Podcasts about north dakotans

U.S. and Canadian airlines halted flights to Puerto Vallarta, Mexico after violence broke out in the country after the Mexican army’s killing of a cartel leader. The U.S. State Department told U.S. citizens to shelter in place, citing “ongoing security operations and related road blockages and criminal activity.” North Dakotan, Julie Mauch, is stuck there with her husband amid the turmoil, and joins Joel to speak to the situation. (Joel Heitkamp is a talk show host on the Mighty 790 KFGO in Fargo-Moorhead. His award-winning program, “News & Views,” can be heard weekdays from 8 – 11 a.m. Follow Joel on X/Twitter @JoelKFGO.)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

"I'm a lifelong North Dakotan," Greg Vetter told us on this episode of Plain Talk. "My ancestors moved here in 1888. The entire lineage since then have been North Dakota raised, and we've all lived here." "This is home," he said, "and I want to be part of taking care of our home." Vetter is a first-time candidate running for the North Dakota House of Representatives in District 7 alongside Steve Sauter, another newcomer who also joined us on this episode, and incumbent Sen. Michelle Axtman. They're facing off against a slate of populist challengers. Former lawmaker Rick Becker and Gaylynn Becker (no relation) are seeking seats in the House, while Jerri Hopfauf is running for the Senate. This will be a battleground race in the ongoing schism in the Republican party between traditional conservatives and the populists. Vetter and Sauter told us that they plan to win over voters by focusing on public service over culture war issues.  "I'm a big believer in you give twice as much as you get, the rest will take care of your care of itself," Sauter said. "And I just think the state, understanding how unique North Dakota is and what makes us specia, I want to be able to continue that and be part of that, continuing that in the future for such an amazing state." They also said they plan to eschew the negative campaign tactics that were common from populist challengers in recent cycles. "I've built a career on building trusted relationships, collaborating with people, treating them in a dignified, respectful manner," he said, adding that manners -- simple things like saying "thank you" and "I'm sorry" -- are important. "If those things don't resonate with the people of North Dakota anymore, and they choose not to elect me, I'm absolutely comfortable with that." Also on this episode, guest co-host Jamie Selzler and I discuss the threat AI poses to political discourse, U.S. House candidate Alex Balazs's odd social media post, and Doug Burgum's disappointing turn away from who he was as governor now that he's serving in President Donald Trump's cabinet. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

"I'm a lifelong North Dakotan," Greg Vetter told us on this episode of Plain Talk. "My ancestors moved here in 1888. The entire lineage since then have been North Dakota raised, and we've all lived here." "This is home," he said, "and I want to be part of taking care of our home." Vetter is a first-time candidate running for the North Dakota House of Representatives in District 7 alongside Steve Sauter, another newcomer who also joined us on this episode, and incumbent Sen. Michelle Axtman. They're facing off against a slate of populist challengers. Former lawmaker Rick Becker and Gaylynn Becker (no relation) are seeking seats in the House, while Jerri Hopfauf is running for the Senate. This will be a battleground race in the ongoing schism in the Republican party between traditional conservatives and the populists. Vetter and Sauter told us that they plan to win over voters by focusing on public service over culture war issues. "I'm a big believer in you give twice as much as you get, the rest will take care of your care of itself," Sauter said. "And I just think the state, understanding how unique North Dakota is and what makes us specia, I want to be able to continue that and be part of that, continuing that in the future for such an amazing state." They also said they plan to eschew the negative campaign tactics that were common from populist challengers in recent cycles. "I've built a career on building trusted relationships, collaborating with people, treating them in a dignified, respectful manner," he said, adding that manners -- simple things like saying "thank you" and "I'm sorry" -- are important. "If those things don't resonate with the people of North Dakota anymore, and they choose not to elect me, I'm absolutely comfortable with that." Also on this episode, guest co-host Jamie Selzler and I discuss the threat AI poses to political discourse, U.S. House candidate Alex Balazs's odd social media post, and Doug Burgum's disappointing turn away from who he was as governor now that he's serving in President Donald Trump's cabinet. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

The state was still in the grip of winter when North Dakotans learned another hardship was on the horizon. On this date in 1934, they had grasshoppers on their minds. Just the day before, entomologists warned farmers to expect the worst grasshopper infestation in many years and that no part of the state was safe.

North Dakota winters have been described as “consistently very cold,” with January and February being the coldest months. This comes as no great surprise to North Dakotans, who tend to take a certain amount of state pride for thriving in such a severe environment. Daytime temperatures tend to hover between the teens and mid-20s. Nighttime temperatures to dip into the -10 to -20-degree range, sometimes falling to -40.

