Podcasts about oromos

Content warning for discussion of genocide, torture, mutilation, rape, and slavery Hey, Hi, Hello, this is the History Wizard and welcome back for Day 15 of Have a Day w/ The History Wizard. Thank you to everyone who tuned in for Day 14 last week, and especially thank you to everyone who rated and/or reviewed the podcast. I hope you all learned something last week and I hope the same for this week. This week marks the 6th part of our mini series of currently ongoing genocides and humanitarian crises. Episode 2 was on Palestine, Episode 11 was on Congo, episode 12 was on Sudan, episode 13 was on Xinjiang, episode 14 was on Rakhine State, and today's episode will cover the genocide that is ongoing in Tigray in Ethiopia. Let's see what the Alchemist's Table has in store for us this time. Today's libation is called Memories of Summer. Muddle some mint and strawberries in the bottom of your shaker, add .5 oz of simple syrup, 2 oz of gunpowder gin, stir well for about 30 seconds before double straining over ice and topping with lemonade. Garnish with a sprig of fresh mint and enjoy. Now it's time for everyone's favorite part, it's time for the historical context. Tigray is both the northernmost regional state in Ethiopia, as well as an ethnicity. Tigray is known as the birthplace of Ethiopian civilization and their motto is “There is no mountain we would not climb.” That's fucking badass. When the Scramble for Africa began at the end of the 19th century CE barely 10% of africa was under EUropean colonial control, and by the time World War 1 broke out more than 90% of the country had been colonized, with only Liberia and Ethiopia remaining free states. While Ethiopia remained under its own sovereign control, this was in large part because they willingly allied themselves with Great Britain. In fact many Ethiopian troops fought on the side of Britain during the Mahdist War in Sudan that we discussed on Day 12. Part of Ethiopia's independence also came from their alliances with Italy. King Menelik II of Ethiopia signed the Treaty of Wuchale with Italy in 1889. This treaty guaranteed Ethiopian sovereignty as long as Italy could control areas north of Ethiopia's currently held territory (in areas that are now the nation of Eritrea) and in return Ethiopia would receive arms and munitions and Menelik would have Italian support as emperor. Menelik would remain emperor from 1889 until his death in 1913. Though, it is worth noting that Etiopia was only able to maintain its sovereignty because of their victory during the Italo-Ethiopian War that ran from January 1895 until October 1896. The beginning of Menelik's rule was marked by severe tragedy though as it coincided with the 1890s African rinderpest epizootic. Which is a very fancy way of saying that disease killed 90% of Ethiopia's cattle and that this, combined with a drought caused by reduced rainfall killed about 1/3rd of the country's population. The virus, known as Rinderpest, is potentially thought to have been introduced into Eritrea in 1887 by Indian cattle brought by the Italians for their campaign against Somalia. Lack of rainfall from as early as 16 November 1888 led to famine in all but southernmost provinces; locusts and caterpillar infestations destroy crops in Akele Guzay, Begemder, Shewa, and around Harar. Conditions worsened with a typhus epidemic, a major smallpox epidemic (1889–90), and cholera outbreaks (1889–92). Making the beginning of Melenik's rule really fucking bad. Near the end of his life Melenik was filled with with concern over issues of succession. He hadn't yet picked an heir and if he died without one his nation would descend into civil war and would become ripe for the picking for European colonial powers. He would eventually settle on one of his grandchildren Lij Iyasu, as his heir. Iyasu would only reign for about 3 years before being deposed on charges of converting to Islam. Ethiopia had been a Christian kingdom since King Ezana of the Aksumite Empire adopted Christianity as the official religion in the 4th century CE. There's no definitive proof that Iyasu converted to Islam at any point in his life, but there was enough “proof” that everyone felt comfortable stipping him of authority and giving it to Haile Selassie. He served as the Regent for Empress Zedwditu from 1916 until her death in 1930, and after her death served as Emperor of Ethiopia from 1930 until he was deposed in 1974 by the Derg following the 1973 oil crisis. Derg or Dergue is Amharic (a Semitic language descended from Ge'ez, which is the liturgical language of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. It translates as committee or council. Now, Ethiopia would fall under partial Italian control during the 1930s as part of the Second Italo-Ethiopian War between Fascist Italy and Ethiopia, and while Italy would have some successes during this war, they'd never attain full control over Ethiopia, making Ethiopia the only African nation to not ever fall under colonial control. Some would argue that Liberia would fall under that umbrella as well, but considering that Liberia, as a nation, was artificially created by the US as a place for freed slaves to return to, I don't think it qualifies. Haile Selassie as the emperor of Ethiopia would be one of the founding members of the United Nations. Haile Selassie's rule ended on 12 September 1974, when he was deposed by the Derg, a committee made up of military and police officers. After the execution of 60 former government and military officials, the new Provisional Military Administrative Council abolished the monarchy in March 1975 and established Ethiopia as a Marxist-Leninist state. The abolition of feudalism, increased literacy, nationalization, and sweeping land reform including the resettlement and villagization from the Ethiopian Highlands became priorities. Mengistu Haile Mariam would become the ruler of Ethiopia following the fall of Haile Selassie until in May 1991, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) forces advanced on Addis Ababa from all sides, and Mengistu fled the country with 50 family and Derg members. He was granted asylum in Zimbabwe as an official guest of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe. Now the period of Derg rule is also known as the Ethiopian Civil War. It lasted from 1974 until 1991. The Derg in its attempt to introduce full-fledged socialist ideals, fulfilled its main slogan of "Land to the Tiller", by redistributing land in Ethiopia that once belonged to landlords to the peasants tilling the land. Although this was made to seem like a fair and just redistribution, the mismanagement, corruption, and general hostility to the Derg's violent and harsh rule coupled with the draining effects of constant warfare, separatist guerrilla movements in Eritrea and Tigray, resulted in a drastic decline in general productivity of food and cash crops. Although Ethiopia is often prone to chronic droughts, no one was prepared for the scale of drought and the 1983–1985 famine that struck the country in the mid-1980s, in which 400,000–590,000 people are estimated to have died.  Hundreds of thousands fled economic misery, conscription and political repression, and went to live in neighboring countries and all over the Western world, creating an Ethiopian diaspora community for the first time in its history. Insurrections against the Derg's rule sprang up with ferocity, particularly in the northern regions of Tigray and Eritrea which sought independence and in some regions in the Ogaden. The Ethiopian Civil War left at least 1.4 million people dead, with 1 million related to famine and the remainder from violence and conflicts, which is one third of population.  In July 1991, the EPRDF convened a National Conference to establish the Transitional Government of Ethiopia composed of an 87-member Council of Representatives and guided by a national charter that functioned as a transitional constitution. In 1994, a new constitution was written that established a parliamentary republic with a bicameral legislature and a judicial system. Mengistu's authoritarian military regime faced organized opposition for all of its fourteen years of rule. Opposition groups including the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP), a rival Marxist–Leninist group, and the Tigray-based Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition of ethnic democratic forces, led armed resistance to the Derg in a conflict known as the Ethiopian Civil War. The Derg used violence, commonly enacted through military campaigns, to suppress dissidents. In 1976, the Derg instigated the Qey Shibir (Ethiopian Red Terror), a violent political repression campaign targeting the EPRP.  Under Mengistu's leadership, the Derg did not only rely on state personnel to carry out the Qey Shibir; it also armed militias and civilian supporters and granted "genuine revolutionaries and patriots" impunity, further localizing state violence.  The Qey Shibir resulted in 50,000 fatalities.  In addition, many victims of the Qey Shibir were subjected to torture, exile, and sexual assault. The Qey Shibir and the 1983-1985 famine, an event partly created and exacerbated by the government's military policies, increased popular support for the EPRDF, which successfully overthrew Mengistu's regime in 1991. As we entered the 21st century ethnic tensions began to increase between the people of northern Ethiopia, specifically in the Tigray region and the rest of the nation.  