance. India is also transitioning its space program toward this capitalist model to increase efficiency. (11) Asteroid Probes and Scientific Cosmological Anomalies. Bob Zimmerman. Missions are targeting asteroids like the potentially dangerous Apophis, with a fleet of probes planning a 2029 flyby. Meanwhile, the Euclid telescope has detected ancient quasars that challenge Big Bang timelines. Additional anomalies in Galaxy Centaurus A and unpredictable sunspot activity suggest current cosmological models remain incomplete. (12) European Heat Waves and Shifting Commodity Markets. Simon Constable. Extreme heat is becoming the norm in Europe, driving demand for air conditioning and pressuring electrical infrastructure. Commodity prices show mixed signals; oil and gas have risen due to Middle East tensions, while industrial metals like copper decline. In Britain, Andy Burnham is positioned as a likely future prime leader. (13) The Invisible Power of Global Data Centers. Simon Constable. Data centers represent the digital future, with Virginia housing the world's highest concentration for the federal government. Despite accounting for over 4% of U.S. electricity usage, a quiz reveals that a quarter of Americans know nothing about these facilities. The U.K.holds the second-highest number of data centers globally. (14) The Sino-American Lunar Race for Permanent Presence. Rick Fisher and Doug Messier. China aims for a permanent lunar presence at the South Pole to potentially deny access to other powers. NASA is countering with a civilian coalition of private partners like SpaceX to develop sustainable infrastructure for future Mars missions. China's architecture mimics Soviet systems, while NASA's Starship requires complex orbital refueling to reach the moon. (15) Risk Aversion and Logistical Timelines for Moon Landings. Rick Fisher and Doug Messier. The Chinesespace program is highly risk-averse to protect the Communist Party's legitimacy. While NASA is "game on," it faces challenges with the Starship lander, which reportedly requires at least 15 refueling launches per mission. China hopes for a manned landing by 2030, while NASA's 2028 timeline remains subject to potential delays. (16)

Risk Aversion and Logistical Timelines for Moon Landings. Rick Fisher and Doug Messier. The Chinesespace program is highly risk-averse to protect the Communist Party's legitimacy. While NASA is "game on," it faces challenges with the Starship lander, which reportedly requires at least 15 refueling launches per mission. China hopes for a manned landing by 2030, while NASA's 2028 timeline remains subject to potential delays. (16)  

You’re listening to American Ground Radio with Stephen Parr and Louis R. Avallone. This is the full show for July 7, 2026. We open with a story out of Germany that hits uncomfortably close to home — the German defense minister is publicly discussing whether a conservative party that finishes first in national polling should be denied access to classified information if it wins power. We explain why this isn't just a European problem: it's exactly what James Clapper attempted with Donald Trump in 2016, what the FBI did to the Tea Party under Obama, and what the DOJ did to pro-life Catholics under Biden. When a government starts treating political opponents as security threats, the next steps — denied clearances, restricted briefings, platform pressure, donor investigations — become easier every time. Germany is showing us where that road ends. We'd prefer not to follow. In our Top 3 Things You Need to Know, President Trump declared the ceasefire over after Iran attacked three oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz — launching a second night of U.S. strikes on Iranian air defenses, fast boats, and missile launchers, and saying of negotiations, they're liars, they're cheats, they're sick people. Then Kentucky's Democratic Governor Andy Beshear formally demanded transparency from Senator Mitch McConnell's office about his medical condition — noting that while several Republican colleagues claim to have spoken with him at length, not one of them has quoted a single word he actually said. And a 51-year-old Australian citizen living in Franklinton, Louisiana was arrested and charged by the DOJ for registering to vote by falsely claiming American citizenship and casting ballots in both 2022 and 2024 — which is exactly why the Save America Act exists and exactly why the Senate needs to pass it. Our American Mamas Teri Netterville and Kimberly Burleson get into the financial realities facing young families today — the near impossibility of one parent staying home, the role grandparents and extended family play in filling the gap, and why the bonds forged through that kind of mutual help are often the strongest ones families have. Teri shares how she told her daughter-in-law directly that private school for the grandchildren is something she and her husband are prepared to help with — because that's what family does when it can. We dig into the Supreme Court's birthright citizenship ruling — and the Texas hospital advertising birth packages in Mexico for $4,000 natural or $5,500 for a C-section, with the implied promise that the baby goes home as an American citizen. Governor Greg Abbott has ordered an immediate investigation of Mission Regional Medical Center. We also cover Chinese birth tourism to American Samoa — where more Chinese babies are now born than American babies — with those children raised under the Communist Party before returning to the United States as adult citizens with full legal access. We make the case that the 14th Amendment's original meaning of subject to the jurisdiction thereof meant complete political allegiance — not one foot on American soil — and that Congress must act before birth tourism becomes the dominant business model along our southern border. We then cover Maine Democratic Senate nominee Graham Plattner — who still hasn't dropped out as of broadcast but faces a Monday deadline — and the stunning reversal from a Democratic Party that was fully behind him while he was ahead in the polls and is now trying to deny him any role in choosing his replacement. We note that the only Democrat who called Plattner out while he was still leading was John Fetterman — who this week demanded that every Democrat who championed Plattner publicly apologize to the voters of Maine. A party willing to undo its own nomination process when the polls turn is a party that has made clear the democratic process is a means to an end, not a principle. For our Bright Spot, firearms manufacturer CMMG has announced it will only sell to state and local government agencies the same configurations it is allowed to sell to that state's citizens. If a state bans AR-15 style rifles for civilians, CMMG will not sell AR-15 style rifles to that state's law enforcement. Their statement says it plainly — we do not have two classes of citizenry in this country. We are all subject to the Constitution. A government that doesn't trust its citizens cannot be trusted by its citizens. We call it exactly what it is — a principled stand worth celebrating and worth other manufacturers following. And we close with Jordan Rosenberg, who married Max Creamer this summer after knowing him for about ten years. At the wedding reception, Jordan's parents played a home video of four-year-old Jordan describing her future wedding — naming the friends who would be there, all of whom were present as adults. And when asked who her husband would be, four-year-old Jordan said the name Max. She spoke it into existence. May your pursuit of happiness bring you joy. Listen now wherever you get your podcasts, visit AmericanGroundRadio.com, and join the conversation at 866-AGR-1776!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We continue our month long series on American Communism by doing a close read and discussion of two articles about the Communist Party of the United States of America's role as the cutting edge of liberatory politics in the mid 20th century. Join the Regrettable Century Patreon Visit the NEW IMPROVED Regrettable Century's merch store

For many in the West, the word "communism" carries decades of Cold War associations. But does that label explain today's China? In this special edition of The Point, Australian sinologist Roland Boer and former Carter administration legal adviser Harvey Dzodin explore why the Communist Party of China has thrived for more than a century, and the role of governance and modernization. What has kept the CPC relevant for over 100 years? Listen to the full conversation and draw your own conclusions.

