Podcasts about saskatchewan river

Episode 302: On April 25, 1978, RCMP Constable Thomas (Brian) King, a 40-year-old father of three, pulled over a vehicle for a minor traffic offence at 12:35 AM on Highway 11, roughly a quarter mile (400 metres) north of the Saskatoon city boundary. Inside the car were two young men: 18-year-old Darrell Luke Crook and 19-year-old Gregory Michael Fischer. The pair had intentionally disabled the vehicle's tail light to draw the attention of law enforcement. As the unsuspecting officer was checking Fisher's driver's licence, the two men overpowered, disarmed and manacled him with his service handcuffs.  The pair then forced the officer into their car and drove into Saskatoon, where they showed him off to friends. Afterward, Crook and Fisher drove to a secluded spot near the Saskatchewan River, where they beat and tortured the helpless constable. Then, they executed Brian King with his service revolver, shooting him twice and throwing his body into the river. Sources: A History of Winnipegosis RCMP Depot Division Royal Canadian Mounted Police Issues The Dark Side of the RCMP Star-Phoenix 25 Apr 1978, page 1 Star-Phoenix 27 Apr 1978, page 3 Star-Phoenix 27 Apr 1978, page 24 The Leader-Post 29 Apr 1978, page 1 Star-Phoenix 01 May 1978, page 3 1979 CanLII 2274 (SK CA) | R. v. Crook | CanLII 1980 CanLII 2130 (SK CA) | Radvanski v. Radwanski | CanLII 1991 ABCA 148 (CanLII) | R. v. Fischer | CanLII Faint Hope: Background Constable Thomas Brian King | Canadian War Memorial Thomas (Brian) King (1938-1978) | Find a Grave CBC News - Canada - In the line of duty: Deaths of RCMP officers CONSTA... - RCMP Quarterly / La Trimestrielle de la GRC Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What's happening with climate change these days? How is our adaptation going? What are the gloomy and bright spots? Join Dr. Stewart J. Cohen, climate change adaptation scientist, as he discusses the latest science and societal discussions about humanity adapting to a rapidly changing climate. Have a listen! Direct download: https://traffic.libsyn.com/secure/multi-hazards/Are_We_Adapting_to_Climate_Change_Yet_with_Dr._Stewart_J._Cohen.mp3  Best-looking link: https://directory.libsyn.com/episode/index/id/20289026  Study Guide here, click where it says "PDF" on the middle left: https://multi-hazards.libsyn.com/are-we-adapting-to-climate-change-yet-with-dr-stewart-j-cohen  Topics include: * How have climate change deniers been "mutating" their message over the years, much like COVID-19 is mutating? * What is the harm that climate change deniers are doing on social media? * What are some solutions to dealing with climate change deniers? * What is the new assessment from the International Panel on Climate Change, "IPCC Sixth Assessment Report – The Physical Science Basis"? * Why is the word "unequivocal" so important in climate change science and in this report? * What is this new field of "attribution studies"? * What is the “Canada in a Changing Climate -- National Issues Report”? * What's happening to communities across Canada with climate change? * "You can't fight today's battle with yesterday's battle plan!" * What's "just transition" and why is it so important? * What's the case for optimism about climate change? * Why is "polarised dialogue" about climate change so harmful? * Even though heavy industry, transportation, agriculture, etc. are big fossil fuel emitters, how do our own voting and purchasing decisions also matter? * What is the most urgent issue in climate change adaptation nowadays? * How can we get away from so many surprises when it comes to climate change adaptation? Dr. Stewart J Cohen's Bio: Dr. Stewart J. Cohen is an author and educator on human-caused climate change. Dr. Cohen is currently a part-time instructor on climate change adaptation at Royal Roads University, and is writing posts on his blog, www.doctorclimatechange.com. His university education was in geography, obtaining degrees from McGill University, the University of Alberta, and the University of Illinois. Dr. Cohen has recently retired from a 35-year research career with Environment and Climate Change Canada. He began his career in Toronto where he created and led studies on the impacts of projected climate change throughout Canada, including the Great Lakes, Saskatchewan River and the Mackenzie Basin. In 1995, as part of a research partnership agreement with the University of British Columbia (UBC), he moved to Vancouver and began developing collaborative projects with the UBC community. He led several climate change impact and adaptation studies of the Okanagan region, and contributed to studies on forests in central and northern British Columbia, and on projected climate impacts and adaptation actions in the Vancouver area. He also created and taught a graduate course, “Climate Change in the 21st Century”. This led to him publishing a textbook with that title in 2009 (McGill-Queen's University Press). He has been a member of author teams for national assessments of climate change in Canada and the United States, as well as several publications of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Working Group II – Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability. Intro: "Ten Inch Spikes" by Jeremy Korpas on Youtube Audio Library Outro: "Travel Nonstop" by Squadda B on Youtube Audio Library Main Episode Photo by ELG21 on Pixabay

Going with the flow of the North Saskatchewan River (Keegan)

Welcome back! Today, we learn about the legal battle to bring marriage equality to Saskatchewan, Canada. We also may or may not learn the difference between a province and a territory. To make up for that confusion, here's a bonus fact: The Saskatchewan province derives its name from the Saskatchewan River. The Cree people called it kisiskatchewani sipi or kisiskâciwan, referring to the river's fast current. Feel free to hit Cat up if any of that's wrong. Learn more: Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission Celebrating a History of Diversity Queer All Year is hosted by Cat Jones and McG Support independent podcasts! Please consider supporting this sibling duo by joining our patreon. On top of making the world a better place, you’ll get bonus episodes, ringtones, and the occasional off-topic, spooky story that happens to pop into Cat’s head. Want more QAY? Facebook Page | The Mafia (Facebook group) | Instagram | Twitter Rate, review, and tell a friend or two!