Data from the Minorities at Risk (MAR) project were used by Charles E. Riddle to study the degrees of discrimination by the dominant Amharas against the non-dominant ethnic groups in Ethiopia from 1950 to 1992, during the later reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and that of Mengistu Haile Mariam of the Derg. Amharas dominated during the Haile Selassie epoch.  Systematic discrimination against Afars occurred throughout the period. Tigrayans were initially culturally assimilated with the Amharas, speaking Amharic, and suffered little discrimination. Under the Haile Selassie government, the Oromo language was legally banned from education, public speaking and use in administration. During the Haile Selassie regime, the Harari people were persecuted. The imperial forces ordered the confiscation of Harari property and mass arrests of Harari men, as a result an estimated 10,000 Hararis fled their homeland in 1948. The Derg culturally rejected the Tigrayans, who decreased their usage of Amharic, reverting to Tigrinya, and discrimination against the Tigrayans became strong. Eritreans, treated by MAR and Riddle as an ethnic group, and Somalis were strongly discriminated against throughout the period. The Oromos were initially strongly discriminated against, but adopted Amharic as their official language when the Derg came to power, and discrimination against them dropped. Both the Haile Selassie and the Derg governments relocated numerous Amharas into southern Ethiopia where they served in government administration, courts, church and even in school, where Oromo texts were eliminated and replaced by Amharic. In the aftermath of the Ogaden War during the 70s, Hararis, Somalis and Oromo Muslims were targeted by the Derg Government. This leads us to needing to talk about the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front. The Tigray People's Liberation Front, also called the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front, is a left-wing ethnic nationalist, paramilitary group, and the former ruling party of Ethiopia. The TPLF was in charge of Ethiopia from the time the Derg was overthrown in 1991 until 2018. Now it's finally time to get to the beginnings of the Tigray Wart and the Tigray genocide. To do that we need to discuss the 2020 Tigray regional election. As we stated previously, Tigray is a regional state of Ethiopia, and in 2020 Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia postponed the 2020 general election over concerns of COVID 19. Tigray decided to hold their elections anyway, regardless of the proclamation made by Ahmed. Their election was considered illegal by the Ethiopian federal government. The TPLF won 98.2 percent of the vote. After years of increased tensions and hostilities between the TPLF and the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea, fighting began when TPLF forces attacked the Northern Command headquarters of the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), alongside a number of other bases in Tigray. The ENDF counterattacked from the south – while Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) began launching attacks from the north – which Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed described as a "law enforcement operation". The war officially ended in November 2022. On 2 November 2022, the Ethiopian government and Tigrayan leaders signed a peace accord, with the African Union as a mediator, and agreed on "orderly, smooth and coordinated disarmament". The agreement was made effective the next day on 3 November, marking the two-year anniversary of the war. As part of this process, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed appointed TPLF's Getachew Reda as head of the Interim Regional Administration of Tigray, and the Ethiopian parliament removed the TPLF from its terrorism list. But where does the Tigray Genocide come into play? Why are we talking about this civil war in this podcast? Let's get into it. Issued on Tuesday, June 4th  by the United States-based New Lines Institute, aa 120-page draft quotes multiple, widespread and credible independent reports that Ethiopian forces and their allies carried out “acts constituting the crime of genocide” during the conflict, which ran between 2020-22. The authors call for Ethiopia to be brought before the International Court of Justice. In a report issued in September 2023, the United Nations said war crimes and crimes against humanity were still being committed nearly a year after government and Tigrayan regional forces agreed to end the fighting. It says the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), alongside the allied Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) and assorted regional militia “possessed the intent to destroy Tigrayans as an ethnic group”. At least four acts constituting the crime of genocide are noted in the report: killing Tigrayans, causing serious bodily or mental harm, deliberately inflicting conditions of life upon Tigrayans calculated to bring about their destruction, and imposing measures intended to prevent births among Tigrayans. Additionally, the finger is pointed at social media posts made by “certain individuals” that constitute public incitement to genocide. Ethiopia, which has been accused of seeking to prevent international scrutiny, has repeatedly denied that its forces carried out war crimes during the conflict. Eritrea has claimed such accusations against it are defamatory. However, the new report, which took two years to compile and features the contribution of dozens of legal experts, backs up the findings of the UN by stating that there is “reasonable basis to believe” that the countries are responsible for war crimes and/or crimes against humanity. In conclusion, the authors call on the international community to put pressure on Ethiopia via bilateral relations, as well as bringing the country before the ICJ. The war had a devastating impact on the healthcare system of Tigray; of the 853 health facilities in the region, 86% were at least partially damaged; 232 of them were left "completely unusable", and 28 were destroyed entirely. It also led to a higher rate of maternal and infant mortality in the Tigray Region. In a study funded by UNFPA Ethiopia and UNICEF Ethiopia, it was estimated that maternal mortality rates had increased from 186 deaths per 100,000 people pre-war to 840 deaths per 100,000 people post-war. According to Tigrayan health official Tsegay Gidey, 81% of mothers in the Seharti Samre woreda had birth defects, and 32 newborn infants had died between January–June 2023. Although the war largely came to a halt after the peace agreement was signed, Eritrea continues to occupy parts of Tigray as of mid-2023. The EDF has been responsible for the deaths of thousands of people in northern Ethiopia since November 2022; from 17 to 25 November alone, Eritrea was reported to have destroyed 241 houses and killed at least 111 people. by 30 December, it was estimated that Eritrean and Amhara forces killed 3,700 since the signing of the peace deal. The Tigray Health Bureau noted that 852 cases of rape and sexual assault were reported between November and December 2022; according to aid workers and interviews with survivors, most of these were committed by Eritrean forces. As of January 2023, over half of Irob district was occupied by Eritrea. Irob advocacy groups and former residents have described it as a "de-facto annexation" of the area. A religious Irob leader told The Guardian in August 2023 that Eritrea was blocking off international aid to the area, and lamented that "there has been no improvement for us since the peace."  In January 2024, Human Rights Watch reported that authorities and regional forces were still forcibly expelling Tigrayans from their homes in the Western Tigray Zone, which is largely inaccessible to humanitarian agencies. Additionally, nearly 40% of the Tigrayan population is suffering from extreme food shortages, a situation made worse by the World Food Program's suspension of aid deliveries in May 2023. All the available evidence points to a continued genocide against the Tigray people from the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea as they as systematically denied food, water and access to medical care.  The Tigray Genocide is often described as “The War The World Forgot”, and based on the West's general attitude towards Africa this feels right. Especially when I account for the fact that I, a genocide studies scholar didn't even know about the Tigray Genocide until 2024. I account this a failure on my part, but also on the part of the global mainstream media that this never even came across any of the news websites I frequent, nor the social media websites I, more often, get reputable news from. That's it for this week folks. No new reviews, so let's get right into the outro. Have a Day! w/ The History Wizard is brought to you by me, The History Wizard. If you want to see/hear more of me you can find me on Tiktok @thehistorywizard or on Instagram @the_history_wizard. Please remember to rate, review, and subscribe to Have a Day! On your pod catcher of choice. The more you do, the more people will be able to listen and learn along with you. Thank you  for sticking around until the end and, as always, Have a Day, and Free Tigray.          