President Xi Jinping called for all-out efforts on Tuesday in emergency rescue, medical treatment for the injured and the resettlement of affected people, after multiple regions were hit by severe flooding.Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, also urged that every effort be made to safeguard people's lives and property while minimizing casualties and preventing secondary disasters.Recent heavy rain and strong winds have caused dam breaches and landslides in the Guangxi Zhuang autonomous region and Hubei and Gansu provinces, resulting in heavy casualties and economic losses.In the face of severe challenges posed by floods, Xi called on local governments and relevant departments to implement existing flood prevention measures, and thoroughly inspect and rectify potential hazards involving rivers, lakes, reservoirs and areas prone to geological disasters.He also called for stronger monitoring, early warning and emergency preparedness, as well as solid disaster prevention and relief efforts.Premier Li Qiang also urged authorities to strengthen monitoring of rainfall and flood conditions, improve hazard detection and early warning, and carry out emergency rescue and disaster relief with all-out efforts.The Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee has allocated 60 million yuan ($8.8 million) from Party membership funds to support flood prevention and disaster relief efforts in five provincial-level regions.Recent extreme weather has battered multiple regions across China, with record-breaking rainfall and landslides causing heavy casualties and widespread damage. Rescue operations continue as authorities race against time to save lives.Typhoon Maysak, the 10th typhoon of this year, unleashed historically rare and prolonged torrential rains across the region, said Cai Yunge, executive vice-chairman of Guangxi.Cai said the extreme weather had hit 63 counties and districts in Guangxi, with a total of 375,000 people affected. The death toll rose to six, with 11 others reported missing, while 130,000 residents had been urgently evacuated to safer ground as of Tuesday evening. Agricultural damage has been substantial, with approximately 12,900 hectares of crops destroyed, he added.Huang Lu, deputy head of Nanning's emergency management bureau, said 1,343 personnel from the fire, police and health departments, supported by 106 vehicles and 38 boats, were carrying out rescue operations and epidemic prevention work.Temporary shelters have been established at six locations across Hengzhou and stocked with drinking water, food, bedding and lighting supplies. Eleven temporary medical stations have also been set up to provide round-the-clock medical services, according to local authorities.The armed police detachment in Nanning sent more than 160 personnel and 14 vehicles, along with rubber boats and communications equipment, to the disaster area.After arriving in Yunbiao township of Hengzhou at 5:30 pm on Monday, rescuers found floodwaters in low-lying areas reaching depths of one meter. Some houses were submerged to the second floor, with water depths reaching up to three meters. An estimated 55,000 to 60,000 residents in the township were trapped, prompting urgent search and evacuation operations, the detachment said."We rushed to the site as soon as we got the order and carried out searches house by house — not a single person should be left behind," said Wei Hao, one of the deployed officers.Zhang Shaoqing, another member of the armed police detachment, said that rain continued throughout the night, and their clothes never dried. "Honestly, we were numb after a while, but every time we carried someone out and they said thank you, we felt we could keep going," Zhang said.As of Tuesday afternoon, the detachment had rescued and evacuated 306 people, delivered 1,500 relief supply items and provided on-site medical assistance to 56 people.The National Development and Reform Commission allocated 100 million yuan from the central budget on Monday to support post-disaster restoration in Guangxi.In Gansu, a landslide struck a village in Longnan at 6:56 am on Tuesday. As of 9 pm, rescuers had located 31 of the 33 people reported missing, five of whom died despite all efforts. Search operations continued.In Hubei, severe convective weather — caused by the vertical movement of air driven by heat — swept across eastern parts of the province on Monday evening, bringing heavy rain, thunderstorms and tornadoes to some townships. As of Tuesday morning, the storms had affected 14,600 people, killing 11 and leaving one missing.The extreme weather destroyed 22 homes and damaged another 4,855. Rescue and disaster relief efforts were proceeding in an orderly manner, while authorities continued to verify the extent of damage.Local resident Qian Xiaobo, 38, said: "It was terrifying. This is the first time I've experienced such strong wind and rain. The roof was blown off, the second-floor walls were soaked, and all the glass on the first floor shattered."His father was injured and was hospitalized, but his life was not in danger."I'll remain positive," Qian said.Yu Hao, captain of the Huanggang fire and rescue brigade, said his unit received deployment orders at 11:15 pm on Monday and arrived at the scene in less than two hours. Roads were blocked, electricity was cut off and houses had collapsed, making rescue operations extremely difficult, he said.They searched house by house. Despite the challenges, Yu said his team always puts people's safety first and has remained in good condition while pushing on despite fatigue.

The mask is completely off!

The period between the 20th and the 22nd congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) witnessed the emergence, formation, growth and systematisation of Khrushchevite revisionism on a number of very important questions of principle, during which period the teachings of Marxism Leninism were subjected to wholesale revision, distortion and downright falsification. This pamphlet exposes the Khrushchevites' falsifications of Marxist-Leninist theory, and is an excellent companion to Perestroika – the Complete Collapse of Revisionism. -------------------------------------- Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! www.thecommunists.org www.lalkar.org www.redyouth.org Telegram: t.me/thecommunists Twitter: twitter.com/cpgbml Soundcloud: @proletarianradio Rumble: rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: www.facebook.com/cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: https://thecommunists.org/education-programme/ Each one teach one! www.londonworker.org/education-programme/ Join the struggle www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: www.thecommunists.org/donate/

APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today  Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence.  Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning.  Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden.  Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day.  Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year?  Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very-  Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did-  Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever?  Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan.  Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too.  Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org.  Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.”  Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even-  Cayden: No …  Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah …  Cayden: excluded  Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again.  Samir: Right.  Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.”  Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways.  Sharmin: Right.  Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government.  Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know-  Cayden: Yeah …  Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person.  Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this.  Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because-  Cayden: Hmm …  Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm.  Cayden: Yeah …  Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving]  is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like-  Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.”  Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we-  Cayden: Contest every space.  Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks,  Cayden: dad …  Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now.  Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media.  Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you?  Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so…  Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived.  Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And  Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like-  Cayden: Yeah. …  Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really-  Cayden: Yeah …  Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon.  Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys.  Samir:

As the Communist Party of China has marked its 105th founding anniversary, the international community is paying attention to its long-standing vitality (01:02). Iran and the US have wrapped up another round of indirect talks in Doha, with no sign of progress toward a lasting peace (16:05). Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodriguez has declared seven days of national mourning for the victims of last week's twin earthquakes that had killed nearly 2300 people as of late Wednesday (21:43).