Can we actually adapt to a changing climate that seems like a runaway train? As the world heats up and nature quickly readjusts itself, how can we survive? In this episode, Dr. Stewart J. Cohen discusses how we predict where the climate is headed and how we can reduce its impacts on society. He discusses how the adaptation process works and how to involve stakeholders. If you want to dive deep into climate change adaptation, here's your chance! Be sure to check out the Study Guide for the program! Click on the top left where it says "Pdf" above the date! https://multi-hazards.libsyn.com/adapting-to-our-changing-climate-interview-with-dr-stewart-j-cohen Dr. Stewart J. Cohen's Bio Dr. Stewart J. Cohen is an author and educator on human-caused climate change. Dr. Cohen is currently a part-time instructor on climate change adaptation at Royal Roads University, and is writing posts on his blog, www.doctorclimatechange.com. His university education was in geography, obtaining degrees from McGill University, the University of Alberta, and the University of Illinois. Dr. Cohen has recently retired from a 35-year research career with Environment and Climate Change Canada. He began his career in Toronto where he created and led studies on the impacts of projected climate change throughout Canada, including the Great Lakes, Saskatchewan River and the Mackenzie Basin. In 1995, as part of a research partnership agreement with the University of British Columbia (UBC), he moved to Vancouver and began developing collaborative projects with the UBC community. He led several climate change impact and adaptation studies of the Okanagan region, and contributed to studies on forests in central and northern British Columbia, and on projected climate impacts and adaptation actions in the Vancouver area. He also created and taught a graduate course, “Climate Change in the 21st Century”. This led to him publishing a textbook with that title in 2009 (McGill-Queen’s University Press). He has been a member of author teams for national assessments of climate change in Canada and the United States, as well as several publications of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Working Group II – Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability. Photos: Flood: Photo by Chris Gallagher on Unsplash Okanagan Vineyard: Photo by Kelowna09 on Wikimedia Seaside: Photo by Karolina Grabowska on Kaboom Pics Busy Street Scene: Photo by Anubhav Saxena on Unsplash Wave: Photo by Jeremy Bishop on Unsplash Smoke Stack: Photo by Mohri UN-CECAR on Flickr (https://www.flickr.com/photos/66770481@N02/6741179149) California Wildfires: Photo by Bjorgialt on Wikimedia Drought: Photo by redcharlie on Unsplash

Guest: Ali Hounsell, Trans Mountain Manager of Communications. 

Rich and Sandi are in northern Saskatchewan near historic Cumberland House on the giant fresh water inland delta of the Saskatchewan River. They are visiting with Mark, a blind trapper who doesn't have the word "can't" in his vocabulary.

Guest: Larry Burnstad - Edmonton Resident

David Thompson heads west Last week, I ended the story of David Thompson with his leaving the employment of the Hudson's Bay Company, and joining the rival Northwest Company. As Thompson began his journey to the west, he described the landscape of the great plains: "The climate is good, the winters about five months, the summers are warm, and autumn has many fine days. The soil is rich and deep, and [there is] much vegetation mould from the annual decay of the leaves of the forest trees, and the grass of the meadows: civilization will no doubt extend over these low hills; they are well adapted for raising of cattle; and when the wolves are destroyed, also for sheep; and agriculture will succeed to a pastoral life, so far as markets can be formed in the country, but no further; for Canada is too distant and difficult of access. The only port open to them is York Factory on the dismal shores of Hudson's Bay, open four months in the year. And to go to York Factory and return will require all that part of the summer which cannot be spared: but when a civilized population shall cover the countries, means will be found to make its produce find a market." Thompson, better than most, recognized the vastness of the Canadian wilderness. In time, the prairies would become settled, and many more ports would become open to Canadian products. As he continued his journey west, he described the tranquillity of the Bow River. "The Bow River flows through the most pleasant of the plains, and is the great resort of the bison and the red deer (or elk), and also of the natives; the soil appears good along its wholes extent, but for the most part is bare of woods, and those that remain are fast diminishing by fire." He continued: "The rivers that roll through this immense unbroken body of land of plains and forests, are so beautifully distributed; all their banks so admirably adjusted to the volumes of water that flow between them, that neither the heaviest rains nor the melting of the snows of the mountains inundate the adjacent country. In all seasons, the Indians, the bisons, and deer repose on their banks in perfect security. Whoever calmly views the admirable formation and distribution of the rivers so wonderfully conducted to their several seas; must confess the whole to have been traced by the forger of the Great Supreme Artificer for the most benevolent purposes, both to his creature man, and the numerous animals he has made, none of whom can exist without water." Thompson was a deeply religious man and his journal is filled with his reflections on how the landscape was shaped by both the powers of nature, but also from the hand of God. Thompson was also charged with looking for fossils of dinosaurs and mammoths during his travels. While he succeeded in many things, this was one area where he failed. He writes: "Not a single fossil bone of an