Hellooo Cousins!!You know what time it is…another week, another brand new episode of CCP! This week we were joined by our friend Barento aka @Badasoseason, an up and coming ‘guy who makes content' (his words not ours). We discussed his start to Social Media, his love for fashion and his inspiration behind it all. We also discussed the similaires between our cultures and how important it is for us to be in touch with our culture even if we're first generation Canadians. This one's a good one so grab your drinks and snacks and enjoy the episode!!!As always, thank you so much for all of your support! Make sure to subscribe/follow us to make sure you don't miss another episode!Love,Amir & SaraFollow Barento on Instagram @BadasoseasonFollow us on Instagram:@cousinconnectionpod - https://bit.ly/3n1QPk9AMIR - https://bit.ly/3HDFXAISARA - https://bit.ly/3zv1J6ZFollow us on:- Tiktok | https://bit.ly/32PtwmK- Apple Podcasts | https://apple.co/3yW9Rvp- Spotify | https://spoti.fi/3C8l1PJand every other streaming service, search 'Cousin Connection Podcast'-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------EPISODE 122 TIMESTAMPS0:00 - Cold Open0:19 - Intro0:50 - Welcome our guest @Badasoseason1:29 - Finding success on Social Media5:28 - Getting into Men's fashion6:50 - Being a genius comes with a cost?10:49 - Women can't wear jackets now?15:46 - Men's fashion is Sassy?23:37 - Sacrificing views for the Deen25:33 - Running a Marathon40:46 - Travelling for the first time in your 20s44:36 - Are there Oromos in Toronto?48:02 - All East Africans know each other49:55 - Filming around friends and family57:25 - Getting in touch with Oromo culture1:00:00 - Language is the key to preservation1:07:30 - OutroAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Join me for this week's episode of What Would Amber Do? This week I had the opportunity to interview Halima Mohammadu! Halima M. aka Mazaajiya,  is a  writer, Affiliate Marketer and Digital Community Lead focused on tech development and Bitcoin. She also co-founded Oromos in Tech, a tech and entrepreneurship ecosystem for Oromos globally, and moderates Womxn in Crypto, a chapter of Womxn in Business Clubhouse, the 6th largest club on the platform.  A couple of passion projects alongside Bitcoin which Mazaajiya is involved with are Afrobiz.ca and Hotep Nation for building sovereignty and sustainability for the underserved communities.      Join us as we discuss:    - Her journey- Why crypto, tech and woman?- The Afrobiz platform- What's a cause that breaks her heart?- What she is creating newly- The power of being a scribe- Connecting people and extending resources- Bridging tech with underrepresented communities- The Bitcoin Standard by Saifedean Ammous    Join us for this informative, interesting and empowering conversation.     Connect with  Mazaajiya's communities and socials here :  Instagram : @Oromosintech Twitter : https://twitter.com/mazaajiyaLinkedIn : https://linkedin.com/in/mhalimaBitclout : https://bitclout.com/u/millennialfuturistsWebsite : https://b.tc/conference [Use MILL10 for 10% off tickets to Bitcoin 2022]If you enjoy the show, please share with your connections, and leave us a review on your favourite podcast platform. If you want to connect with Amber to be a guest on the show or for any other reason reach out at info@amberhowardinc.com!

