Podcasts about Xinjiang

China's ties with Southeast Asia states are increasingly consequential for regional stability and global geopolitics. Over the past two decades, China has become the region's largest trading partner and a major source of investment and infrastructure financing. At the same time, China growing military presence and aggressive behavior in the South China Sea have caused anxiety and have prompted a number of Southeast Asian nations to seek closer security ties with the United States and other partners.  The Trump administration's policies of imposing tariffs, reducing foreign assistance, and implementing stricter immigration regulations have begun to erode US influence across the region, further encouraging Southeast Asian countries to rely on each other and to diversify their relationships with external partners.    To discuss Beijing's evolving approach to Southeast Asia and the efficacy of its policies, we are joined on the podcast today by Dr. Chong Ja Ian. He is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the National University of Singapore and a nonresident fellow at Carnegie China. Ian's research focuses on Chinese politics, foreign policy, and US-China relations. Timestamps[00:00] Intro[01:50] China's Tools and Objectives in SEA[03:02] Economic Relations with SEA[05:52] Success and Failures of Beijing's SEA Strategy[07:47] Regional Media and Influence[11:40] SEA Views on China: Consensus and Discord[14:55] Regional Strategy Post-Trump[18:22] SEA Reactions to China Taking Taiwan by Force[22:40] Crisis Planning and How it Could Change[24:10] Long-Term Outlooks for China-SEA Relations 