Elephant, Rhinocerous, or Mammoth has been found in all Canada nor about any of the Great Lakes, and valley of the [St.] Lawrence, and north-ward to the Arctic Circle, although almost all these countries are sufficiently known; nor has the travels of Captain Franklin in the Arctic Regions been attended with any success on this subject. On the west side of the Rocky Mountains, I passed six years of discovery, yet not a vestige that these great Animals once existed in those parts could be found. " Despite his not finding any fossil evidence, the first nations believed that the mountains were still the home of mammoths. Thompson described the first nations of the plains: "THE Indians of the Plains are of various Tribes and of several languages which have no affinity with each other. The Stone Indians are a large tribe of the Sieux Nation, and speak a dialect, differing little from the Sieux tongue, the softest and most pleasing to the ear of all the indian languages. They have always been, and are, in strict alliance with the Nahathaways, and their hunting grounds are on the left bank of the Saskatchewan and eastward and southward to the upper part of the Red River, and their number 400 Tents each containing about eight souls, in all 3200" Thompson was referring to the Stoney and Cree Indians. The Stoney's were part of the Sioux nation but had become separated from their eastern relatives and had since allied with the Cree. He continued: "THE Peeagans, with the tribes of the Blood, and Blackfeet Indians, who all speak the same language, are the most powerful of the western and northern plains, and by right of conquest have their west boundary to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, southward to the north branches of the Missisourie, eastward for about three hundred miles from the Mountains and northward to the upper part of the Saskatchewan. Other tribes of their allies also at times hunt on part of the above, and a great extent of the Plains, and these great Plains place them under different circumstances, and give them peculiar traits of character from those that hunt in the forests. These latter live a peaceable life, with hard labor, to procure provisions and clothing for their families, in summer they make use of canoes, and in winter haul on sleds all they have, in their frequent removals from place to place. On the other hand the Indians of the Plains make no use of canoes, frequently stay many days in a place, and when they remove have horses and dogs, both in summer and winter to carry their baggage and provisions: they have no hard labor, but have powerful enemies which keep them constantly on the watch and are never secure but in large camps" The Peagan, Blood and Blackfeet were all closely allied and over time, they displaced the Kootenays, Salish, and the Snake Indians. Thompson also mentions the Fall Indians, today known as the Gros Ventre, which were driven out of the area by the Stoney and Cree Indians. Thompson described the war chief of the Peigan, a solid man by the name of Kootenae Appe or Kootenay Man: "his stature was six feet six inches, tall and erect, he appeared to be of Bone and Sinew with no more flesh, than absolutely required; his countenance manly, but not stern, his features prominent, nose somewhat aquiline, his manners kind and mild; his word was sacred, he was both loved and respected, and his people often wished him to take a more active part in their affairs but he confined himself to War, and the care of the camp in which he was, which was generally of fifty to one hundred tents, generally a full day’s march nearer to the Snake Indians than any other camp… Kootanae Appe by his five wives had twenty-two sons and four daughters. His grown-up sons were as tall as himself and the others promised the same. He was friendly to the White Men, and in his speeches reminded his people of the great benefit of [which] the Traders were to them, and that it was by their means they had so many useful articles, and guns for hunting, and to conquer their enemies. " Thompson continues: "He had acquired his present station and influence from his conduct in war. He was utterly averse to small parties, except for horse stealing, which too often brought great hardships and loss of life. He seldom took the field with less than two hundred warriors but frequently with many more; his policy was to get as many of the allies to join him as possible, by which all might have a share of the honour and plunder, and thus avoid those jealousies and envyings so common amongst the Chiefs. He praised every Chief that in the least deserved it, but never appeared to regard fame as worth his notice yet always took care to deserve it, for all his expeditions were successful." Unlike so many white men that saw only savages when dealing with first nations, Thompson could see the entire cross-section of society within Peigan villages: "The character of all these people appear[s] to be brave, steady and deliberate, but on becoming acquainted with them there is no want of individual character, and almost every character in civilized society can be traced among them, from the gravity of a judge to a merry jester, and from open hearted generosity to the avaricious miser. This last character is more detested by them, than by us, from their precarious manner of life, requiring assistance from each other, and their general character. Especially in provisions is great attention [paid] to those that are unfortunate in the chace, and the tent of a sick man is well supplied." Thompson described the various languages of the Plains Indians: "The Languages of this continent on the east and north sides of the Mountains as compared with those of Europe may be classed as resembling in utterance. The Sieux and Stone Indian to the Italian. The Nahathaway and Chipaway with their dialects to the French. The Peeagan with their allies, the Blood and Black feet Indians to the