An article by Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, on how to excel as head of the CPC county committee was published on Wednesday.The article by Xi, who is also Chinese president and chairman of the Central Military Commission, was published in this year's 13th issue of the Qiushi Journal, a flagship magazine of the CPC Central Committee.The article is a speech delivered by Xi at a seminar for county-level Party chiefs at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee on Jan 12, 2015.He noted in the article that in the Party's organizational structure and in the State power structure, the county level serves as a crucial link connecting higher and lower levels, and it constitutes a vital foundation for boosting economic development, ensuring people's well-being, maintaining social stability and safeguarding the country's long-term stability and security.Xi urged county-level Party chiefs across the country to draw inspiration from the spirit of Jiao Yulu, an exemplary role model for grassroots Party officials.The article emphasized that loyalty to the Party is a key criterion for county-level Party chiefs, who must consciously align themselves with the CPC Central Committee and resolutely uphold its authority.To be a good county-level Party chief, one must always keep the people at heart, serve the people wholeheartedly and foster a correct understanding of what it means to perform well, the article underscored.It also noted that a good county-level Party chief must shoulder the responsibilities with full dedication and actively work out concrete solutions to tackle tough challenges.Furthermore, the article highlighted that a good county-level Party chief must strictly uphold disciplinary rules, exercise power in a just, law-based and honest way, set an example in studying, respecting, abiding by and applying the law, and be adept at advancing county governance under the rule of law.excel /ɪkˈsel/出色履职，擅长，做出优异成绩flagship /ˈflæɡʃɪp/旗舰的，核心（刊物）seminar /ˈsemɪnɑː(r)/研修班，专题座谈会exemplary /ɪɡˈzempləri/模范的，典范的criterion /kraɪˈtɪəriən/标准，评判准则disciplinary /ˈdɪsəplɪnəri/纪律的，惩戒的

In a speech at a gathering marking the CPC's 105th founding anniversary, General Secretary Xi Jinping of the Communist Party of China Central Committee said the party boasts fine qualities including the readiness to follow the trend of the times and the courage and competence to fight.

With more than 101 million members, the Communist Party of China is one of the world's largest political organizations. More than 40% of its members are under 45, and millions more have applied to join. As China marks the Party's 105th anniversary, one question stands out: Why are so many young Chinese choosing this path?

The Communist Party of China has honored its outstanding members on the occasion of its 105th anniversary, with General Secretary Xi Jinping of the CPC Central Committee conferring the July 1st Medals, the Party's highest honors (01:04). Hong Kong has marked the 29th anniversary of its return to the motherland, holding a flag-raising ceremony and a gala (15:59). Indirect talks between Iran and the US have resumed in Doha, with Qatar and Pakistan serving as mediators (22:05).

All members of the Communist Party of China should stay firm in convictions, and forge ahead with continuous efforts to realize the Party's missions in the new era and on the new journey, Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, said on Wednesday.Xi, also Chinese president and chairman of the Central Military Commission, made the remarks when addressing a gathering celebrating the 105th founding anniversary of the CPC in Beijing.The whole Party must adhere to the basic theory, basic line, and basic policy of the Party, Xi said.The whole Party must always rely on the people to create great historical feat, Xi stressed.The whole Party must actively respond to risks and challenges on the path forward, Xi noted.The whole Party must continuously promote the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, Xi said.The whole Party must advance full and rigorous Party self-governance with sustained efforts, Xi emphasized.

As the Communist Party of China marks its 105th founding anniversary on Wednesday, new data shows its membership topped 101 million as of the end of 2025, reflecting its continued growth among people from all walks of life (01:35). Uncertainty surrounds the next round of US-Iran talks in Doha, with Washington confirming the talks while Tehran denying (12:52). A UN representative in Venezuela says officials are procuring thousands of body bags, as the number of deaths from last week's twin earthquakes is likely to rise (24:58).

The Communist Party of China has reached a membership of nearly 101.29 million as of the end of 2025, marking an increase of over 1.01 million members from the previous year, according to a report released on Tuesday.The report, issued by the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, came just a day before the Party's 105th anniversary, highlighting a steady growth in membership and ongoing optimization of its personnel structure.In 2025 alone, more than 2.08 million individuals joined the Party. Notably, over 1.07 million of these new members were actively engaged in frontline production and work, comprising 51.4 percent of the new recruits.The report further indicates that 84 percent of the new members were aged 35 or younger, and nearly 55 percent had an educational background of junior college level or higher.These new members represent a diverse array of backgrounds, including government agencies, universities, rural areas, and businesses. For instance, the report notes that 822,000 new members were students, while 337,000 were involved in sectors such as agriculture, animal husbandry, and fisheries.Additionally, in the past year, 971,000 of the newly admitted Party members were women, making up 46.5 percent; and 213,000 were from ethnic minority groups, accounting for 10.2 percent.The report also highlights the expansion of the CPC's grassroots presence, with over 5.43 million primary-level organizations by the end of 2025. This marks an increase of 181,000, or 3.4 percent, from the end of 2024. These organizations now encompass nearly all subdistricts, townships, communities, and villages across China, playing a pivotal role in government departments, businesses, and social institutions.Moreover, the report reveals that in 2025, a total of 108,000 primary-level Party organizations, 583,000 Party members, and 165,000 Party officials were recognized and rewarded for their exemplary performance. This recognition underscores the Party's commitment to encouraging and acknowledging outstanding contributions within its ranks.

Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, will confer the July 1 Medal — the Party's highest honor — on model CPC members at a gathering on Wednesday in Beijing, marking the Party's 105th founding anniversary.Xi, who is also Chinese president and chairman of the Central Military Commission, will deliver an important speech at the event, which will begin at 10 am at the Great Hall of the People.At the gathering, outstanding Party members, Party workers and primary-level Party organizations from across the country will also be honored.The event will be broadcast live by China Media Group and xinhuanet.com.On Monday evening, a concert was held at the Great Hall of the People in downtown Beijing to celebrate in advance the 105th anniversary of the founding of the CPC.Xi and other Party and State leaders Li Qiang, Zhao Leji, Wang Huning, Cai Qi, Ding Xuexiang, Li Xi and Han Zheng walked into the venue shortly before 8 pm.They joined about 3,000 people to watch the performance, titled Putting the People First. Other attendees included leading officials from central Party and State institutions, as well as retired senior officials.The concert, consisting of five sections, featured choral performances, orchestral music and other artistic expressions. It concluded with the song Without the Communist Party, There Would Be No New China.The CPC was founded on July 1,1921.

國民黨 Guó Mín Dǎng - Kuomintang (KMT), a political party in Taiwan政黨 zhèng dǎng - political party政治立場 zhèng zhì lì chǎng - political stance; political position分析 fēn xī - to analyze; analysis民進黨 Mín Jìn Dǎng - Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)偏頗 piān pǒ - biased; unfairly favoring one side共產黨 Gòng Chǎn Dǎng - Communist Party戰爭 zhàn zhēng - war輸了 shū le - lost (a competition, war, etc.)統治 tǒng zhì - to rule; to govern威權統治 wēi quán tǒng zhì - authoritarian rule頒布 bān bù - to announce officially; to promulgate戒嚴令 jiè yán lìng - martial law order解嚴 jiě yán - to lift martial law延續 yán xù - to continue; to extend廢除 fèi chú - to abolish懲治叛亂條例 chéng zhì pàn luàn tiáo lì - Regulations for Punishing Rebellion威權壓制 wēi quán yā zhì - authoritarian suppression白色恐怖 bái sè kǒng bù - White Terror鞏固政權 gǒng gù zhèng quán - to consolidate political power服從 fú cóng - to obey防諜 fáng dié - anti-espionage; preventing spies間諜 jiàn dié - spy肅清共產黨 sù qīng Gòng Chǎn Dǎng - to purge communists名義 míng yì - in the name of; pretext異議人士 yì yì rén shì - dissident; person with opposing opinions進行 jìn xíng - to carry out; to conduct逮捕 dǎi bǔ - to arrest審判 shěn pàn - to put on trial; trial處決 chǔ jué - to execute詬病 gòu bìng - to criticize; to strongly complain about本土 běn tǔ - local; native知識份子 zhī shì fèn zǐ - intellectual雄中 Xióng Zhōng - Kaohsiung Senior High School軍隊 jūn duì - military; army進入 jìn rù - to enter殺 shā - to kill畫家 huà jiā - painter; artist封 fēng - measure word for letters/mail檢舉信 jiǎn jǔ xìn - report letter; accusation letter隔天 gé tiān - the next day讀書會 dú shū huì - study group; book club失蹤 shī zōng - to disappear; missing被抓走了 bèi zhuā zǒu le - was taken away/arrested爭取 zhēng qǔ - to fight for; to strive for民主 mín zhǔ - democracy言論自由 yán lùn zì yóu - freedom of speech無辜 wú gū - innocent民眾 mín zhòng - the public; ordinary people長輩 zhǎng bèi - elder; older generation管 guǎn - to care about; to manage日子過好就好 rì zi guò hǎo jiù hǎo - just live your life well培養 péi yǎng - to cultivate; to train損害 sǔn hài - damage; harm族群 zú qún - ethnic group; social group裂痕 liè hén - division; crack; rift本省外省對立 běn shěng wài shěng duì lì - conflict between native Taiwanese and mainlander groups看不起 kàn bù qǐ - to look down on; to despisePlanning to visit Taiwan this year or are you currently living in Taiwan?

What makes a good public official? In China, it's increasingly not about flashy projects or impressive GDP figures, but whether people's lives genuinely improve. This idea, known as the "correct understanding of governance performance", is at the heart of a campaign launched by the Communist Party of China earlier this year. What does it mean in practice? How does it shape the way officials are evaluated? And are there any comparable mechanisms within Western political systems?

What explains the enduring ties between the Communist Party of China and Zimbabwe's ruling party, ZANU-PF? As the CPC marks its 105th anniversary, Farai Marapira, ZANU-PF's Director of Information and Publicity, reflects on China's development journey, the CPC's approach to governance, and the experiences that are relevant for Zimbabwe.

President Xi Jinping has called for solid measures to advance the modernization of agriculture and rural areas, emphasizing the need to guide farmers to create a better life with hard work and wisdom.Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, made the remarks during an inspection tour on Wednesday to the city of Dezhou, East China's Shandong province.He said that the modernization of agriculture and rural areas is crucial to the overall development and quality of Chinese modernization.It is important to enhance the capacity, quality and efficiency of agricultural production, ensure the stable supply of grain and other important agricultural products, and promote the construction of livable, business-friendly, harmonious and beautiful villages according to local conditions, Xi said.The inspection trip came at the time of the summer grain harvest in rural areas. Attaching great importance to the work related to agriculture, rural areas and farmers, Xi has said on various occasions that efforts must be made to ensure food security, drive rural vitalization on all fronts and promote common prosperity.At Dongyujia, a village in Dezhou's Lingcheng district, Xi heard reports about local agricultural production, learning about wheat harvests, corn planting and farming supplies in local areas. He inspected water and fertilizer integration facilities and chatted with grain growers, machinery operators and agricultural technicians.He said that ensuring the stable supply of grain and other important agricultural products is the top priority of agricultural production.Xi underlined the need to implement policies that support grain production, saying that efforts must be made to stabilize farming supplies and their prices, and actively apply varieties of grain that suit local conditions, as well as advanced technologies and equipment, in· order to steadily increase yields and efficiency, striving for a bountiful grain harvest for the year.He also called for improving agricultural infrastructure, enhancing the efficiency of water use, and strengthening efforts in monitoring and providing early warnings for disastrous weather to strengthen the capability in agricultural disaster prevention, mitigation and relief.While visiting Xiyujia village, Xi inquired in detail about how the village strengthens the Party organization and provides services to the villagers.Xi expressed the hope that village Party organizations would further leverage the guiding role of Party building and make new achievements in building a beautiful and harmonious countryside for people to live and work in. He urged sustained efforts to reduce the burden for grassroots officials so that they have more time and energy to serve the people and promote development.Xi also visited the home of Yu Xinhui, a farmer in the village, looking around at the home furnishings and sitting down with the family to chat about everyday matters. Xi asked about their work and incomes, the health of the elderly and children's education, and inquired in detail about whether the Party's policies on agriculture, rural areas and farmers had been fully implemented.He pointed out that establishing and practicing a correct understanding of governance performance is ultimately aimed at improving the well-being of the people.Party members and officials must enhance their sense of serving the people, strengthen the bond with the people, and do more good things, be down-to-earth and address difficulties for the people, thereby genuinely enhancing the people's sense of fulfillment, happiness and security, he said.As Xi left the village, villagers warmly saw him off. He noted that July 1 marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the CPC, highlighting the remarkable achievements the country has made under the leadership of the CPC over the past 105 years.As the nation is embarking on a new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist country, Xi called on all the people around the country to work in solidarity to create a brighter future and continuously meet the people's aspirations for a better life.He wished that the villagers would build beautiful homes and have better lives under the Party's leadership.modernization /ˌmɒdənəˈzeɪʃn/现代化vitalization /ˌvaɪtəlaɪˈzeɪʃn/振兴、焕发生机prosperity /prɒˈsperəti/繁荣、富足infrastructure /ˈɪnfrəstrʌktʃə(r)/基础设施governance /ˈɡʌvənəns/治理、施政solidarity /ˌsɒlɪˈdærəti/团结、同心协力