Last time we spoke about the Battle of Taierzhuang. Following the fall of Nanjing in December 1937, the Second Sino-Japanese War entered a brutal phase of attrition as Japan sought to consolidate control and press toward central China. Chinese defense prioritized key rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Xuzhou, the JinPu and Longhai lines, and the Huai River system forming crucial lifelines. By early 1938, Japanese offensives aimed to link with forces around Beijing and Nanjing and encircle Chinese positions in the Central Yangtze region, threatening Wuhan. In response, Chiang Kai-shek fortified Xuzhou and expanded defenses to deter a pincer move, eventually amassing roughly 300,000 troops along strategic lines. Taierzhuang became a focal point when Japanese divisions attempted to press south and link with northern elements. Chinese commanders Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, Tang Enbo, and Sun Lianzhong coordinated to complicate Japanese plans through offensive-defensive actions, counterattacks, and encirclement efforts. The victory, though numerically costly, thwarted immediate Japanese objectives and foreshadowed further attritional struggles ahead.   #171 The Flooding of the Yellow River Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. We last left off with a significant event during the Xuzhou campaign. Three Japanese divisions under General Itagaki Seishiro moved south to attack Taierzhuang and were met by forces commanded by Li Zongren, Sun Lianzhong, and Tang Enbo, whose units possessed a decent amount of artillery. In a two-week engagement from March 22 to April 7, the battle devolved into a costly urban warfare. Fighting was vicious, often conducted in close quarters and at night. The urban environment negated Japanese advantages in armor and artillery, allowing Chinese forces to contend on equal terms. The Chinese also disrupted Japanese logistics by resupplying their own troops and severing rear supply lines, draining Japanese ammunition, supplies, and reinforcements. By April 7, the Japanese were compelled to retreat, marking the first Chinese victory of the war. However both sides suffered heavy losses, with around 20,000 casualties on each side. In the aftermath of this rare victory, Chiang Kai-Shek pushed Tang Enbo and Li Zongren to capitalize on their success and increased deployments in the Taierzhuang theater to about 450,000 troops. Yet the Chinese Army remained hampered by fundamental problems. The parochialism that had crippled Chiang's forces over the preceding months resurfaced. Although the generals had agreed to coordinate in a war of resistance, each still prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of Chiang's bid to consolidate power. Li Zongren, for example, did not deploy his top Guangxi provincial troops at Taierzhuang and sought to shift most of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's forces. Chiang's colleagues were mindful of the fates of Han Fuju of Shandong and Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria: Han was executed for refusing to fight, while Zhang, after allowing Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army, ended up under house arrest. They were right to distrust Chiang. He believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a unified national command, which he would lead. From a national-unity perspective, his aspiration was not unreasonable. But it fed suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would dilute their power. The divided nature of the command also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off. By late April the Chinese had reinforced the Xuzhou area to between 450,000-600,000 to capitalize on their victory. However these armies were plagued with command and control issues. Likewise the Japanese licked their wounds and reinforced the area to roughly 400,000, with fresh troops and supplies flowing in from Tianjin and Nanjing. The Japanese continued with their objective of encircling Chinese forces. The North China Area Army comprised four divisions and two infantry brigades drawn from the Kwantung Army, while the Central China Expeditionary Army consisted of three divisions and the 1st and 2nd Tank Battalions along with motorized support units. The 5th Tank Battalion supported the 3rd Infantry Division as it advanced north along the railway toward Xuzhou. Fighting to the west, east, and north of Xuzhou was intense, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. On 18 April, the Japanese advanced southward toward Pizhou. Tang Enbo's 20th Army Corps, together with the 2nd, 22nd, 46th, and 59th corps, resisted fiercely, culminating in a stalemate by the end of April. The 60th Corps of the Yunnan Army engaged the Japanese 10th Division at Yuwang Mountain for nearly a month, repelling multiple assaults. By the time it ceded its position to the Guizhou 140th Division and withdrew on 15 May, the corps had sustained losses exceeding half of its forces. Simultaneously, the Japanese conducted offensives along both banks of the Huai River, where Chinese defenders held out for several weeks. Nevertheless, Japanese artillery and aerial bombardment gradually tilted the balance, allowing the attackers to seize Mengcheng on 9 May and Hefei on 14 May. From there, the southern flank split into two parts: one force moved west and then north to cut off the Longhai Railway escape route from Xuzhou, while another division moved directly north along the railway toward Suxian, just outside Xuzhou. Simultaneously, to the north, Japanese units from north China massed at Jining and began moving south beyond Tengxian. Along the coast, an amphibious landing was made at Lianyungang to reinforce troops attacking from the east. The remaining portions of Taierzhuang were captured in May, a development symbolically significant to Tokyo. On 17 May, Japanese artillery further tightened the noose around Xuzhou, striking targets inside the city.  To preserve its strength, the Nationalist government ordered the abandonment of Xuzhou and directed its main forces to break out toward northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, and eastern Henan. To deter the Japanese army's rapid westward advance and penetration into northern Henan and western Shandong, many leading military and political figures within the Nationalist government proposed breaching dams over the Yellow River to delay the offensive, a strategy that would have been highly advantageous to the Nationalist forces at the time. Chiang Kai-shek vetoed the proposal outright, insisting that the Nationalist army could still resist. He understood that with tens of millions of Chinese lives at stake and a sliver of hope remaining, the levee plan must not be undertaken. Then a significant battle broke out at Lanfeng. Chiang also recognized that defeat could allow the elite Japanese mechanized divisions, the 14th, 16th, and 10th, to advance directly toward Zhengzhou. If Zhengzhou fell, the Japanese mechanized forces on the plains could advance unimpeded toward Tongguan. Their southward push would threaten Xi'an, Xiangfan, and Nanyang, directly jeopardizing the southwest's rear defenses. Concurrently, the Japanese would advance along the Huai River north of the Dabie Mountains toward Wuhan, creating a pincer with operations along the Yangtze River.  Now what followed was arguably the most important and skillful Chinese maneuver of the Xuzhou campaign: a brilliantly executed strategic retreat to the south and west across the Jinpu railway line. On May 15, Li Zongren, in consultation with Chiang Kai-shek, decided to withdraw from Xuzhou and focus on an escape plan. The evacuation of civilians and military personnel began that day. Li ordered troops to melt into the countryside and move south and west at night, crossing the Jinpu Railway and splitting into four groups that would head west. The plan was to regroup in the rugged Dabie Mountains region to the south and prepare for the defense of Wuhan. Li's generals departed reluctantly, having held out for so long; Tang Enbo was said to have wept. Under cover of night, about forty divisions, over 200,000 men, marched out of Japanese reach in less than a week. A critical moment occurred on May 18, when fog and a sandstorm obscured the retreating troops as they crossed the Jinpu Railway. By May 21, Li wired Chiang Kai-shek to report that the withdrawal was complete. He mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite units, such as the 74th Army, withdrawn from Xuzhou and transferred directly to Lanfeng, with a resolute intent to “burn their boats.” The force engaged the Japanese in a decisive battle at Lanfeng, aiming to secure the last line of defense for the Yellow River, a position carrying the lives of millions of Chinese civilians. Yet Chiang Kai-shek's strategy was not universally understood by all participating generals, who regarded it as akin to striking a rock with an egg. For the battle of Lanfeng the Chinese mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite forces, comprising 14 divisions totaling over 150,000 men. Among these, the 46th Division of the 27th Army, formerly the Central Training Brigade and the 36th, 88th, and 87th Divisions of the 71st Army were German-equipped. Additionally, the 8th Army, the Tax Police Corps having been reorganized into the Ministry of Finance's Anti-Smuggling Corps, the 74th Army, and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps, the new 1st Army, equipped with the 8th Division were elite Nationalist troops that had demonstrated strong performance in the battle of Shanghai and the battle of Nanjing, and were outfitted with advanced matériel. However, these so-called “elite” forces were heavily degraded during the campaigns in Shanghai and Nanjing. The 46th Division and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps sustained casualties above 85% in Nanjing, while the 88th and 87th Divisions suffered losses of up to 90%. The 74th Army and the 36th Division also endured losses exceeding 75%. Their German-made equipment incurred substantial losses; although replenishment occurred, inventories resembled roughly a half-German and half-Chinese mix. With very limited heavy weapons and a severe shortage of anti-tank artillery, they could not effectively match the elite Japanese regiments. Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps maintained its national equipment via a close relationship with Chiang Kai-shek. In contrast, the 74th Army, after fighting in Shanghai, Nanjing, and Xuzhou, suffered heavy casualties, and the few German weapons it had were largely destroyed at Nanjing, leaving it to rely on a mix of domestically produced and Hanyang-made armaments. The new recruits added to each unit largely lacked combat experience, with nearly half of the intake having received basic training. The hardest hit was Li Hanhun's 64th Army, established less than a year prior and already unpopular within the Guangdong Army. Although classified as one of the three Type A divisions, the 155th, 156th, and 187th Divisions, it was equipped entirely with Hanyang-made firearms. Its direct artillery battalion possessed only about 20 older mortars and three Type 92 infantry guns, limiting its heavy firepower to roughly that of a Japanese battalion. The 195th Division and several miscellaneous units were even less prominent, reorganized from local militias and lacking Hanyang rifles. Additionally, three batches of artillery purchased from the Soviet Union arrived in Lanzhou via Xinjiang between March and June 1938. Except for the 52nd Artillery Regiment assigned to the 200th Division, the other artillery regiments had recently received their weapons and were still undergoing training. The 200th Division, had been fighting awhile for in the Xuzhou area and incurred heavy casualties, was still in training and could only deploy its remaining tank battalion and armored vehicle company. The tank battalion was equipped with T-26 light tanks and a small number of remaining British Vickers tanks, while the armored vehicle company consisted entirely of Italian Fiat CV33 armored cars. The disparity in numbers was substantial, and this tank unit did not participate in the battle.  