Podcasts about snake indians

A war happens on the American frontier while the Civil War raged back home. In this episode we will discuss the combatants and the outcome of a conflict called the Snake War. Painting is of Ma-wo-ma, a 19th-century leader of approximately 3,000 Snake Indians, portrait by Alfred Jacob Miller and resides at the Walters Art Museum

David Thompson heads west Last week, I ended the story of David Thompson with his leaving the employment of the Hudson's Bay Company, and joining the rival Northwest Company. As Thompson began his journey to the west, he described the landscape of the great plains: "The climate is good, the winters about five months, the summers are warm, and autumn has many fine days. The soil is rich and deep, and [there is] much vegetation mould from the annual decay of the leaves of the forest trees, and the grass of the meadows: civilization will no doubt extend over these low hills; they are well adapted for raising of cattle; and when the wolves are destroyed, also for sheep; and agriculture will succeed to a pastoral life, so far as markets can be formed in the country, but no further; for Canada is too distant and difficult of access. The only port open to them is York Factory on the dismal shores of Hudson's Bay, open four months in the year. And to go to York Factory and return will require all that part of the summer which cannot be spared: but when a civilized population shall cover the countries, means will be found to make its produce find a market." Thompson, better than most, recognized the vastness of the Canadian wilderness. In time, the prairies would become settled, and many more ports would become open to Canadian products. As he continued his journey west, he described the tranquillity of the Bow River. "The Bow River flows through the most pleasant of the plains, and is the great resort of the bison and the red deer (or elk), and also of the natives; the soil appears good along its wholes extent, but for the most part is bare of woods, and those that remain are fast diminishing by fire." He continued: "The rivers that roll through this immense unbroken body of land of plains and forests, are so beautifully distributed; all their banks so admirably adjusted to the volumes of water that flow between them, that neither the heaviest rains nor the melting of the snows of the mountains inundate the adjacent country. In all seasons, the Indians, the bisons, and deer repose on their banks in perfect security. Whoever calmly views the admirable formation and distribution of the rivers so wonderfully conducted to their several seas; must confess the whole to have been traced by the forger of the Great Supreme Artificer for the most benevolent purposes, both to his creature man, and the numerous animals he has made, none of whom can exist without water." Thompson was a deeply religious man and his journal is filled with his reflections on how the landscape was shaped by both the powers of nature, but also from the hand of God. Thompson was also charged with looking for fossils of dinosaurs and mammoths during his travels. While he succeeded in many things, this was one area where he failed. He writes: "Not a single fossil bone of an Elephant, Rhinocerous, or Mammoth has been found in all Canada nor about any of the Great Lakes, and valley of the [St.] Lawrence, and north-ward to the Arctic Circle, although almost all these countries are sufficiently known; nor has the travels of Captain Franklin in the Arctic Regions been attended with any success on this subject. On the west side of the Rocky Mountains, I passed six years of discovery, yet not a vestige that these great Animals once existed in those parts could be found. " Despite his not finding any fossil evidence, the first nations believed that the mountains were still the home of mammoths. Thompson described the first nations of the plains: "THE Indians of the Plains are of various Tribes and of several languages which have no affinity with each other. The Stone Indians are a large tribe of the Sieux Nation, and speak a dialect, differing little from the Sieux tongue, the softest and most pleasing to the ear of all the indian languages. They have always been, and are, in strict alliance with the Nahathaways, and their hunting grounds are on the left bank of the Saskatchewan and eastward and southward to the upper part of the Red River, and their number 400 Tents each containing about eight souls, in all 3200" Thompson was referring to the Stoney and Cree Indians. The Stoney's were part of the Sioux nation but had become separated from their eastern relatives and had since allied with the Cree. He continued: "THE Peeagans, with the tribes of the Blood, and Blackfeet Indians, who all speak the same language, are the most powerful of the western and northern plains, and by right of conquest have their west boundary to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, southward to the north branches of the Missisourie, eastward for about three hundred miles from the Mountains and northward to the upper part of the Saskatchewan. Other tribes of their allies also at times hunt on part of the above, and a great extent of the Plains, and these great Plains place them under different circumstances, and give them peculiar traits of character from those that hunt in the forests. These latter live a peaceable life, with hard labor, to procure provisions and clothing for their families, in summer they make use of canoes, and in winter haul on sleds all they have, in their frequent removals from place to place. On the other hand the Indians of the Plains make no use of canoes, frequently stay many days in a place, and when they remove have horses and dogs, both in summer and winter to carry their baggage and provisions: they have no hard labor, but have powerful enemies which keep them constantly on the watch and are never secure but in large camps" The Peagan, Blood and Blackfeet were all closely allied and over time, they displaced the Kootenays, Salish, and the Snake Indians. Thompson also mentions the Fall Indians, today known as the Gros Ventre, which were driven out of the area by the Stoney and Cree Indians. Thompson described the war chief of the Peigan, a solid man by the name of Kootenae Appe or Kootenay Man: "his stature was six feet six inches, tall and erect, he appeared to be of Bone and Sinew with no more flesh, than absolutely required; his countenance manly, but not stern, his features prominent, nose somewhat aquiline, his manners kind and mild; his word was sacred, he was both loved and respected, and his people often wished him to take a more active part in their affairs but he confined himself to War, and the care of the camp in which he was, which was generally of fifty to one hundred tents, generally a full day’s march nearer to the Snake Indians than any other camp… Kootanae Appe by his five wives had twenty-two sons and four daughters. His grown-up sons were as tall as himself and the others promised the same. He was friendly to the White Men, and in his speeches reminded his people of the great benefit of [which] the Traders were to them, and that it was by their means they had so many useful articles, and guns for hunting, and to conquer their enemies. " Thompson continues: "He had acquired his present station and influence from his conduct in war. He was utterly averse to small parties, except for horse stealing, which too often brought great hardships and loss of life. He