Podcast appearances and mentions of Robert Dallek

  Marcia Franklin interviews presidential historian Robert Dallek about the upcoming election and the qualities he believes are important in order to lead a country. Dallek, the author of more than a half dozen books, including a two-volume biography of President Lyndon Johnson, is a professor of history at Boston University. He is a frequent commentator on radio and television, and was the 2004 distinguished Idaho Humanities Council lecturer. Originally aired: 10/14/2004

 Today I wanted to share some of the experiences of John F Kennedy at boarding school. I share from his biography called Kennedy, An Unfinished Life. Kennedy went to boarding school from age 13 to Canterbury in the US.And then age 14 he went to Choate School. I share his experiences of homesickness, being a rebel and being close to being expelled and having a family which had very high expectations of him. I also talk about some of the illnesses he struggled with at boarding school. Taken from the biography by Robert Dallek called Kennedy, An Unfiinished Life: https://amzn.eu/d/61Zn6DL Take care, Piers --- Piers is an author and a men's transformational coach and therapist who works mainly with trauma, boarding school issues, addictions and relationship problems. He also runs online men's groups for ex-boarders, retreats and a podcast called An Evolving Man. He is also the author of How to Survive and Thrive in Challenging Times. To purchase Piers first book: https://www.amazon.co.uk/How-Survive-Thrive-Challenging-Times/dp/B088T5L251/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=piers+cross&qid=1609869608&sr=8-1 For more videos please visit: http://youtube.com/pierscross For FB: https://www.facebook.com/pierscrosspublic For Piers' website and a free training How To Find Peace In Everyday Life: https://www.piers-cross.com/community Many blessings, Piers Cross http://piers-cross.com/

La madre de todas las teorías de la conspiración es el asesinato de John Fitzgerald Kennedy. La semana pasada vimos con detalle los hechos en La ContraHistoria. El 22 de noviembre de 1963 el presidente y su esposa, Jacqueline Kennedy, viajaron a Dallas para realizar una visita oficial. Nada más descender del avión se embarcaron en una caravana por la ciudad a bordo de una limusina descapotable en compañía del gobernador de Texas, John Connally. Recorrieron el centro de Dallas, cuyas calles se habían engalanado para la ocasión y estaban repletas de gente. Ya casi al final de su recorrido, cuando la caravana atravesaba la Dealey Plaza, el vehículo presidencial fue tiroteado. La investigación realizada tras el magnicidio concluyó que un tirador llamado Lee Harvey Oswald había realizado tres disparos con una carabina Carcano desde la sexta planta del edificio que albergaba el Almacén de Libros Escolares de Texas. El presidente recibió dos impactos de bala. El primero le entró por la parte superior de la espalda y le salió por la garganta. Cinco segundos después otra bala le alcanzó en el cráneo. Kennedy ingresó aún con un hilo de vida en el Parkland Memorial Hospital donde fallecería poco después. En paralelo a su agonía la policía de Dallas detuvo a Lee Harvey Oswald, a quien los indicios apuntaban como presunto asesino, en un cine localizado en un suburbio del suroeste de la ciudad donde se había escondido tras haber matado a un agente que le acababa de dar el alto. Lee Harvey Oswald fue trasladado a comisaría y allí le interrogaron los inspectores de policía durante dos días, al término de los cuales el juez ordenó que el reo fuese llevado de las dependencias policiales a la cárcel del condado. La expectación era máxima. Los medios de comunicación se arremolinaron en la puerta de servicio de la comisaría para retransmitir en directo la salida del detenido. En ese momento el dueño de un club nocturno de Dallas llamado Jack Ruby se abalanzó sobre Oswald y le disparó a quemarropa acabando con su vida. Muerto el principal sospechoso la investigación se detuvo, la policía dio el caso por cerrado, algo que disgustó a la opinión pública que empezó a pensar que ahí había gato encerrado. Una semana más tarde y tras consultarlo con Edgar Hoover, director del FBI, el presidente Lyndon B. Johnson creo una comisión presidencial presidida por Earl Warren, presidente del Tribunal Supremo, razón por la cual pasó a ser conocida como Comisión Warren. El informe con las conclusiones de la comisión se presentó diez meses más tarde. Los comisionados resolvieron que el presidente Kennedy había sido asesinado por Lee Harvey Oswald que actuó completamente a solas y por motivos estrictamente personales. Respecto a Jack Ruby, que en esos momentos se encontraba en prisión, también determinó que actuó solo movido por el afán de vengar el asesinato de