Last time we spoke about The Battle of Suixian–Zaoyang-Shatow. Following the brutal 1938 capture of Wuhan, Japanese forces aimed to solidify their hold by launching an offensive against Chinese troops in the 5th War Zone, a rugged natural fortress in northern Hubei and southern Henan. Under General Yasuji Okamura, the 11th Army deployed three divisions and cavalry in a pincer assault starting May 1, 1939, targeting Suixian and Zaoyang to crush Nationalist resistance and secure flanks. Chinese commander Li Zongren, leveraging terrain like the Dabie and Tongbai Mountains, orchestrated defenses with over 200,000 troops, including Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group. By May 23, they recaptured Suixian and Zaoyang, forcing a Japanese withdrawal with heavy losses, over 13,000 Japanese casualties versus 25,000 Chinese, restoring pre-battle lines. Shifting south, Japan targeted Shantou in Guangdong to sever supply lines from Hong Kong. In a massive June 21 amphibious assault, the 21st Army overwhelmed thin Chinese defenses, capturing the port and Chao'an despite guerrilla resistance led by Zhang Fakui. Though losses mounted, Japan tightened its blockade, straining China's war effort amid ongoing attrition.   #188 From Changkufeng to Nomonhan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Well hello again, and yes you all have probably guessed we are taking another detour. Do not worry I hope to shorten this one a bit more so than what became a sort of mini series on the battle of Changkufeng or Battle of Lake Khasan. What we are about to jump into is known in the west as the battle of khalkin Gol, by the Japanese the Nomohan incident. But first I need to sort of set the table up so to say. So back on August 10th, 1938 the Litvinov-Shigemitsu agreement established a joint border commission tasked with redemarcating the disputed boundary between the Soviet Union and Japanese-controlled Manchukuo. However, this commission never achieved a mutually agreeable definition of the border in the contested area. In reality, the outcome was decided well before the group's inaugural meeting. Mere hours after the cease-fire took effect on the afternoon of August 11, General Grigory Shtern convened with a regimental commander from Japan's 19th Division to coordinate the disengagement of forces. With the conflict deemed "honorably" concluded, Japan's Imperial General Headquarters mandated the swift withdrawal of all Japanese troops to the west bank of the Tumen River. By the night of August 13, as the final Japanese soldier crossed the river, it effectively became the de facto border. Soviet forces promptly reoccupied Changkufeng Hill and the adjacent heights—a move that would carry unexpected and profound repercussions. Authoritative Japanese military analyses suggest that if negotiations in Moscow had dragged on for just one more day, the 19th Division would likely have been dislodged from Changkufeng and its surrounding elevations. Undoubtedly, General Shtern's infantry breathed a sigh of relief as the bloodshed ceased. Yet, one can't help but question why Moscow opted for a cease-fire at a juncture when Soviet troops were on the cusp of total battlefield triumph. Perhaps Kremlin leaders deemed it wiser to settle for a substantial gain, roughly three-quarters of their objectives, rather than risk everything. After all, Japan had mobilized threatening forces in eastern Manchuria, and the Imperial Army had a history of impulsive, unpredictable aggression. Moreover, amid the escalating crisis over Czechoslovakia, Moscow may have been wary of provoking a broader Asian conflict. Another theory posits that Soviet high command was misinformed about the ground situation. Reports of capturing a small segment of Changkufeng's crest might have been misinterpreted as control over the entire ridge, or an imminent full takeover before midnight on August 10. The unexpected phone call from Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov to the Japanese embassy that night—proposing a one-kilometer Japanese retreat in exchange for a cease-fire along existing lines—hints at communication breakdowns between Shtern's headquarters and the Kremlin. Ironically, such lapses may have preserved Japanese military honor, allowing the 19th Division's evacuation through diplomacy rather than defeat. Both sides endured severe losses. Initial Japanese press reports claimed 158 killed and 740 wounded. However, the 19th Division's medical logs reveal a grimmer toll: 526 dead and 914 injured, totaling 1,440 casualties. The true figure may have climbed higher, possibly to 1,500–2,000. Following the armistice, the Soviet news agency TASS reported 236 Red Army fatalities and 611 wounded. Given Shtern's uphill assaults across open terrain against entrenched positions, these numbers seem understated. Attackers in such scenarios typically suffered two to three times the defenders' losses, suggesting Soviet casualties ranged from 3,000 to 5,000. This aligns with a Soviet Military Council investigation on August 31, 1938, which documented 408 killed and 2,807 wounded. Japanese estimates placed Soviet losses even higher, at 4,500–7,000. Not all victims perished in combat. Marshal Vasily Blyukher, a decorated Soviet commander, former warlord of the Far East, and Central Committee candidate, was summoned to Moscow in August 1938. Relieved of duty in September and arrested with his family in October, he faced charges of inadequate preparation against Japanese aggression and harboring "enemies of the people" within his ranks. On November 9, 1938, Blyukher died during interrogation a euphemism for torture-induced death.Other innocents suffered as well. In the wake of the fighting, Soviet authorities deported hundreds of thousands of Korean rice farmers from the Ussuri region to Kazakhstan, aiming to eradicate Korean settlements that Japanese spies had allegedly exploited. The Changkufeng clash indirectly hampered Japan's Wuhan offensive, a massive push to subdue China. The influx of troops and supplies for this campaign was briefly disrupted by the border flare-up. Notably, Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group, slated for Wuhan, was retained due to the Soviet threat. Chiang Kai-shek's drastic measure, breaching the Yellow River dikes to flood Japanese advance routes—further delayed the assault. By October 25, 1938, when Japanese forces captured Hankow, Chiang had relocated his capital to distant Chungking. Paradoxically, Wuhan's fall cut rail links from Canton inland, heightening Chiang's reliance on Soviet aid routed overland and by air from Central Asia. Japan secured a tactical win but missed the decisive blow; Chinese resistance persisted, pinning down a million Japanese troops in occupation duties. What was the true significance of Changkufeng? For General Koiso Suetaka and the 19th Division, it evoked a mix of bitterness and pride. Those eager for combat got their share, though not on their terms. To veterans mourning fallen comrades on those desolate slopes, it might have felt like senseless tragedy. Yet, they fought valiantly under dire conditions, holding firm until a retreat that blended humiliation with imperial praise, a bittersweet inheritance. For the Red Army, it marked a crucial trial of resolve amid Stalin's purges. While Shtern's forces didn't shine brilliantly, they acquitted themselves well in adversity. The U.S. military attaché in Moscow observed that any purge-related inefficiencies had been surmounted, praising the Red Army's valor, reliability, and equipment. His counterpart in China, Colonel Joseph Stilwell, put it bluntly: the Soviets "appeared to advantage," urging skeptics to rethink notions of a weakened Red Army. Yet, by World War II's eve, many British, French, German, and Japanese leaders still dismissed it as a "paper tiger." Soviet leaders appeared content, promoting Shtern to command the Transbaikal Military District and colonel general by 1940, while honoring "Heroes of Lake Khasan" with medals. In a fiery November 7, 1938, speech, Marshal Kliment Voroshilov warned that future incursions would prompt strikes deep into enemy territory. Tokyo's views diverged sharply. Many in the military and government saw it as a stain on Imperial Army prestige, especially Kwantung Army, humiliated on Manchukuo soil it swore to protect. Colonel Masanobu Tsuji Inada, however, framed it as a successful reconnaissance, confirming Soviet border defense without broader aggression, allowing the Wuhan push to proceed safely. Critics, including Major General Gun Hashimoto and historians, questioned this. They argued IGHQ lacked contingency plans for a massive Soviet response, especially with Wuhan preparations underway since June. One expert warned Japan had "played with fire," risking Manchuria and Korea if escalation occurred. Yet, Japanese commanders gleaned few lessons, downplaying Soviet materiel superiority and maintaining disdain for Red Army prowess. The 19th Division's stand against outnumbered odds reinforced this hubris, as did tolerance for local insubordination—attitudes that would prove costly. The Kremlin, conversely, learned Japan remained unpredictable despite its China quagmire. But for Emperor Hirohito's intervention, the conflict might have ballooned. Amid purges and the Czech crisis, Stalin likely viewed it as a reminder of eastern vulnerabilities, especially with Munich advancing German threats westward. Both sides toyed with peril. Moderation won in Tokyo, but Kwantung Army seethed. On August 11, Premier Fumimaro Konoye noted the need for caution. Kwantung, however, pushed for and secured control of the disputed salient from Chosen Army by October 8, 1938. Even winter's chill couldn't quench their vengeful fire, setting the stage for future confrontations. A quick look at the regional map reveals how Manchukuo and the Mongolian People's Republic each jut into the other's territory like protruding salients. These bulges could be seen as aggressive thrusts into enemy land, yet they also risked encirclement and absorption by the opposing empire. A northward push from western Manchuria through Mongolia could sever the MPR and Soviet Far East from the USSR's heartland. Conversely, a pincer movement from Mongolia and the Soviet Maritime Province might envelop and isolate Manchukuo. This dynamic highlights the frontier's strategic volatility in the 1930s. One particularly tense sector was the broad Mongolian salient extending about 150 miles eastward into west-central Manchukuo. There, in mid-1939, Soviet-Japanese tensions erupted into major combat. Known to the Japanese as the Nomonhan Incident and to the Soviets and Mongolians as the Battle of Khalkhin Gol, this clash dwarfed the earlier Changkufeng affair in scale, duration, and impact. Spanning four months and claiming 30,000 to 50,000 casualties, it amounted to a small undeclared war, the modern era's first limited conflict between great powers. The Mongolian salient features vast, semiarid plains of sandy grassland, gently rolling terrain dotted with sparse scrub pines and low shrubs. The climate is unforgivingly continental: May brings hot days and freezing nights, while July and August see daytime highs exceeding 38°C (100°F in American units), with cool evenings. Swarms of mosquitoes and massive horseflies necessitate netting in summer. Rainfall is scarce, but dense morning fogs are common in August. Come September, temperatures plummet, with heavy snows by October and midwinter lows dipping to –34°C. This blend of North African aridity and North Dakotan winters supports only sparse populations, mainly two related but distinct Mongol tribes. The Buriat (or Barga) Mongols migrated into the Nomonhan area from the northwest in the late 17th to early 18th centuries, likely fleeing Russian expansion after the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk. Organized by Manchu emperors between 1732 and 1735, they settled east of the river they called Khalkhin Gol (Mongolian for "river"), in lands that would later become Manchukuo. The Khalkha Mongols, named for the word meaning "barrier" or "shield," traditionally guarded the Mongol Empire's northern frontiers. Their territories lay west of the Buriats, in what would become the MPR. For centuries, these tribes herded livestock across sands, river crossings, and desert paths, largely oblivious to any formal borders. For hundreds of years, the line dividing the Mongolian salient from western Manchuria was a hazy administrative divide within the Qing Empire. In the 20th century, Russia's detachment of Outer Mongolia and Japan's seizure of Manchuria transformed this vague boundary into a frontline between rival powers. The Nomonhan Incident ignited over this contested border. Near the salient's northeastern edge, the river, called Khalkhin Gol by Mongols and Soviets, and Halha by Manchurians and Japanese, flows northwest into Lake Buir Nor. The core dispute: Was the river, as Japan asserted, the historic boundary between Manchukuo and the MPR? Soviet and MPR officials insisted the line ran parallel to and 10–12 miles east of the river, claiming the intervening strip. Japan cited no fewer than 18 maps, from Chinese and Japanese sources, to support the river as the border, a logical choice in such barren terrain, where it served as the sole natural divider. Yet, Soviets and Mongolians countered with evidence like a 1919 Chinese postal atlas and maps from Japanese and Manchukuoan agencies (1919–1934). Unbeknownst to combatants, in July 1939, China's military attaché in Moscow shared a 1934 General Staff map with his American counterpart, showing the border east of the river. Postwar Japanese studies of 18th-century Chinese records confirm that in 1734, the Qing emperor set a boundary between Buriat and Khalkha Mongols east of the river, passing through the hamlet of Nomonhan—as the Soviets claimed. However, Kwantung Army Headquarters dismissed this as non-binding, viewing it as an internal Qing affair without Russian involvement. Two former Kwantung Army officers offer a pragmatic explanation: From 1931 to 1935, when Soviet forces in the Far East were weak, Japanese and Manchukuoan authorities imposed the river as the de facto border, with MPR acquiescence. By the mid- to late 1930s, as Soviet strength grew, Japan refused to yield, while Mongolians and Soviets rejected the river line, sparking clashes. In 1935, Kwantung Army revised its maps to align with the river claim. From late that year, the Lake Buir Nor–Halha sector saw frequent skirmishes between Manchukuoan and MPR patrols. Until mid-1938, frontier defense in northwestern Manchukuo fell to the 8th Border Garrison Unit , based near Hailar. This 7,000-man force, spread thin, lacked mobility, training, and, in Kwantung Army's eyes, combat readiness. That summer, the newly formed 23rd Division, under Kwantung Army, took station at Hailar, absorbing the 8th BGU under its command, led by Lieutenant General Michitaro Komatsubara. At 52, Komatsubara was a premier Russian specialist in the Imperial Army, with stints as military attaché in the USSR and head of Kwantung's Special Services Agency in Harbin. Standing 5'7" with a sturdy build, glasses, and a small mustache, he was detail-oriented, keeping meticulous diaries, writing lengthy letters, and composing poetry, though he lacked combat experience. Before departing Tokyo in July 1938, Komatsubara received briefings from Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations Section chief. Amid planning for Changkufeng, Inada urged calm on the Manchukuo-MPR border given China's ongoing campaigns. Guidelines: Ignore minor incidents, prioritize intelligence on Soviet forces east of Lake Baikal, and study operations against the Soviet Far East's western sector. Familiar with the region from his Harbin days, Komatsubara adopted a low-key approach. Neither impulsive nor aggressive, he kept the green 23rd Division near Hailar, delegating patrols to the 8th BGU. An autumn incident underscores his restraint. On November 1, 1938, an 8th BGU patrol was ambushed by MPR forces. Per Japanese accounts, the three-man team, led by a lieutenant, strayed too close to the border and was attacked 50 meters inside Manchukuo. The lieutenant escaped, but his men died. Komatsubara sent an infantry company to secure the site but forbade retaliation. He pursued body recovery diplomatically, protested to MPR and Soviet officials, and disciplined his officers: garrison leaders got five days' confinement for poor troop training, the lieutenant thirty days. Despite this caution, pressures at AGS and KwAHQ were mounting, poised to thrust the 23rd Division into fierce battle. Modern militaries routinely develop contingency plans against potential adversaries, and the mere existence of such strategies doesn't inherently signal aggressive intentions. That said, shifts in Japan's operational planning vis-à-vis the Soviet Union may have inadvertently fueled the Nomonhan Incident. From 1934 to 1938, Japanese war scenarios emphasized a massive surprise assault in the Ussuri River region, paired with defensive holding actions in northwestern Manchuria. However, between mid-1938 and early 1939, a clandestine joint task force from the Army General Staff  and Kwantung Army's Operations Departments crafted a bold new blueprint. This revised strategy proposed containing Soviet forces in the east and north while unleashing a full-scale offensive from Hailar, advancing west-northwest toward Chita and ultimately Lake Baikal. The goal: sever the Transbaikal Soviet Far East from the USSR's core. Dubbed Plan Eight-B, it gained Kwantung Army's endorsement in March 1939. Key architects—Colonels Takushiro Hattori and Masao Terada, along with Major Takeharu Shimanuki—were reassigned from AGS to Kwantung Army Headquarters to oversee implementation. The plan anticipated a five-year buildup before execution, with Hattori assuming the role of chief operations staff officer.  