seldom took the field with less than two hundred warriors but frequently with many more; his policy was to get as many of the allies to join him as possible, by which all might have a share of the honour and plunder, and thus avoid those jealousies and envyings so common amongst the Chiefs. He praised every Chief that in the least deserved it, but never appeared to regard fame as worth his notice yet always took care to deserve it, for all his expeditions were successful." Unlike so many white men that saw only savages when dealing with first nations, Thompson could see the entire cross-section of society within Peigan villages: "The character of all these people appear[s] to be brave, steady and deliberate, but on becoming acquainted with them there is no want of individual character, and almost every character in civilized society can be traced among them, from the gravity of a judge to a merry jester, and from open hearted generosity to the avaricious miser. This last character is more detested by them, than by us, from their precarious manner of life, requiring assistance from each other, and their general character. Especially in provisions is great attention [paid] to those that are unfortunate in the chace, and the tent of a sick man is well supplied." Thompson described the various languages of the Plains Indians: "The Languages of this continent on the east and north sides of the Mountains as compared with those of Europe may be classed as resembling in utterance. The Sieux and Stone Indian to the Italian. The Nahathaway and Chipaway with their dialects to the French. The Peeagan with their allies, the Blood and Black feet Indians to the English, and the northern people, the Dinnae, or Chepawyans to the German." The Peigan patrolled the mountain front in order to keep their enemies, the Kootenay, today known as the Ktunaxa, from crossing the mountains and trading with the white men for guns. Fortunately, in 1807, the expedition of Lewis and Clark was travelling along the Missouri River and Lewis shot two Peigan Indians. The Peigan abandoned the mountains in order to head south to seek revenge. Thompson and his men took advantage of this temporary absence. After leaving Rocky Mountain House on May 10, Thompson, along with his wife Charlotte Small, and their children made their way to the pass. While Finan McDonald took a canoe with supplies, Thompson road along the north side of the river, reaching Kootenay Plain, at the south end of Abraham Lake on June 3, and just 3 days later they were at the forks of the North Saskatchewan River near present-day Saskatchewan River Crossing. Here he had to head inland towards the pass. As Thompson wrote: "the murder of two Peagan Indians by Captain Lewis of the United States, drew the Peagans to the Mississouri to revenge their deaths; and thus gave me an opportunity to cross the Mountains by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River, which led to the head waters of the Columbia River, and we there builded Log Houses, and strongly stockaded it on three sides, the other side resting on the steep bank of the River: the Logs of the House, and the Stockades, Bastions &c were of a peculiar kind of a heavy resinous Fir, of a rough black bark. It was clean grown to about twenty feet, when it threw off a head of long rude branches, with a long narrow leaf for a Fir, which was annually shed, and became from green to a red color. The Stockades were all ball proof, as well as the Logs of the Houses." Thompson was forced to abandon the canoes just a few miles beyond the forks and they had to continue on horses, packing their supplies with them. They reached the pass on June 25, and descended the Blaeberry River to its confluence with the Columbia River. The previous season, Thompson had sent Jaco Finlay across the pass and he had built a canoe and left it for Thompson. Unfortunately, it had been destroyed by the winter and Thompson and his men spent several days building new canoes and repacking their supplies. With the canoes built and loaded, they continued down the Columbia River to present day Windermere Lake. He paddled just a few kilometres south of the lake and built Kootenae House, the first trading post on the Columbia River. He spent the rest of the season here trading with the Kootenay Indians and capturing wild horses which were plentiful in the region. Thompson knew there would be consequences for violating the Piegan blockade and sure enough, in mid-November, two Peigans crossed the pass, as he put it: "to see how I was situated; I showed the strength of the Stockades, and Bastions, and told them I know you are come as Spies, and intend to destroy us, but many of you will die before you do so; go back to your countrymen and tell them so; which they did, and we remained quiet for the winter; I knew the danger of the place we were in, but could not help it: As soon as the Mountains were passable I sent off the Clerk and Men with the Furrs collected, among which were one hundred of the Mountain Goat Skins with their long silky hair, of a foot in length of a white color, tinged at the lower end with a very light shade of yellow. Some of the ignorant self sufficient partners of the Company ridiculed such an article for the London Market; there they went and sold at first sight for a guinea a skin, and half as much more for another Lot, but there were no more. These same partners then wrote to me to procure as many as possible, I returned for answer, the hunting of the goat was both dangerous and laborious, and for their ignorant ridicule I would send no more, and I kept my word. I had now to prepare for a more serious visit from the Peagans who had met in council, and it was determined to send forty men, under a secondary Chief to destroy the trading Post, and us with it, they came and pitched their Tents close before the Gate, which was well barred. I had six men with me, and ten guns, well loaded, the House was perforated with large augur holes, as well as the Bastions, thus they remained for three weeks without daring to attack us. We had a small stock of dried provisions which we made go as far as possible; they thought to make us suffer for want of water as the bank we were on was about 20 feet high and very steep, but at night, by a strong cord we quietly and gently let down two brass Kettles each holding four Gallons, and drew them up full; which was enough for us: They were at a loss what to do, for Kootanae Appee the War Chief, had publickly told the Chief of this party, (which was formed against his advice) to remember he had Men confided to his care, whom he must bring back, that he was sent to destroy the Enemies not to lose his Men: Finding us always on the watch, they did not think proper to risque their lives, when at the end of three weeks they suddenly decamped; I thought it a ruse de guerre, I afterwards learned that some of them hunting saw some Kootanaes who were also hunting, and as what was done was an act of aggression, something like an act of War; they decamped to cross the mountains to join their own Tribe while all was well with them: the return of this party without success occasioned a strong sensation among the Peeagans. The Civil Chief harangued them, and gave his advice to form a strong war party under Kootanae Appee the War Chief and directly to crush the white Men and the Natives on the west side of the Mountains, before they became well armed, They have always been our slaves (Prisoners) and now they will