Kennedy. Con esto ya se daba completamente por cerrado el caso, pero era sólo el principio de una serie de teorías de la conspiración que no han hecho más que crecer y sofisticarse desde entonces. Las hay para todos los gustos y todas coinciden en la búsqueda e identificación de un culpable que consiguió salir indemne tras la investigación oficial. Unas apuntan hacia el propio Gobierno de Estados Unidos que conspiró contra el presidente con la colaboración de la CIA, otras señalan a la Unión Soviética, otras a la Cuba de Fidel Castro y otras a la mafia. Hay decenas de teorías, algunas sencillas de exponer y otras mucho más enrevesadas. El hecho es que un porcentaje nada despreciable (aproximadamente un 60%) de los estadounidenses siguen creyendo que Kennedy fue víctima de un complot. En La ContraHistoria de hoy, y por deseo expreso de los contraescuchas, vamos a ver las principales teorías de la conspiración de un asesinato que la opinión pública nunca considerará del todo cerrado. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción 4:19 La madre de todas las conspiraciones 1:10:17 200 años de la Policía Nacional 1:15:57 El origen de Alemania Bibliografía: - "J.F. Kennedy: Una vida inacabada" de Robert Dallek - https://amzn.to/4cV55D7 - "El asesinato del presidente Kennedy" de Luciano Armas - https://amzn.to/3Yp2mNX - "John Kennedy: El sueño que transformó Estados Unidos" de Fabricio Sales - https://amzn.to/4fkd5z1 - "Conspiración Kennedy" de Andrea Larsen - https://amzn.to/4fmGQPF · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #kennedy #oswald Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

El magnicidio más famoso de la historia tuvo lugar el 22 de noviembre de 1963 en Dallas. John Fitzgerald Kennedy, trigésimo quinto presidente de los Estados Unidos fue asesinado cuando recorría la ciudad a bordo de una limusina descapotable en una caravana presidencial junto a su esposa Jacqueline, el gobernador de Texas, John Connally y su esposa Nellie. Murió a causa de dos balazos, uno en la espalda y otro en la cabeza, disparados por Lee Harvey Oswald, un antiguo marine, que se había apostado con un rifle en el sexto piso del almacén de libros escolares de Texas. El magnicidio quedó inmortalizado en película a color gracias a que Abraham Zapruder, un vecino de Dallas que asistía al paso de la caravana, lo grabó con un pequeño tomavistas de 8mm. Tras el tiroteo el vehículo presidencial aligeró la marcha y se dirigió al Parkland Memorial Hospital, ubicado a unos seis kilómetros del lugar de los hechos. Media hora más tarde los médicos declararon la muerte del presidente de forma oficial. El gobernador Connally también resultó herido, pero se recuperó posteriormente. Se puso entonces en marcha el mecanismo sucesorio. Para evitar un vacío de poder el vicepresidente Lyndon B. Johnson juró como presidente dos horas y media después del asesinato a bordo del Air Force One, que se encontraba estacionado en el aeropuerto de Dallas Love Field. Tras atentar contra el presidente, Oswald regresó a su casa y se hizo con una pistola con la que poco después mató al policía de Dallas J.D. Tippit que le había dado el alto al verle por la calle. Pero su escapada duró poco. Una hora más tarde fue arrestado en un cine por la policía de Dallas y acusado formalmente de asesinar a Kennedy y a Tippit. Dos días después, cuando las autoridades se disponían a trasladarle desde la comisaría hasta la cárcel del condado, Oswald murió a manos de Jack Ruby, el dueño de un local nocturno dela ciudad que le disparó a quemarropa y con cámaras de televisión emitiendo en directo. Aún con vida fue trasladado al Parkland Memorial Hospital donde murió poco después. Ruby fue juzgado y condenado por el asesinato de Oswald, recurrió la condena y murió en 1967 cuando esperaba una resolución judicial. La investigación del asesinato corrió a cargo de la Comisión Warren, llamada así porque la presidía Earl Warren, un prestigioso juez del Tribunal Supremo. Warren concluyó que el único responsable del asesinato de Kennedy era Lee Harvey Oswald. No apreció conspiración alguna y declaró cerrado el caso en tanto que Oswald también había muerto. Tres años más tarde, en 1967, el fiscal de distrito de Nueva Orleans, Jim Garrison, lo reabrió llevando ante la Justicia al empresario Clay Shaw, pero fue absuelto por falta de pruebas. Investigaciones posteriores como la Comisión Rockefeller o la Comisión Church arrojaron conclusiones similares a la de Warren. No todos quedaron satisfechos con las conclusiones de las sucesivas comisiones. El asesinato de Kennedy sigue siendo objeto de un amplio debate y ha generado muchas teorías de la conspiración. De hecho, en Estados Unidos hay más gente que cree en alguna de ellas que en la denominada versión oficial. Pero, dejando a un lado