As for the Japanese, the 14th Division was an elite Type A formation. Originally organized with four regiments totaling over 30,000 men, the division's strength was later augmented. Doihara's 14th Division received supplements, a full infantry regiment and three artillery regiments, to prevent it from being surrounded and annihilated, effectively transforming the unit into a mobile reinforced division. Consequently, the division's mounted strength expanded to more than 40,000 personnel, comprising five infantry regiments and four artillery regiments. The four artillery regiments, the 24th Artillery Regiment, the 3rd Independence Mountain Artillery Regiment, the 5th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, and the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, possessed substantial heavy firepower, including 150mm heavy howitzers and 105mm long-range field cannons, placing them far in excess of the Nationalist forces at Lanfeng. In addition, both the 14th and later the 16th Divisions commanded tank regiments with nearly 200 light and medium tanks each, while Nationalist forces were markedly short of anti-tank artillery. At the same time, the Nationalist Air Force, though it had procured more than 200 aircraft of various types from the Soviet Union, remained heavily reliant on Soviet aid-to-China aircraft, amounting to over 100 machines, and could defend only a few cities such as Wuhan, Nanchang, and Chongqing. In this context, Japanese forces effectively dominated the Battle of Lanfeng. Moreover, reports indicate that the Japanese employed poison gas on the battlefield, while elite Nationalist troops possessed only a limited number of gas masks, creating a stark disparity in chemical warfare preparedness. Despite these disparities, Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government were initially unaware of the updated strength and composition of the Doihara Division. Faced with constrained options, Chiang chose to press ahead with combat operations. On May 12, 1939, after crossing the Yellow River, the IJA 14th Division continued its southward advance toward Lanfeng. The division's objective was to sever the Longhai Railway, disrupt the main Nationalist retreat toward Zhengzhou, and seize Zhengzhou itself. By May 15, the division split into two columns at Caoxian and moved toward key nodes on the Longhai Line. Major General Toyotomi Fusatarou led two infantry regiments, one cavalry regiment, and one artillery regiment in the main assault toward Kaocheng with the aim of directly capturing Lanfeng. Doihara led three infantry regiments and three artillery regiments toward Neihuang and Minquan, threatening Guide. In response, the Nationalist forces concentrated along the railway from Lanfeng to Guide, uniting Song Xilian's 71st Army, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army, Yu Jishi's 74th Army, Li Hanhun's 64th Army, and Huang Jie's 8th Army. From May 15 to 17, the Fengjiu Brigade, advancing toward Lanfeng, met stubborn resistance near Kaocheng from roughly five divisions under Song Xilian and was forced to shift its effort toward Yejigang and Neihuang. The defense near Neihuang, including Shen Ke's 106th Division and Liang Kai's 195th Division, ultimately faltered, allowing Doihara's division to seize Neihuang, Yejigang, Mazhuangzhai, and Renheji. Nevertheless, the Nationalist forces managed to contain the Japanese advance east and west of the area, preventing a complete encirclement. Chiang Kai-shek ordered Cheng Qian, commander-in-chief of the 1st War Zone, to encircle and annihilate the Japanese 14th Division. The deployment plan mapped three routes: the Eastern Route Army, under Li Hanhun, would include the 74th Army, the 155th Division of the 64th Army, a brigade of the 88th Division, and a regiment of the 87th Division, advancing westward from Guide); the Western Route Army, commanded by Gui Yongqing, would comprise the 27th Army, the 71st Army, the 61st Division, and the 78th Division, advancing eastward from Lanfeng; and the Northern Route Army, formed by Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Army and Shang Zhen's 20th Army, was to cut off the enemy's retreat to the north bank of the Yellow River near Dingtao, Heze, Dongming, and Kaocheng, while attacking the Doihara Division from the east, west, and north to annihilate it in a single decisive operation.  On May 21, the Nationalist Army mounted a full-scale offensive. Yu Jishi's 74th Army, commanded by Wang Yaowu's 51st Division, joined a brigade of Song Xilian's 71st Army, led by the 88th Division, and drove the Japanese forces at Mazhuangzhai into retreat, capturing Neihuang and Renheji. The main Japanese force, more than 6,000 strong, withdrew southwest to Yangjiji and Shuangtaji. Song Xilian, commanding Shen Fazao's 87th Division, launched a sharp assault on Yejigang (Yifeng). The Japanese abandoned the stronghold, but their main body continued advancing toward Yangjiji, with some units retreating to Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. On May 23, Song Xilian's 71st Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army enveloped and annihilated enemy forces at Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. That evening they seized Ximaoguzhai, Yangzhuang, and Helou, eliminating more than a thousand Japanese troops. The Japanese troops at Donggangtou fled toward Lanfeng. Meanwhile, Gui Yongqing's forces were retreating through Lanfeng. His superior strength, Jiang Fusheng's 36th Division, Li Liangrong's 46th Division, Zhong Song's 61st Division, Li Wen's 78th Division, Long Muhan's 88th Division, and Shen Ke's 106th Division—had held defensive positions along the Lanfeng–Yangji line. Equipped with a tank battalion and armored vehicle company commanded by Qiu Qingquan, they blocked the enemy's westward advance and awaited Japanese exhaustion. However, under the Japanese offensive, Gui Yongqing's poor command led to the loss of Maji and Mengjiaoji, forcing the 27th Army to retreat across its entire front. Its main force fled toward Qixian and Kaifeng. The Japanese seized the opportunity to capture Quxingji, Luowangzhai, and Luowang Railway Station west of Lanfeng. Before retreating, Gui Yongqing ordered Long Muhan to dispatch a brigade to replace the 106th Division in defending Lanfeng, while he directed the 106th Division to fall back to Shiyuan. Frightened by the enemy, Long Muhan unilaterally withdrew his troops on the night of the 23rd, leaving Lanfeng undefended. On the 24th, Japanese troops advancing westward from Donggangtou entered Lanfeng unopposed and, relying on well-fortified fortifications, held their ground until reinforcements arrived. In the initial four days, the Nationalist offensive failed to overwhelm the Japanese, who escaped encirclement and annihilation. The four infantry and artillery regiments and one cavalry regiment on the Japanese side managed to hold the line along Lanfeng, Luowangzhai, Sanyizhai, Lanfengkou, Quxingji, Yang'erzhai, and Chenliukou on the south bank of the Yellow River, offering stubborn resistance. The Longhai Railway was completely cut off. Chiang Kai-shek, furious upon hearing the news while stationed in Zhengzhou, ordered the execution of Long Muhan, commander of the 88th Division, to restore military morale. He also decided to consolidate Hu Zongnan's, Li Hanhun's, Yu Jishi's, Song Xilian's, and Gui Yongqing's troops into the 1st Corps, with Xue Yue as commander-in-chief. On the morning of May 25, they launched a determined counterattack on Doihara's 14th Division. Song Xilian personally led the front lines on May 24 to rally the defeated 88th Division.  Starting on May 25, after three days of intense combat, Li Hanhun's 64th Army advanced to seize Luowang Station and Luowangzhai, while Song Xilian's 71st Army retook Lanfeng City, temporarily reopening the Longhai Line to traffic. At Sanyi Village, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army captured a series of outlying positions, including Yang'eyao, Chailou, Cailou, Hezhai, Xuelou, and Baowangsi. Despite these gains, more than 6,000 Japanese troops offered stubborn resistance. During the fighting, Ji Hongru, commander of the 302nd Regiment, was seriously wounded but continued to fight, shouting, “Don't worry about my death! Brothers, fight on!” He ultimately died a heroic death from his wounds. By May 27, Chiang Kai-shek, concerned that the forces had not yet delivered a decisive victory at Lanfeng, personally reprimanded the participating generals and ordered them to completely encircle and annihilate the enemy west of Lanfeng by the following day. He warned that if the opportunity was missed and Japanese reinforcements arrived, the position could be endangered. The next day, Chiang Kai-shek issued another telegram, urging Cheng Qian's First War Zone and all participating units to press the offensive. The telegram allegedly had this in it “It will forever be a laughingstock in the history of warfare.” Meanwhile on the other side, to prevent the annihilation of Doihara's 14th Division, the elite Japanese 16th Division and the 3rd Mixed Brigade, totaling over 40,000 men, launched a westward assault from Dangshan, capturing Yucheng on May 26. They then began probing the outskirts of Guide. Huang Jie's Eighth Army, responsible for the defense, withdrew to the outskirts of Guide that evening. On May 28, Huang Jie again led his troops on his own initiative, retreating to Liuhe and Kaifeng, leaving only the 187th Division to defend Zhuji Station and Guide City. At dawn on May 29, Peng Linsheng, commander of the 187th Division, also withdrew his troops, leaving Guide a deserted city. The Japanese occupied Guide without a fight. The loss of Guide dramatically shifted the tide of the war. Threatened on the flanks by the Japanese 16th Division, the Nationalist forces were forced onto the defensive. On May 28, the Japanese 14th Division concentrated its forces to counterattack Gui Yongqing's troops, but they were defeated again, allowing the Japanese to stabilize their position. At the same time, the fall of Shangqiu compelled Xue Yue's corps to withdraw five divisions to block the enemy in Shangqiu, and the Nationalist Army shifted to a defensive posture with the 14th Division holding Sanyizhai and Quxingji. To the north of the battlefield, the Japanese 4th Mixed Brigade, numbering over 10,000 men, was preparing to force a crossing of the Yellow River in order to join with the nearby 14th Division. More seriously, the 10th Division, together with its 13th Mixed Brigade and totaling more than 40,000 men, had captured Woyang and Bozhou on the Henan-Anhui border and was rapidly encircling eastern Henan. By the time of the Battle of Lanfeng, Japanese forces had deployed more than 100,000 troops, effectively surrounding the Nationalist army. On May 31, the First War Zone decided to withdraw completely, and the Battle of Lanfeng ended in defeat for the Nationalists, forcing Chiang Kai-shek to authorize diverting the Yellow River embankment to relieve pressure. The consequence was a deteriorating strategic situation, as encirclement tightened and reinforcement options dwindled, driving a retreat from the Lanfeng front. The National Army suffered more than 67,000 casualties, killed and wounded more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers, Lanfeng was lost, and Zhengzhou was in danger.  As in Nanjing, this Chinese army might have lived to fight another day, but the effect on Xuzhou itself was horrific. The city had endured Japanese bombardment since August 1937, and the population's mood swung between cautious hope and utter despair. In March, Du Zhongyuan visited Xuzhou. Before he left Wuhan, friends told him that “the city was desolate and the people were terrified, all the inhabitants of Xuzhou were quietly getting on with their business … sometimes it was even calmer than Wuhan.” The Australian journalist Rhodes Farmer recalled a similar image in a book published at war's end, noting the “ordinary townsfolk who became wardens, fire-fighters and first-aid workers during the raid and then went back to their civil jobs.” Yet the mid-May departure of Nationalist troops left the city and its outskirts at the mercy of an angry Imperial Army. Bombing continued through the final days of battle, and a single raid on May 14, 1938 killed 700 people. Around Xuzhou, buildings and bridges were destroyed—some by retreating Chinese forces, some by advancing Japanese troops. Taierzhuang, the scene of the earlier iconic defense, was utterly destroyed. Canadian Jesuits who remained in Xuzhou after its fall recorded that more than a third of the houses were razed, and most of the local population had fled in terror. In rural areas around the city, massacres were repeatedly reported, many witnessed by missionaries. Beyond the atrocities of the Japanese, locals faced banditry in the absence of law enforcement, and vital agricultural work such as planting seed ground to a halt. The loss of Xuzhou was both strategic and symbolic. It dealt a severe blow to Chiang's attempt to hold central China and to control regional troop movements. Morale, which Taierzhuang had briefly boosted, was battered again though not extinguished. The fall signaled that the war would be long, and that swift victory against Japan was no longer likely. Mao Zedong's Yan'an base, far to the northwest, grasped the meaning of defeat there. In May 1938 he delivered one of his most celebrated lectures, “On Protracted War,” chiding those who had over-optimistically claimed the Xuzhou campaign could be a quasi-decisive victory and arguing that, after Taierzhuang, some had become “giddy.” Mao insisted that China would ultimately prevail, yet he warned that it could not be won quickly, and that the War of Resistance would be protracted. In the meantime, the development of guerrilla warfare remained an essential piece of the long-term strategy that the Communist armies would pursue in north China. Yet the loss of Xuzhou did not necessarily portend a long war; it could, instead, presage a war that would be terrifyingly short. By spring 1938 the Chinese defenders were desperate. There was a real danger that the entire war effort could collapse, and the Nationalist governments' notable success