pretend to equal us; no, we must not suffer this, we must at once crush them. We know them to be desperate Men, and we must destroy them, before they become too powerful for us; the War Chief coolly observed I shall lead the battle according to the will of the Tribe, but we cannot smoke to the Great Spirit for success, as we usually do, it is now about ten winters since we made peace with them, they have tented and hunted with us, and because they have guns and iron headed Arrows, we must break our word of peace with them: We are now called upon to go to war with a people better armed than ourselves; be it so, let the Warriors get ready; in ten nights I will call on them. The old, and the intelligent Men, severely blamed the speech of the Civil Chief, they remarked, “ the older he gets, the less sense [he possesses].” On the ninth night the War Chief made a short speech, to have each man to take full ten days of dried provisions, for we shall soon leave the country of the Bison, after which we must not fire a shot, or we shall be discovered: On the tenth night he made his final speech, and exhorting the Warriors and their Chiefs to have their Arms in good order, and not forget dried provisions, he named a place; there I shall be the morrow evening, and those who now march with me, there I shall wait for you five nights, and then march to cross the Mountains; at the end of this time about three hundred Warriors under three Chiefs assembled; and took their route across the Mountains by the Stag River, and by the defiles of another River of the same name, came on the Columbia, about full twenty miles from me; as usual, by another pass of the Mountains, they sent two Men to see the strength of the House; I showed them all round the place, and they staid that night. I plainly saw that a War Party was again formed, to be better conducted than the last; and I prepared Presents to avert it: the next morning two Kootanae Men arrived, their eyes glared on the Peagans like Tigers, this was most fortunate; I told them to sit down and smoke which they did; I then called the two Peagans out, and enquired of them which way they intended to return. They pointed to the northward. I told them to go to Kootanae Appee and his War Party, who were only a days journey from us, and delivering to them the Presents I had made up, to be off directly, as I could not protect them, for you know you are on these lands as Enemies; the Presents were six feet of Tobacco to the Chief, to be smoked among them, three feet with a fine pipe of red porphyry and an ornamented Pipe Stem; eighteen inches to each of the three Chiefs, and a small piece to each of themselves, and telling them they had no right to be in the Kootanae Country: to haste away; for the Kootanaes would soon be here, and they will fight for their trading Post: In all that regarded the Peeagans I chanced to be right, it was all guess work. Intimately acquainted with the Indians, the Country and the Seasons, I argued and acted on probabilities; I was afterwards informed that the two Peeagans went direct to the camp of the War Party, delivered the Presents and the Message and sat down, upon which the War Chief exclaimed, what can we do with this man, our women cannot mend a pair of shoes, but he sees them, alluding to my Astronomical Observations; then in a thoughful mood he laid the pipe and stem, with the several pieces of Tobacco on the ground, and said, what is to be done with these, if we proceed, nothing of what is before us can be accepted; the eldest of [the] three Chiefs, wistfully eyeing the Tobacco, of which they had none; at length he said, You all know me, who I am, and what I am; I have attacked Tents, my knife could cut through them, and our enemies had no defence against us, and I am ready to do so again, but to go and fight against Logs of Wood, that a Ball cannot go through, and with people we cannot see and with whom we are at peace, is what I am averse to, I go no further. He then cut the end of the Tobacco, filled the red pipe, fitted the stem, and handed it to Kootanae Appee, saying it was not you that brought us here, but the foolish Sakatow (Civil Chief) who, himself never goes to War; they all smoked, took the Tobacco, and returned, very much to the satisfaction of Kootanae Appe my steady friend; thus by the mercy of good Providence I averted this danger; The next spring, Thompson and his family returned over Howse Pass, but had to eat several of their horses when they couldn't find any wildlife to shoot for provisions. After crossing the Pass, Thompson and some of his men continued all the way to Rainy Lake, Ontario where they delivered the furs they had collected and then stocked up on trade goods. Thompson was also ordered to bring 2 kegs of alcohol with him, but he had always forbidden the trade of whiskey in his presence. He wrote: "[We] embarked the Furrs, and with five men set off for the Rainy River House and arrived July 22, where we landed our cargo of Furrs, then made up an assortment of Goods, for two Canoes, each carrying twenty pieces of ninety pounds weight; among which I was obliged to take two Kegs of Alcohol, over ruled by my Partners (Mess” Dond McTavish and Jo McDonald [of] Gart[h]) for I had made it a law to myself, that no alcohol should pass the Mountains in my company, and thus be clear of the sad sight of drunkeness, and it’s many evils: but these gentlemen insisted upon alcohol being the most profitable article that could be taken for the indian trade. In this I knew they had miscalculated; accordingly when we came to the defiles of the Mountains, I placed the two Kegs of Alcohol on a vicious horse; and by noon the Kegs were empty, and in pieces, the Horse rubbing his load against the Rocks to get rid of it; I wrote to my partners what I had done; and that I would do the same to every Keg of Alcohol, and for the next six years I had charge of the furr trade on the west side of the Mountains, no further attempt was made to introduce spirituous Liquors." Thompson returned to Kootenai House and in the winter of 1808-09, he stayed through the winter. The snow also brought safety from the Peigans as the snow was too deep for a war party to cross the Pass in winter. After briefly crossing Howse Pass again in the spring of 1809, Thompson returned to the west side of the mountains and headed south towards Idaho and built Kullyspell House near present-day Sand Point, where he traded with the Salish, Skeetshoo, and Kootenay Indians in the area. He wrote: "Our arrival rejoiced them very much, for except the four Kootanaes their only arms were a few rude lances, and flint headed Arrows. Good bowmen as they are, these arrow heads broke against the Shield of tough Bison hide, or even against thick leather could do no harm; their only aim was the face: these they were now to exchange for Guns, Ammunition and Iron headed arrows, and thus be on an equality with their enemies, for they were fully their equals in courage: but I informed them, that to procure these advantages they must not pass days and nights in gambling, but be industrious in hunting and working of Beaver and other furrs, all which they promised" He continued: "All those who could procure Guns soon became good shots, which the Peeagan Indians, their enemies in the next battle severely felt; for they are not good shots, except a few; they are accustomed to fire at the Bison on horseback, within a few feet of the animal, it gives them no practice at long shots at small