un terreno tan fértil para la imaginación como el de las teorías de la conspiración, el hecho es que el asesinato de Kennedy tuvo un impacto profundo en la historia reciente de Estados Unidos. Fue el primero de una serie de atentados que conmocionaron al país. En 1965 fue asesinado Malcolm X y en 1968 Martin Luther King y Robert Kennedy, hermano menor del presidente que se había presentado como candidato en las primarias demócratas de aquel año. En La ContraHistoria de hoy vamos a ver el atentado de Kennedy. Si hay interés por parte de la audiencia, en el próximo programa abordaremos las principales teorías de la conspiración que han convertido a este magnicidio en el que más tinta ha hecho correr de toda la historia. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción Historia del español Paleogenética ¿Utilizamos sólo el 10% del cerebro? Bibliografía: - "J.F. Kennedy: Una vida inacabada" de Robert Dallek - https://amzn.to/4cV55D7 - "El asesinato del presidente Kennedy" de Luciano Armas - https://amzn.to/3Yp2mNX - "John Kennedy: El sueño que transformó Estados Unidos" de Fabricio Sales - https://amzn.to/4fkd5z1 - "Conspiración Kennedy" de Andrea Larsen - https://amzn.to/4fmGQPF · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #kennedy #oswald Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

JFK was een idealist, daar was iedereen het over eens. Dat hij wel eens een scheve schaats reed, willen velen hem nog wel vergeven. Maar zijn affaires gingen verder dan je denkt, tot de vriendin van een maffiabaas en een Russische spion aan toe.In deze eerste aflevering van Geschiedenis Inside houden Thomas en Gijs het (vermoedelijk) onbreekbare imago van de Amerikaanse president tegen het licht. Wat is waarheid, en wat is regelrecht fake news?Bronnen voor deze aflevering: An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, Robert Dallek; The Abyss, Max Hastings. Geproduceerd door Tonny Media Volg ons op Instagram & TikTok Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Marcia Franklin interviews presidential historian Robert Dallek about the upcoming election and the qualities he believes are important in order to lead a country. Dallek, the author of more than a half dozen books, including a two-volume biography of President Lyndon Johnson, is a professor of history at Boston University. He is a frequent commentator on radio and television, and was the 2004 distinguished Idaho Humanities Council lecturer. Originally aired: 10/14/2004

{"@context":"http://schema.org/","@id":"https://theanalysis.news/vietnam-blood-bath-to-prove-america-had-balls-christian-appy-on-rai-3-5/#arve-youtube-xxevvurjpma63c0466b758d8997915150","type":"VideoObject","embedURL":"https://www.youtube.com/embed/xXEvVurjpMA?feature=oembed&iv_load_policy=3&modestbranding=1&rel=0&autohide=1&playsinline=0&autoplay=1&enablejsapi=1","name":"Vietnam Blood Bath to Prove America Had "Balls" - Christian Appy on RAI (3/5)","thumbnailUrl":"https://i.ytimg.com/vi/xXEvVurjpMA/hqdefault.jpg","uploadDate":"2023-01-12T12:41:58+00:00","author":"Reality Asserts Itself with Paul Jay","description":"This interview was originally published May 29, 2015. On Reality Asserts Itself, Mr. Appy says that presidents Kennedy and Johnson pursued the Vietnam war largely to prove the U.S., and themselves personally, had the u201ccourageu201d to wage war. TranscriptListenDonateSubscribeGuestMusic PAUL JAY, SENIOR E"} This interview was originally published May 29, 2015. On Reality Asserts Itself, Mr. Appy says that presidents Kennedy and Johnson pursued the Vietnam war largely to prove the U.S., and themselves personally, had the “courage” to wage war. .kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kadence-post-image{padding-top:0px;padding-right:0px;padding-bottom:0px;padding-left:0px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kt-post-grid-wrap{gap:30px 6px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kt-blocks-post-grid-item{border-top-width:0px;border-right-width:0px;border-bottom-width:0px;border-left-width:0px;border-top-right-radius:0px;border-bottom-right-radius:0px;border-bottom-left-radius:0px;border-top-left-radius:0px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kt-blocks-post-grid-item .kt-blocks-post-grid-item-inner{padding-top:10px;padding-right:25px;padding-bottom:25px;padding-left:9px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kt-blocks-post-grid-item header{padding-top:0px;padding-right:0px;padding-bottom:0px;padding-left:0px;margin-top:0px;margin-right:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:0px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kt-blocks-post-grid-item .entry-title{padding-top:5px;padding-right:0px;padding-bottom:10px;padding-left:0px;margin-top:0px;margin-right:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:0px;font-size:16px;line-height:17px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .entry-content{padding-top:0px;padding-right:0px;padding-bottom:0px;padding-left:0px;margin-top:0px;margin-right:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:0px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kt-blocks-post-footer{border-top-width:0px;border-right-width:0px;border-bottom-width:0px;border-left-width:0px;padding-top:0px;padding-right:0px;padding-bottom:0px;padding-left:0px;margin-top:0px;margin-right:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:0px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .entry-content:after{height:0px;}.kt-post-loop_d936b9-f5 .kb-filter-item{border-top-width:0px;border-right-width:0px;border-bottom-width:2px;border-left-width:0px;padding-top:5px;padding-right:8px;padding-bottom:5px;padding-left:8px;margin-top:0px;margin-right:10px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:0px;} Vietnam Blood Bath to Prove America Had “Balls” – Christian Appy on RAI (3/5) “American Does Bad Things for Good Reasons” – Christian Appy on RAI (2/5) “America Does Bad Things for Good Reasons” – Christian Appy on RAI (1/5) Transcript Listen Donate Subscribe Guest Music PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR, TRNN: Welcome back to Reality Asserts Itself on The Real News Network. I'm Paul Jay. In his book American Reckoning: The Vietnam War and American Identity, Christian Appy writes: the need to demonstrate presidential balls has been an under-acknowledged but enduring staple of American foreign policy. Aggressive masculinity shaped American Cold War policy and still does. Deep-seated ideas about gender and sexuality cannot be dismissed as mere talk–they have explanatory value. U.S. policy in Vietnam was driven by men who were intensely concerned about demonstrating their own and the nation's toughness. As every other justification of the war grew threadbare, it became increasingly important to appear firm. Now joining us in the studio is Christian Appy. Thanks for joining us again.  CHRISTIAN G. APPY, AUTHOR, AMERICAN RECKONING: You're welcome.  JAY: So one more time, his latest book is American Reckoning: The Vietnam War and Our National Identity. And Christian teaches history at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. So this has always seemed to me, this need to develop, portray firmness and strength and so on, you know, it's akin to, like, a loan shark, and it's actually a lot akin to a loan shark, given how much of American commerce is based on lending people money–and I shouldn't say people; lending countries money, and assuming they're going to pay back. And for most loan sharks, you've got to break some knees once in a while to make sure people pay you the exorbitant interest you're trying to collect. Talk about this need to projected toughness, and start with Kennedy in Vietnam.  APPY: Well, Kennedy early on in his presidency suffered a couple of real blows to his reputation, most obviously when he supported the–orchestrated the invasion of Cuba in an effort to overthrow Castro at the Bay of Pigs. And it was a debacle, and it failed. Every one of the Cuban exiles that was trained to carry out the operation was either killed or captured. And Kennedy was forced to actually pay ransom to get the prisoners back. So what was to be a secret operation was quickly exposed, and it was felt that he felt it as deeply humiliating. And then later that same year he met for the first time with Khrushchev, and Khrushchev effectively kind of bullied him, and once again Kennedy felt that he had not demonstrated his presidential gravitas and was already beginning to look at foreign-policy interventions.  JAY: Can I just add one thing?  APPY: Sure. Yeah.  JAY: And internally taking tremendous flack from some sections of the military and certainly the whole conservative /pʌndərˈæpɨs/–can't say it, but you know what I mean–about being weak.  APPY: Yes.  JAY: I mean, why didn't he go in with a full-fledged invasion of Cuba?  APPY: Right. That, and he was already beginning to sort of move toward a neutralist solution to the communist insurgency in Laos, so he was beginning to think that maybe Vietnam would be the place to assert American credibility and power. But before that really began to develop, we had the Cuban missile crisis, and this for him was a great boost to his reputation and to his reputation for strength and steely resolve.  JAY: Again, really quickly–some of our viewers don't know that what that is.  APPY: Yeah. Well, the United States discovered, through U-2 reconnaissance photographs, that the Soviet Union–  JAY: That was the spy plane. APPY: –the spy plane–that the Soviet Union was beginning to install medium-range nuclear missiles in Cuba–in response, actually, to the U.S.