as protectors of a shrinking “Free China” lay in avoiding total disaster. Government propaganda had successfully portrayed a plan beyond retreat to foreign observers, yet had Tokyo captured Wuhan in the spring, the Chinese Army would have had to withdraw at speed, reinforcing perceptions of disintegration. Western governments were unlikely to intervene unless convinced it was in their interests. Within the Nationalist leadership, competing instincts persisted. The government pursued welfare measures for the people in the midst of a massive refugee relief effort, the state and local organizations, aided by the International Red Cross, housed large numbers of refugees in 1937–1938. Yet there was a harsher strain within policy circles, with some officials willing to sacrifice individual lives for strategic or political ends as the Japanese threat intensified. Throughout central China, the Yellow River, China's “Sorrow”, loomed as the dominant geographic force shaping history. The loess-laden river, notorious for floods and shifting channels, was banked by massive dikes near Zhengzhou, exactly along the line the Japanese would traverse toward Wuhan. Using the river as a military instrument was discussed as a drastic option: Chiang and Cheng Qian's First War Zone contemplated diverting or breaching the dikes to halt or slow the Japanese advance, a measure that could buy time but would unleash enormous civilian suffering. The idea dated back to 1887 floods that cost hundreds of thousands of lives, and even in 1935 Alexander von Falkenhausen had warned that the Yellow River could become the final line of defense. In 1938 Chiang, recognizing the futility of defeating the Japanese by conventional means at Zhengzhou, considered unleashing the river's force if necessary to impede the invaders. The political and strategic calculus was stark: protect central China and Wuhan, even if it required drastic and morally fraught measures. A more humane leader might have hesitated to break the dikes and spare the dams, allowing the Japanese to take Wuhan. But Chiang Kai-shek believed that if the dikes were not breached and Wuhan fell within days, the Nationalist government might be unable to relocate to Chongqing in time and would likely surrender, leaving Japan in control of almost all of China. Some have compared the choice to France's surrender in June 1940, underscoring that Chiang's decision came during the country's most terrifying assault, with Chinese forces much weaker and less trained than their European counterparts. The dilemma over whether to break the Yellow River dikes grew out of desperation. Chiang ultimately ordered General Wei Rulin to blow the dike that held the Yellow River in central Henan. There was no doubt about the consequences: floods would inundate vast areas of central China, creating a waterlogged barrier that would halt the Japanese advance. Yet for the plan to succeed, it had to be carried out quickly, and the government could offer no public warning in case the Japanese detected it and accelerated their movement. Xiong Xianyu, chief of staff in the 8th Division at the time, recorded the urgency of those hours in his diary. The Japanese were already on the north bank of the Yellow River, briefly delayed when the Chinese army blew up the railway bridge across the river. The destruction of the dikes was the next step: if the area became a sea of mud, there would be no way the Japanese could even attempt to reconstruct the bridge. Blasting the dikes proved easier in theory than in practice. Holding back such a massive body of water required substantial engineering, dams thick and well fortified. The army made its first attempts to blow the dike at the small town of Zhaokou between June 4 and 6, 1938, but the structure proved too durable; another nearby attempt failed as well. Hour by hour, the Japanese moved closer. Division commander Jiang Zaizhen asked Xiong Xianyu for his opinion on where they might breach the dams. Xiong wrote “I discussed the topography, and said that two places, Madukou and Huayuankou, were both possible.” But Madukou was too close to Zhaokou, where the breach had already failed, presenting a danger that the Japanese might reach it very soon. The village of Huayuankou, however, lay farther away and on a bend in the river: “To give ourselves enough time, Huayuankou would be best.” At first, the soldiers treated the task as a military engineering assignment, an “exciting” one in Xiong's words. Xiong and Wei Rulin conducted their first site inspection after dark, late on June 6. The surroundings offered a deceptive calm: Xiong recounted “The wind blew softly, and the river water trickled pleasantly.” Yet gauging the water level proved difficult, hampered by murky moonlight and burned-out flashlights. They spent the night in their car to determine precisely where to break the dike as soon as day broke. But daylight seemed to bring home the consequences of what they planned to do, and the soldiers grew increasingly anxious. Wang Songmei, commander of the 2nd Regiment, addressed the workers about to breach the dike: “My brothers, this plan will be of benefit to our country and our nation, and will lessen the harm that is being done to the people.In the future, you'll find good wives and have plenty of children.” Wang's words were meant to reassure the men of the political necessity of their actions and that fate would not, in the traditional Chinese sense, deny them a family because of the enormity of their deeds. General Wei confirmed that Huayuankou was the right spot, and on June 8 the work began, with about 2,000 men taking part. The Nationalist government was eager to ensure rapid progress. Xiong recorded that the “highest authorities”,, kept making telephone calls from Wuhan to check on progress. In addition, the party sent performers to sing and play music to bolster the workers' spirits. Senior General Shang Zhen announced to the laborers that if they breached the dam by midnight on June 8, each would receive 2,000 yuan; if they achieved it by six the next morning, they would still be paid 1,000 yuan. They needed encouragement, for the diggers had no artificial assistance. After the initial failures at Zhaokou, Wei's troops relied entirely on manual labor, with no explosives used. Yet the workers earned their payments, and the dike was breached in just a few hours. On the morning of June 9, Xiong recorded a rapid shift in mood: the atmosphere became tense and solemn. Initially, the river flow was modest, but by about 1:00 p.m. the water surged “fiercely,” flowing “like 10,000 horses.” Looking toward the distance, Xiong felt as though a sea had appeared before him. “My heart ached,” he wrote. The force of the water widened the breach, and a deadly stream hundreds of feet wide comprising about three-quarters of the river's volume—rushed southeast across the central Chinese plains. “We did this to stop the enemy,” Xiong reflected, “so we didn't regret the huge sacrifice, as it was for a greater victory.” Yet he and the other soldiers also saw a grim reality: the troops who had taken on the task of destroying the railway bridge and the dikes could not bear the flood's consequences alone. It would be up to the government and the people of the nation to provide relief for the countless households uprooted by the flood. In fact, the previous evening Commander Jiang had telephoned to request assistance for those flooded out of their homes.   Wei, Xiong, and their troops managed to escape by wooden boats. Hundreds of thousands of farmers trapped in the floods were far less fortunate. Time magazine's correspondent Theodore White reported on the devastation a few days later “Last week “The Ungovernable” [i.e. the Yellow River] lashed out with a flood which promised to change not only its own course but also the course of the whole Sino-Japanese War. Severe breaks in the dikes near Kaifeng sent a five-foot wall of water fanning out over a 500-squaremile area, spreading death. Toll from Yellow River floods is not so much from quick drowning as from gradual disease and starvation. The river's filth settles ankle-deep on the fields, mothering germs, smothering crops. Last week, about 500,000 peasants were driven from 2,000 communities to await rescue or death on whatever dry ground they could find”. Chiang's government had committed one of the grossest acts of violence against its own people, and he knew that the publicity could be a damaging blow to its reputation. He decided to divert blame by announcing that the dike had been broken, but blaming the breach on Japanese aerial bombing. The Japanese, in turn, fiercely denied having bombed the dikes. White's reporting reflected the immediate response of most foreigners; having heard about the atrocities at Nanjing and Xuzhou, he was disinclined to give the Japanese the benefit of the doubt. Furthermore, at the very time that the Yellow River was flooding central China, the Japanese were heavily bombing Guangzhou, causing thousands of casualties. To White, the Japanese counterargument—that the Chinese themselves were responsible, seemed unthinkable: “These accusations, foreign observers thought, were absurd. For the Chinese to check the Japanese advance at possible sacrifice of half a million lives would be a monstrous pyrrhic victory. Besides, dike-cutting is the blackest of Chinese crimes, and the Chinese Army would hardly risk universal censure for slight tactical gains.” But, of course, that is exactly what they had done. During the war the Nationalists never admitted that they, not the Japanese, had breached the dikes. But the truth quickly became widely known. Just a month later, on July 19, US Ambassador Johnson noted, in private communication, that the “Chinese blocked the advance on Chengchow [Zhengzhou] by breaching the Yellow River dikes.” Eventually some 54,000 square kilometers of central China were inundated by the floods. If the Japanese had committed such an act, it would have been remembered as the prime atrocity of the war, dwarfing even the Nanjing Massacre or the Chongqing air raids in terms of the number of people who suffered. Accurate statistics were impossible to obtain in the midst of wartime chaos and disaster, but in 1948 figures issued by the Nationalists themselves suggested enormous casualties: for the three affected provinces of Henan, Anhui, and Jiangsu, the number of dead was put at 844,489, with some 4.8 million becoming refugees. More recent studies place the numbers lower, but still estimate the dead at around 500,000, and 3–5 million refugees. In contrast, the devastating May 1939 air raids on Chongqing killed some thousands. Xiong reflected in his diary that the breaching of the Yellow River dikes was a sacrifice for a greater victory. Even to some Japanese it seemed that the tactic had been successful in the short term: the first secretary at the US Embassy in Wuhan reported that the flood had “completely checked the Japanese advance on Chengchow” and had prevented them taking Wuhan by rail. Instead, he predicted, the attack was likely to come by water and along the north shore of the Yangtze. Supporters of the dike breaches could argue that these acts saved central China and Chiang's headquarters in Wuhan for another five months. The Japanese were indeed prevented from advancing along the Long–Hai railway toward Wuhan. In the short term the floods did what the Nationalists wanted. But the flooding was a tactic, a breathing space, and did not solve the fundamental problem: China's armies needed strong leadership and rapid reform. Some historians suggest that Chiang's decision was pointless anyway, since it merely delayed the inevitable. Theodore White was right: no strategic advantage could make the deaths of 500,000 of China's own people a worthwhile price to pay. However, Chiang Kai-shek's decision can be partly explained, though not excused, by the context. We can now look back at the actions of the Nationalists and argue that they should not have held on to Wuhan, or that their actions in breaching the dam were unjustifiable in the extreme. But for Chiang, in the hot summer of 1938, it seemed his only hope was to deny Japan as much of China for as long as possible and create the best possible circumstances for a long war from China's interior, while keeping the world's attention on what Japan was doing. The short delay won by the flooding was itself part of the strategy. In the struggle raging within the soul of the Nationalist Party, the callous, calculating streak had won, for the time being. The breaking of the dikes marked a turning point as the Nationalists committed an act whose terrible consequences they would eventually have to expiate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In late 1937, China's frontline trembled as Japanese forces closed in on Wuhan. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: endure costly defenses or unleash a desperate gamble. Chiangs' radical plan emerged: breach the Yellow River dikes at Huayuankou to flood central China, buying time. The flood roared, washing villages and futures away, yet slowing the enemy. The battlefield paused, while a nation weighed courage against civilian suffering, victory against devastating costs.