marks. On the contrary, the Indians on the west side of the Mountains are accustomed to fire at the small Antelope at a distance of one hundred and twenty yards, which is a great advantage in battle, where everyone marks out his man." In the fall of 1809, Thompson built a small trading post that he called Saleesh House, near present-day Thompson Falls, Montana. He spent the winter of 1809-10 there and in the spring made several exploratory trips in the area around the post. Over the winter, the hottest trade item had been in weaponry. He writes: "The Saleesh Indians during the winter had traded up-wards of twenty guns from me, with several hundreds of iron arrow heads, with which they thought themselves a fair match for the Peeagan Indians in battle on the Plains." Over the summer, Thompson aided the Salish in a skirmish with the Peigan. Although the battle was pretty much a draw, the change in the balance of power brought on by Thompsons weapons made the Peigan even more determined to punish the traders that crossed the mountains to trade with their enemies. In the summer of 1810, David crossed back into Alberta over Howse Pass for the last time. As he approached the pass, he came across tracks left behind by Peigan scouts that were just a few hours old. They managed to slip through undetected. He travelled all the way to Rainy Lake where he reprovisioned for another trip to the Columbia. He returned to the Saskatchewan River to make his way over Howse Pass. Thompson writes: "The manner of furnishing the Men with Provisions, was by hunting these animals, and bringing their meat by Horses to the Canoes a supply for full three days; when we appointed a place to meet them with a fresh supply; thus the Canoes proceeded to within twenty miles of the east foot of the Mountains; we had given them a full supply for three days, and Mr William Henry, the two Indians and myself proceeded to the foot of the Mountains , where we killed three Red Deer, made a Stage and placed the meat on it in safety to wait the Canoes.  This was on the 13th October 1810, and we expected the Canoes to arrive late on the 16th or early on the 17th at latest, but they did not make their appearance; our oldest Hunter of about forty years of age as usual rose very early in the morning and looking at the Stage of Meat, said to me, I have had bad dreams, this meat will never be eaten, he then saddled his Horse and rode off. Somewhat alarmed at his ominous expression and the non-arrival of the canoes, I told Mr Henry and the Indian to proceed thro’ the Woods down along the River in search of the Canoes, and see what detained them, with positive orders not to fire a shot but in self defence; about eight in the evening they returned, and related, that a few miles below us they had seen a camp of Peeagans on the bank of the River, that a short distance below the camp, they had descended the bank to the River side, and found where the Canoes had been. They had made a low rampart of Stones to defend themselves, and there was blood on the stones; they went below this and fired a shot in hopes of an answer from the Canoes, but it was not returned: I told them they had acted very foolishly, that the Peeagans would be on us very early in the morning, and that we must start at the dawn of day, and ride for our lives; on this we acted the next morning, and rode off, leaving the meat: the country we had to pass over was an open forest, but we had to cross, or ride round so many fallen trees that active Men on foot could easily keep up with us; the Peeagans had very early arrived at the Stage of meat and directly followed the tracks of the Horses, and would in the evening have come up with us, but providentially about one in afternoon snow came on which covered our tracks and retarded them; about an hour after, as they related, they came on three grizled Bears direct on the track (they were smelling the tracks of the Horses) they were fully perswaded that I had placed the Bears there to prevent any further pursuit; nor could any arguments to the contrary make them believe otherwise and this belief was a mercy to us: we rode on through the Woods until it was nearly dark, when we were obliged to stop; we remained quiet awaiting our fortune, when finding all quiet, we made a small fire, and passed the night with some anxiety; my situation precluded sleep, cut off from my men, uncertain where to find them, and equally so of the movements of the Indians, I was at a loss what to do, or which way to proceed; morning came and I had to determine what course to take, after being much perplexed whether I should take to the defiles of the Mountains and see if the Men and Horses were safe that were left there; or try and find my Men and Canoes. I determined upon the latter as of the most importance; on the second day we found them about forty miles below the Indians, at a trading Post lately deserted; here after much consultations, we fully perceived we had no further hopes of passing in safety by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River, and that we must now change our route to the defiles of the Athabasca River which would place us in safety, but would be attended with great inconvenience, fatigue, suffering and privation; but there was no alternative." They reached the Athabasca River on Nov 29. By Dec 4, the winter conditions made it impossible to continue on horseback. Thompson and his men set about the task of making snowshoes and sleds to cross the mountains, as well as log huts for the supplies and a shelter for them stay warm as they prepared for their journey. The temperature dropped to -35 C as the winter set in. He writes: "Our whole attention for the present was turned to hunting and securing provisions; having now made Snow Shoes, and Sleds, on the 30th day of December  we commenced our journey to cross the Mountains and proceeded up the Athabasca River, sometimes on it’s [sic]shoals and ice, and at times through the woods of it’s [sic]banks. The soil was sandy and a Gale of Wind drifted it to lie on the low branched pines, of wretched growth, for Snow does not lie on Sand Hills; On the 31st December we proceeded but slowly and I had to reduce the weight of the Loads of the Dogs to less than two thirds, and make a Log Hoard to secure what we left…" It was the 5th of January 1811 when they began their push for the summit of Athabasca Pass: "by 11 AM set off with eight Sleds, to each two dogs, with goods and Provisions to cross the Mountains, and three Horses to assist us as far as the depth of the Snow will permit. We are now entering the defiles of the Rocky Mountains by the Athabasca River, the woods of Pine are stunted, full of branches to the ground, and the Aspin, Willow &c not much better: strange to say, here is a strong belief that the haunt of the Mammoth, is about this defile, I questioned several, none could positively say, they had seen him, but their belief I found firm and not to be shaken. I remarked to them, that such an enormous heavy Animal must leave indelible marks of his feet, and his feeding. This they all acknowledged, and that they had never seen any marks of him, and therefore could show me none. All I could say did not shake their belief in his existence." By the 10th of January, they were approaching the pass, and warm winds from the Pacific began to moderate the temperatures: He writes: "the view now before us was an ascent of deep snow, in all appearance to the height of land between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, it was to me a most exhilarating sight, but to my uneducated men a dreadful sight, they had no scientific object in view, their feelings were of the place they were; our guide Thomas...