A map review exposes a glaring vulnerability in Plan Eight-B: the Japanese advance would leave its southern flank exposed to Soviet counterstrikes from the Mongolian salient. By spring 1939, KwAHQ likely began perceiving this protrusion as a strategic liability. Notably, at the outbreak of Nomonhan hostilities, no detailed operational contingencies for the area had been formalized. Concurrently, Japan initiated plans for a vital railroad linking Harlun Arshan to Hailar. While its direct tie to Plan Eight-B remains unclear, the route skirted perilously close to the Halha River, potentially heightening KwAHQ's focus on the disputed Mongolian salient. In early 1939, the 23rd Division intensified reconnaissance patrols near the river. Around this time, General Grigory Shtern, freshly appointed commander of Soviet Far Eastern forces, issued a public warning that Japan was gearing up for an assault on the Mongolian People's Republic. As Plan Eight-B took shape and railroad proposals advanced, KwAHQ issued a strikingly confrontational set of guidelines for frontier troops. These directives are often cited as a catalyst for the Nomonhan clash, forging a chain linking the 1937 Amur River incident, the 1938 Changkufeng debacle, and the 1939 conflict.Resentment had festered at KwAHQ over perceived AGS meddling during the Amur affair, which curtailed their command autonomy. This frustration intensified at Changkufeng, where General Kamezo Suetaka's 19th Division endured heavy losses, only for the contested Manchukuoan territory to be effectively ceded. Kwantung Army lobbied successfully to wrest oversight of the Changkufeng salient from Chosen Army. In November 1938, Major Masanobu Tsuji of KwAHQ's Operations Section was sent to survey the site. The audacious officer was dismayed: Soviet forces dominated the land from the disputed ridge to the Tumen River. Tsuji undertook several winter reconnaissance missions. His final outing in March 1939 involved leading 40 men to Changkufeng's base. With rifles slung non-threateningly, they ascended to within 200 yards of Soviet lines, formed a line, and urinated in unison, eliciting amused reactions from the enemy. They then picnicked with obentos and sake, sang army tunes, and left gifts of canned meat, chocolates, and whiskey. This theatrical stunt concealed Tsuji's real aim: covert photography proving Soviet fortifications encroached on Manchukuoan soil. Tsuji was a singular figure. Born of modest means, he embodied a modern samurai ethos, channeling a sharp intellect into a frail, often ailing body through feats of extraordinary daring. A creative tactician, he thrived in intelligence ops, political scheming, aerial scouting, planning, and frontline command—excelling across a tumultuous career. Yet, flaws marred his brilliance: narrow bigotry, virulent racism, and capacity for cruelty. Ever the ambitious outsider, Tsuji wielded outsized influence via gekokujo—Japan's tradition of subordinates steering policy from below. In 1939, he was a major, but his pivotal role at Nomonhan stemmed from this dynamic. Back in Hsinking after his Changkufeng escapade, Tsuji drafted a response plan: negotiate border "rectification" with the Soviets; if talks failed, launch an attack to expel intruders. Kwantung Army adopted it. Deputy Chief of Staff Major General Otozaburo Yano flew to Tokyo with Tsuji's photos, seeking AGS approval. There, he was rebuffed—Changkufeng was deemed settled, and minor violations should be overlooked amid Tokyo's aversion to Soviet conflict. Yano's plea that leniency would invite aggression was countered by notes on Europe's tensions restraining Moscow. Yano's return sparked outrage at KwAHQ, seen as AGS thwarting their imperial duty to safeguard Manchukuo. Fury peaked in the Operations Section, setting the stage for Tsuji's drafting of stringent new frontier guidelines: "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes." The core tenet: "If Soviet troops transgress the Manchukuoan frontiers, Kwantung Army will nip their ambitions in the bud by completely destroying them." Specific directives for local commanders included: "If the enemy crosses the frontiers … annihilate him without delay, employing strength carefully built up beforehand. To accomplish our mission, it is permissible to enter Soviet territory, or to trap or lure Soviet troops into Manchukuoan territory and allow them to remain there for some time… . Where boundary lines are not clearly defined, area defense commanders will, upon their own initiative, establish boundaries and indicate them to the forward elements… . In the event of an armed clash, fight until victory is won, regardless of relative strengths or of the location of the boundaries. If the enemy violates the borders, friendly units must challenge him courageously and endeavor to triumph in their zone of action without concerning themselves about the consequences, which will be the responsibility of higher headquarters." Major Tsuji Masanobu later justified the new guidelines by pointing to the "contradictory orders" that had hamstrung frontier commanders under the old rules. They were tasked with upholding Manchukuo's territorial integrity yet forbidden from actions that might spark conflict. This, Tsuji argued, bred hesitation, as officers feared repercussions for decisive responses to incursions. The updated directives aimed to alleviate this "anxiety," empowering local leaders to act boldly without personal liability. In truth, Tsuji's "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes" were more incendiary than conciliatory. They introduced provocative measures: authorizing commanders to unilaterally define unclear boundaries, enforce them with immediate force "shoot first, ask questions later", permit pursuits into enemy territory, and even encourage luring adversaries across the line. Such tactics flouted both government policy and official army doctrine, prioritizing escalation over restraint. The proposals sparked intense debate within Kwantung Army's Operations Section. Section chief Colonel Takushiro Hattori and Colonel Masao Terada outranked Tsuji, as did Major Takeharu Shimanuki, all recent transfers from the Army General Staff. Tsuji, however, boasted longer tenure at Kwantung Army Headquarters since April 1936 and in Operations since November 1937, making him the de facto veteran. Hattori and Terada hesitated to challenge the assertive major, whose reputation for intellect, persuasion, and deep knowledge of Manchuria commanded respect. In a 1960 interview, Shimanuki recalled Tsuji's dominance in discussions, where his proactive ideas often swayed the group. Unified, the section forwarded Tsuji's plan to Kwantung Army Command. Commander Lieutenant General Kenkichi Ueda consulted Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai and Vice Chief General Otozaburo Yano, seasoned leaders who should have spotted the guidelines' volatility. Yet, lingering grudges from AGS "interference" in past incidents like the Amur River and Changkufeng clouded their judgment. Ueda, Isogai, and Tsuji shared history from the 1932 Shanghai Incident: Tsuji, then a captain, led a company in the 7th Regiment under Colonel Isogai, with Yano as staff officer and Ueda commanding the 9th Division. Tsuji was wounded there, forging bonds of camaraderie. This "clique," which grew to include Hattori, Terada, and Shimanuki, amplified Tsuji's influence. Despite Isogai's initial reservations as the group's moderate voice, the guidelines won approval. Ueda issued them as Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488 on April 25, 1939, during a division commanders' conference at KwAHQ. A routine copy reached AGS in Tokyo, but no formal reply came. Preoccupied with the China War and alliance talks with Germany, AGS may have overlooked border matters. Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations head, later noted basic acceptance of Order 1488, with an informal expectation—relayed to Hattori and Terada—of prior consultation on violations. KwAHQ dismissed this as another Tokyo intrusion on their autonomy. Some Japanese analysts contend a stern AGS rejection might have prevented Nomonhan's catastrophe, though quelling Kwantung's defiance could have required mass staff reassignments, a disruptive step AGS avoided. Tsuji countered that permitting forceful action at Changkufeng would have deterred Nomonhan altogether, underscoring the interconnectedness of these clashes while implicitly critiquing the 1939 battle's location. Undeniably, Order 1488's issuance on April 25 paved the way for conflict three weeks later. Japanese records confirm that Khalkha Mongols and MPR patrols routinely crossed the Halha River—viewed by them as internal territory, 10 miles from the true border. Such crossings passed uneventfully in March and April 1939. Post-Order 1488, however, 23rd Division commander General Michitaro Komatsubara responded aggressively, setting the stage for escalation. The Nomonhan Incident ignited with a border clash on May 11–12, 1939, that rapidly spiraled into a major conflict. Over a dozen "authoritative" accounts exist, varying in viewpoint, focus, and specifics. After cross-referencing these sources, a coherent timeline emerges. On the night of May 10–11, a 20-man Mongolian People's Republic border patrol crossed eastward over the Halha River (known as Khalkhin Gol to Mongols and Soviets). About 10 miles east, atop a 150-foot sandy hill, lay the tiny hamlet of Nomonhan, a cluster of crude huts housing a few Mongol families. Just south flowed the Holsten River, merging westward into the broader Halha. By morning on May 11, Manchukuoan forces spotted the MPR patrol north of the Holsten and west of Nomonhan. In the MPR/Soviet perspective, Nomonhan Hill marked the Mongolia-Manchuria border. To Manchukuoans and Japanese, it sat 10 miles inside Manchukuo, well east of the Halha. A 40-man Manchukuoan cavalry unit repelled the Mongolians back across the river, inflicting initial casualties on both sides—the Manchukuoans drawing first blood. The MPR patrol leader exaggerated the attackers as 200 strong. The next day, May 12, a 60-man MPR force under Major P. Chogdan evicted the Manchukuoans from the disputed zone, reestablishing positions between the Halha and Nomonhan. The Manchukuoans, in turn, reported facing 700 enemies. Sporadic skirmishes and maneuvering persisted through the week. On May 13, two days post-clash, the local Manchukuoan commander alerted General Michitaro Komatsubara's 23rd Division headquarters in Hailar. Simultaneously, Major Chogdan reported to Soviet military command in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia's capital. What began as a Mongolian-Manchukuoan spat was poised to draw in Soviet and Japanese patrons. Attributing the May 10–11 violation hinges on border interpretations: both sides claimed the Halha-Nomonhan strip. Yet, most accounts concur that Manchukuoan forces initiated the fighting. Post-May 13 notifications to Moscow and Tokyo clarify the record thereafter. Midday on May 13, Komatsubara was leading a staff conference on the newly issued Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488—Major Tsuji Masanobu's aggressive border guidelines. Ironically, the first Nomonhan combat report arrived mid-discussion. Officers present recall Komatsubara deciding instantly to "destroy the invading Outer Mongolian forces" per Order 1488. That afternoon, he informed Kwantung Army Headquarters of the incident and his intent to eradicate the intruders, requesting air support and trucks. General Kenkichi Ueda, Kwantung commander, approved Komatsubara's "positive attitude," dispatching six scout planes, 40 fighters, 10 light bombers, two anti-aircraft batteries, and two motorized transport companies. Ueda added a caveat: exercise "extreme caution" to prevent escalation—a paradoxical blend of destruction and restraint, reflective of KwAHQ's fervent mood. Ueda relayed the details to Tokyo's Army General Staff, which responded that Kwantung should handle it "appropriately." Despite Kwantung's impulsive reputation, Tokyo deferred, perhaps trusting the northern strategic imbalance, eight Japanese divisions versus 30 Soviet ones from Lake Baikal to Vladivostok, would enforce prudence. This faith proved misguided. On May 14, Major Tsuji flew from KwAHQ for aerial reconnaissance over Nomonhan, spotting 20 horses but no troops. Upon landing, a fresh bullet hole in his plane confirmed lingering MPR presence east of the Halha. Tsuji briefed 23rd Division staff and reported to Ueda that the incident seemed minor. Aligning with Order 1488's spirit, Komatsubara deployed a force under Lieutenant Colonel Yaozo Azuma: an armored car company, two infantry companies, and a cavalry troop. Arriving at Nomonhan on May 15, Azuma learned most MPR forces had retreated westward across the Halha the prior night, with only token elements remaining, and those withdrawing. Undeterred, he pursued. The advance met scant resistance, as foes had crossed the river. However, Japanese light bombers struck a small MPR concentration on the west bank, Outpost Number 7, killing two and wounding 15 per MPR reports; Japanese claimed 30–40 kills. All agree: the raid targeted undisputed MPR territory. Hearing of May 15's events, Komatsubara deemed the Mongolians sufficiently rebuked and recalled Azuma to Hailar on May 16. KwAHQ concurred, closing the matter. Soviet leaders, however, saw it differently. Mid-May prompted Soviet support for the MPR under their 1936 Mutual Defense Pact. The Red Army's 57th Corps, stationed in Mongolia, faced initial disarray: Commander Nikolai Feklenko was hunting, Chief of Staff A. M. Kushchev in Ulan Ude with his ill wife. Moscow learned of clashes via international press from Japanese sources, sparking Chief of Staff Boris Shaposhnikov's furious inquiry. Feklenko and Kushchev rushed back to Ulaanbaatar, dispatching a mixed force—a battalion from the 149th Infantry Regiment (36th Division), plus light armor and artillery from the 11th Tank Brigade—to Tamsag Bulak, 80 miles west of the Halha. Led by Major A. E. Bykov, it bolstered the MPR's 6th Cavalry Division. Bykov and Cavalry Commander Colonel Shoaaiibuu inspected the site on May 15, post-Azum's departure. The cavalry arrived two days later, backed by Bykov (ordered to remain west of the river and avoid combat if possible). Some MPR troops recrossed, occupying the disputed zone. Clashes with Manchukuoan cavalry resumed and intensified. Notified of renewed hostilities, Komatsubara viewed it as defiance, a personal affront. Emboldened by Order 1488, he aimed not just to repel but to encircle and annihilate. The incident was on the verge of major expansion. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The ghosts of the Changufeng incident have come back to haunt both the USSR and Japan. Those like Tsuji Masanobu instigated yet another border clash that would erupt into a full blown battle that would set a precedent for both nations until the very end of WW2. 