This week, Madeline and David talk about Xinjiang, the Uyghurs, Donald Trump, and BDSM clubs in Taiwan!PATREON:https://www.patreon.com/pickmeupimscared/postsSOURCES:https://docs.google.com/document/d/1BmgLBs4h20BYpty5svAQZ3nI4GxM7vhDM2gWPA6f9QY/edit?tab=t.0

In Xinjiang, ancient traditions are not frozen in time but are dynamically evolving. This episode explores how daily life in the millennia-old Kashi Ancient City, and across all of Xinjiang, is being revitalized with modern comforts while carefully preserving its unique soul. From the enduring epic of Manas to the innovative fusion of Guangdong's Yingge dance with Uygur melodies, it's clear how dedicated cultural preservation, youthful creativity, and open exchanges are composing a vibrant new chapter for the region's diverse cultural mosaic.

The story of Xinjiang's industry is no longer just about sweet grapes and cotton fields. This episode travels from high tech cotton farms where AI and drones optimize harvests to the vast desert aquafarms that raise tasty seafood. We uncover how innovation is driving growth, from the massive wind farms of Hami supplying green energy to the nation, to the data centers of Karamay leveraging liquid cooling tech. It is a journey into how Xinjiang is diversifying its economy and harnessing cutting edge technology to build a robust and modern industrial ecosystem.

In this episode of The Hydrogen Podcast, we dive into three powerful stories shaping hydrogen's global trajectory:

From the bustling lanes of the world's largest bazaar in Urumqi to the state-of-the-art logistics hubs at its 17 land ports, Xinjiang is rapidly transforming its geographical advantages into robust economic strength. As China's vital gateway to the west, the region now hosts a comprehensive opening-up network, highlighted by the groundbreaking Pilot Free Trade Zone. This dynamic integration of cross-border trade, an expansive web of China-Europe freight trains, and vibrant cultural exchanges is weaving Xinjiang into the very fabric of the Belt and Road Initiative, cementing its role as a pivotal hub for continental connectivity.

In this week's episode of China Insider, Miles Yu provides a summary of Xi Jinping's recent trip to Xinjiang to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the region's founding, and the significance of this visit in contrast to Beijing's ongoing persecution of the Uyghur people. Next, Miles unpacks the latest developments within the CCP's influence operations and misinformation campaigns against Taiwan that aim to provoke instability and conflict between the DPP led executive and KMT controlled Legislative Yuan. Finally, Miles reviews President Trump's recent statements at the UN General Assembly regarding the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and what this could mean for China and their perceived role in the conflict.     China Insider is a weekly podcast project from Hudson Institute's China Center, hosted by China Center Director and Senior Fellow, Dr. Miles Yu, who provides weekly news that mainstream American outlets often miss, as well as in-depth commentary and analysis on the China challenge and the free world's future.

How does China use its considerable influence to try to stifle criticism in American universities? Sarah McLaughlin of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression joins the podcast to talk about her new book, Authoritarians in the Academy. We discuss how the Chinese government monitors their own citizens abroad, how they pressure universities into cancelling speakers from Tibet or Xinjiang, and how universities are too often happy to crack down on campus free speech in order to secure Chinese funding. To get bonus episodes, support us at patreon.com/newliberalpodcast or https://cnliberalism.org/become-a-member Got questions? Send us a note at mailbag@cnliberalism.org. Follow us at: https://twitter.com/CNLiberalism https://cnliberalism.org/   Join a local chapter at https://cnliberalism.org/become-a-member/

A smartphone can now connect small farmers to big markets, and a single broadband line can add "digital wings" to the special produce of the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, helping them reach dining tables across the world. Last year, Xinjiang's online retail sales hit 72.33 billion yuan ($10.17 billion), up 13.62 percent year-on-year. Rural e-commerce, in particular, performed exceptionally well, with rural online sales growing by 18.18 percent, and farm products' sales rising by 14.08 percent, highlighting Xinjiang's huge potential in digital commerce.如今，一部智能手机就能让小农户对接大市场，一根宽带线就能为新疆维吾尔自治区的特色农产品插上“数字翅膀”，助力它们走上全球各地的餐桌。去年，新疆网上零售额达723.3亿元（约合101.7亿美元），同比增长13.62%。其中，农村电商表现尤为突出，农村网上销售额增长18.18%，农产品销售额增长14.08%，彰显出新疆在数字商务领域的巨大潜力。That rural e-commerce has taken off for good is evident from Xinjiang's decision to intensively implement its "digital countryside" policy. Farmers now increasingly rely on platforms like Taobao, JD.com and Pinduoduo, as well as livestreaming channels on Douyin, Kuaishou and Xiaohongshu, or RedNote, to sell their produce. Especially, livestreaming has become their new "farm tool". The logistical problem, once the biggest barrier preventing farmers from accessing markets, has been solved with highways reaching farmlands even in remote areas, and cold-chain logistics, rail-road links, and even air freight transporting fresh produce across China overnight.新疆决定深入实施“数字乡村”政策，这一举措充分表明农村电商已实现良性发展。如今，农民越来越多地依靠淘宝、京东、拼多多等平台，以及抖音、快手、小红书等平台的直播渠道销售农产品。尤其是直播，已成为他们的新型“农具”。曾经阻碍农民进入市场的最大障碍——物流问题，如今已得到解决：即便在偏远地区，公路也已延伸至田间地头，冷链物流、铁路公路联运乃至航空货运，能在一夜之间将新鲜农产品运往中国各地。Xinjiang now has more airports than any other province or region in China, and has extended 5G base stations, cold storage, and pre-cooling facilities to the grassroots level. That means Korla pears, Aksu apples, Luntai apricots, and Atushi figs can be, with one click, shipped across the Tianshan Mountains, and put on dining tables nationwide and abroad.目前，新疆的机场数量在全国各省区市中位居首位，5G基站、冷藏库和预冷设施已延伸至基层。这意味着，库尔勒香梨、阿克苏苹果、轮台小白杏、阿图什无花果等农产品，只需轻轻一点，就能跨越天山，摆上全国乃至全球的餐桌。In a livestreaming session, a simple "click the link" instantly connects remote orchards to global markets. County-level e-commerce service centers and livestream incubators turn online traffic into orders, and orders into income — consolidating the gains of poverty alleviation while creating new jobs and income channels. Indeed, digital technology is weaving Xinjiang's fields into the "cloud", painting a new picture of rural revitalization.在一场直播中，简单的一句“点击链接”，就能瞬间将偏远果园与全球市场连接起来。县级电商服务中心和直播孵化基地将线上流量转化为订单，再将订单转化为收入——在巩固脱贫成果的同时，也创造了新的就业和增收渠道。事实上，数字技术正将新疆的田野编织进“云端”，勾勒出乡村振兴的新图景。Livestreaming hasn't just expanded sales channels; it has also prompted farmers to standardize and upgrade their products. Take Korla for instance.直播不仅拓宽了销售渠道，还推动农民对农产品进行标准化提升和品质升级。以库尔勒为例。Known as China's "pear city", it has integrated remote sensing, GIS, GPS, automation, and communications technology, and built a big-data platform for pear farming.作为中国的“梨城”，库尔勒整合了遥感、地理信息系统（GIS）、全球定位系统（GPS）、自动化及通信技术，搭建了梨产业大数据平台。The system monitors production, manages data and guides the entire value chain. Korla's pear industry practices smart farming, does digital trading and provides integrated industrial services, boosting efficiency, brand value and global reach. Today, Korla pears are exported to more than 20 countries and regions.该系统可实现生产监测、数据管理，并对全产业链进行指导。库尔勒梨产业推行智慧种植、开展数字交易、提供一体化产业服务，有效提升了产业效率、品牌价值和国际影响力。如今，库尔勒香梨已出口至20多个国家和地区。The digital economy is emerging as a new engine, driving Xinjiang's development. It has not only enhanced the value of "original" farm specialties but also triggered systemic upgrading across industry chains, infrastructure and the talent structures. By enabling the seamless flow of data, it connects logistics, finance and human resources, restructuring the entire chain of production, supply, sales and services. This offers a rare chance for Xinjiang's remote areas to leapfrog onto a faster track of growth.数字经济正成为推动新疆发展的新引擎。它不仅提升了农产品“原生态”的价值，还带动了产业链、基础设施和人才结构的系统性升级。通过实现数据的无缝流动，数字经济连接起物流、金融和人力资源，重构了生产、供应、销售和服务的全链条。这为新疆偏远地区提供了难得的机遇，使其得以跨越式进入更快的发展轨道。Specifically, digitalization is unlocking five types of potential for Xinjiang's development. The first is market potential. The digital economy is breaking geographical barriers, directly connecting supply with real-time demand, and unleashing hidden consumption capacity.具体而言，数字化正为新疆发展释放五大潜力。其一为市场潜力。数字经济打破地理壁垒，将供给与实时需求直接对接，释放潜在消费能力。The second is value potential. Data as a new production factor enables graded pricing and branded sales, ensuring "good quality at good prices" for Xinjiang's farm products.其二为价值潜力。数据作为新型生产要素，助力农产品实现分级定价和品牌化销售，确保新疆农产品“优质优价”。The third is structural potential. Digital platforms are facilitating the upgrade of logistics, cold storage, processing and finance, linking agriculture, industry and services.其三为结构潜力。数字平台推动物流、冷藏、加工、金融等领域升级，实现农业、工业与服务业的联动。The fourth is human potential. Livestreaming, e-commerce operations and supply-chain management create new jobs, encouraging youth to return home and reshape the rural knowledge base.其四为人才潜力。直播、电商运营、供应链管理等领域创造了新岗位，吸引青年返乡，重塑农村知识体系。And the fifth is openness potential. With cross-border e-commerce, data flows and cold-chain corridors, Xinjiang's agricultural specialties are embedding themselves into global value chains. As cold-chain logistics, talent pools and industry standards improve, Xinjiang's digital economy will gain greater momentum, powering regional development and contributing to the broader goal of common prosperity.其五为开放潜力。借助跨境电商、数据流动和冷链通道，新疆特色农产品正融入全球价值链。随着冷链物流、人才储备和产业标准的不断完善，新疆数字经济将获得更强动力，为区域发展注入活力，并为实现共同富裕的宏伟目标贡献力量。Xinjiang's story proves that the digital economy is not the preserve of coastal cities; it can flourish even in mountain valleys and the heart of deserts. For local farmers, data have become new inputs, smartphones new farm tools, and livestreaming a new form of labor. Rural areas of Xinjiang are no longer just recipients of support but also active partners in cooperation, no longer only suppliers of raw materials but also sources of emerging brands.新疆的实践证明，数字经济并非沿海城市的“专属品”，即便在山谷之中、沙漠腹地，它也能蓬勃发展。对当地农民而言，数据已成为新的生产资料，智能手机成为新农具，直播成为新的劳动形态。新疆农村地区不再只是帮扶的接受者，更是合作的积极参与者；不再只是原材料的供应方，更是新兴品牌的发源地。The snowmelt from the Tianshan Mountains continues to flow, but through fiber-optic cables flows something just as vital: the promise of shared prosperity.天山的融雪奔流不息，而通过光纤电缆传递的，还有同样重要的东西——共同富裕的希望。Xinjiang's farm producen.新疆农产品 /ʃɪnˈdʒɑːŋz fɑːm ˈprɒdjuːs/rural e-commerce (in Xinjiang)n.（新疆的）农村电商/ˈrʊərəl ˈiːkɒmɜːs (ɪn ʃɪnˈdʒɑːŋ)/