Melting Mountain Glaciers For many years it has been believed that Canada's western mountain glaciers, also known as the Cordilleran Ice Sheet, melted some 12.5 thousand years ago. A new study published in the Journal Nature by researcher Brian Menounos and his team is shedding new light on just when our mountains became ice-free. Deciphering the story of ice melt across western Canada's mountain has far-reaching implications. By understanding how ice melted thousands of years ago, we can also build better models to predict how current alpine ice sheets, like the one in Greenland, may melt in the future. It also helps to understand the challenges of previous theories of an "ice-free corridor" in terms of human migration to the North American Continent. And finally, it also is an important part of the story of ocean level fluctuations as a result of the increased meltwater. When we talk about landscapes we need to understand two concepts, inheritance and consistency. When we look at changing climates over the millennia, we also need to look at the associate landforms that each climate typically creates. In the mountain west, for instance, the mountain landscape was first carved by the power of water. Water dissects the land in a very specific way. It takes advantage of the contours as well as weaknesses in the rocks to guide its flow. Water passes over rocks of varying hardness including soft shales and harder limestones. Softer rocks will be worn down more quickly while harder rocks remain more resistant to the power of water. Cracks or fissures will be widened and over time, the landscape begins to be divided by mountain summits and intervening v-shaped valleys carved by water. When glaciers later inherited this water forged landscape, they inherited the same valleys previously carved by water and began to renovate them. Narrow V-shaped valleys were renovated into broad u-shaped valleys typical of valley glaciers. High on the mountains, glaciers also formed on cliff ledges and any area where snow could accumulate. As these glaciers moved, they enlarged the ledges upon which they sat and in many cases created round bowl-shaped depressions called cirques. I often refer to cirques as glacial nurseries as the ice usually formed there and then would overflow down the valley as it exceeded the ability of these bowls to contain the ever-increasing volumes of ice. Rock and debris fell onto the ice and some hitched a ride, just like a modern-day conveyor belt. It would later be deposited along the ice margins in linear ridges called moraines. Most of the rock becomes incorporated into the glacier and gets scraped and scoured along the base of the glacier. It's this action that allows glaciers to modify the landscape. Today, water has re-inherited this ice-modified mountainscape and is once again altering the cirques and u-shaped valleys. Consistency refers to the simple fact that processes acting on the landscape within a particular climate are the same processes that acted on the landscape at other periods of similar temperature and moisture. The way water changes the mountains today is the same way it would have done thousands or even millions of years ago. Each climate creates its own types of landforms but is always working with vistas carved by successive climatic periods. As a naturalist, this is what I love to look for in the surrounding peaks. Where can I find the impacts of previous climates and how are the current changes in climate affecting how water will shape the mountains long into the future. Brian Menounos' study helps climatologists to not only more accurately understand how our mountain glaciers melted, but also how similar landscapes today may react in the future. Just like looking at a star in the sky represents light that may have traveled for thousands or millions of years before it reached your eye, our mountains may represent a time capsule of how other mountain glaciers may melt in the future. One of the challenges facing this study was the fact that most previous studies found that the glaciers in western Canada only melted around 12.5 thousand years ago. This date was the result of Carbon dating. Carbon dating has been a tried and true way of dating materials for decades, but once you get into high mountain landscapes, it runs into problems; there's not a lot of carbon at high elevations. The carbon used for dating comes from ancient plants and once you hit the upper alpine environment, you find yourself in a land of rock and ice with little to no plant life. This may have added significant error to the dating. If you take a walk to the far end of Lake Louise in summer, you'll enter a land where winter is still king, and where glaciers have only recently revealed the landscape that was previously hidden by ice. You'll also notice that there is little regrowth on much of the lower valley as you hike up to the Plain of Six Glaciers Teahouse. Once glaciers disappear from a mountain valley, it may take a millennia or more before it becomes fully reclaimed by plant communities. This means that the carbon that was being measured in previous studies may have represented plants that colonized the valley long after the glaciers had disappeared. Newer dating methods that don't rely on carbon offered some additional ways to get a better date. Beryllium is a mineral most of us have never heard of. It's a highly toxic and carcinogenic mineral, but it's also one of the lightest metals in the world and has a correspondingly high melting point. These characteristics make beryllium very important in today's cell phones, aeroplanes and even missiles. One isotope, beryllium 10, like carbon 14 is radioactive. The radioactivity is created by cosmic rays colliding with atoms on Earth. In the case of beryllium 10, it's caused when cosmic rays hit oxygen atoms in the bedrock. A layer of ice acts to stop these rays and so measuring how much beryllium 10, which is found in the quartz rocks so common in the mountains, can help to tell us when the rocks were exposed by melting glacial ice. Menounos and his team measured 76 samples from 26 locations to see if dates could be more accurately determined using this new dating method. They visited glacial moraines across British Columbia in order to test the theory that many areas may have been ice-free much earlier than previously believed. The great ice age, the Pleistocene, ended some 14,700 years ago when climates suddenly warmed. At the peak of the Cordilleran Ice Sheet, the amount of ice was similar to what can be found in present-day Greenland. The results showed that the moraine samples fell into two age ranges, 12,800 to 15,000 years for the older locations and 9,800 to 13,000 for the younger sites. If we work with the average ages of 13,900 and 11,400 years respectively, the study showed that large areas of the mountain glaciers had already melted prior to earlier estimates of 12,500 years ago. It also shows that ocean waters off the coast of British Columbia would have risen by approximately 4C between 15,500 and 14,000 years ago. This would have melted most of the low-elevation glaciers, leaving only the highest mountain regions ice-free. Also during this period, meltwater would have contributed to sea level increases of 2.5 to 3 