North Dakota just crossed a historic milestone: the state likely surpassed 800,000 residents for the very first time, according to new census estimates. On today’s episode of The Wake Up Call, Tank, Scotch, and Mandy break down what this milestone really means for the state — from growth, migration, and why so many folks are moving here, to what North Dakota absolutely does not need more of. We’ll celebrate the new arrivals, share a Top 5 Signs North Dakota Just Hit 800,000, and take some fun guesses at who the “800,000th North Dakotan” might actually be.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

While many immigrants settled in the East, the Homestead Act enticed a large percentage to the Great Plains, an unfamiliar land that had until then been under tribal control. The land they were able to claim was many times larger than the small farms they had in their home countries. Immigrants were crucial to the settlement of the Great Plains in general, and North Dakota in particular. In 1870, thirty-four percent of the settlers in Dakota Territory were foreign-born. By 1915, nearly eighty percent of North Dakotans were either immigrants or the children of immigrants.

After the legislature voted Universal School Meals down, Amy Jacobson explains how Together for School Meals is committed to making sure the issues gets on the ballot. The coalition encourages North Dakotans who want to make a difference to get involved. Sign up to volunteer, stay informed, and support the campaign at www.togetherforschoolmeals.org. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

UND launches a new campus master plan, Fargo welcomes Maria's Homestyle Mexican, and a North Dakotan in Minneapolis shares a firsthand view of immigration enforcement.

If North Dakota's oil industry could be represented by a single personality, it would be Continental Resources founder Harold Hamm. So when Hamm says he's laying down his drilling rigs because low oil prices mean there's no margin in operating them, it got a lot of attention from the public. Oil tax revenues, both directly and indirectly, provide the lion's share of our state's funding. Is it time to panic? Not yet says Justin Kringstad, the executive director of the North Dakota Pipeline Authority. "No major warning signs to start panicking about, but we'll keep watching it," he said on this episode of Plain Talk. "If the announcement by Continental is the start of something bigger, then absolutely, we certainly need to get on top of that right away and understand what the impacts would be for the state and as a whole." "We need to watch the rig counts closely," he added. What prompted Hamm to act, Kringstad said, is a global oversupply of oil. Asked if President Donald Trump's push to bring more Venezuelan oil to the marketplace is a part of that problem, Kringstad said not yet. "The Venezuelan situation, just stepping back and looking at global oil markets, is not a major impact at all really on any of key markets" for the time being, he said. Also on this episode, co-host Chad Oban and I discuss the debate over universal school meals at the special session in Bismarck If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

If North Dakota's oil industry could be represented by a single personality, it would be Continental Resources founder Harold Hamm. So when Hamm says he's laying down his drilling rigs because low oil prices mean there's no margin in operating them, it got a lot of attention from the public. Oil tax revenues, both directly and indirectly, provide the lion's share of our state's funding. Is it time to panic? Not yet says Justin Kringstad, the executive director of the North Dakota Pipeline Authority. "No major warning signs to start panicking about, but we'll keep watching it," he said on this episode of Plain Talk. "If the announcement by Continental is the start of something bigger, then absolutely, we certainly need to get on top of that right away and understand what the impacts would be for the state and as a whole." "We need to watch the rig counts closely," he added. What prompted Hamm to act, Kringstad said, is a global oversupply of oil. Asked if President Donald Trump's push to bring more Venezuelan oil to the marketplace is a part of that problem, Kringstad said not yet. "The Venezuelan situation, just stepping back and looking at global oil markets, is not a major impact at all really on any of key markets" for the time being, he said. Also on this episode, co-host Chad Oban and I discuss the debate over universal school meals at the special session in Bismarck If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

It's a historic Monday on What's On Your Mind as host Scott Hennen returns from holiday break to a news cycle firing on all cylinders. The episode centers on two earth-shattering headlines: Minnesota Governor Tim Walz's shock announcement that he will not seek a third term, and the breathtaking military-led apprehension of Venezuelan narco-terrorist Nicolas Maduro. Scott and guest host Kevin Flynn dissect Walz's "excuse fest" exit speech, contrasting his rhetoric with the billion-dollar fraud scandals and economic decline currently plaguing Minnesota. The conversation then shifts to the world stage, where Hennen introduces the "Don-Roe Doctrine"—a 2026 twist on the Monroe Doctrine—explaining how Donald Trump's decisive action in Venezuela has sent a "checkmate" message to China, Russia, and Iran. From the "warm collectivism" of New York's new socialist leadership to a world-record bottle rocket launch in Mandan, this episode captures a nation experiencing a massive political and cultural awakening. Standout Moments & Timestamps [00:01:45] – Breaking News: Tim Walz Bows Out Scott reacts in real-time to Governor Tim Walz's announcement that he will not seek re-election, calling it a recognition of his "political fortune circling the drain" amid massive state fraud investigations. [00:08:30] – The "Don-Roe" Doctrine A deep dive into the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 and how the recent takedown of Nicolas Maduro signals a return to American policing of the Western Hemisphere, effectively choking out Chinese and Russian influence. [00:15:20] – The Oil Chess Match Scott explains why the Venezuela operation isn't just an "oil grab" but a strategic move to lower global energy prices and bring Russia to its knees by devaluing its primary war-funding resource. [00:23:45] – A Guinness World Record in Mandan Garrison Risner of Pegasus Illuminations joins the show to recap the epic New Year's Eve event where North Dakotans launched 2.8 million Roman candles to raise money for the Wounded Warrior Project. [00:33:15] – Intelligence Factories: South Dakota's AI Future State Senator Casey Crabtree discusses new legislation to align South Dakota with the "America First" AI agenda, aiming to beat China in the race for technological and energy dominance. [00:40:45] – The "Too Cute by Half" Klobuchar Conspiracy Scott breaks down reports that Walz reached out to Senator Amy Klobuchar to potentially run for Governor, which would allow Walz to be appointed to her vacated Senate seat in a "Biden-style" playbook. [00:41:40] – Pete Hegseth & Military Accountability A look at the Department…

Representative Mike Nathe is on Afternoons Live with guest host Thomas Beadle to discuss the Primary Residence Tax Credit and how it is helping reduce property tax for North Dakotans.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The morning after Christmas is usually reserved for sitting with a warm cup of coffee while perusing newspaper ads for major sales. However, on this day in 1994, many North Dakotans likely stopped leafing through the paper in shock to reread a story about a man from California.