English, and the northern people, the Dinnae, or Chepawyans to the German." The Peigan patrolled the mountain front in order to keep their enemies, the Kootenay, today known as the Ktunaxa, from crossing the mountains and trading with the white men for guns. Fortunately, in 1807, the expedition of Lewis and Clark was travelling along the Missouri River and Lewis shot two Peigan Indians. The Peigan abandoned the mountains in order to head south to seek revenge. Thompson and his men took advantage of this temporary absence. After leaving Rocky Mountain House on May 10, Thompson, along with his wife Charlotte Small, and their children made their way to the pass. While Finan McDonald took a canoe with supplies, Thompson road along the north side of the river, reaching Kootenay Plain, at the south end of Abraham Lake on June 3, and just 3 days later they were at the forks of the North Saskatchewan River near present-day Saskatchewan River Crossing. Here he had to head inland towards the pass. As Thompson wrote: "the murder of two Peagan Indians by Captain Lewis of the United States, drew the Peagans to the Mississouri to revenge their deaths; and thus gave me an opportunity to cross the Mountains by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River, which led to the head waters of the Columbia River, and we there builded Log Houses, and strongly stockaded it on three sides, the other side resting on the steep bank of the River: the Logs of the House, and the Stockades, Bastions &c were of a peculiar kind of a heavy resinous Fir, of a rough black bark. It was clean grown to about twenty feet, when it threw off a head of long rude branches, with a long narrow leaf for a Fir, which was annually shed, and became from green to a red color. The Stockades were all ball proof, as well as the Logs of the Houses." Thompson was forced to abandon the canoes just a few miles beyond the forks and they had to continue on horses, packing their supplies with them. They reached the pass on June 25, and descended the Blaeberry River to its confluence with the Columbia River. The previous season, Thompson had sent Jaco Finlay across the pass and he had built a canoe and left it for Thompson. Unfortunately, it had been destroyed by the winter and Thompson and his men spent several days building new canoes and repacking their supplies. With the canoes built and loaded, they continued down the Columbia River to present day Windermere Lake. He paddled just a few kilometres south of the lake and built Kootenae House, the first trading post on the Columbia River. He spent the rest of the season here trading with the Kootenay Indians and capturing wild horses which were plentiful in the region. Thompson knew there would be consequences for violating the Piegan blockade and sure enough, in mid-November, two Peigans crossed the pass, as he put it: "to see how I was situated; I showed the strength of the Stockades, and Bastions, and told them I know you are come as Spies, and intend to destroy us, but many of you will die before you do so; go back to your countrymen and tell them so; which they did, and we remained quiet for the winter; I knew the danger of the place we were in, but could not help it: As soon as the Mountains were passable I sent off the Clerk and Men with the Furrs collected, among which were one hundred of the Mountain Goat Skins with their long silky hair, of a foot in length of a white color, tinged at the lower end with a very light shade of yellow. Some of the ignorant self sufficient partners of the Company ridiculed such an article for the London Market; there they went and sold at first sight for a guinea a skin, and half as much more for another Lot, but there were no more. These same partners then wrote to me to procure as many as possible, I returned for answer, the hunting of the goat was both dangerous and laborious, and for their ignorant ridicule I would send no more, and I kept my word. I had now to prepare for a more serious visit from the Peagans who had met in council, and it was determined to send forty men, under a secondary Chief to destroy the trading Post, and us with it, they came and pitched their Tents close before the Gate, which was well barred. I had six men with me, and ten guns, well loaded, the House was perforated with large augur holes, as well as the Bastions, thus they remained for three weeks without daring to attack us. We had a small stock of dried provisions which we made go as far as possible; they thought to make us suffer for want of water as the bank we were on was about 20 feet high and very steep, but at night, by a strong cord we quietly and gently let down two brass Kettles each holding four Gallons, and drew them up full; which was enough for us: They were at a loss what to do, for Kootanae Appee the War Chief, had publickly told the Chief of this party, (which was formed against his advice) to remember he had Men confided to his care, whom he must bring back, that he was sent to destroy the Enemies not to lose his Men: Finding us always on the watch, they did not think proper to risque their lives, when at the end of three weeks they suddenly decamped; I thought it a ruse de guerre, I afterwards learned that some of them hunting saw some Kootanaes who were also hunting, and as what was done was an act of aggression, something like an act of War; they decamped to cross the mountains to join their own Tribe while all was well with them: the return of this party without success occasioned a strong sensation among the Peeagans. The Civil Chief harangued them, and gave his advice to form a strong war party under Kootanae Appee the War Chief and directly to crush the white Men and the Natives on the west side of the Mountains, before they became well armed, They have always been our slaves (Prisoners) and now they will pretend to equal us; no, we must not suffer this, we must at once crush them. We know them to be desperate