Imperialism and Terrorism. A short overview from Russia's Red Line As part of preparations for the Third International Anti-Fascist Forum in May 2026, which focused this time on the question of terrorism, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation produced this hard-hitting film. First shown to forum participants on the opening day, we now bring it to you. Beginning with imperialist colonial crimes in Asia and Africa, covering two imperialist-engendered world wars and bringing us up to date with the heinous activities of western military-tech corporations like Palantir, you won't find this documentary on any mainstream channel. With thanks to the KPRF and its media team at Red Line. For the video see: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KlL491VNGSE ______________________________________________ Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! http://www.thecommunists.org http://www.lalkar.org http://www.redyouth.org Telegram: https://t.me/thecommunists Twitter: / cpgbml Soundcloud: / proletarianradio Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: https://odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: / cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: Each one teach one! http://www.londonworker.org/education... Join the struggle! https://www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: https://www.thecommunists.org/donate/

“We will not let Communist Party of China define who we are,” said Taiwan's Vice President Hsiao Bi-khim, who has been sanctioned by Beijing and labeled a “separatist.”Despite Beijing's ever-growing hostility toward Taiwan, she is not deterred.In recent years, the Chinese Communist Party has escalated its “gray zone” operations, naval aggression, large-scale encirclement drills and missile tests, and aircraft incursions into Taiwan's Air Defense Identification Zone. Chinese leader Xi Jinping has promised to seize Taiwan—including by force if necessary.Beijing has also aggressively sought to isolate Taiwan internationally and peel away its allies. Only 11 countries and the Holy See still maintain official diplomatic relations with Taiwan as of 2026.“China's cognitive warfare, psychological warfare, political warfare, legal warfare, and very aggressive interventions in our domestic society and politics [have] become an increasingly serious problem,” Hsiao said.Born to a Taiwanese father and an American mother, Hsiao previously served in Taiwan's legislature and as the island's top representative in Washington, where she became known for her “cat warrior diplomacy.”Although Taiwan is only about the size of Maryland, it plays a pivotal role in the global economy, producing more than 90 percent of the world's most advanced semiconductors—the chips that power artificial intelligence, smartphones, cars, and much of tomorrow's technology.It is also America's fourth-largest trading partner, and nearly half of all global container ships—dwarfing even shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz—sail through the narrow Taiwan Strait, carrying trillions in trade.“Everything we're doing today in strengthening Taiwan is to prevent an invasion, to prevent that scenario from happening,” Hsiao said.Recently, Taiwan's National Security Bureau established a secure information-reporting channel for Chinese nationals to submit intelligence tips—a unprecedented move for Taiwan.In this episode, I sat down with Hsiao in the presidential office of Taiwan to understand what's really at stake here and how Taiwan is working to strengthen its whole-of-society resilience and deter a greater conflict.Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

Reproduced from Deep Dive Perspectives with thanks: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W66oExlFWzw A British surgeon prosecuted, suspended & arrested — not for malpractice, but for criticising Israel. Dr Ranjeet Brar & Ryan D expose how the IHRA definition is being weaponised to criminalise dissent. The IHRA definition of antisemitism was never about protecting Jewish people. According to guests Dr Ranjeet Brar— surgeon, Communist Party of Great Britain (ML) leader, and judicial review applicant — and independent analyst Ryan Dawson, it was designed to conflate a nation-state with an ethnic group, making criticism of Israel's policies legally and professionally dangerous. Brar details being arrested three times at demonstrations, suspended from surgical duties, and facing two General Medical Council fitness-to-practice investigations — all for speaking against Israeli state violence. Dawson documents a systematic pattern of social media de-platforming, financial censorship, and academic suppression coordinated through organisations like the ADL and Canary Mission across NATO and Five Eyes countries. This is not a debate about antisemitism. It's a forensic examination of how states weaponize the language of anti-racism to protect the commission of what both guests call genocide — and what happens to those who refuse to stay silent. ______________________________________________ Subscribe! Donate! Join us in building a bright future for humanity! http://www.thecommunists.org http://www.lalkar.org http://www.redyouth.org Telegram: https://t.me/thecommunists Twitter: / cpgbml Soundcloud: / proletarianradio Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/theCommunists Odysee: https://odysee.com/@proletariantv:2 Facebook: / cpgbml Online Shop: https://shop.thecommunists.org/ Education Program: Each one teach one! http://www.londonworker.org/education... Join the struggle! https://www.thecommunists.org/join/ Donate: https://www.thecommunists.org/donate/