metres. In other terms, the mountain glaciers lost half of their mass in less than 400 years. This also changed the ice sheet into a series of interconnected alpine glaciers, and icefields, gradually leaving us with the landscape we recognize today, just on a much much more extensive scale. This study shows that vast amounts of ice had been lost from the mountain landscape at least 2,000 years earlier than previously thought. It also shows that ice sheets as large Greenland's can also melt at a very fast rate. Essentially, once the melt starts, it can take place very quickly. While it may seem that this actually adds to the possibilities of human migrations towards a possible "ice-free corridor", the study shows evidence that low elevation travel routes would have remained ice-choked until long after the migrations would have needed to occur. Way back in episode 6 I talked about some of the new evidence that was rendering the ice-free corridor to the dustbin of history. You can check it out at www.MountainNaturePodcast.com/ep006. The most recent archaeological evidence shows that people had already arrived in North and South America as far back as 14,500 years ago. Assuming that early migrants made it across the ice-free corridor even 13,000 years ago, there is little chance they would have spread to Monte Verde in southern Chile by 14,500 years ago, yet there are archaeological sites that date to that period. Essentially, it's out with the ice-free corridor and in with the kelp highway. What the heck is the kelp highway you ask? Well, it refers to a coastal migration rather than an inland one. It wasn't long ago that this was considered fringe science. All the archaeological eggs were in the ice-free corridor camp and there was little research into an alternative option. Over time though, ancient sites began to appear across the coastal areas of North and South America that kept pushing the tenure of first nations further and further back. Currently, the oldest sites are 14,500 years old in places like the Page-Ladson site in Florida. As far south as this site seems today, this underwater site revealed evidence of mastodon bones that showed signs of human butchering. Even much further south, on the southern end of Chile, lies the Monte Verde site. In 1975 the remains of a Gomphothere, an animal considered to be ancestral to modern-day elephants was found and this spurred further investigations. These revealed amazing artefacts well preserved in a peat bog that included butchered Gomphothere bones, stone hearths, the remains of other local animals, wooden house posts and even bits of animal skin clothing. To most archaeologists used to having to deal with hearths and stone tools, this site was incredibly rich, largely due to the preserving qualities of peat. Again, the dates stretch back to some 14,500 years. Prior to sites like this, the Clovis culture was considered to the be the oldest North American indigenous culture, but these and many more sites are now pre-dating the Clovis culture which was believed to have arrived via the ice-free corridor between 12,900 and 13,200 years ago. So how exactly did these pre-Clovis cultures find themselves in the New World - well that's the kelp highway? Essentially it refers to a coastal migration of peoples confident in traveling by boat along coastal areas taking advantage of plentiful supplies of kelp and seafood that was available. The ice-free corridor Clovis migration has been suffering a death by a thousand cuts over the past few years. Doubtless, Clovis people did take advantage of a corridor across the Bering Strait but it is now clear that they were the followers and not the leaders. They would still have arrived several millennia after the coastal regions had already been settled. In Episode 37, I talk about a new site off the coast of British Columbia that begins to add fuel to the kelp highway migration theory. One of the Achilles heels of this potential migratory route in the past has been the lack of evidence of a coastal migration. A newly announced site on Triquet Island has revealed artefacts at least 14,000 years old. This makes it the oldest archaeological site in Canada and helps to finally build a trail of breadcrumbs to support a coastal migration. We still need to push the chronology back further if we are to bring well-established populations of humans to the southern tip of South America by 14,500 years ago, but perhaps this is a good start. One of the great aspects of science is that until you actually look for something, it may be hiding in plain sight. Some science is the result of just plain luck…looking for one thing, and discovering another. Sometimes, we're just looking in the wrong place. With renewed interest in a coastal migration, there will be more and more resources focused on examining sites that might have been visited by our very oldest ancestors. While part of me laments the loss of a good story on an ice-free corridor migration right past my doorstep, another part of me loves the fact that an entirely new archaeological story is now unfolding. Just to throw another wrinkle into the equation. We're still assuming a migration across the Bering Strait that hugged the Pacific coast of North America. What if these paleo sailors were more adept than we give them credit for? We know that Aboriginal Australians were there by 50,000 years ago. They would have had a more challenging, open-water voyage in order to discover this new continent. Maybe we're just beginning to scratch the surface in a new whodunnit of New World migration. A really unique site in California shows the potential for some kind of early human as far back as 130,000 years ago. The site was found in 1992 beside a highway site near San Diego California. While archaeologists are quibbling about a few hundred years here and there when dating sites, this site has come in more than 100,000 years before anyone thought humans could be in the new world. The site features a partial skeleton of a mastodon that appears to have been butchered by paleo-humans. The outrageous preliminary dating of the site kept it on the fringes until new dating techniques to confirm early dating. This resulted in the new research being published in the Journal Nature just in April of 2017. Every new discovery leads to new rabbit holes of investigation, confirmation, peer review, and then new questions. This site is so wacky early that if it's confirmed by subsequent research, then all human migration theories on the planet will be up for grabs. It's so old that we would be talking about hominids as opposed to humans. I can't wait to see how this story ends. Perhaps we are just at the beginning of a new mystery? Stay tuned. Next up - The greatest land geographer to ever live David Thompson's early years The history of the exploration of Canada is filled with the names of great men. Names like Simon Fraser, Alexander Mackenzie, Samuel Hearne, Anthony Henday, and David Thompson. All of these men were great explorers but in the final tally of simple achievement, none could hold a candle to David Thompson, or as the first nations knew him, the man who looks at stars. Thompson was born on April 30, 1770, in Westminster, England. His family was poor and after his brother was born two years later, his father died leaving the family even the more destitute. The day before his 7th birthday he was enrolled in the Grey Coat School in Westminster. At the time, it was a school devoted to educating