-backed invasion. They were put there as a kind of deterrent, really defensive, though of course all nuclear weapons are almost by definition dangerous.  JAY: And also there were nuclear–United States had weapons in Turkey which were awfully close to Russia.  APPY: We had–exactly. And indeed you speak to the exact resolution of the missile crisis. Kennedy made clear on television that it would not be tolerated. Interestingly enough, he couldn't tolerate it because he had made a speech a couple of months earlier saying that if offensive weapons were put on Cuba by the Soviet Union, he would not allow that. And once it happened, he asked some advisers, does this really change the balance of power in the world? And Kennedy said–McNamara said, no–this is Secretary of Defense McNamara. And Kennedy agreed. He said, I wish I had never said that. I wish I had never drawn that line.  JAY: Yeah, 'cause what could they do with them?  APPY: Yeah. So he had–but now he felt he had to do something. And what he did, thankfully, was to be a little patient and to say no to those of his advisers that immediately wanted to launch airstrikes and take a more aggressive response. They negotiated a settlement. So it really was diplomacy, not bluster or militarism, that solved the crisis. They were willing to say to the Soviets, okay, we will publicly promise never to invade Cuba, and privately we'll agree to remove our missiles from Turkey that are threatening very close to your borders. But the narrative that they wanted to go out to the public was a tougher narrative, that we stared them eyeball to eyeball and the other fellow blinked–that was attributed to–.  JAY: Yeah, 'cause America set up all these military ships, Navy ships as a blockade around Cuba.  APPY: Yes, the sort of the–yes, the quarantine. And Kennedy even went so far as to suggest that Adlai Stevenson, who was representing us at the United Nations, had wanted to sell us out, had wanted to, quote-unquote, Munich, because he had advised that we remove our missiles from Turkey to solve the crisis. And that's exactly what did solve the crisis. But Kennedy didn't want anybody to know that, so he actually threw Stephenson under the bus as a weakling. Anyway, privately he told people that–Kennedy bragged in private to friends that he had cut off Khrushchev's balls. So that really is deeply embedded in the American foreign policy of the period. And it becomes more important, as I write, as the other justifications for the war are no longer believed even by the policymakers. By 1965 or 1966, I believe, Johnson was not convinced that the war in Vietnam posed any threat to national security.  JAY: I want to get to Johnson, but I just want to stay on Kennedy for a minute.  APPY: Okay. Sure.  JAY: You know, there's a lot of debate about the Kennedy assassination. That's whether or not he was really going to pursue Vietnam or not. What's your take?  APPY: Well, I waffle on this issue. As I tell students, it's hard enough as a historian to figure out what actually happens, and nearly impossible to figure out what might've happened if x or y or z had been different. So really these are interesting speculations, but really impossible to nail down. The truth is there's documentary evidence that would support both positions. I mean, those who would like to believe that Kennedy would have pulled us out of Vietnam can cite documents where they're talking about withdrawing 1,000 troops at a time and slowly drawing down our presence. But Kennedy was pretty clear in a lot of that planning that those withdrawals had to be contingent on success. And there was some hope at the time that maybe success was coming, but it needs to be remembered that Kennedy, although he never put more than 16,000 troops into Vietnam, which seems quite a small number when you compare it to the 540,000 that finally ended up there under Johnson, those 16,000 troops had already put into place many brutal practices that would only get expanded. We were–by 1962 we were already using chemical defoliants on South Vietnam. We were using napalm. We were engaged in aerial bombing of South Vietnam, the very land we claimed to be defending. And we were already beginning the forced relocation of people from the rural countryside into what were then called strategic hamlets.  JAY: Concentration camps.  APPY: Effectively concentration camps. So all of that had begun. And even on the last day of his life, he gave a speech that morning–or maybe it was the night before; I think it was that morning–in which he reaffirmed the necessity of America's standing against communist aggression in South Vietnam. That was to a Texas audience, but he did tick off all the ways in which we had built up the military and were–.  