Join me for this week's episode of What Would Amber Do? You are in for a special treat this week as we changed things up on the show!!!  In this episode Halima M, interviews ME! I have never done this before, and it seemed like a great opportunity to share with you all what's coming up next for me and what's on my mind! What would Amber do? Be interviewed on her own podcast! Can't wait to connect with you on the other side and get your thoughts. Halima M. aka Mazaajiya, my awesome interviewer (and guest in December, stay tuned)  is a  writer, Affiliate Marketer and Digital Community Lead focused on tech development and Bitcoin. She also co-founded Oromos in Tech, a tech and entrepreneurship ecosystem for Oromos globally, and moderates Womxn in Crypto, a chapter of Womxn in Business Clubhouse, the 6th largest club on the platform.  A couple of passion projects alongside Bitcoin which Mazaajiya is involved with are Afrobiz.ca and Hotep Nation for building sovereignty and sustainability for the underserved communities.      Join us as we discuss:    - Upcoming changes on the podcast- The new direction and focus in my business- Niching down and getting clarity around who you are serving- The importance of love, connection, belonging and acceptance- My thoughts on relations between men and woman and what's emerging - What could become possible inside new networks of conversations about and between  men and women- A brand new popup podcast I will be co-hosting in 2022- Geeking out about Marvel's new movie Eternals.....and so much more!    Join us for this fun, exciting, and empowering conversation.     Connect with  Mazaajiya's communities and socials here :  Instagram : @Oromosintech Twitter : https://twitter.com/mazaajiyaLinkedIn : https://linkedin.com/in/mhalimaBitclout : https://bitclout.com/u/millennialfuturistsWebsite : https://b.tc/conference [Use MILL10 for 10% off tickets to Bitcoin 2022]Connect with Amber at:     Website: amberhowardinc.comFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/amberhowardincFacebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/leadersforlifealwaysInstagram: @amberhowardincTwitter: @amberhowardincLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/amberlhoward/Email: info@amberhowardinc.comBook Page: https://www.amazon.com/Amber-Howard/e/B09KWVJFRZ?ref_=dbs_p_ebk_r00_abau_000000If you enjoy the show, please share with your connections, and leave us a review on your favourite podcast platform. If you want to connect with Amber to be a guest on the show or for any other reason reach out at info@amberhowardinc.com!