Men, and we must destroy them, before they become too powerful for us; the War Chief coolly observed I shall lead the battle according to the will of the Tribe, but we cannot smoke to the Great Spirit for success, as we usually do, it is now about ten winters since we made peace with them, they have tented and hunted with us, and because they have guns and iron headed Arrows, we must break our word of peace with them: We are now called upon to go to war with a people better armed than ourselves; be it so, let the Warriors get ready; in ten nights I will call on them. The old, and the intelligent Men, severely blamed the speech of the Civil Chief, they remarked, “ the older he gets, the less sense [he possesses].” On the ninth night the War Chief made a short speech, to have each man to take full ten days of dried provisions, for we shall soon leave the country of the Bison, after which we must not fire a shot, or we shall be discovered: On the tenth night he made his final speech, and exhorting the Warriors and their Chiefs to have their Arms in good order, and not forget dried provisions, he named a place; there I shall be the morrow evening, and those who now march with me, there I shall wait for you five nights, and then march to cross the Mountains; at the end of this time about three hundred Warriors under three Chiefs assembled; and took their route across the Mountains by the Stag River, and by the defiles of another River of the same name, came on the Columbia, about full twenty miles from me; as usual, by another pass of the Mountains, they sent two Men to see the strength of the House; I showed them all round the place, and they staid that night. I plainly saw that a War Party was again formed, to be better conducted than the last; and I prepared Presents to avert it: the next morning two Kootanae Men arrived, their eyes glared on the Peagans like Tigers, this was most fortunate; I told them to sit down and smoke which they did; I then called the two Peagans out, and enquired of them which way they intended to return. They pointed to the northward. I told them to go to Kootanae Appee and his War Party, who were only a days journey from us, and delivering to them the Presents I had made up, to be off directly, as I could not protect them, for you know you are on these lands as Enemies; the Presents were six feet of Tobacco to the Chief, to be smoked among them, three feet with a fine pipe of red porphyry and an ornamented Pipe Stem; eighteen inches to each of the three Chiefs, and a small piece to each of themselves, and telling them they had no right to be in the Kootanae Country: to haste away; for the Kootanaes would soon be here, and they will fight for their trading Post: In all that regarded the Peeagans I chanced to be right, it was all guess work. Intimately acquainted with the Indians, the Country and the Seasons, I argued and acted on probabilities; I was afterwards informed that the two Peeagans went direct to the camp of the War Party, delivered the Presents and the Message and sat down, upon which the War Chief exclaimed, what can we do with this man, our women cannot mend a pair of shoes, but he sees them, alluding to my Astronomical Observations; then in a thoughful mood he laid the pipe and stem, with the several pieces of Tobacco on the ground, and said, what is to be done with these, if we proceed, nothing of what is before us can be accepted; the eldest of [the] three Chiefs, wistfully eyeing the Tobacco, of which they had none; at length he said, You all know me, who I am, and what I am; I have attacked Tents, my knife could cut through them, and our enemies had no defence against us, and I am ready to do so again, but to go and fight against Logs of Wood, that a Ball cannot go through, and with people we cannot see and with whom we are at peace, is what I am averse to, I go no further. He then cut the end of the Tobacco, filled the red pipe, fitted the stem, and handed it to Kootanae Appee, saying it was not you that brought us here, but the foolish Sakatow (Civil Chief) who, himself never goes to War; they all smoked, took the Tobacco, and returned, very much to the satisfaction of Kootanae Appe my steady friend; thus by the mercy of good Providence I averted this danger; The next spring, Thompson and his family returned over Howse Pass, but had to eat several of their horses when they couldn't find any wildlife to shoot for provisions. After crossing the Pass, Thompson and some of his men continued all the way to Rainy Lake, Ontario where they delivered the furs they had collected and then stocked up on trade goods. Thompson was also ordered to bring 2 kegs of alcohol with him, but he had always forbidden the trade of whiskey in his presence. He wrote: "[We] embarked the Furrs, and with five men set off for the Rainy River House and arrived July 22, where we landed our cargo of Furrs, then made up an assortment of Goods, for two Canoes, each carrying twenty pieces of ninety pounds weight; among which I was obliged to take two Kegs of Alcohol, over ruled by my Partners (Mess” Dond McTavish and Jo McDonald [of] Gart[h]) for I had made it a law to myself, that no alcohol should pass the Mountains in my company, and thus be clear of the sad sight of drunkeness, and it’s many evils: but these gentlemen insisted upon alcohol being the most profitable article that could be taken for the indian trade. In this I knew they had miscalculated; accordingly when we came to the defiles of the Mountains, I placed the two Kegs of Alcohol on a vicious horse; and by noon the Kegs were empty, and in pieces, the Horse rubbing his load against the Rocks to get rid of it; I wrote to my partners what I had done; and that I would do the same to every Keg of Alcohol, and for the next six years I had charge of the furr trade on the west side of the Mountains, no further attempt was made to introduce spirituous Liquors." Thompson returned to