JAY: I interviewed Gore Vidal a few times and got to know him fairly well, and he knew Jack Kennedy, President Kennedy, fairly well. I think he was a stepbrother to Jackie Kennedy. And he was quite convinced that Jack–and this goes back to you've got to have balls theme–he was quite convinced that Jack wanted to pursue the war in Vietnam, and to a large extent to prove he could be a wartime president, and maybe that he had the balls to go to war in Vietnam. But as you say, this becomes a much even bigger issue for Johnson. In fact, I'm going to read a quote from your book.  APPY: Sure.  JAY: By 1966, Assistant Secretary of Defense John McNaughton concluded that avoiding humiliation had moved from 70 percent of America's goal in Vietnam to 100 percent. Quote, the reasons why we went into Vietnam to the present depth are varied, but they are now largely academic. Why we have not withdrawn is by all odds one reason: to preserve our reputation. We have not hung on to save a friend or to deny the communists the added acres and heads. Christian writes, to preserve an image of strength, LBJ systematically escalated the war. Perhaps the most shocking moment in Robert Dallek's biography of Johnson comes when a group of reporters, pressed by LBJ to explain why he continued to wage war in spite of so many difficulties and so much opposition, the president, quote, unzipped his fly, drew out his substantial organ, and declared, quote, this is why. Other key policymakers may not have displayed their genitals, but all the men who sent America to Vietnam felt a deep connection between their own masculinity and national power. Expand a bit.  APPY: Well, it's true. I mean, the group of policymakers did not share Johnson's crudity, at least, or his poorer background from the hill countries of Texas–they came from, really, a different class background, many of them very privileged private schools, Ivy League colleges, elite military service, all-men's Metropolitan Club, secret societies. That whole world inbred a kind of code of masculinity that made personal toughness inseparable from the toughness of the state. And so they really did own that idea that it was their mission, kind of a Spartan mission, to uphold American strength, and that anybody who questioned that could not really be part of that team.  JAY: It goes back a little bit, I think, to what I was talking about as the loan sharks having to prove–someone has to be the test case, the model of getting their knees broken so everyone else will pay. I mean, it's in prison too. You know, you're not shown–if you show weakness, then someone will take advantage of you. This mentality that if America shows any weakness, then other powers are going to take advantage of that weakness, it seems to be almost at the core of U.S. policy, because it keeps ending in debacle.  APPY: Yes. And it needn't be that way. I mean, at this precise time that they're digging their heels in, grounds of toughness, a whole new countercultural and antiwar movement is developing that is challenging this idea of masculinity and rejecting sort of the John Wayne image that they had grown up with, and coming to the conclusion that maybe it's really braver and tougher to express a kind of moral courage that can say, no, this is wrong, and we really need to withdraw. And there were occasionally some people close to power who were starting to say that, and they would immediately get sort of shut out. I mean, they were saying, for example, that, you know, yes, it might be–as George Kennan, one of the great architects of the policy of containment, said when he was called before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to testify–William Fulbright was the chair at the time, and it was widely televised. So George Kennan was asked, what do you think would happen if we withdrew from Vietnam? This is 1966 again. He said, well, honestly, I think it would be a six-month sensation, but it would blow away, it wouldn't really have any fundamental effect on our national security, and it actually, in terms of our international reputation, might improve it. So one of the ironies of this period for me is that Johnson, who was always credited as being the master politician who could read the tea leaves and count every vote, completely miscalculated the direction of the American public, because had he withdrawn early in his presidency, before the massive escalation, I think he might well have been reelected. I think he could have made the case that this really was not in our interest and not so much a sign of weakness but of really pragmatic realism. And another irony: all these guys prided themselves on being hard-headed realists who could see the world with steely eyes and unaffected by sentimentality or namby-pamby moralism, and yet in the face of the evidence that they were receiving on a daily basis, that the war was going poorly, that they had privately very little optimism that they could achieve their objectives–certainly not in any time soon, maybe five, ten, 15 years down the road–those same pragmatists were willing to continue a war they knew they weren't winning, because they didn't want to be seen as weak, didn't want to be the first president to lose a war.  