With exactly one week until Christmas Eve, Scott Hennen and the team cut through the "noise" to find the "signal." This episode features a masterclass in current events—from a deep dive into the first year of the Trump administration's results versus the media's personality-driven narrative to a surprising look at property tax relief hitting North Dakota mailboxes. We also sit down with Paul Fisher of Capstone Classical Academy to discuss the "miracle" of classical education in Fargo, and catch up with Robbie Loft for a fascinating update on the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library. From AI-powered conversations with Teddy to 8,000-gallon fuel bunkers in the North Dakota countryside, today's show covers the boulders being pushed and the legacies being built. Episode Highlights [00:01:30] Personality vs. Results Scott breaks down a Peggy Noonan column on whether Trump is "losing his touch," arguing that the media focuses on "mean tweets" while ignoring major shifts at the border and in global trade deals. [00:03:45] The $800 Tax Win A look at the "bounty of oil" in action as North Dakotans receive property tax statements. Scott shares his own $800 reduction and discusses the 50,000 households whose property tax tab went to zero. [00:05:30] The Miracle of Capstone Headmaster Paul Fisher discusses the national reputation of Capstone Classical Academy and why parents are fleeing "postmodern identity politics" for academic rigor and Christian virtue. [00:09:00] The "Bedwetting" Crowd & Polling Psyops The guys tackle flagging poll numbers on the economy and immigration, questioning whether they reflect reality or a "deluge of propaganda" designed to fray the MAGA community. [00:21:40] Property Tax 101 with Ryan Rauschenberger State Tax Commissioner Brian Kroshus joins the show to explain the Primary Residence Credit (PRC) and how residents can tap into up to $4,000 of relief. [00:25:00] The "Farmhouse Bunker" A look at a unique real estate listing: a countryside retreat featuring 10,000-gallon water tanks, twin generators, and a hidden three-room bunker. [00:29:15] The Badlands Phoenix Executive Director Robbie Loft provides an 80% completion update on the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library, opening July 4, 2026. [00:33:10] Debating an AI Teddy Robbie explains how the new library will use AI to allow visitors to actually converse and debate with a digital version of the 26th President based on his 30+ books and thousands of letters.

Sam Graham-Felson shares fatherhood lessons from TR's Badlands, followed by David Benson explaining how health care tax credits help North Dakotans save on insurance.

Standout Moments   [cite_start] North Dakota's AI Moonshot Opportunity (12:08 - 13:03): The host lays out the vision for North Dakota to become the North American compute capital by turning its vast energy into intelligence factories, calling it a "moonshot moment" in a race against China.   [cite_start] Energy Cost vs. Legacy Fund (24:28 - 25:39): A Bismarck caller questions the AI development, worried it will double her already high $200 electric bill. [cite_start]The host counters that the resulting Legacy Fund growth could eliminate property and income taxes, benefiting low-income earners most.   [cite_start] Thanksgiving Travel Weather Alert (9:10 - 10:04): Chief Meteorologist Dean Wysocki warns of a major winter storm starting Tuesday, with four to eight inches of snow expected along the I-94 corridor, making travel "very difficult".   [cite_start] AI Used for Good in Agriculture (7:09 - 7:38): Discussion of Land O'Lakes' partnership with Microsoft to create "Oz," an AI-powered digital assistant that combs through 800-page crop guides to provide fast, efficient, and valuable agronomic data for farmers.   [cite_start] Public School Debate Clarity (28:16 - 28:55): Former State Senator Erin Oban, representing the North Dakotans for Public Schools coalition, clarifies that their mission is strengthening public schools, not opposing private education, which she agrees is a valid option.   [cite_start] Trump Meets NYC Mayor Mamdani (21:35 - 22:20): The hosts discuss the surprising, pragmatic meeting between President Trump and the incoming socialist Mayor of New York City, Mamdani, suggesting it's a "good thing in politics" to work across the aisle for a shared goal.  

Dr. Steiner joins Amy, JJ and Erin Oban, from North Dakotans for Public Schools, to talk about the successes and the challenges facing Fargo Public Schools. (This interview was part of the "American Education Week" celebration during It Takes 2.) See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We are celebrating "American Education Week" on It Takes 2. To start the show, Erin Oban talks about public schools in North Dakota! See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Artificial intelligence is much on the minds of North Dakotans. Well, not just North Dakotans. It's on the minds of Americans, but here in North Dakota we're having debates about the construction of massive, power-hungry data centers that will serve AI companies, not to mention discussions about the appropriate role for AI in academic and business settings. One question in this debate that's on a lot of minds is, will AI come for our jobs? Revana Sharfuddin is a research fellow specializing in AI for the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. She recently spoke at North Dakota State University's Challey Institute as part of the Menard Family distinguised speaker series. On this Plain Talk, she said she understands the trepidation many feel about the emergence of AI. "The headline numbers are scary," she said, "and if we kind of say 'well, you know it's, another technology shock just just move along with the new world, don't worry about it,' I think we will be making a little bit of mistake even if we are champions of innovation." The fear of new technology isn't new. Today we use the term "luddite" to describe someone who is hostile to technology, but that term comes from a labor movement from centuries ago during the Industrial Revolution. At that time, workers were upset about new machines like the spinning jenny stealing their jobs. Today, it's voice actors and writers worried about AI taking over. One way to help address this problem, Sharfuddin said, is to make some changes to the tax code to allow businesses to better invest in their workers. Right now, investments in new technology (including AI) often bear all manner of tax advantages that investments in training, or re-training, human workers do not. It may not be a silver bullet to solve the problem, but it can help. Also on this episode, co-host Chad Oban and dicussed the vote in Congress to release the Epstein files, and U.S. Rep. Julie Fedorchak drawing a primary challenge from military veteran Alex Balazs, who also ran against her in the 2024 cycle. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

Artificial intelligence is much on the minds of North Dakotans. Well, not just North Dakotans. It's on the minds of Americans, but here in North Dakota we're having debates about the construction of massive, power-hungry data centers that will serve AI companies, not to mention discussions about the appropriate role for AI in academic and business settings. One question in this debate that's on a lot of minds is, will AI come for our jobs? Revana Sharfuddin is a research fellow specializing in AI for the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. She recently spoke at North Dakota State University's Challey Institute as part of the Menard Family distinguised speaker series. On this Plain Talk, she said she understands the trepidation many feel about the emergence of AI. "The headline numbers are scary," she said, "and if we kind of say 'well, you know it's, another technology shock just just move along with the new world, don't worry about it,' I think we will be making a little bit of mistake even if we are champions of innovation." The fear of new technology isn't new. Today we use the term "luddite" to describe someone who is hostile to technology, but that term comes from a labor movement from centuries ago during the Industrial Revolution. At that time, workers were upset about new machines like the spinning jenny stealing their jobs. Today, it's voice actors and writers worried about AI taking over. One way to help address this problem, Sharfuddin said, is to make some changes to the tax code to allow businesses to better invest in their workers. Right now, investments in new technology (including AI) often bear all manner of tax advantages that investments in training, or re-training, human workers do not. It may not be a silver bullet to solve the problem, but it can help. Also on this episode, co-host Chad Oban and dicussed the vote in Congress to release the Epstein files, and U.S. Rep. Julie Fedorchak drawing a primary challenge from military veteran Alex Balazs, who also ran against her in the 2024 cycle. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

Now that the government shutdown is over, Congress will need to figure out what to do about an impending spike in health insurance premiums for Americans (including tens of thousands of North Dakotans) who purchase individual plans through the Affordable Care Act exchanges. Those premiums currently enjoy heavy subsidies that are set to expire at the end of the year unless Congress renews them, which would mean dramatic cost increases for the insured. On the other side of that coin is that years of fiscal profligacy, which has become particularly acute under the terms of Presidents Donald Trump and Joe Biden, has left our nation with little capacity to continue them. We are already $38 trillion in debt, and adding a couple of trillion dollars more every year. But the debate over the subsidies is beside the point Marvin Lein said on this episode of Plain Talk. Lein is a retired healthcare professional with 30 years of senior healthcare administrative and CEO experience, including managing large multi-entity, private, for-profit physician practices. He served as CEO of Mid Dakota Clinic in Bismarck from 2013 to 2022. According to him, moving Americans to a single-payer system for delivering health care is the only sustainable path forward. "We've run the current model, the free market model, to the point where we can no longer bury, redistribute, hide systemwide costs," he said, and while we can have a debate about whether the status quo, where most Americans get their health insurance through a third party, is truly a "free market," he has a point. He recalled that when he started in 1994, the industry reacted strongly to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services setting price controls, fearing it would be "socialized healthcare" and "the end of healthcare." "Well, that didn't happen," he said, arguing that a Medicare-for-all plan could bring spiking prices under control. "Medicare is price setting. Medicare is managed delivery. Right? Medicare is much more like the European model than the insurance products that you and I purchase on the commercial marketplace. which is the old model that is failing has failed." Also on this episode, guest co-host Pat Finken and I discussed my story about a stalker in North Dakota's state house and the City of Fargo's ongoing efforts to annex a proposed AI data center despite objections from just about everybody else. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

Now that the government shutdown is over, Congress will need to figure out what to do about an impending spike in health insurance premiums for Americans (including tens of thousands of North Dakotans) who purchase individual plans through the Affordable Care Act exchanges. Those premiums currently enjoy heavy subsidies that are set to expire at the end of the year unless Congress renews them, which would mean dramatic cost increases for the insured. On the other side of that coin is that years of fiscal profligacy, which has become particularly acute under the terms of Presidents Donald Trump and Joe Biden, has left our nation with little capacity to continue them. We are already $38 trillion in debt, and adding a couple of trillion dollars more every year. But the debate over the subsidies is beside the point Marvin Lein said on this episode of Plain Talk. Lein is a retired healthcare professional with 30 years of senior healthcare administrative and CEO experience, including managing large multi-entity, private, for-profit physician practices. He served as CEO of Mid Dakota Clinic in Bismarck from 2013 to 2022. According to him, moving Americans to a single-payer system for delivering health care is the only sustainable path forward. "We've run the current model, the free market model, to the point where we can no longer bury, redistribute, hide systemwide costs," he said, and while we can have a debate about whether the status quo, where most Americans get their health insurance through a third party, is truly a "free market," he has a point. He recalled that when he started in 1994, the industry reacted strongly to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services setting price controls, fearing it would be "socialized healthcare" and "the end of healthcare." "Well, that didn't happen," he said, arguing that a Medicare-for-all plan could bring spiking prices under control. "Medicare is price setting. Medicare is managed delivery. Right? Medicare is much more like the European model than the insurance products that you and I purchase on the commercial marketplace. which is the old model that is failing has failed." Also on this episode, guest co-host Pat Finken and I discussed my story about a stalker in North Dakota's state house and the City of Fargo's ongoing efforts to annex a proposed AI data center despite objections from just about everybody else. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