An ancient city of stones and bricks has revitalized through openness and connectivity in the heart of the Eurasian continent. Western headlines would have you believe that the region is reeling under surveillance and suppression, and people are unhappy. But what's conveniently missing from those narratives are real stories from people on the ground, those with firsthand experiences. In 2024, Xinjiang welcomed nearly 300 million arrivals, with 5 million from overseas, marking a 55% increase compared with the previous year. What exactly is attracting all these visitors? What is Xinjiang really like today? And where is it headed going forward?

This episode follows Mustafa Alim, a musician from Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in northwest China, who fell in love with the accordion. Actively promoting accordion culture, he has engaged in cross-cultural exchanges through domestic and international accordion festivals and concert tours, showcasing the instrument's role as a cultural symbol of Xinjiang.

In this episode of the ChinaPower Podcast, Dr. Ching Kwan Lee joins us to discuss her newly released book Forever Hong Kong: A Global City's Decolonization Struggle. She reframes the 2019 Hong Kong protests not merely as a fight for democracy, but as the culmination of a two-decade decolonization struggle that sought to redefine the city's identity, economy, and society. Dr. Lee first explains how Hong Kong experienced double colonization - first under Britain, then under Beijing - each system of rule justified through race, from colonial difference to China's coercive sameness. Dr. Lee also explores Beijing's contradictory impulses toward Hong Kong—wanting the city open enough to serve as a global hub yet controlled enough to prevent it from inspiring resistance on the mainland. She explains how this tension led to the imposition of the National Security Law and draws parallels to China's approaches in Tibet and Xinjiang, while reflecting on what Hong Kong's experience means for Taiwan and the fading credibility of “One Country, Two Systems.” Her insights in the book challenge familiar narratives and place Hong Kong's struggle within the wider global conversations about authoritarianism, resistance, and decolonization in the 21st century.  Dr. Ching Kwan Lee is a professor in the department of Sociology at UCLA. She is a sociologist working at the intersection of global and comparative issues, including labor, political sociology, global development, decolonization, comparative ethnography, Hong Kong, Taiwan, China, and Africa. She has published three multiple award-winning monographs on contemporary China, including Gender and the South China Miracle, Against the Law, and The Specter of Global China. The trilogy of Chinese capitalism was written through the lens of labor and working-class experiences. Her most recent publications include a short format book titled Hong Kong: Global China's Restive Frontier, and two co-edited volumes — Take Back Our Future: an Eventful Sociology of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement and The Social Question in the 21st Century: A Global View. Forever Hong Kong: A Global City's Struggle for Decolonization is her newest monograph. 

China has held a grand gathering in Urumqi, capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, in celebration of the 70th anniversary of the autonomous region's founding.

China's Xinjiang region has held a grand gathering for its 70th founding anniversary, highlighting historic achievements under the CPC leadership (01:11). The Chinese president has announced new 2035 climate goals, pledging to cut emissions, boost non-fossil fuels, and expand wind and solar power (15:25). Weather authorities have downgraded Typhoon Ragasa to a tropical storm, hours after it slammed into the China's southern coast (27:04).

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Over the past seven decades, Xinjiang has grown from a remote frontier to a vibrant region with modern cities, thriving industries, and improved living standards for 26 million residents representing dozens of ethnic groups. The region has made historic progress in poverty alleviation, education, and healthcare -- achievements that have transformed everyday life. It is also emerging as a pioneer in clean energy, generating a significant share of China's wind and solar power, and serving as a crucial bridge for the country's westward opening-up and international connectivity.

① China has celebrated the 70th founding anniversary of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. We take a look at how Xinjiang is maintaining stability and achieving prosperity. (00:48) ② China has made a landmark pledge to cut its climate emissions. Is China in effect taking on a global leadership role in tackling climate change? (13:03) ③ A conversation with Alfred Moi Jamiru, Sierra Leone's Deputy Minister of Local Government and Community Affairs, on China's Global Governance Initiative. (25:17) ④ China's tech giants are ramping up efforts in artificial intelligence. Is China's AI push shifting from pure tech competition to creating real-world value for industries? (36:22) ⑤ Hong Kong, Sri Lanka, Chile and Bangladesh are seeking to join the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. What could they potentially bring to the trade bloc? (46:58)

In Xinjiang, ancient traditions are not frozen in time but are dynamically evolving. This episode explores how daily life in the millennia-old Kashi Ancient City, and across all of Xinjiang, is being revitalized with modern comforts while carefully preserving its unique soul. From the enduring epic of Manas to the innovative fusion of Guangdong's Yingge dance with Uygur melodies, it's clear how dedicated cultural preservation, youthful creativity, and open exchanges are composing a vibrant new chapter for the region's diverse cultural mosaic.