poor boys. Its goal was "to educate poor children in the principles of piety and virtue, and thereby lay a foundation for a sober and Christian life". By all accounts, Thompson was an able student and this brought him to the attention of the School Board. In the minutes of their December 30, 1783, meeting it states: "The Master also reports that application was made by the Secretary belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company, to know, if this Charity could furnish them with 4 boys against the month of May next, for their settlements in America. The Master, by order of the Treas (sic) wrote a letter informing the Governor and Directors that there were but two boys that had been taught navigation in the school, which two boys they desire may be qualified for them, vis: Samuel John McPherson and David Thompson." What an adventure for a boy of only 15…or was it? Apparently, Samuel McPherson didn't think so as he did a runner the following day rather than be packed off to the new world. Thompson, on the other hand, embraced the opportunity and on the minutes of the Grey School dated June 29, 1784, he was apprenticed to the Hudson's Bay Company. The minutes state: "On the 20th of May David Thompson, a mathematical Boy belonging to the Hospl (sic) was bound to the Hudson's Bay Company and the Trear then paid Mr Thos. Hutchins, Corresponding Secretary to the said Company, the sum of five pounds for taking the said Boy apprence (sic) for seven years". I can imagine that when the Company ship the Prince Rupert departed London in May of 1784 that many things must have been going through the mind of this bright 15 year old boy. Part of him must have been terrified to leave the only home he had ever known for a vast wilderness. Thompson reflected on his years at the Grey School writing in his journal: "Books in those days were scarce and dear and most of the scholars got the loan of such books as his parents could lend him. Those which pleased us most were the Tales of the Genii, the Persian, and Arabian Tales, with Robinson Crusoe and Gullivers Travels : these gave us many subjects for discussion and how each would behave on various occasions." Doubtless, stories of the hardships awaiting him must have reached his young ears, yet he embraced his fate and soon after, the new world for the rest of his life. As the ship approached the coast of North America he wrote: "We now held our course over the western ocean ; and near the islands of America saw several icebergs, and Hudson's Straits were so full of ice, as to require the time of near a month to pass them ; this being effected the three ships separated, one for Albany and Moose Factories, another for York Factory, and the third for Churchill Factory at which last place we arrived in the beginning of September 1784." Thompson continued: "Hudson's Bay, including Jame's Bay, may be said to be an inland sea, connected to the Atlantic Ocean by Hudson's Straits…On its west side it receives Seal, Churchill, the Kissiskatchewan (now known as the Nelson), Hayes, Severn, Albany, and Moose Rivers; on the east side Ruperts and several other Rivers, the names of which are unknown as they come from barren, desolate, countries." What a first impression it must have been for Thompson? Fort Churchill was isolated at what must have seemed like the end of the world, especially when he learned: "The Factory is supplied once a year with goods and provisions, by a Ship which arrives on the last days of August, or early September, and in about ten days is ready for her homeward voyage; the severity of the climate requiring all possible dispatch." Thompson saw adventure along with hardship. In autumn, just like they do today for the viewing pleasure of thousands of tourists, the polar bears arrive at Churchill. Thompson wrote: "The polar Bear now makes his appearance, and prowls about until the ice at the sea shore is extended to a considerable distance ; when he leaves to prey on the Seal, his favourite food : during his stay he is for plunder and every kind of mischief, but not willing to fight for it." While the cold and the wind bothered all, there was little snow until the latter part of December when: "a north east snow storm of three days continuance drifted the snow to the height of the stockades and over them, and filled the whole yard to the depth of six to ten feet, which could not be cleared, and through which avenues had to be cut and cleared of about four feet in width ; and thus remained till late in April, when a gradual thaw cleared the snow away. From the end of October to the end of April every step we walk is in Snow Shoes. The Natives walk with ease and activity, and also many of us: but some find them a sad incumbrance, their feet become sore and their ankles sprained; with many a tumble in the snow from which it is sometimes difficult to rise." The winds of Hudson Bay are legendary. Any snow that falls quickly forms in huge drifts. After spending three weeks on the Bay this fall, I can see how the stockades would catch the drifting snow and how it would fill the enclosed yard as well. The climate is the great arbiter in the north and he wrote: "The country, soil, and climate in which we live, have always a powerful effect upon the state of society, and the movements and comforts of every individual, he must conform himself to the circumstances under which he is placed, and as such we lived and conducted ourselves in this extreme cold climate. All our movements more, or less, were for self-preservation : All the wood that could be collected for fuel, gave us only one fire in the morning, and another in the evening…" "The interior of the walls of the House were covered with rime to the thickness of four inches, pieces of which often broke off, to prevent which we wetted the whole extent, and made it a coat of ice, after which it remained firm, and added to the warmth of the House, for the cold is so intense, that everything in a manner is shivered by it" When the summer sun arrived, so did the swarms of mosquitoes. Thompson wrote: "Summer such as it is, comes at once, and with it myriads of tormenting Musketoes ; the air is thick with them, there is no cessation day nor night of suffering from them. Smoke is no relief, they can stand more smoke than we can, and smoke cannot be carried about with us. The narrow windows were so crowded with them, they trod each other to death in such numbers, we had to sweep them out twice a day ; a chance cold northeast gale of wind was a grateful relief, and [we] were thankful for the cold weather that put an end to our sufferings. " "different Persons feel them in a different manner ; some are swelled, even bloated, with intolerable itching ; others feel only the smart of the minute wounds ; Oil is the only remedy and that frequently applied ; the Natives rub themselves with Sturgeon Oil, which is found to be far more effective than any other oil. All animals suffer from them, almost to madness, even the well-feathered Birds suffer about the eyes and neck. The cold nights of September are the first and most steady relief." At one point, Thompson began to wonder why he had been brought at all: "It had been the custom for many years, when the governors of the factory required a clerk, to send to the school in which I was educated to procure a Scholar who had a mathematical education to send out as Clerk, and, to save expenses, he was bound apprentice to them for seven years. To learn what ; for all I had seen