Les législatives du 21 juin dernier en Éthiopie se sont déroulées en l'absence de près de 20% du pays. Plus d'une centaine de circonscriptions ne pouvaient pas organiser le vote à cause des récentes violences intercommunautaires, de plus en plus fréquentes dans le pays. C'est le cas à Ataye, une ville de la région Amhara, au nord d'Addis Abeba, complètement détruite par des combats entre les deux ethnies majoritaires éthiopiennes.  De notre correspondant à Addis-Abeba, Comme la presque totalité des 70 000 habitants d'Ataye, Getinet Teshome et sa famille ont fui la ville lors des combats à la mi-avril. « Nous sommes arrivés juste après qu'ils ont mis le feu au bâtiment. Ils ont tué mon fils sous mes yeux. On n'avait pas le choix, on a dû fuir », raconte-t-il. Dans cette ville à majorité Amhara, des habitants des villages Oromos alentours ont combattus les forces spéciales de la région Amhara pendant trois jours. Sisay Gebret, 35 ans, a échappé de peu à la mort. Depuis, il essaye tant bien que mal de reconstruire sa maison incendiée. « Lorsque je suis revenu à Ataye, tout le monde était parti. La ville était vide. Je n'ai pas d'armes donc je ne pouvais pas combattre. Au lieu de ça j'ai aidé à enterrer les corps, y compris les corps des soldats des forces Spéciales Amharas. » Les combats ont fait 281 victimes. Plusieurs versions se contredisent quant à la cause du conflit. Ahmed Musse est Oromo. On le rencontre dans la ville voisine de Senbete. En avril, il s'est battu pour, selon lui, défendre les siens après l'assassinat d'un imam de sa communauté à Ataye. « D'abord, c'est eux qui ont tué notre imam devant la mosquée. Ensuite, les Amharas disent toujours qu'il faut se débarrasser la zone des Oromos qui vivent ici. Ils se sont armés et nous ont envahis », affirme-t-il. Le maire d'Ataye assure lui que l'Armée de libération Oromo a mené les opérations. Sauf que la participation de cette organisation désignée comme terroriste n'est pas prouvée. Il s'agirait plutôt, d'un différend territorial entre les deux communautés. « En tout, c'est la sixième fois que nous nous affrontons ici. À chaque fois, c'est pour la même raison, c'est à cause des Oromos qui revendiquent Ataye. Ils disent qu'ils veulent chasser les Amharas et veulent occuper la ville », indique Getinet Teshome. Samrawit Kefle, dont la maison est elle aussi calcinée, reconnaît que les discours nationalistes attisent les tensions. « Ici nous votons tous pour le Nama, le parti nationaliste Amhara. D'ailleurs les violences ont commencé quelques jours après un meeting politique du Nama. Car les habitants d'Ataye soutiennent ses idées nationalistes. » Samrawit et les autres devront attendre le 6 septembre pour voter, alors que les élections ont eu lieu le 21 juin dans le reste du pays.

Lorsqu'on déambule dans les rues d'Harar, il est fréquent d'entendre se superposer, presque en concurrence de décibels, les prêches de l'Eglise orthodoxe et les appels à la prière lancés des musulmans. Si les orthodoxes sont majoritaires dans le pays, avec 43% de pratiquants, l'islam compte à peu près 33% de fidèles sur les 90 millions d'Ethiopiens. Les catholiques, eux, sont extrêmement minoritaires, avec une proportion de 0.7% de la population.   Place d'Harar ©RCF - Thierry Lyonnet   Une petite communauté catholique, mais qui joue un rôle important, notamment dans le domaine de l'aide sociale. Avec 80 centres de santé, 400 écoles... "l'Eglise catholique en Ethiopie est une Eglise très forte, avec beaucoup d'activités sociales", explique Mgr Berhaneyesus Souraphiel. L'archevêque d'Addis-Abeba cite notamment les Missionnaires de la Charité qui, à travers leurs 18 centres répartis dans tout le pays, oeuvrent "au plus près des pauvres et des personnes marginalisées".   Scène de rue à Harar ©RCF - Thierry Lyonnet   Pour se rendre à Harar, Thierry Lyonnet traverse l'immense diocèse d'Harar, un territoire aride, touché par la sécheresse. En chemin, il s'arrête à Dire Dawa, une ville de 60.000 habitants, où les capucins de l'école Abuna Andreas accueillent des élèves de toutes confessions. Son directeur explique: "Nous avons 650 élèves, la plupart sont musulmans, les parents mettent leurs enfants dans cette école car ils apprécient cette atmosphère de paix." Un établissement qui perpétue l'oeuvre de Mgr André Jarosseau (1858-1941), missionnaire franciscain qui vécut dans cette région d'Ethiopie entre 1882 et 1936.   Une des 99 mosquées d'Harar ©RCF - Thierry Lyonnet   Située au sud de Djibouti, à quelque 130 kilomètres de la frontière avec la Somalie, Harar est considérée comme la quatrième ville sainte de l'islam. Hantée par les fantômes d'Henry de Monfreid et d'Arthur Rimbaud (dont on peut visiter la "fausse" maison!), la cité fortifiée compte 99 mosquées. En son centre, la petite cathédrale catholique fondée en 1881. Elle rassemble chaque soir les enfants pour prier et chanter. Non loin de là, la léproserie d'Harar, maison fondée en 1901 par les capucins, accueille toujours aujourd'hui des malades, tout type de malade. "Il y a tellement de pauvres et tellement de lépreux!", se désole une religieuse franciscaine italienne.   Rue d'Harar ©RCF - Thierry Lyonnet     A Harar, se croisent les Oromos, les Somalis, les Afars... les différentes ethnies de la région. La ville a une réputation de cité de la paix, où chrétiens orthodoxes et musulmans vivent dans le respect les uns des autres. Mais certaines branches de l’islam pourraient troubler cet ordre. Selon le cardinal Berhaneyesus, président de la Conférence épiscopale d’Ethiopie: "Nous voyons actuellement l’émergence des fondamentalistes musulmans, qui disent que ce n’est pas bon que les chrétiens et les musulmans vivent ainsi ensemble."       Reportage réalisé en mai 2016 avec le soutien de l'AED (Aide à l'Eglise en détresse)  