Joe Galvin, journalist with RTÉ Investigates, outlines how some of Ireland's largest retailers are exposed to forced labour cotton.

General Secretary Xi Jinping of the Communist Party of China Central Committee is urging efforts to to build a modern socialist Xinjiang that is united, harmonious, prosperous, culturally advanced, peaceful, and ecologically sound.

The exhibition in Urumqi provides a panoramic view of the development achievements stemming from unity, diligence and perseverance among people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang under the leadership of the CPC and with the support from other parts of the country.

An ancient city of stones and bricks has revitalized through openness and connectivity in the heart of the Eurasian continent. Western headlines would have you believe that the region is reeling under surveillance and suppression, and people are unhappy. But what's conveniently missing from those narratives are real stories from people on the ground, those with firsthand experiences. In 2024, Xinjiang welcomed nearly 300 million arrivals, with 5 million from overseas, marking a 55% increase compared with the previous year. What exactly is attracting all these visitors? What is Xinjiang really like today? And where is it headed going forward?

China marks the 70th founding anniversary of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region with celebrations in Urumqi, as President Xi highlights unity, progress, and modernization alongside residents reflecting on remarkable development (01:07). The Chinese premier has reaffirmed that Beijing is not seeking special treatment when negotiating reforms of the World Trade Organization (19:02). Super Typhoon Ragasa has hit the Chinese mainland after causing deadly destruction in the Taiwan region (25:36).

① Xi Jinping is in Urumqi to attend events marking 70 years of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. How is China building a beautiful Xinjiang? (00:51) ② At the UN General Assembly, China's premier says the country will not seek any new special treatment in the World Trade Organization negotiations. He also announced a few plans to contribute to global development over the next five years. How does China's gesture matter? (13:40) ③ A conversation with Tsepang Ts'ita-Mosena, Deputy Speaker of the Lesotho Parliament, on China's Global Governance Initiative. (24:46) ④ NATO has issued a warning to Russia against what it calls violations of its member states' airspace, but Moscow has denied the allegations. Is there possibility for the eruption of a major aerial military clash between NATO and Russia? (36:14) ⑤ Why is South Korea's new president offering a perceived olive branch to North Korea? (44:00)

President Xi Jinping called on Tuesday for people from all ethnic groups and all walks of life in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region to pool efforts and strive in solidarity to build a beautiful Xinjiang in the process of achieving Chinese modernization.He made the remarks when meeting with representatives from all ethnic groups and sectors in the region.Xi arrived in Urumqi, the region's capital, earlier in the day to attend activities marking the 70th anniversary of the region's founding, including a grand gathering on Thursday morning.Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, has led a central delegation to Xinjiang for the celebrations, marking the first time in the history of the Party and the country that such an arrangement has been made.The visit speaks volumes about the importance that the CPC Central Committee attaches to Xinjiang work, as well as its great care for the officials and people of all ethnic groups in the region.Located in Northwest China, Xinjiang has been the home of various ethnic groups since ancient times and a place for cultural integration.As the plane carrying Xi landed at Urumqi Tianshan International Airport, he was greeted with warm applause and cheers from local people waiting on the tarmac. Thousands of people from different ethnic groups welcomed him with traditional dances accompanied by festive music.Paruzat Zulpikar, a Uygur student in the fifth grade, presented Xi with a bouquet of red roses, peonies and pomegranates."It still feels just like a dream. I was both excited and nervous," she said. "I greeted him with 'Hello, Grandpa Xi', and he gave me a warm feeling."Permeated with a festive atmosphere, Urumqi was decorated with colorful flags on both sides of the main streets from the airport to the hotel. People from all ethnic groups waved flags and cheered to express their welcome and gratitude. Opening the car window, Xi waved back to the crowds along the road.Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC in 2012, Xinjiang has made solid progress in promoting high-quality development, with its per capita nominal GDP more than doubling — from 33,495 yuan ($4,710) in 2012 to 78,660 yuan in 2024.Over the past years, people's well-being has also witnessed continuous improvement, as more than 70 percent of Xinjiang's general public budget is allocated every year to safeguard and improve people's well-being, in order to ensure that development benefits the people of all ethnic groups in a fair way.Wang Haoyu, a community worker and a member of a dragon dance team, said he has personally experienced the changes in living conditions over the years."Our family first lived in an old, 50-square-meter brick house. When I was about 2 years old, we moved into a walk-up apartment. Then, five or six years ago, we moved into an apartment with an elevator. Life has kept getting better," he said.The 27-year-old said that Xinjiang's development today has not come easily. "We are not only witnesses to history, but also builders of history. I will continue to work hard, do my job well, and help make Xinjiang an even better place," he said.Also on Tuesday, Xi held separate meetings with local officials, leaders of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, cadres who have come to work in Xinjiang from other parts of the country, judicial workers, police officers, and patriotic members of religious circles, among others.Xi also met with military officers ranked colonel and above, along with grassroots role models and civilian personnel accompanying troops stationed in Urumqi. He conveyed cordial greetings to all military personnel in Xinjiang on behalf of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Military Commission.

The story of Xinjiang's industry is no longer just about sweet grapes and cotton fields. This episode travels from high tech cotton farms where AI and drones optimize harvests to the vast desert aquafarms that raise tasty seafood. We uncover how innovation is driving growth, from the massive wind farms of Hami supplying green energy to the nation, to the data centers of Karamay leveraging liquid cooling tech. It is a journey into how Xinjiang is diversifying its economy and harnessing cutting edge technology to build a robust and modern industrial ecosystem.

Chinese President Xi Jinping is in Urumqi to attend celebratory events marking 70 years of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. He has extended greetings to people of all ethnic groups and encouraged them to build a beautiful Xinjiang in the process of Chinese-style modernization.

China's Xinjiang region is charting multiple successes, where rural revitalization and thriving tourism are powering modernization and shared prosperity (31:43). World leaders have marked the 80th year of the United Nations, with urgent calls to pursue peace and diplomacy amid one of the most turbulent moments in its history (01:01). A new OECD report expects China's economy to grow 4.9 percent in 2025, up from the 4.7 percent prediction in June (25:13).

Xinjiang is a land of music, dance, tasty nang bread, sweet fruit, and timeless tales. A main protagonist of many stories is Afanti, the clever, humorous, and wise folk hero who uses wit and tricks to help the people, outsmart the greedy, and mock the selfish. Join us to hear the story of Afanti. On the show: Niuniu & Steve.(08:47) Who is Afanti?(12:23) The story of Afanti.

From the bustling lanes of the world's largest bazaar in Urumqi to the humming logistics hubs at the region's 19 ports, Xinjiang is transforming its geographical advantage into economic strength. As China's gateway to the west, it now hosts a major network for opening-up, including the pioneering Pilot Free Trade Zone. This episode explores how cross-border trade, a web of China-Europe freight trains, and cultural exchanges are weaving Xinjiang into the very heart of the Belt and Road Initiative, making it a pivotal hub for continental connectivity. On the show: Niu Honglin, Laiming & Yushan.

The UK, Canada, Australia, and Portugal have officially recognized the Palestinian State, with more countries expected to follow at the UN General Assembly this week (01:12). China's Xinjiang region is seeing significant improvements in income, education, and healthcare at it marks its 70th founding anniversary (13:45). The U.S. president has sparked panic among employers and skilled workers with a massive annual fee for H1-B work visas (23:19).

① After a call between Xi Jinping and Donald Trump, a US congressional delegation visited China and met China's premier. Is there an opportunity to improve China-US relations? (00:50) ② Britain, Portugal, Australia, and Canada have officially recognized the State of Palestine. How much do their actions matter in terms of piling pressure on Israel? (13:32) ③ Venezuela has shared a letter from its leader Nicolas Maduro to US President Donald Trump that offered direct talks after a US strike on an alleged drug boat. Are Washington's recent actions in the Caribbean really about intercepting narcotics? (24:55) ④ How could Donald Trump's H-1B visa crackdown rattle prospects of foreign professionals seeking to work in the US? (34:45) ⑤ A conversation with a German professor who has been attacked in his country for publishing his findings about Xinjiang. (43:51)

Beijing has released a white paper on the successful practice of the Communist Party of China's strategy for governing Xinjiang in the new era. The document comes as the northwestern autonomous region is marking its 70th founding anniversary.

Accused of doing the Chinese government's bidding after publishing research that challenged dominant Western media narratives, Georg Gesk, a German law professor who has studied China for nearly four decades, continues to speak openly about his findings in Xinjiang. What did his research uncover?