Silicon Bites Ep356 | 2026-06-20 | On 12 June 2026, Vyacheslav Markhayev — Communist Party of the Russian Federation, sitting State Duma deputy, former Buryat OMON riot-police commander, former colonel of the Russian Interior Ministry — published a Telegram statement that, by the standards of the Russian state in 2026, should have produced an immediate Article 280.3 dissemination-of-false-information prosecution. Cross-confirmed across Meduza (12 June 2026), The Moscow Times (12 June 2026), Kyiv Post (12 June 2026), Novaya Gazeta Europe (12 June 2026), the statement read in part — and we paraphrase to preserve the substance:----------ACTIVE CAMPAIGN:We are raising funds for 5 of 15 Vampire DronesSilicon Curtain for Kupiansk Vampires. Dzyga's Paw, together with Jonathan Fink, is joining forces to raise $40,000 to provide the Khartiia Brigade with Vampire Drones.https://dzygaspaw.com/silicon-curtain-for-kupiansk-vampiresThese heavy bombers are designed to destroy manpower and equipment, as well as for remote mining. The Vampire UAV, manufactured by Skyfall, has proven itself to be one of the most effective weapons in the Kupiansk direction. Skyfall is one of Ukraine's largest defense tech companies, producing Vampire bomber drones, various modifications of Shrike FPV drones, P1-SUN, Shahed drone interceptors, communication systems, and components.----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.gofundme.com/f/scaling-up-campaign-to-fight-authoritarian-disinformation----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.org----------SOURCES:Michael Naki — long-form video analysis of 18 June 2026Meduza English — "Communist Party lawmaker warns Russia is 'on the brink of a social explosion' and demands a 'clear plan' to end the war" (12 June 2026) The Moscow Times — Markhayev statement coverage (12 June 2026).Kyiv Post — "Russian Lawmaker Warns of 'Social Explosion' Amid War Losses, Demands 'Public Plan' to End War" (12 June 2026).Eurasia Review — "Russia 'On Brink Of Social Explosion' Because Of Kremlin Policies Over The Last 25 Years – OpEd" (14 June 2026) Novaya Gazeta Europe — Markhayev statement and Russian-language criticism coverage (12 June 2026).The Moscow Times via Charter97 and Dagens.com — VTsIOM stopped publishing the open Putin trust rating after it fell to 29.5% in early April 2026; methodology change to door-to-door canvassing in mid-May 2026; closed-rating still at ~73% (8 June 2026).Mezha (Bukvy) — "VTsIOM halted open Putin approval rating after it fell below 30%" — methodology comparison between open recall and direct trust polling.Kyiv Independent — "Russian pollster stops publishing Putin's 'open trust' figures as ratings slide" (8 June 2026).Kyiv Independent — "Leaked Kremlin reports predict rising dissatisfaction with Putin, Zelensky claims" (14 June 2026)Kyiv Post — "Leaked Forecasts: Putin Faces Soaring Disapproval Ahead of Fall Elections" (14 June 2026)Janis Kluge via Yahoo / Daily Mail — Q1 2026 military spending analysis: 5.9 trillion rubles = 46% of federal budget = 30% YoY increase; military = two-thirds of revenues; oil/gas revenues -45% YoY; classified-spending category +40% to 40% of all expenditure; 12% of GDP per quarter on war.----------

In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: • First up—Ukraine brings the war to Moscow in dramatic fashion. A massive drone attack struck multiple targets across the Russian capital, including a key oil refinery, as new reports suggest Russia's air defenses may be burning through interceptor missiles at an unsustainable rate. • Later in the show—Xi Jinping launches a sweeping new purge inside the Communist Party, punishing nearly one million officials as he tightens his grip on power. • Plus—new reporting reveals the U.S. military prepared a plan to send ground troops into Iran to seize Tehran's enriched uranium stockpile before President Trump reportedly put the operation on hold. • In today's Back of the Brief—Toronto police say a network of hired gunmen may be behind a string of attacks targeting synagogues, Jewish institutions, and even the U.S. Consulate. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief.  YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief Tax Relief Advocates: End your tax nightmare today by visiting us online at https://TRA.com or call 800-583-6515 DeleteMe: Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to https://joindeleteme.com/PDB and use promo code PDB at checkout. Fabletics: Get 70–80% off everything when you sign up as a new Fabletics VIP at https://Fabletics.com/pdb ! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Israel and terrorist group Hezbollah agreed to a ceasefire on Friday, following an escalation of fire overnight in Lebanon, a U.S. official told The Epoch Times. The ceasefire was reached following mediation efforts by the United States and Qatar. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reaffirmed the United States' support for the government of Lebanon's efforts to strengthen its sovereignty and maintain peaceful relations with all its neighbors, in a call with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, according to U.S. spokesperson Tommy Pigott.Cuba agrees to implement its largest policy reform since 1959. The Communist Party votes to approve major economic changes, opening key economic sectors such as banking, tourism, and agriculture to attract both Cuban and foreign investment. This comes amid pressure from the United States to make democratic changes.A new award-winning documentary, "Unbroken: The Untold Story of Shen Yun," premieres in Los Angeles, drawing audiences from around the globe. The investigative film unveils the perseverance of the New York-based dance company in the face of threats from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The latest screening comes as federal prosecutors continue uncovering CCP influence operations in Southern California.

Drama on a ThursdayFirst, a look at the events of the day.Then, Encore Theater, originally broadcast  June 18, 1946, 80 years ago, Yellowjack starring Ronald Coleman.   The story of how Dr. Reed discovered the cause of Yellow Fever. Followed by Boston Blackie starring Dick Kollmar, originally broadcast June 18, 1946, 80 years ago, The Hooded Gang Protection Racket.   A masked society of extortioners has been formed, which Blackie tries to break up. Then, Calling All Cars, originally broadcast June 18, 1935, 91 years ago, The Chinese Puzzle.  A Chinese merchant has been found hatchet murdered in his San Diego store.  Followed by I Was a Communist For the FBI starring Dana Andrews, originally broadcast June 18, 1952, 74 years ago, Tight Wire. The FBI assigns Cvetic the job of bugging a Communist Party meeting hall.Finally, Claudia, originally broadcast June 18, 1948, 78 years ago, The Crossroads of the World.  David's brother Hartley comes for a country visit. Kathryn Bard and Paul Crabtree star.  Thanks to Debbie B. for supporting our podcast by using the Buy Me a Coffee function at http://classicradio.streamCheck out Professor Bees Digestive Aid at profbees.com and use my promo code WYATT to save 10% when you order! If you like what we do here, visit our friend Jay at http://radio.macinmind.com for great old-time radio shows 24 hours a day