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Two of your usual hosts, J/Aangoo & J/Maroo, are joined by J/Beekaa today to discuss tokkummaa and Oromo unity/oneness. Don't worry, folks - J/Hawwii will be back with us next week! So, what do you think about this topic? Do you agree or disagree with us? We want to hear from you! Give us a call (voicemail) or text at 430-755-0727, and make sure to subscribe and rate this podcast! Intro/outro song credit: "Rosamo" by Yasiin Bouba, OGE_R, and Adill Jamaal. 

In episode 5, your usual hosts are joined by the wonderful Jaal Boonii to discuss misinformation and anti-Oromo propaganda. This episode was inspired by the piece J/Boonii co-authored with Dr. Kuwee Kumsa, titled "The devastating impacts of Orwellian misinformation on Oromos" and available on AwashPost.com - check it out! What do you think? We want to hear from you! Give us a call or text at 430-755-0727, and make sure to subscribe and rate this podcast! Intro/outro song credit: "Rosamo" by Yasiin Bouba, OGE_R, and Adill Jamaal

C’est malheureusement le schéma habituel : qui dit conflit armé, dit déplacement de populations. Depuis ces derniers jours, près de 30.000 personnes se sont réfugiées en territoire soudanais pour échapper aux combats qui font toujours rage dans la province éthiopienne du Tigré. Et les autorités locales sont débordées, rapporteSudan Tribune : « le gouverneur de l’État de Gadaref, Suleiman Musa appelle à accélérer la réponse humanitaire du Haut-Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés et des groupes d’aide, soulignant que son État n’a aucun moyen et que le Soudan est déjà confronté à une pénurie alimentaire. » L’envoyé spécial du Monde Afrique et de RFI est sur place, dans le camp d’El Hashaba. « Fuyant les tirs et les bombardements, plusieurs familles ont descendu la rivière Tekezé jusqu’au poste-frontière de Hamdayet, aux confins de l’Erythrée, du Soudan et de l’Ethiopie, relate-t-il. Puis, entassés dans une remorque, ils ont parcouru les 20 kilomètres de piste qui séparent leur pays de ce village quadrillé de baraquements en béton. (…) Ici, les réfugiés sont tigréens, à une écrasante majorité. Ils affirment avoir été pris en étau entre l’armée fédérale éthiopienne au sud et les forces érythréennes au nord. (…) La moitié des exilés sont des enfants, selon le Haut-commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés. Les conditions d’hygiène sont précaires, rapporte encore l’envoyé spécial du Monde Afrique, les médicaments se font rares. (…) L’armée soudanaise effectue des distributions sporadiques de nourriture qui tournent à l’empoignade. 'On n’a rien ici, les gens ont faim, enrage ce paysan, on se bat pour des paquets de gâteaux. Où est l’aide humanitaire ? Vers où regarde le reste du monde ? Personne ne fait rien pour arrêter cette guerre'. » Que peut Museveni ? La machine diplomatique s’est tout de même mise en action… « En effet, relève Le Pays au Burkina, le président ougandais, Yoweri Museveni, a décidé de jouer les bons offices. Il a reçu le vice-Premier ministre éthiopien, par ailleurs ministre des Affaires étrangères. 'Il faut qu’il y ait des négociations et que le conflit s’arrête', a-t-il plaidé auprès de son hôte du jour. » Et Le Pays de s’interroger : « le chef de l’Etat ougandais réussira-t-il à éteindre l’incendie tigréen ; lui qui, à l’issue de son tête-à-tête avec l’émissaire d’Addis-Abeba, a reçu une délégation du Front de libération des peuples du Tigré ? Rien n’est moins sûr, répond le quotidien ouagalais, d’autant que le Premier ministre éthiopien, Abiy Ahmed, par ailleurs prix Nobel de la paix, semble avoir exacerbé la dimension ethnique du conflit et ce, depuis qu’il a pris la décision d’envoyer l’armée fédérale dans le Tigré après plusieurs mois de tensions palpables. A moins que, prenant toute la mesure du péril qui guette son pays, ce dernier ne décide de changer son fusil d’épaule en acceptant de dialoguer avec les indépendantistes du Tigré. » « Opération de maintien de l’ordre » Mais cela n’en prend pas le chemin… Dans un entretien à Jeune Afrique, l’ambassadeur d’Ethiopie en France, Henok Teferra Shawl dénonce « une tentative des Tigréens d’internationaliser le conflit » après les récents tirs sur l’Érythrée. Pour lui, cette guerre est « une opération de maintien de l’ordre interne à la fédération éthiopienne. (…) Le TPLF cherche à conserver sa position indûment acquise au cours des trente dernières années à la tête du gouvernement fédéral. Ses responsables n’ont jamais accepté d’avoir perdu le pouvoir et tous les avantages qui vont avec. Mais aucun retour en arrière n’est aujourd’hui possible, affirme encore l’ambassadeur d’Ethiopie. Le TPLF ne représente pas l’ensemble du peuple tigréen, qui est profondément éthiopien. » Rassembler, pacifier… « C’est donc la guerre totale, soupire Aujourd’hui, toujours à Ouagadougou. Depuis deux semaines, ce sont les canons qui parlent, et sauf miracle, la désescalade n’est pas pour demain. Réduire à néant une fois pour toutes ces irréductibles Tigréens semble être l’objectif du Premier ministre Abiy Ahmed. S’il y parvient, il aura fait d’une pierre deux coups : avoir maté une ville-rebelle, et neutraliser un ennemi de l’Erythrée, qui lui sera gré. Mais même en cas de victoire d’Addis, Abiy n’aura résolu qu’une partie d’un problème qui déborde largement le cadre du Tigré, estime Aujourd’hui. Il lui faudra rassembler, pacifier, Oromos, Tigréens et Amharas, car c’est cette césure qui explique ces reflux guerriers. Au pays du Négus, au pays d’Hailé Sélassié, dont la philosophie était la paix, si Abiy réussit ce pari, au-delà de la poudre à canon, il aura prouvé que le jury suédois (du Nobel) a fait le bon choix. »