Kootenai House and in the winter of 1808-09, he stayed through the winter. The snow also brought safety from the Peigans as the snow was too deep for a war party to cross the Pass in winter. After briefly crossing Howse Pass again in the spring of 1809, Thompson returned to the west side of the mountains and headed south towards Idaho and built Kullyspell House near present-day Sand Point, where he traded with the Salish, Skeetshoo, and Kootenay Indians in the area. He wrote: "Our arrival rejoiced them very much, for except the four Kootanaes their only arms were a few rude lances, and flint headed Arrows. Good bowmen as they are, these arrow heads broke against the Shield of tough Bison hide, or even against thick leather could do no harm; their only aim was the face: these they were now to exchange for Guns, Ammunition and Iron headed arrows, and thus be on an equality with their enemies, for they were fully their equals in courage: but I informed them, that to procure these advantages they must not pass days and nights in gambling, but be industrious in hunting and working of Beaver and other furrs, all which they promised" He continued: "All those who could procure Guns soon became good shots, which the Peeagan Indians, their enemies in the next battle severely felt; for they are not good shots, except a few; they are accustomed to fire at the Bison on horseback, within a few feet of the animal, it gives them no practice at long shots at small marks. On the contrary, the Indians on the west side of the Mountains are accustomed to fire at the small Antelope at a distance of one hundred and twenty yards, which is a great advantage in battle, where everyone marks out his man." In the fall of 1809, Thompson built a small trading post that he called Saleesh House, near present-day Thompson Falls, Montana. He spent the winter of 1809-10 there and in the spring made several exploratory trips in the area around the post. Over the winter, the hottest trade item had been in weaponry. He writes: "The Saleesh Indians during the winter had traded up-wards of twenty guns from me, with several hundreds of iron arrow heads, with which they thought themselves a fair match for the Peeagan Indians in battle on the Plains." Over the summer, Thompson aided the Salish in a skirmish with the Peigan. Although the battle was pretty much a draw, the change in the balance of power brought on by Thompsons weapons made the Peigan even more determined to punish the traders that crossed the mountains to trade with their enemies. In the summer of 1810, David crossed back into Alberta over Howse Pass for the last time. As he approached the pass, he came across tracks left behind by Peigan scouts that were just a few hours old. They managed to slip through undetected. He travelled all the way to Rainy Lake where he reprovisioned for another trip to the Columbia. He returned to the Saskatchewan River to make his way over Howse Pass. Thompson writes: "The manner of furnishing the Men with Provisions, was by hunting these animals, and bringing their meat by Horses to the Canoes a supply for full three days; when we appointed a place to meet them with a fresh supply; thus the Canoes proceeded to within twenty miles of the east foot of the Mountains; we had given them a full supply for three days, and Mr William Henry, the two Indians and myself proceeded to the foot of the Mountains , where we killed three Red Deer, made a Stage and placed the meat on it in safety to wait the Canoes.  This was on the 13th October 1810, and we expected the Canoes to arrive late on the 16th or early on the 17th at latest, but they did not make their appearance; our oldest Hunter of about forty years of age as usual rose very early in the morning and looking at the Stage of Meat, said to me, I have had bad dreams, this meat will never be eaten, he then saddled his Horse and rode off. Somewhat alarmed at his ominous expression and the non-arrival of the canoes, I told Mr Henry and the Indian to proceed thro’ the Woods down along the River in search of the Canoes, and see what detained them, with positive orders not to fire a shot but in self defence; about eight in the evening they returned, and related, that a few miles below us they had seen a camp of Peeagans on the bank of the River, that a short distance below the camp, they had descended the bank to the River side, and found where the Canoes had been. They had made a low rampart of Stones to defend themselves, and there was blood on the stones; they went below this and fired a shot in hopes of an answer from the Canoes, but it was not returned: I told them they had acted very foolishly, that the Peeagans would be on us very early in the morning, and that we must start at the dawn of day, and ride for our lives; on this we acted the next morning, and rode off, leaving the meat: the country we had to pass over was an open forest, but we had to cross, or ride round so many fallen trees that active Men on foot could easily keep up with us; the Peeagans had very early arrived at the Stage of meat and directly followed the tracks of the Horses, and would in the evening have come up with us, but providentially about one in afternoon snow came on which covered our tracks and retarded them; about an hour after, as they related, they came on three grizled Bears direct on the track (they were smelling the tracks of the Horses) they were fully perswaded that I had placed the Bears there to prevent any further pursuit; nor could any arguments to the contrary make them believe otherwise and this belief was a mercy to us: we rode on through the Woods until it was nearly dark, when we were obliged to stop; we remained quiet awaiting our fortune, when finding all quiet, we made a small fire, and passed the night with some anxiety; my situation precluded sleep, cut off from my men, uncertain where to find them, and equally so of the movements of the Indians, I was at a loss