in their service neither writing nor reading was required, and my only business was to amuse myself, in winter growling at the cold ; and in the open season shooting Gulls, Ducks, Plover and Curlews, and quarelling with Musketoes and Sand flies." After spending a year at Churchill, he was sent to York Factory after the supply ship had arrived at Churchill in 1785. He was sent out, accompanied by two natives, on foot, without provisions, to walk 240 km in the cold of autumn to bring mail that had arrived on the ship to another fort. He was accorded a single blanket to keep him warm at nights. At the same time, two natives would be sent from York Factory to Churchill. This would give each fort current information about the state of the other while also forming as a ready means of communicating between the forts. They were dropped at Cape Churchill and while Thomson was given a blanket, his guides were given a gallon of strong whiskey. Alas, the day was lost as they quickly set down to consume the spirits. Thompson always opposed the use of whiskey in the fur trade and banned it from any post that he was in control of. The next day they walked all day without breakfast or lunch, and in the evening his guides shot a goose and three ducks. He arrived on Sept 13 and spent the winter in the fort and quickly settled into a new routine. The natives that walked with him were given 3 gallons of brandy and 4 pounds of tobacco. The fall and winter are spent collecting all manner of food, fishing, snaring hares, hunting geese in the fall and ptarmigan in the winter, and basically trying to stay warm. The forts had to be completely self-sufficient. March and April seem to be the months when snow blindness is most prevalent. Thompson writes: "As I never had it, I can only describe the sensations of my companions. Accustomed to march in all weathers, I had acquired a power over my eyelids to open, or contract them as circumstances required, and to admit only the requisite quantity of light to guide me, and thus [I] prevented the painful effects of snow blindness. In the case of those affected the blue eye suffers first and most, the gray eye next, and the black eye the least ; but none are exempt from snow blindness ; the sensations of my companions, and others, were all the same ; they all complained of their eyes, being, as it were, full of burning sand ; I have seen hardy men crying like children, after a hard march of four months in winter. Three men and myself made for a trading post in the latter part of March. They all became snow blind, and for the last four days I had to lead them with a string tied to my belt, and [they] were so completely blind that when they wished to drink of the little pools of melted snow, I had to put their hands in the water. They could not sleep at night. On arriving at the trading Post, they were soon relieved by the application of the steam of boiling water as hot as they could bear it, this is the Indian mode of cure, and the only efficient cure yet known, but all complained of weakness of sight for several months after." The Bay men had mastered the north country. As they expanded their influence further west, they encountered the peoples of the Blackfoot Confederacy, in particular, the Peigan. He wasn't the first to visit the Blackfoot, that honour was reserved for Anthony Henday who visited the area in 1754. Henday was trying to sell an impossibility though. He was trying to convince them to go to the Bay to sell their furs. This was pretty much a non-starter for a population of the grasslands. He learned that, rather than travel long distances to the Bay, the Blackfoot would sell their furs to the Cree, who would, in turn, trade them to the Company at York Factory for a profit. An additional wrinkle was that the rival Northwest Company had built forts far more convenient to the Cree and they would get the best furs long before the remaining poorer quality pelts made their way to the Bay. The Northwest Company sent men out, onto the land, to meet, live with, learn the languages of, and in some cases, intermarry with the indigenous people of the hinterlands. The Blackfoot, while they enjoyed the whiteman's trade goods, they really didn't need them, and they definitely didn't want trading posts in their territory. They also were in a position to manage trade across the continental divide to British Columbia. Essentially, any Hudson's Bay Man wanting to visit B.C. would have to go through them. To negotiate with the Blackfoot, the company sent James Gaddy who spent three winters living with the Peigan in the foothills west of Calgary. In 1787, 17-year old David Thompson accompanied him. At this point, nobody had realized that David was no ordinary teenager. He kept a careful journal and decades later would use it to write his memoirs. Thompson described the people that he stayed with and the stories shared with him by them: "The Peeagan in whose tent I passed the winter was an old man of at least 75 to 80 years of age ; his height about six feet, two or three inches, broad shoulders, strong limbed, his hair gray and plentiful, forehead high and nose prominent, his face slightly marked with the small pox, and alltogether his countenance mild, and even, sometimes playfull ; although his step was firm and he rode with ease, he no longer hunted, this he left to his sons ; his name was Saukamappee (Young Man) ; his account of former times went back to about 1730…" Saukamappee was not of the Peigan, today referred to by the name Pikani. He was part of a Cree nation known as the Nahathaway with whom the Pikani were closely allied. Both nations were constantly at war with the Snake or Shoshone Indians to the south. Usually, they were very well matched in terms of weaponry and few people died in their skirmishes…at least in the early days. Saukamappee related how the arms race began to alter the balance of power as horses and guns began to appear. "By this time the affairs of both parties had much changed ; we had more guns and iron headed arrows than before ; but our enemies the Snake Indians and their allies had Misstutim (Big Dogs, that is Horses) on which they rode, swift as the Deer, on which they dashed at the Peeagans, and with their stone Pukamoggan (war clubs) knocked them on the head, and they had thus lost several of their best men. This news we did not well comprehend and it alarmed us, for we had no idea of Horses and could not make out what they were. Only three of us went and I should not have gone, had not my wife's relations frequently intimated, that her father's medicine bag would be honored by the scalp of a Snake Indian." Guns and horse began to change the landscape of the plains. The Pikani won with the help of the Nahathaway guns. Thankfully, the Snake Indians didn't have any horses with them in this battle. A few days later, Saukamappee saw his first horse, a dead one that had been killed in a different skirmish. The Peigan were able to keep the Snakes gun-poor as they were able to control access to the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Company supply of trade goods. This allowed the Peigan to expand greatly across the plains until they encountered an unstoppable foe - Smallpox. "While we have these weapons, the Snake Indians have none, but what few they sometimes take from one of our small camps which they have destroyed, and they have no Traders among them. We thus continued to advance through the fine plains to the Stag River when death ca