Un pays dont le président est Prix Nobel de la paix et qui se retrouve avec une guerre civile qui déborde sur les pays voisins : c’est tout le paradoxe et la complexité de la situation actuelle en Éthiopie. En effet, constate Le Monde Afrique, « la situation ne cesse de s’envenimer. Les hostilités ont commencé le 4 novembre, quand le premier ministre, Abiy Ahmed, a envoyé l’armée fédérale à l’assaut de la région dissidente du Tigré, après des mois de tensions croissantes avec les autorités régionales du TPLF, le Front de libération des peuples du Tigré, le parti qui dirige la région et qui a contrôlé durant près de trente ans l’appareil politique et sécuritaire en Éthiopie. » Dernier rebondissement en date, poursuit Le Monde Afrique, « la capitale de l’Érythrée voisine, Asmara, a été touchée samedi par des roquettes tirées depuis le Tigré. Le président de la région a revendiqué l’attaque hier. "Les forces éthiopiennes utilisent elles aussi l’aéroport d’Asmara" pour faire décoller les avions qui bombardent le Tigré, ce qui en fait "une cible légitime", a déclaré Debretsion Gebremichael, accusant une nouvelle fois l’armée érythréenne d’être engagée dans des combats au sol au Tigré. » Vers une escalade ? Jeune Afrique s’alarme : « Ces tirs contre Asmara sont une escalade majeure dans le conflit au Tigré, un conflit dont de nombreux observateurs craignent non seulement qu’il entraîne l’Éthiopie, deuxième pays le plus peuplé d’Afrique (100 millions d’habitants) et mosaïque de peuples, dans une guerre communautaire incontrôlable, mais aussi qu’il déstabilise toute la région de la Corne. » Et Jeune Afrique de rappeler que « Éthiopie et Érythrée se sont affrontées dans une guerre meurtrière entre 1998 et 2000, à l’époque où le TPLF était tout-puissant à Addis-Abeba. Les deux pays sont restés à couteaux tirés jusqu’à ce que Abiy Ahmed devienne Premier ministre en 2018 et fasse la paix avec Asmara, ce qui lui a valu le prix Nobel en 2019. » Vers la paix ? Du côté des médias éthiopiens, on se veut rassurant… Ainsi pour Ethiopian Reporter, « bien que certains craignent que le pays puisse sombrer dans une guerre civile totale qui pourrait déborder dans la corne de l’Afrique, beaucoup espèrent que l’opération contre l’administration du Tigré, dirigée par le TPLF, apportera une paix durable. Quoi qu’il en soit, poursuit le bihebdomadaire éthiopien, il existe un large consensus sur le fait que le conflit doit se terminer rapidement afin de dissiper le nuage d’insécurité qui plane sur l’Éthiopie. » Vieux démons… Aujourd’hui au Burkina affiche a contrario son inquiétude… « En voulant mettre fin à cette sécession en lançant un corps expéditionnaire sur le Tigré, Abiy Ahmed a-t-il mesuré les conséquences d’une telle équipée ? N’a-t-il pas rallumé une mèche ? C’est bien de mater des séparatistes, mais pour le moment il a entraîné bon gré mal gré Asmara dans le conflit, puisque le TPLF accuse l’Érythrée d’être complice avec Addis. En outre, poursuit Aujourd’hui, se dessine un désastre humanitaire avec l’exode de plus de 20 000 réfugiés fuyant vers le Soudan et les autres pays voisins. Et ce n’est pas fini, s’exclame encore le quotidien burkinabè, l’effet domino risque d’enflammer une sous-région déjà en proie à des guerres à répétition comme au Soudan du Sud, et à des pays en transition comme le Soudan. Décidément, même nobélisé, Ahmed Abiy semble être un héros tragique, pointe Aujourd’hui. Il veut bien faire, malheureusement, il est toujours rattrapé par les vieux démons, par cette rivalité morbide entre Oromos et Tigréens. Pourra-t-il construire un État unifié, où cohabiteront sans histoire les deux entités ethniques ? Le cas du Tigré fera école. » Le tribalisme confronté au défi de l’État-nation « Cette guerre révèle une chose, remarque pour sa part Le Pays, toujours au Burkina : les Éthiopiens n’ont pas encore réussi à construire l’État-nation. Et ce défi se pose pratiquement à l’ensemble des pays africains. C’est ce mal, peut-on dire, qui peut expliquer bien des guerres civiles qui ont meurtri beaucoup de pays africains. Car, ce qui importe en Afrique, c’est d’abord la tribu et l’ethnie. Dans ce pays, en effet, on pense et on respire d’abord Amhara ou Oromo ou encore Tigréen. C’est cette triste réalité, conclut Le Pays, qui fait que l’Éthiopie est une véritable poudrière ethnique. Et à la moindre étincelle, elle peut exploser. »