North Dakotans like to get a lot of work out of their public servants. Perhaps, in particularly, those working in the judiciary. The "judicial system has somewhere between 160,000 and 180,000 cases each year," Chief Justice Jon Jensen said on this episode of Plain Talk. Given that the state only has "55 district court judges," this creates "a pretty large case load that each one of our district court judges has to manage each year." Those judges also have to cover a lot of legal territory given that they're of general jurisdiction. "We don't have a criminal court judge, a civil court judge, a family court judge, or a juvenile court judge. Every one of our judges has to do every one of those things," Jensen said. "If you can imagine judges get up in the morning, they may have family law cases in the morning, criminal cases in the afternoon. It's a lot to ask from them at the district court level." Yet, despite this work load, Jensen pointed out that North Dakota judges operate at a high level. "We have docket currency rates that are at the top of the United States," he said, also noting that out of the 160,000 to 180,000 cases that are heard each year, the state only sees about "300 appeals per year." Jensen announced recently that, though he's committed to finishing the current 10-year term he was elected to on the North Dakota Supreme Court, which ends in 2030, he's stepping down as chief justice. But in doing so, he's reflecting on his accomplishments in that position, which includes increasing the pay for judges, as well as taking steps to lighten burdens. He called the state legislature "a very good partner" in raising pay, increasing staffing, and creating new judgeships. "We have some challenges coming up," Jensen was quick to add, which includes a reopening of online access to court records, something the court attempted years ago but shut down quickly after it became clear that lawyers and court officials weren't doing a good enough job redacting private information from the files. Also on this episode, guest co-host Pat Finken and I discussed the possible end of the government shutdown, the looming fight over what the government can do to address health care costs, and the legal challenge to North Dakota's corrupt practices law for politicians. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

North Dakotans like to get a lot of work out of their public servants. Perhaps, in particularly, those working in the judiciary. The "judicial system has somewhere between 160,000 and 180,000 cases each year," Chief Justice Jon Jensen said on this episode of Plain Talk. Given that the state only has "55 district court judges," this creates "a pretty large case load that each one of our district court judges has to manage each year." Those judges also have to cover a lot of legal territory given that they're of general jurisdiction. "We don't have a criminal court judge, a civil court judge, a family court judge, or a juvenile court judge. Every one of our judges has to do every one of those things," Jensen said. "If you can imagine judges get up in the morning, they may have family law cases in the morning, criminal cases in the afternoon. It's a lot to ask from them at the district court level." Yet, despite this work load, Jensen pointed out that North Dakota judges operate at a high level. "We have docket currency rates that are at the top of the United States," he said, also noting that out of the 160,000 to 180,000 cases that are heard each year, the state only sees about "300 appeals per year." Jensen announced recently that, though he's committed to finishing the current 10-year term he was elected to on the North Dakota Supreme Court, which ends in 2030, he's stepping down as chief justice. But in doing so, he's reflecting on his accomplishments in that position, which includes increasing the pay for judges, as well as taking steps to lighten burdens. He called the state legislature "a very good partner" in raising pay, increasing staffing, and creating new judgeships. "We have some challenges coming up," Jensen was quick to add, which includes a reopening of online access to court records, something the court attempted years ago but shut down quickly after it became clear that lawyers and court officials weren't doing a good enough job redacting private information from the files. Also on this episode, guest co-host Pat Finken and I discussed the possible end of the government shutdown, the looming fight over what the government can do to address health care costs, and the legal challenge to North Dakota's corrupt practices law for politicians. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

"I'm optimistic that they're going to do it," North Dakota Insurance Commissioner Jon Godfread said on this episode of Plain Talk, referring to Congress approving an extension to enhanced subsidies for health insurance policies sold on the individual marketplace exchanges. "I'm hopeful that they do it because I think it's the it is the right thing to do." The subsidies are central to the ongoing shutdown of the federal government, with Democrats refusing to reopen the government without a deal to extend them, and Republicans saying they'll only cut a deal like that once the government is open again. Godfread, whose office approved new rates for the current open enrollment plan last week based on the assumption that the subsidies will be continued, has warned that without them millions of Americans, and tens of thousands of North Dakotans, would face dramatic cost increases. Despite his prediction, he does see the possibility where Congress doesn't renew them. "There is certainly a scenario and a reality where neither side wins on this," he said. "I think both sides are so dug into that somebody has to lose, and nobody wants to lose." Godfread says he's been working with North Dakota's federal delegation — Senators John Hoeven and Kevin Cramer, along with Rep. Julie Fedorchak — to get this point across. "The point, again, that I've made with our delegation is, guys, the consumers are the ones who are losing here." But even given his support for extending the subsidies, Godfread warns that's not going to fix anything. "It's a $440 billion subsidy over the life of this. It's very, very expensive," he said, saying the real solution is addressing health care costs. Godfread discussed different solutions to that, from increased price transparency to using regulatory authority to impose some price controls, but also said there's a point where the status quo is going to collapse and leave no choice but a complete take over. "That's exactly what I've said to our to our healthcare providers, in those conversations, that guys, you are advocating for a Medicare for all system," Godfread said. "And I said, we're going to get to a point where nobody can afford this stuff. The only person that can bail it out is going to be the federal government and then we're going to have Medicare for all." Also on this episode, co-host Chad Oban and I discussed the ongoing problems at the North Dakota Commerce Department, when the government shutdown will end, and the federal lawsuit filed by noted advocate for dishonesty Brandon Prichard. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

  Episode Description: [cite_start]Host Scott Hennen broadcasts live from the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., covering the ongoing federal government shutdown and the breaking news of Nancy Pelosi's retirement. [cite_start]The first hour includes a post-election chat with Moorhead Schools Superintendent Brandon Lunick about a successful referendum [cite_start], and a deep dive into investment strategies for farmers with John Howe. The second hour features Dr. [cite_start]Beth Sanford on the critical importance of Vitamin D for health, including its link to lowering dementia risk [cite_start], and Parker Jackson of the Goldwater Institute who shares the alarming story of a Wyoming mother facing retaliation from school officials for exercising her First Amendment rights. [cite_start]Finally, Mark Watney from the North Dakota Farmers Union discusses the multi-year financial pressures facing farmers, the mental health crisis in farm country, and solutions through value-added agriculture and trade stability. Standout Moments: Time Topic 00:05 [cite_start]Scott opens from the Capitol, immediately discussing the government shutdown and the breaking news of Nancy Pelosi's retirement[cite: 5, 6]. 01:07 [cite_start]Discussion of California's successful Prop 50 and the gerrymandering effort that could give Democrats five new House seats[cite: 12, 18]. 02:35 [cite_start]Moorhead Schools Superintendent Brandon Lunick explains the newly successful, two-part school referendum and growth challenges[cite: 41, 47, 51, 57]. 04:12 [cite_start]Lunick highlights a major flaw in the state's school funding formula: more new square footage ironically lowers capital dollars per pupil[cite: 73, 74]. 06:40 [cite_start]Discussion of Nancy Pelosi's immense wealth gain while in public office[cite: 135]. 10:49 [cite_start]Pelosi soundbite where she snaps at a heckler, saying, "I can speak louder than anybody... I can outshout you, you B.I. itch"[cite: 239, 243]. 14:02 [cite_start]John Howe (Financial Wealth Solutions) explains his goal to "keep the farm in the family and the family on the farm" using tax code intricacies like defined benefit plans[cite: 410, 450]. 14:58 [cite_start]Pelosi is heard saying, "It's called the wrap up smear," describing a tactic used to destroy opponents by getting false smears reported as fact[cite: 350, 351, 353]. 20:00 [cite_start]Dr. Beth Sanford explains that North Dakotans cannot generate Vitamin D from sunlight from approximately October 1st to April 1st[cite: 484]. 21:00 [cite_start]Dr. Sanford discusses studies linking low Vitamin D in midlife to higher risk of dementia, and how Vitamin D impacts the length of DNA telomeres[cite: 505, 507]. 23:19 [cite_start]Attorney Parker Jackson tells the story of Kari Cochran, a Wyoming mom sued for stalking by school officials for criticizing…

"I'm optimistic that they're going to do it," North Dakota Insurance Commissioner Jon Godfread said on this episode of Plain Talk, referring to Congress approving an extension to enhanced subsidies for health insurance policies sold on the individual marketplace exchanges. "I'm hopeful that they do it because I think it's the it is the right thing to do." The subsidies are central to the ongoing shutdown of the federal government, with Democrats refusing to reopen the government without a deal to extend them, and Republicans saying they'll only cut a deal like that once the government is open again. Godfread, whose office approved new rates for the current open enrollment plan last week based on the assumption that the subsidies will be continued, has warned that without them millions of Americans, and tens of thousands of North Dakotans, would face dramatic cost increases. Despite his prediction, he does see the possibility where Congress doesn't renew them. "There is certainly a scenario and a reality where neither side wins on this," he said. "I think both sides are so dug into that somebody has to lose, and nobody wants to lose." Godfread says he's been working with North Dakota's federal delegation — Senators John Hoeven and Kevin Cramer, along with Rep. Julie Fedorchak — to get this point across. "The point, again, that I've made with our delegation is, guys, the consumers are the ones who are losing here." But even given his support for extending the subsidies, Godfread warns that's not going to fix anything. "It's a $440 billion subsidy over the life of this. It's very, very expensive," he said, saying the real solution is addressing health care costs. Godfread discussed different solutions to that, from increased price transparency to using regulatory authority to impose some price controls, but also said there's a point where the status quo is going to collapse and leave no choice but a complete take over. "That's exactly what I've said to our to our healthcare providers, in those conversations, that guys, you are advocating for a Medicare for all system," Godfread said. "And I said, we're going to get to a point where nobody can afford this stuff. The only person that can bail it out is going to be the federal government and then we're going to have Medicare for all." Also on this episode, co-host Chad Oban and I discussed the ongoing problems at the North Dakota Commerce Department, when the government shutdown will end, and the federal lawsuit filed by noted advocate for dishonesty Brandon Prichard. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