SCHEDULE JBS, 6-15-20262006 MOLDOVABill Roggio discusses a rumored memorandum of understanding between Washington and Tehran. Roggio expresses skepticism, noting that while the Strait of Hormuz may reopen, the deal fails to address Iran's nuclear program or its support for regional proxies like Hezbollah. (1)Bill Roggio highlights that the ceasefire is a return to the status quo from February. He argues that the military was restrained from finishing the job and doubts the Iranian people's willingness to overthrow the regime. Meanwhile, Hezbollah remains active in southern Lebanon. (2)Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa report that in Peru, Keiko Fujimori leads the presidential race, signaling a "blue wave" against narco-socialism. This shift reinforces regional efforts like the Shield of the Americas. Meanwhile, Bolivia faces a "slow-motion coup" by narco-terrorists, which Brazilian President Lula da Silva has largely ignored. (3)Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa describe how U.S. forces killed drug lord "El Niño Guerrero" with a drone strike inside Venezuela, signaling a transition and military cooperation against the Tren de Aragua cartel. This action pressures regional leaders and criminal gangs, potentially leading to pro-democratic elections and increased American investment. (4)Bill Roggio warns that Sunni jihadists remain a background threat while the West focuses on Iran. Groups like al-Qaedaand ISIS are gaining ground in Africa and Afghanistan, aiming to establish emirates. Pakistan also faces instability as the Taliban provides safe havens for militants. (5)Ahmad Sharawi discusses President Trump's suggestion of using the Syrian army to conduct strikes against Hezbollahin eastern Lebanon. This "creative solution" aims to disarm the proxy without using the IDF. However, experts warn this could cause a "rally around the flag" effect and increase sectarian tensions. (6)Piero Tozzi and Gordon Chang discuss KMT official Jen Wen, who visited the U.S. to bolster her credentials but faced criticism for meeting individuals linked to the Communist Party. The visit highlighted debates over drone supply chains, as the U.S. encourages "non-red" technology to counter Chinese influence. (7)Fraser Howie and Gordon Chang describe the Iran deal as a "repackaging of failure" and a humiliation for America. Markets are experiencing a relief rally due to AI and stabilizing oil prices, but fail to price in geopolitical damage. Allies now view the U.S. as an unreliable partner. (8)John Hardie reports that Russia launched a massive barrage of 70 missiles and 600 drones against Kyiv, damaging a historic monastery. Simultaneously, Ukraine is conducting a "logistics lockdown" campaign to isolate Crimea by striking fuel convoys and bridges. Despite Russian gains near Kostiantynivka, Ukraine's manpower reforms are improving battlefield stability. (9)John Hardie notes that Jared Kushner and U.S. envoys have frequently visited Moscow to negotiate an end to the Ukraine conflict. Putin uses phone calls to flatter Trump and promote the idea that Russia is dominating the battlefield. The administration pressures Ukraine to concede Donbas, despite the military defense holding. (10)David Daoud explains that reports of an upcoming memo of understanding between the U.S. and Iran are contradicted by Israel's refusal to leave Lebanon. Iran aims to save Hezbollah, its most critical asset, while the U.S. seeks a modus vivendi with the regime at almost any cost. (11)David Daoud describes a ceasefire deal requiring Hezbollah to withdraw north of the Litani River as "magical thinking" since the fighters are locals. While the IDF faces manpower limitations, Washington continues to pressure Prime Minister Netanyahu to accept a withdrawal regardless of Israeli security concerns. (12)Bridget Toomey notes that despite the U.S.-Iran memo of understanding, the Houthis remain a threat, recently firing a drone at Eilat. The group maintains autonomy and does not feel bound by ceasefires. They continue to ban Israelimaritime navigation in the Red Sea, aiming for economic and psychological damage. (13)Samuel Ben-Ur explains that the IDF controls 64% of Gaza, but Hamas remains in control of the remaining civilian population through torture and executions. The group refuses to disarm, as their existence is predicated on destroying Israel. Despite the elimination of top leaders, the organization's decentralized structure allows survival. (14)Edmund Fitton-Brown explains that a memorandum of understanding is expected to be signed in Geneva, focusing on freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. The deal includes a 60-day ceasefire but leaves critical issues like the nuclear file for later. Skeptics warn of secret annexes and deceptive Iranian propaganda. (15)Edmund Fitton-Brown notes that Russia and China view a ceasefire as beneficial for weakening U.S. influence and entrenching Iranian power. Experts argue the Islamic Republic will never negotiate away its revolutionary pillars, including its militias and nuclear shield. The deal provides a rest period for Iran to rearm for future assaults. (16)Three name corrections: John Hardy → John Hardie (9, 10) Bridget Tumi → Bridget Toomey (13) Samuel Bener → Samuel Ben-Ur (14)

Piero Tozzi and Gordon Chang discuss KMT official Jen Wen, who visited the U.S. to bolster her credentials but faced criticism for meeting individuals linked to the Communist Party. The visit highlighted debates over drone supply chains, as the U.S. encourages "non-red" technology to counter Chinese influence. (7)1935

The fifth episode in a series on the history of Indonesia: a hinge in the world system where colonialism and revolution have decisively shaped the trajectory of global history. This installment traces the armed conflicts—civil wars and then confrontations with the Dutch and British — that propelled Indonesia into Sukarno's authoritarian Guided Democracy system and cascading economic crisis. Both the military and the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) became increasingly powerful forces on the eve of 1965–when the armed forces would slaughter the communists and inaugurate Suharto's New Order. Featuring Rianne Subijanto, Made Supriatma, and Farabi Fakih. Support The Dig at Patreon.com/TheDig Register for the Socialism Conference by June 19th for the early bird rate! Socialismconference.org Get 50% off Backlash: The Global Rise of the Radical Right , or any first book purchase from plutobooks.com with code ‘DIG50' The Dig goes deep into politics everywhere, from labor struggles and political economy to imperialism and immigration. Hosted by Daniel Denvir.