what to do, or which way to proceed; morning came and I had to determine what course to take, after being much perplexed whether I should take to the defiles of the Mountains and see if the Men and Horses were safe that were left there; or try and find my Men and Canoes. I determined upon the latter as of the most importance; on the second day we found them about forty miles below the Indians, at a trading Post lately deserted; here after much consultations, we fully perceived we had no further hopes of passing in safety by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River, and that we must now change our route to the defiles of the Athabasca River which would place us in safety, but would be attended with great inconvenience, fatigue, suffering and privation; but there was no alternative." They reached the Athabasca River on Nov 29. By Dec 4, the winter conditions made it impossible to continue on horseback. Thompson and his men set about the task of making snowshoes and sleds to cross the mountains, as well as log huts for the supplies and a shelter for them stay warm as they prepared for their journey. The temperature dropped to -35 C as the winter set in. He writes: "Our whole attention for the present was turned to hunting and securing provisions; having now made Snow Shoes, and Sleds, on the 30th day of December  we commenced our journey to cross the Mountains and proceeded up the Athabasca River, sometimes on it’s [sic]shoals and ice, and at times through the woods of it’s [sic]banks. The soil was sandy and a Gale of Wind drifted it to lie on the low branched pines, of wretched growth, for Snow does not lie on Sand Hills; On the 31st December we proceeded but slowly and I had to reduce the weight of the Loads of the Dogs to less than two thirds, and make a Log Hoard to secure what we left…" It was the 5th of January 1811 when they began their push for the summit of Athabasca Pass: "by 11 AM set off with eight Sleds, to each two dogs, with goods and Provisions to cross the Mountains, and three Horses to assist us as far as the depth of the Snow will permit. We are now entering the defiles of the Rocky Mountains by the Athabasca River, the woods of Pine are stunted, full of branches to the ground, and the Aspin, Willow &c not much better: strange to say, here is a strong belief that the haunt of the Mammoth, is about this defile, I questioned several, none could positively say, they had seen him, but their belief I found firm and not to be shaken. I remarked to them, that such an enormous heavy Animal must leave indelible marks of his feet, and his feeding. This they all acknowledged, and that they had never seen any marks of him, and therefore could show me none. All I could say did not shake their belief in his existence." By the 10th of January, they were approaching the pass, and warm winds from the Pacific began to moderate the temperatures: He writes: "the view now before us was an ascent of deep snow, in all appearance to the height of land between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, it was to me a most exhilarating sight, but to my uneducated men a dreadful sight, they had no scientific object in view, their feelings were of the place they were; our guide Thomas...

Few years in U.S. history call to mind such immediate stock images as 1776. Powdered wigs. Founding fathers. Red coats. And if asked to place this assembly of objects and people, a few cities stand out: Boston. Philadelphia. Williamsburg, perhaps. This is the small world conjured by the Revolutionary era; the remainder of the continent, some 96% percent of the landmass exclusive of the original thirteen colonies that called themselves Continental, conceived of as a blank slate, awaiting inevitable expansion. Claudio Saunt wants to change this. Richard B. Russell Professor of American History at the University of Georgia and co-director of the Center for Virtual History, Saunt’s new book, West of the Revolution: An Uncommon History of 1776 (W.W. Norton, 2014), explores nine American places and the diverse peoples who populated them in that fateful year, from the Aleutian Islands to San Diego, the Florida Gulf Coast to the Saskatchewan River. By illustrating complicated webs of trade and exchange, competing empires and diverse Indigenous responses, Saunt makes the case that the stories of people like the Aleuts in the Aleutian archipelago, Miwoks and Costanoans of northern California, Creek Indians of the Deep South and numerous others deserve our historical attention as fully and richly as musket-bearing minutemen. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Few years in U.S. history call to mind such immediate stock images as 1776. Powdered wigs. Founding fathers. Red coats. And if asked to place this assembly of objects and people, a few cities stand out: Boston. Philadelphia. Williamsburg, perhaps. This is the small world conjured by the Revolutionary era; the remainder of the continent, some 96% percent of the landmass exclusive of the original thirteen colonies that called themselves Continental, conceived of as a blank slate, awaiting inevitable expansion. Claudio Saunt wants to change this. Richard B. Russell Professor of American History at the University of Georgia and co-director of the Center for Virtual History, Saunt’s new book, West of the Revolution: An Uncommon History of 1776 (W.W. Norton, 2014), explores nine American places and the diverse peoples who populated them in that fateful year, from the Aleutian Islands to San Diego, the Florida Gulf Coast to the Saskatchewan River. By illustrating complicated webs of trade and exchange, competing empires and diverse Indigenous responses, Saunt makes the case that the stories of people like the Aleuts in the Aleutian archipelago, Miwoks and Costanoans of northern California, Creek Indians of the Deep South and numerous others deserve our historical attention as fully and richly as musket-bearing minutemen. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Few years in U.S. history call to mind such immediate stock images as 1776. Powdered wigs. Founding fathers. Red coats. And if asked to place this assembly of objects and people, a few cities stand out: Boston. Philadelphia. Williamsburg, perhaps. This is the small world conjured by the Revolutionary era; the remainder of the continent, some 96% percent of the landmass exclusive of the original thirteen colonies that called themselves Continental, conceived of as a blank slate, awaiting inevitable expansion. Claudio Saunt wants to change this. Richard B. Russell Professor of American History at the University of Georgia and co-director of the Center for Virtual History, Saunt’s new book, West of the Revolution: An Uncommon History of 1776 (W.W. Norton, 2014), explores nine American places and the diverse peoples who populated them in that fateful year, from the Aleutian Islands to San Diego, the Florida Gulf Coast to the Saskatchewan River. By illustrating complicated webs of trade and exchange, competing empires and diverse Indigenous responses, Saunt makes the case that the stories of people like the Aleuts in the Aleutian archipelago, Miwoks and Costanoans of northern California, Creek Indians of the Deep South and numerous others deserve our historical attention as fully and richly as musket-bearing minutemen. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Few years in U.S. history call to mind such immediate stock images as 1776. Powdered wigs. Founding fathers. Red coats. And if asked to place this assembly of objects and people, a few cities stand out: Boston. Philadelphia. Williamsburg, perhaps. This is the small world conjured by the Revolutionary era; the remainder of the continent, some 96% percent of the landmass exclusive of the original thirteen colonies that called themselves Continental, conceived of as a blank slate, awaiting inevitable expansion. Claudio Saunt wants to change this. Richard B. Russell Professor of American History at the University of Georgia and co-director of the Center for Virtual History, Saunt’s new book, West of the Revolution: An Uncommon History of 1776 (W.W. Norton, 2014), explores nine American places and the diverse peoples who populated them in that fateful year, from the Aleutian Islands to San Diego, the Florida Gulf Coast to the Saskatchewan River. By illustrating complicated webs of trade and exchange, competing empires and diverse Indigenous responses, Saunt makes the case that the stories of people like the Aleuts in the Aleutian archipelago, Miwoks and Costanoans of northern California, Creek Indians of the Deep South and numerous others deserve our historical attention as fully and richly as musket-bearing minutemen. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Gerhard's West Canada Euer Wegweiser den Westen Canadas für euch zu entdecken North Saskatchewan River ostwärts Begleitende Internetseite, Bilder und Kartenausschnitte www.gerhards-west-canada.de   In den bisherigen Folgen der Podcast-Serie Gerhard's West Canada hat man sich den ganzen südlichen Süden British Columbias erschlossen. Die Traummetropole Vancouver, sowie die vorgelagerte, riesige Insel Vancouver Island hat man besucht. Einige Tipps das Reisen mit einem Wohnmobil betreffend, sowie was es bedeutet, seinen eigenen Camper zu besitzen, waren dabei. Auch die Idee, die Reise mit einem Erlebnis auf dem Wasser mit einem Kanu oder Kajak zu bereichern, wurde erwähnt. Nun ist man schon wieder mehrere Episoden in den Canadian Rockies. Man war im Mount Robson Park und von dort in den Jasper National Park hinein. Ganz intensiv, über mehrere Folgen hat man sich in diesem herrlichen National Park umgeschaut, seinen schier unerschöpflichen Reichtum an Wildlife bewundert und vieles mehr. Ein kurzer Abstecher außerhalb des Parks in die Foothills Alberta's an der Ostflanke der Canadian Rocky Mountains folgte. Bereits drei Episoden befindet man sich nun schon auf, beziehungsweise an einer der Traumstraßen der Welt, dem Icefields Parkway. Zunächst im Jasper National Park, nun im Banff National Park. Südlich des Hauptpasses dieser Straße zweigt ein Highway östlich ab, aus den Rocky Mountains heraus in die Ebene Alberta's, sie folgt dem  North Saskatchewan River ostwärts Viel Vergnügen beim Zuhören, der Reiseplanung und natürlich dem Wichtigsten, der Reise selbst. Herzlichen Gruß Gerhard Ibl

Story 1. On March 1st 2006, the Alberta Geological Survey and Geological Survey of Canada released the joint publication EUB/AGS Special Report 77/GSC Open File 5121, which has since prompted significant mineral staking activity by mineral exploration companies. The report presents heavy mineral and geochemical results from glacial drift samples collected in the Zama Lake and Bistcho Lake map areas. Story 2. On May 5, 2006, five geologists of the Alberta Geological Survey led a river-raft field trip down the North Saskatchewan River as part of Alberta's Environment Conference. The journey offered a glimpse of the past 60 million years of Edmonton's natural history, made possible by one of nature's time machines: the North Saskatchewan River.

Story 1. On March 1st 2006, the Alberta Geological Survey and Geological Survey of Canada released the joint publication EUB/AGS Special Report 77/GSC Open File 5121, which has since prompted significant mineral staking activity by mineral exploration companies. The report presents heavy mineral and geochemical results from glacial drift samples collected in the Zama Lake and Bistcho Lake map areas. Story 2. On May 5, 2006, five geologists of the Alberta Geological Survey led a river-raft field trip down the North Saskatchewan River as part of Alberta's Environment Conference. The journey offered a glimpse of the past 60 million years of Edmonton's natural history, made possible by one of nature's time machines: the North Saskatchewan River.