North Dakota's Governor Kelly Armstrong is on Afternoons Live with Tyler Axness. Today we chat about the Ethics Commission in North Dakota, trade worries amongst farmers, and a possible pause in SNAP funds for North Dakotans.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Darby Njos, Communications Manager, Great Plains Food Bank is in studio on Afternoons Live with Tyler Axness to discuss this fundraising campaign and how you can help fellow North Dakotans in their time of need.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

North Dakota Rep. Zac Ista joins Afternoons Live with Tyler Axness to discuss SNAP funding and other impacts being felt by North Dakotans during the federal government shutdown.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

10/20/25: Jon Godfread has served as North Dakota's Insurance Commissioner since his election in 2016 and re-elections in 2020 and 2024. He is sounding the alarm on the significant increase to health insurance facing tens of thousands of North Dakotans if the federal government doesn’t renew tax credits by the end of the year. Read more at KFGO.com. (Joel Heitkamp is a talk show host on the Mighty 790 KFGO in Fargo-Moorhead. His award-winning program, “News & Views,” can be heard weekdays from 8 – 11 a.m. Follow Joel on X/Twitter @JoelKFGO.)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

"Banking has been on payment rails that are old and traditional," Don Morgan said on this episode of Plain Talk. "They were built in 1970. They're antiquated." Morgan is the president of the Bank of North Dakota, which recently announced a new blockchain currency called the Roughrider Coin — a "stablecoin," in the parlance of the industry. He came on the show to talk about how that will serve the interests of North Dakotans. The answer? It won't. Not directly. At least not at first. As Morgan's analogy about "rails" makes clear, the best way to think about this new currency is as infrastructure. This is a "blockchain-enabled transaction framework," Morgan said. Right now, when you make an online payment, or you swipe your debit card at the grocery story, your transaction is processed through a lot of computers that ensure that you're nor using a stolen car, or that you have enough available credit or account balance to cover the transaction. But this process can be slow, and expensive both for the businesses accepting the payments and their customers making them. Banks in our region will have the Roughrider Coin available to innovate when it comes to those sort of transactions. They'll be able to "begin to build a blockchain enabled digital transaction framework for banking," which would be the "first of its kind." The potential applications are numerous. Another example Morgan referenced was using the Roughrider coin as an on and off ramp for international currencies. North Dakota agriculture businesses frequently operate in various international markets, and navigating the various foreign currencies can be difficult. This coin could make it easier. Morgan also talked about North Dakota's new program aimed at helping furloughed federal workers and military workers through the government shutdown. The idea was implemented by the state Industrial Commission, which oversees the Bank of North Dakota, and it will facilitate 2% loans to furloughed workers for up to 90 days worth of their pay. "These are North Dakota residents living next to you," Morgan said, arguing that it's right for the state to step in and help smooth out any disruptions to their lives. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

"Banking has been on payment rails that are old and traditional," Don Morgan said on this episode of Plain Talk. "They were built in 1970. They're antiquated." Morgan is the president of the Bank of North Dakota, which recently announced a new blockchain currency called the Roughrider Coin — a "stablecoin," in the parlance of the industry. He came on the show to talk about how that will serve the interests of North Dakotans. The answer? It won't. Not directly. At least not at first. As Morgan's analogy about "rails" makes clear, the best way to think about this new currency is as infrastructure. This is a "blockchain-enabled transaction framework," Morgan said. Right now, when you make an online payment, or you swipe your debit card at the grocery story, your transaction is processed through a lot of computers that ensure that you're nor using a stolen car, or that you have enough available credit or account balance to cover the transaction. But this process can be slow, and expensive both for the businesses accepting the payments and their customers making them. Banks in our region will have the Roughrider Coin available to innovate when it comes to those sort of transactions. They'll be able to "begin to build a blockchain enabled digital transaction framework for banking," which would be the "first of its kind." The potential applications are numerous. Another example Morgan referenced was using the Roughrider coin as an on and off ramp for international currencies. North Dakota agriculture businesses frequently operate in various international markets, and navigating the various foreign currencies can be difficult. This coin could make it easier. Morgan also talked about North Dakota's new program aimed at helping furloughed federal workers and military workers through the government shutdown. The idea was implemented by the state Industrial Commission, which oversees the Bank of North Dakota, and it will facilitate 2% loans to furloughed workers for up to 90 days worth of their pay. "These are North Dakota residents living next to you," Morgan said, arguing that it's right for the state to step in and help smooth out any disruptions to their lives. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

10/09/25: Joel Heitkamp is joined by former Congressman and current Governor of North Dakota, Kelly Armstrong. They talk about the struggle facing soybean farmers and how the government shutdown is impacting North Dakotans. (Joel Heitkamp is a talk show host on the Mighty 790 KFGO in Fargo-Moorhead. His award-winning program, “News & Views,” can be heard weekdays from 8 – 11 a.m. Follow Joel on X/Twitter @JoelKFGO.)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Jon Godfread, ND Insurance Commissioner, is on Afternoons Live with Tyler Axness to discuss the potential fallout from the expiration of the ACA tax credits and how much it might cost the average North Dakotan.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Steve Forbes, the editor-in-chief of Forbes Media, the host of the "What's Ahead" podcast, and a two-time U.S. Presidential candidate is speaking at North Dakota State University later this month as part of the Challey Institute's Menard Family Distinguished Speaker Series. He dropped by Plain Talk ahead of that speech to talk about some of the economic issues pressing on North Dakotans. Specifically, tariffs, which haven't just made selling crops and livestock harder for farmers and ranchers, but has also driven up their costs. "Tariff is another word for tax, and when you impose a tax you are imposing a barrier of sorts between buyer, seller, producer and consumer," Forbes said. He argues that sweeping and uncertain tariffs, that can change wildly day-to-day based on the whims of President Donald Trump, are slowing down the economy. He also thinks they're illegal. "Tariffs, because they're taxes, have to go through Congress, and most of those haven't gone through that kind of process," he said, adding that he hopes the U.S. Supreme Court will strike them down. But even setting aside they're legality, the tariffs aren't something Republicans should be supporting, Forbes said. "Republicans should not be in favor of tax increases," he told us. Forbes also criticized what he described as "weak dollar" currency policies from the Trump administration — "great countries don't trash their money," he said — and called for a "stable, strong dollar" which will lead to lower interest rates and prevent inflation. Forbes will be espeaking at NDSU on October 23 at 5:30pm. Click here for more information on how to attend in-person or virtually. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

Steve Forbes, the editor-in-chief of Forbes Media, the host of the "What's Ahead" podcast, and a two-time U.S. Presidential candidate is speaking at North Dakota State University later this month as part of the Challey Institute's Menard Family Distinguished Speaker Series. He dropped by Plain Talk ahead of that speech to talk about some of the economic issues pressing on North Dakotans. Specifically, tariffs, which haven't just made selling crops and livestock harder for farmers and ranchers, but has also driven up their costs. "Tariff is another word for tax, and when you impose a tax you are imposing a barrier of sorts between buyer, seller, producer and consumer," Forbes said. He argues that sweeping and uncertain tariffs, that can change wildly day-to-day based on the whims of President Donald Trump, are slowing down the economy. He also thinks they're illegal. "Tariffs, because they're taxes, have to go through Congress, and most of those haven't gone through that kind of process," he said, adding that he hopes the U.S. Supreme Court will strike them down. But even setting aside they're legality, the tariffs aren't something Republicans should be supporting, Forbes said. "Republicans should not be in favor of tax increases," he told us. Forbes also criticized what he described as "weak dollar" currency policies from the Trump administration — "great countries don't trash their money," he said — and called for a "stable, strong dollar" which will lead to lower interest rates and prevent inflation. Forbes will be espeaking at NDSU on October 23 at 5:30pm. Click here for more information on how to attend in-person or virtually. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

North Dakotans were crazy about aviation right from the very start. Early North Dakota aviators include Carl Ben Eielson and Bruce Peterson. The ladies of the state were not to be left out. Florence Klingensmith, known as “Tree Tops,” was the first licensed female pilot in the state. She made a name for herself on the racing circuit in a plane she christened Miss Fargo. In 1933, Evelyn Waldren became the first woman in North Dakota to earn a transport pilot's license.

WDAY First News anchors Scott Engen and Lydia Blume break down your regional news and weather for Monday, September 29. InForum Minute is produced by Forum Communications and brought to you by reporters from The Forum of Fargo-Moorhead and WDAY TV. Visit https://www.inforum.com/subscribe to subscribe.