Joining us today is Carlos Garrido, a Cuban-American philosophy professor, author, and Director of the Midwestern Marx Institute. He discusses the lessons the Communist Party of China can teach us in the West. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The fifth episode in a series on the history of Indonesia: a hinge in the world system where colonialism and revolution have decisively shaped the trajectory of global history. This installment traces the armed conflicts—civil wars and then confrontations with the Dutch and British—that propelled Indonesia into Sukarno's authoritarian Guided Democracy system and cascading economic crisis. Both the military and the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) became increasingly powerful forces on the eve of 1965–when the armed forces would slaughter the communists and inaugurate Suharto's New Order. Featuring Rianne Subijanto, Made Supriatma, and Farabi Fakih. Support The Dig at Patreon.com/TheDig Register for the Socialism Conference by June 19th for the early bird rate! Socialismconference.org Get 50% off Backlash: The Global Rise of the Radical Right , or any first book purchase from plutobooks.com with code ‘DIG50'

Last week the folks on Fox News promoted Republican candidates as if they were public relations specialists hired directly by their campaigns to create negative ads about their opponents. As we approach the midterm elections Fox News is ramping up its propaganda to aggressive and unapologetic Agitprop (Agitation and Propaganda Section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party) levels.As they have done in past elections Fox tends to focus on candidates that will get the biggest emotional reaction from its viewers rather than focusing on tight races. The race for the U.S. Senate seat in Iowa could be a nail bitter but the Democratic candidate, Josh Turek, is an incredibly likable Paralympic athlete and former state representative.Fox has put its focus instead on the U.S. Senate race in Maine between popular incumbent Susan Collins and Graham Platner, a deeply flawed man with no governing experience. Although Platner has a devoted following he also has major liabilities which Fox News is happy to exploit.Susan Collins has won her seat multiple times even when polls showed she might lose it. If Fox News really wanted to make sure that the Senate stays in Republican control it would shift its focus to races like Iowa instead of Maine.The network knows segments about Platner, and his troubled past will rev up the base and keep eyes glued the screen.The network also made an abrupt pivot in California as it became more and more obvious that the former reality star and crystal connoisseur Spencer Pratt wasn't going to make it to the general election in the Los Angels mayoral race.Instead of championing Pratt or even tearing down his opponents Mayor Bass or Los Angeles City Council member Nithya Raman, the network attacked California's vote counting process.Pratt, for now, won't become the second coming of their glorious leader Donald J. Trump. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit decodingfoxnews.substack.com/subscribe

Lucille Ball might have been a natural boundary-pusher, but America's top TV comedienne had some ‘splaining to do when a damning news broadcast unveiled her former ties to the Communist Party. The hysteria of the Red Scare threatened to bury this redhead at the bottom of the Hollywood blacklist overnight. Even when America put rampant McCarthyism to rest, the United States government kept watching Lucille Ball – and we’re not talking about I Love Lucy reruns.Lucille Ball might have been a natural boundary-pusher, but America's top TV comedienne had some ‘splaining to do when a damning news broadcast unveiled her former ties to the Communist Party. The hysteria of the Red Scare threatened to bury this redhead at the bottom of the Hollywood blacklist overnight. Even when America put rampant McCarthyism to rest, the United States government kept watching Lucille Ball – and we’re not talking about I Love Lucy reruns.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Kate Adie introduces stories on Cuba's economic crisis as it feels the strain of the US fuel blockade, Lebanon's shattered ceasefire, the fevered debate over Australia's social media ban, plus dispatches from Greece and Iceland.Cuba is struggling to cope with the the US government's near-total fuel blockade and the Trump administration increased the pressure on the ruling Communist Party when it issued an indictment against Raul Castro this week. Will Grant has been gauging the mood in Havana.In southern Lebanon, Israel has stepped up its offensive on Hezbollah with daily strikes, which have killed dozens of civilians. This follows drone attacks launched by the Iran-backed group on communities in northern Israel. John Sudworth reports on the ongoing conflict.Six months on from Australia's introduction of a social media ban for under 16s, governments around the world are eagerly looking on as they consider rolling out similar policies… but is it working? Katy Watson has been following the debate in Sydney.In Greece, indignation over new labour laws introduced last October continue to simmer as the summer heat takes hold. The new law, which permits 13-hour working days was met with fierce opposition and nationwide strikes. Heidi Fuller Love heard some full-throated views on the subject in a local tavernaAnd finally, when a correspondent is on deployment, one of the aspects they have to navigate is a sudden change of plan. Sandra Kanthal found herself diverted by bad weather from an assignment reporting on Iceland's arctic defences… and founded herself in an unusual museum. Series Producer: Serena Tarling Production Coordinators: Sophie Hill & Katie Morrison Editor: Richard Fenton-Smith

Kate Adie introduces stories on Cuba's economic crisis as it feels the strain of the US fuel blockade, Lebanon's shattered ceasefire, the fevered debate over Australia's social media ban, plus dispatches from Greece and Iceland.Cuba is struggling to cope with the the US government's near-total fuel blockade and the Trump administration increased the pressure on the ruling Communist Party when it issued an indictment against Raul Castro this week. Will Grant has been gauging the mood in Havana.In southern Lebanon, Israel has stepped up its offensive on Hezbollah with daily strikes, which have killed dozens of civilians. This follows drone attacks launched by the Iran-backed group on communities in northern Israel. John Sudworth reports on the ongoing conflict.Six months on from Australia's introduction of a social media ban for under 16s, governments around the world are eagerly looking on as they consider rolling out similar policies… but is it working? Katy Watson has been following the debate in Sydney.In Greece, indignation over new labour laws introduced last October continue to simmer as the summer heat takes hold. The new law, which permits 13-hour working days was met with fierce opposition and nationwide strikes. Heidi Fuller Love heard some full-throated views on the subject in a local tavernaAnd finally, when a correspondent is on deployment, they often have to navigate sudden changes of plan. Sandra Kanthal found herself diverted by bad weather from an assignment reporting on Iceland's arctic defences… and founded herself in an unusual museum.Series Producer: Serena Tarling Production Coordinators: Sophie Hill & Katie Morrison Editor: Richard Fenton-Smith

Nahal Toosi, Politico's senior foreign affairs correspondent and columnist, discusses her latest reporting on how President Donald Trump and his aides have grown frustrated that the U.S. pressure campaign against Cuba, which includes depriving the island of fuel, doesn't seem to be working and what sort of military action might be on the table. Photo: A person waves US and Cuban flags during a "Free Cuba" rally in Miami, Florida, on April 26, 2026, to call for the departure of the Castros and the Communist Party from power in Cuba. (Photo by CHANDAN KHANNA / AFP via Getty Images) Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Savage explains how the U.S. feels like a replay of the Roaring '20s—corruption, excess, and a looming crash—citing national debt surpassing GDP and high gas prices in California. He compares HBO's "Boardwalk Empire" to today's "gangster capitalism" and then shares how Napoleon III serves as a cautionary tale about prosperity undone by war costs. Savage says he's alarmed by pressure on President Trump from pro-war talkers and the military-industrial complex to escalate the war in Iran, warning this could draw in Russia and China. He then reads from Mao's "Little Red Book" where Mao calls "democratic socialism" a road to communism. He concludes by condemning Bernie Sanders and the Communist Party while calling for divine help for America.