In episode 3, co-hosts J/Aangoo and J/Maroo are joined by special guests J/Urgaa and J/Hawwinee. Don't worry - J/Hawwii will be back next episode! In this episode we discuss the US election and the war on Tigray, and the ways in which both of these events impact us as Oromos and impact Oromia as a whole. What are your thoughts? Give us a call or text at 430-755-0727, and make sure to subscribe and rate this podcast! Intro/outro song credit: "Rosamo" by Yasiin Bouba, OGE_R, and Adill Jamaal

Chez eux, en Éthiopie, ils n’ont rien. Alors ils partent par centaines, chaque jour, pour une marche de 2 000km vers une terre promise : l’Arabie Saoudite. Oromos en majorité, tigréens ou ahmaras, ces exilés espèrent trouver là-bas un une vie meilleure. Cependant, entre le désert brûlant de Djibouti, les flots tumultueux de la mer Rouge et la violence des milices au Yémen, beaucoup ne survivent pas à ce périple infernal. Nos reporters les ont suivis dans cette épreuve qui révèle le courage des uns, la solidarité des autres, mais aussi ce que la nature humaine peut produire de pire.

Hallo Leute, heute reden wir mal wieder über die Uni. Außerdem über die Oromos aus Äthiopien. Hört rein. Ist geil

From Sdubew productions, this is You had me at “Akkam”. The podcast that explores the unique and at times challenging experiences of first generation Oromos in the diaspora.

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This week I have the complete honor of interviewing the awe-inspiring Dureti Mimi Tadesse, most commonly known as Mimi. Mimi is originally from the area of Oromia in Ethiopia, a country with about 40 million living in poverty and the average individual living on 25 cents a day. Mimi’s people, the Oromos, have always been greatly discriminated against and Mimi has been no stranger to this dehumanization.   Read the complete show notes on my website: www.girls4greatness.com/episode017  

Dans cette émission animée par Emmanuelle LeBlond, Plein Feu s'est penché sur le nouveau chef du gouvernement Éthiopien, Abiy Ahmed, qui incarne un visage de changement au pays. Dominic Boucher ouvre l'émission en exposant l'état de la crise actuelle tout en parlant de l'affrontement ethnique qui a lieu en Éthiopie. Mélissa Aubert poursuit avec un reportage historique sur les enjeux rencontrés par le peuple des Oromos, victime des foudres des Gedeos. Sarah Rahmouoni enchaine avec une chronique relatant l'appel à la paix du gouvernement de Abiy Ahmed, entrainant ainsi le retour des "ex"-groupes terroristes en Éthiopie. Marie-Anne Audet a préparé une chronique traitant sur l'univers de la caricature dans ce pays africain qui voit sa liberté d'expression tranquillement reprendre vie. Pour finir, Audrey Bonarque met l'accent sur l'importance et la richesse historique des terres éthiopiennes, notamment sur la basse vallée de l'Omo. Et ne manquez pas notre petite discussion en fin d'émission!

In episode six, we learn about Oromo history and oppression under Ethiopia's former feudal system. Oromos are said to have suffered the most, but they were also part of the royal family and Emperor Menelik II's invading army.     People in this episode:   Dr. Ezekiel Gebissa  Dr. Paulos Milkias Dr. Yohannes Gedamu   Photo: Emperor Menelik II and his entourage