"It's by far the most important race we've been in in the world." That's what Applied Digital CEO Wes Cummins told us on this episode of Plain Talk. "In my opinion, there's two countries that are racing forward to advance AI, to reach super intelligence, to reach AGI [artificial general intelligence], and it's the United States and it's China." Cummins says he wants the United States to win that race, which is why they're investing heavily in data center infrastructure across the country, including billions of dollars' worth of projects in North Dakota. But that push is not without some local headwinds. Opposition to one of their proposed data centers in Harwood, North Dakota, has manifested itself in some shouty public meetings, if not necessarily pushback from the larger public. One bone of contention has been nondisclosure agreements that his company had some local officials, including elected leaders, sign ahead of the Harwood project. Many (including this humble correspondent) have been critical of that move, but Cummins said it's a reality given the nature of their business as a publicly-traded company. "What I will say is there is no purpose to keep information away from the public that they need to have to be informed to know what's going on," he said. "These are typically things that we do prior to us launching a project or doing a project." There are two purposes of an NDA in this context. One is to protect the company's competitive information, since local officials get to tour facilities and learn details about building plans, but the other is to ensure that no illegal trading schemes emerge from the information shared. "So say we have the mayor and he's not steeped in public company rules and regulations, and he tells a couple of his friends or people that work around it or people that he's close with that this big new project could be coming," Cummins said, describing one possible scenarios. "And then they go and find our company, and they say, 'You know what? This is interesting. Maybe I'll buy their stock.' And then you have this issue of potentially violations in insider trading laws." Cummins defended the NDAs by saying they're part of promoting a clean project. "A lot of people who want to yell about, you know, that they're bought and paid for or were trying to hide something would be even happier if one of these guys got in trouble for a simple misstep on something that they didn't know about." And what about the claims that these power-hungry data centers will drive up power prices for North Dakotans? Cummins said that it won't be a problem, because North Dakota already produces far more power than it uses. "When you're a net power exporter and you start using power inside of your state, you just export less power, and so the power is already abundant." He said that at the company's facility in Ellendale, they're actually saving rate payers money, because their facility is allowing utilities to use capacity they were paying for but not utilizing. "With us adding 200 megawatts of load in Ellendale for the last 2 years, we have saved the MDU ratepayers 3.5 million in 2023 that was dispersed back to the ratepayers, and 5.7 million, I believe, in 2024. So we have two years of record of utilizing the infrastructure that's there. The utility makes more money and then shares that money back with its customers." Cummins said he wasn't sure if that would be the case with the Harwood facility, but he's not concerned about his company's power consumption driving up rates. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

"It's by far the most important race we've been in in the world." That's what Applied Digital CEO Wes Cummins told us on this episode of Plain Talk. "In my opinion, there's two countries that are racing forward to advance AI, to reach super intelligence, to reach AGI [artificial general intelligence], and it's the United States and it's China." Cummins says he wants the United States to win that race, which is why they're investing heavily in data center infrastructure across the country, including billions of dollars' worth of projects in North Dakota. But that push is not without some local headwinds. Opposition to one of their proposed data centers in Harwood, North Dakota, has manifested itself in some shouty public meetings, if not necessarily pushback from the larger public. One bone of contention has been nondisclosure agreements that his company had some local officials, including elected leaders, sign ahead of the Harwood project. Many (including this humble correspondent) have been critical of that move, but Cummins said it's a reality given the nature of their business as a publicly-traded company. "What I will say is there is no purpose to keep information away from the public that they need to have to be informed to know what's going on," he said. "These are typically things that we do prior to us launching a project or doing a project." There are two purposes of an NDA in this context. One is to protect the company's competitive information, since local officials get to tour facilities and learn details about building plans, but the other is to ensure that no illegal trading schemes emerge from the information shared. "So say we have the mayor and he's not steeped in public company rules and regulations, and he tells a couple of his friends or people that work around it or people that he's close with that this big new project could be coming," Cummins said, describing one possible scenarios. "And then they go and find our company, and they say, 'You know what? This is interesting. Maybe I'll buy their stock.' And then you have this issue of potentially violations in insider trading laws." Cummins defended the NDAs by saying they're part of promoting a clean project. "A lot of people who want to yell about, you know, that they're bought and paid for or were trying to hide something would be even happier if one of these guys got in trouble for a simple misstep on something that they didn't know about." And what about the claims that these power-hungry data centers will drive up power prices for North Dakotans? Cummins said that it won't be a problem, because North Dakota already produces far more power than it uses. "When you're a net power exporter and you start using power inside of your state, you just export less power, and so the power is already abundant." He said that at the company's facility in Ellendale, they're actually saving rate payers money, because their facility is allowing utilities to use capacity they were paying for but not utilizing. "With us adding 200 megawatts of load in Ellendale for the last 2 years, we have saved the MDU ratepayers 3.5 million in 2023 that was dispersed back to the ratepayers, and 5.7 million, I believe, in 2024. So we have two years of record of utilizing the infrastructure that's there. The utility makes more money and then shares that money back with its customers." Cummins said he wasn't sure if that would be the case with the Harwood facility, but he's not concerned about his company's power consumption driving up rates. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

This full video interview with Erin Oban from North Dakotans for Public Schools is from Episode 632 of the Plain Talk Podcast.

North Dakota's public schools are not perfect, but they are very, very good. Sadly, often thanks to national narratives that have little to do with what's happening in our school districts, that's not always the popular perception the public has. People are left with the impression that kids are being indoctrinated, or in extreme cases even groomed, and that's just not the case. North Dakotans for Public Schools is a new organization aimed at bridging that gap between public perception and reality. Former state Senator Erin Oban is a spokesperson for the organization (and, full disclosure, is also the wife of my co-host Chad Oban). "I don't think our public schools are perfect," she said on this episode of Plain Talk. But she wants the group to drive home the question: "What are we doing to to make them a little bit closer to perfect for the kids in our communities that they serve?" That doesn't just mean making the case for the state's public schools. It also means helping the schools understand the reasonable concerns parents and the public at large have. The goal is to  "build stronger more trusted relationships," Erin Oban said. Though that will include telling some of the positive stories about education, to try and get them on par with the negative things we hear. "The negative catches on so much more than the positive," she said, "and we need to be people who spread good news, not just bad news." Both Chad and I agree that there is a need to turn the temperature down in the debate around our public schools. "The adults have to start acting like adults," Chad said, and I think he's right. We also discussed my recent column about the "tyranny of small rooms," which sees the loud voices of angry people who show up at school board meetings, or on social media, get a lot of attention, even if their views aren't necessarily reflective of the larger public's. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive  

Should the voters take their case for covering school lunches for all students to the ballot box with an initiated measure? We discussed the issue on this episode of Plain Talk, and co-host Chad Oban made the case for some populism on this issue. "The legislature has had ample opportunity to pass something that over 70% of North Dakotans support," he said, referring to a North Dakota News Cooperative poll from this spring. "What if school districts start charging parents for books, right? Parents across the state would be up in arms if school districts started charging for books," he continued. "To me, it's a no-brainer today. It was a no-brainer yesterday. It was a no-brainer a year ago." President Donald Trump's early endorsement of Rep. Julie Fedorchak's re-election, which hadn't even been officially announced yet, raised some eyebrows. What drove it? It might have something to do with divisive ."I didn't perceive Julie Fedorchak needing Trump to intervene and try to head off a primary challenge," I argued, but it could be about the North Dakota Republican Party, the leadership of which is now in control of a populist faction that doesn't like traditional Republicans very much. That faction has already censured Gov. Kelly Armstrong twice, and at last cycle's state convention, they had enough clout to deny Fedorchak the endorsement, though she went on to win the primary and the general handily. Trump's early endorsement may have been to "warn off the state party," I contend. North Dakotan Blaize Shiek is a cheerleader for the Minnesota Vikings this year, and not everyone likes it. "This isn't about male cheerleaders. This is about a certain type of male cheerleaders. Ones that are very good dancers and not just holding up the pretty girls," Oban said of the critics. "I don't like it when people take it upon themselves to be gatekeepers and to say we're going to gatekeep football or we're going to gatekeep culture and we're going to say you can only do it our way only the way that we want it," I added. "Being weird in all the different wonderful ways we can be weird is not un-American. That's the most American damn thing in the world. What's un-American is you saying there's only one way to be an American." We also discussed North Dakota Health and Human Services Commissioner Pat Traynor's alarmist comments about cell phones, and state Rep. Emily O'Brien's decision to step down and take a job as deputy commissioner in that same department. If you want to participate in Plain Talk, just give us a call or text at 701-587-3141. It's super easy — leave your message, tell us your name and where you're from, and we might feature it on an upcoming episode. To subscribe to Plain Talk, search for the show wherever you get your podcasts or use one of the links below. Apple Podcasts | Spotify | YouTube | Pocket Casts | Episode Archive

More than 300,000 North Dakotans own land and minerals used for oil production. That means they receive royalties from the oil that companies pump from their land. Many families have been receiving those royalties for generations since the oil boom started in the region in the early 1950s. But new reporting finds that those royalties have shifted drastically over the last decade. While oil companies are pumping just as much oil as ever, landowners are seeing smaller and smaller paychecks. ProPublica and North Dakota Monitor journalist Jacob Orledge investigated why and recently published a series of articles on his findings. He joined Minnesota Now to share more.

No doubt there are many North Dakotans that have been feeding the hummingbirds this summer. Hummingbird feeders seem to be a common item in backyards across the country. I suspect that most people give it little if any consideration, but hummingbirds need to eat something other than sugar water!

08/14/25: Jamie Selzler, while filling in for Joel Heitkamp, is joined by the President of North Dakota United, Nick Archuleta. Nick talks about ND United's 2025 Legislative Report Card that is now available for people to view. The Report Card is a resource for North Dakotans interested in how their elected representatives voted on public education and public service-related bills. (Joel Heitkamp is a talk show host on the Mighty 790 KFGO in Fargo-Moorhead. His award-winning program, “News & Views,” can be heard weekdays from 8 – 11 a.m. Follow Joel on X/Twitter @JoelKFGO.)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

08/06/25: The President of ND United, Nick Archuleta, is filling in for Joel Heitkamp and is joined by Erin Oban to talk about the importance and necessity of public schools. Erin Oban is a former State Senator from Bismarck and served as the state director of USDA Rural Development. She's now working with North Dakotans for Public Schools, which advocates for the policies, personnel, and resources needed to strengthen and improve our public schools (Joel Heitkamp is a talk show host on the Mighty 790 KFGO in Fargo-Moorhead. His award-winning program, “News & Views,” can be heard weekdays from 8 – 11 a.m. Follow Joel on X/Twitter @JoelKFGO.)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.