Beijing issued a white paper outlining the CPC's Xinjiang strategy, highlighting economic growth, stability, cultural heritage protection, and its role as a Eurasian gateway, as the region marks its 70th founding anniversary (01:13). The Beijing Xiangshan Forum closed with calls for multilateralism, dialogue, and respect for sovereignty, stressing cooperation in global governance to advance peace, and address shared international security challenges (10:40). China has condemned another U.S. veto of a UN Gaza resolution demanding ceasefire, aid access, and hostage release (20:50).

①The 22nd China-ASEAN Expo is underway in Nanning. What are the highlights of this year's event? (00:37)②The US Federal Reserve has cut interest rates for the first time this year. What does it mean for the US and global economy? (12:44)③Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have signed a mutual defense pact. What's behind the decision? (24:33)④Kazakhstan expert highlights regional cooperation under Xi's Global Governance Initiative. (33:26)⑤Xinjiang's development in the eyes of an American scholar (42:55)

"If you want to drown your dog, accuse it of having rabies." This French proverb has been used by American scholar Barry Sautman to describe the West's smear campaign against northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Professor Sautman first visited Xinjiang in 1999 and has returned frequently ever since. Over the years, he has seen the development and changes in the region up close. In an academic study, he compared various quality-of-life indicators between the Uygur population in Xinjiang and people in the West. What exactly did he find? How does life in Xinjiang compare to life in other parts of the world, including Western developed countries?

Today's guest is Jerry Grey, an Australian freelancer who has lived in China for more than two decades and cycled five times to China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. He shares his views on the massive changes that have taken place in Xinjiang throughout the years. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Since 1951, when Tibet was formally annexed into the People's Republic of China, Tibet has been a battleground between China's efforts to assert control and the Tibetan people's struggle to preserve their cultural and religious identity. This past August, Xi Jinping made a surprise visit to Tibet, his second since becoming China's top leader in 2012. Less than two months earlier, the Dalai Lama, now 90 years old, announced that his office, not China, would choose his successor when he passes. A few months before that, the Dalai Lama revealed in a memoir that he would reincarnate outside of China. The PRC insists that the next incarnation – the 15th Dalai Lama – will be born inside PRC territory and approved by the Chinese government. What are Beijing's interests in Tibet and how has Xi Jinping pursued them since coming to power? What is likely to occur after the Dalai Lama's passing? I'm delighted to have as my guest today Tendor Dorjee. Tendor is an adjunct assistant professor of political science at Columbia University, a senior researcher at the Tibet Action Institute, and the inaugural Stephanie G Neuman Fellow at the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies. He recently co-authored an article in Foreign Affairs titled Beijing's Dangerous Game in Tibet”.Timestamps[00:00] Start [02:08] Beijing's Key Interests in Tibet [04:06] Xi Jinping's Approach to Tibet [07:00] Internal and External Drivers of Tibet Policy [08:08] Xi's Recent Visit to Tibet [11:34] Infrastructure Developments and Expansionism  [15:27] Beijing's Succession Plans and Tibetan Reactions to a Future Dalai Lama [20:27] Risk of Unrest and Crackdowns [25:43] Implications for Neighboring States 

In this episode, Niuniu and Steve share Chinese expressions unique to Xinjiang, and Niuniu also talks about her personal travel experiences there. From the region's diverse cultures and stunning landscapes to its lively bazaars, we offer you a fascinating look at China's far western regions. (02:05) Xinjiang's Cultural Diversity(16:31) Unique Expressions in Xinjiang

Have you noticed that the name "Xinjiang" has largely disappeared from the Western news cycle these days? With Xinjiang freely accessible and the world seeing the true picture for themselves, stories of repression, human rights violation regarding Xinjiang seem to have suddenly disappeared. Another reason why few dare to continue spreading disinformation about Xinjiang is thanks to the rigorous work of academics like Jaq James. Drawing on her background in law, she has completely debunked some of the most atrocious claims and narratives about Xinjiang.

The concentration of terrorists, political suspects, ethnic minorities, prisoners of war, enemy aliens, and other potentially “dangerous” populations spans the modern era. From Konzentrationslager in colonial Africa to strategic villages in Southeast Asia, from slave plantations in America to Uyghur sweatshops in Xinjiang, and from civilian internment in World War II to extraordinary rendition at Guantanamo Bay, mass detention is as diverse as it is ubiquitous. Camps: A Global History of Mass Confinement (University of Toronto Press, 2024) offers a short but compelling guide to the varied manifestations of concentration camps in the last two centuries, while tracing provocative transnational connections with related institutions such as workhouses, migrant detention centers, and residential schools. Aidan Forth is an associate professor of British, imperial, and global history at MacEwan University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

The concentration of terrorists, political suspects, ethnic minorities, prisoners of war, enemy aliens, and other potentially “dangerous” populations spans the modern era. From Konzentrationslager in colonial Africa to strategic villages in Southeast Asia, from slave plantations in America to Uyghur sweatshops in Xinjiang, and from civilian internment in World War II to extraordinary rendition at Guantanamo Bay, mass detention is as diverse as it is ubiquitous. Camps: A Global History of Mass Confinement (University of Toronto Press, 2024) offers a short but compelling guide to the varied manifestations of concentration camps in the last two centuries, while tracing provocative transnational connections with related institutions such as workhouses, migrant detention centers, and residential schools. Aidan Forth is an associate professor of British, imperial, and global history at MacEwan University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

The concentration of terrorists, political suspects, ethnic minorities, prisoners of war, enemy aliens, and other potentially “dangerous” populations spans the modern era. From Konzentrationslager in colonial Africa to strategic villages in Southeast Asia, from slave plantations in America to Uyghur sweatshops in Xinjiang, and from civilian internment in World War II to extraordinary rendition at Guantanamo Bay, mass detention is as diverse as it is ubiquitous. Camps: A Global History of Mass Confinement (University of Toronto Press, 2024) offers a short but compelling guide to the varied manifestations of concentration camps in the last two centuries, while tracing provocative transnational connections with related institutions such as workhouses, migrant detention centers, and residential schools. Aidan Forth is an associate professor of British, imperial, and global history at MacEwan University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

The concentration of terrorists, political suspects, ethnic minorities, prisoners of war, enemy aliens, and other potentially “dangerous” populations spans the modern era. From Konzentrationslager in colonial Africa to strategic villages in Southeast Asia, from slave plantations in America to Uyghur sweatshops in Xinjiang, and from civilian internment in World War II to extraordinary rendition at Guantanamo Bay, mass detention is as diverse as it is ubiquitous. Camps: A Global History of Mass Confinement (University of Toronto Press, 2024) offers a short but compelling guide to the varied manifestations of concentration camps in the last two centuries, while tracing provocative transnational connections with related institutions such as workhouses, migrant detention centers, and residential schools. Aidan Forth is an associate professor of British, imperial, and global history at MacEwan University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/genocide-studies

British Influencer LivinlavidaLuke, Luke Johnston, is getting his doctorate in China. For months, he has lived in Xinjiang, China. During his leisure time, he'd go travelling across Xinjiang. What is it like to be living in Xinjiang? Find out more on The Bridge to China. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Today's guest is Fernando Munoz Bernal, a journalist from Columbia. He toured in Xinjiang by RV, spending months exploring the region. We ask him to tell us what local life in Xinjiang is really like. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Earlier this month an Australian-based Uyghur group launched legal action against Kmart in the federal court. The case has put the retailer's supply chain under scrutiny for potential links to forced labour in China's Xinjiang province. Nour Haydar speaks with senior reporter Ben Doherty about the legal action against Kmart and the warnings that Australia could become a dumping ground for products linked to forced labour

In this episode, Rushan Abbas reveals how the Chinese communist regime has escalated its campaign against the Uyghurs.Uyghurs are being mass surveilled, forcibly sterilized, and exploited as slave labor both in Xinjiang and in other provinces across China. There are growing signs of large-scale forced organ harvesting in the region—including an apparent special lane in the city of Kashgar's airport dedicated to the transport of human organs.In 2018, the Chinese regime imprisoned Rushan Abbas's sister Gulshan in an apparent attempt to silence Rushan. Her sister was sentenced to 20 years in prison, and she has since spent almost seven years detained—with no end in sight.Rushan Abbas is the author of the powerful memoir “Unbroken: One Uyghur's Fight for Freedom.” She is the founder and executive director of the Campaign for Uyghurs and chairperson of the World Uyghur Congress's executive committee.Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.