JAY: But then doesn't Johnson at the end–near the end of his presidency he does come to the conclusion to try to end it and negotiate in secret a ceasefire that might lead to a final settlement that gets torpedoed by Nixon.  APPY: Yeah, he does make some small steps it that direction, though the ceasefire over the bombing in the North, first, it's only above the 20th parallel, and then just days before he leaves office it's all the way down to the 17th parallel, but he never stops the bombing of the South. And one thing that Americans to this day don't quite realize is that our bombing of South Vietnam was far more intense and unconstrained than the bombing of the North. We dropped 4 million tons of bombs on the South, 1 million tons of bombs on the north. That's a lot. But South Vietnam became by far the most bombed country in world history. We were using B-52 bombers that could hold, each one of these planes, 30 tons of bombs. They, of course, had been designed to drop nuclear weapons, but were retooled to be used in Vietnam. But, again, on the South, within 25 miles of Saigon.  JAY: But doesn't Johnson–Johnson does negotiate a ceasefire, right, I mean, a full-scale ceasefire that never takes place 'cause Nixon talks the North Vietnamese into withdrawing.  APPY: Well, no, he continues the war. What I think maybe you're alluding to is he does initiate peace discussions, the sort of those Paris peace talks, which do slowly begin in the last year of his presidency, though the South Vietnamese president, Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, wanted nothing to do with them.  JAY: But this idea of having balls and showing American power, in spite of the war starting to unravel–but there's also economic interest here. I mean, there's a lot of people making a lot of money out of the war.  APPY: It's true. Certainly defense contractors are making bushels of money. But one of the interesting things is that over time, by the late '60s, high-level executives are beginning to believe that the war is actually hurting the economy, because it's–.  JAY: Or hurting them.  APPY: Yeah. Well, they see [crosstalk]  JAY: Their section of the economy.  APPY: Yeah. And defense industry aside, there's a moment in which the CEO of the Bank of America, no less, goes before Congress and makes the case that the war is bad for business, that corporate profits have actually peaked in '65 just as the massive escalation began and had declined steadily since then and that inflation was ticking up. And so he really is calling for an end to the war.  JAY: Yeah, it was an interesting part of your book. You talk about how–'cause unemployment gets so low,–  APPY: Right.  JAY: –inflation starts to go up, corporate profits start to go down.  APPY: Right.  JAY: So you have a real division, I guess, within the American elites about those who are still making money out of the war and those who aren't making as much money as they want to be.  APPY: Right, or people who are ideologically committed to the war, even if it doesn't necessarily support business. So it is an interesting period. But it does suggest how broad-based opposition to the war was by 1970 and '71.  JAY: And for some of our younger viewers or people that forget, let's just remind people this isn't just when someone wants to continue a war because they want to pull their organ out of their pants, they want to prove how tough they are, prove how tough America is, was. Just remind us again how many people suffered and were killed in the war.  APPY: Well, now the best estimate for the number of Vietnamese–the Vietnamese say that 3.8 million were killed during the American phase of the war. And former secretary of defense McNamara, before he died, said he has every reason to believe that they were correct. American historians tend to say that it was at least 2 million. Sort of that's the conservative estimate. So we don't actually know the proper figure. But when you include the fact that we were also bombing Laos very heavily and Cambodia, you can add roughly another at least a million and a half to that total. So this is a real bloodbath. And for the United States, certainly more troops were lost than at any time after World War II–more than 58,000. And, of course, hundreds of thousands wounded, and many more who suffered psychological casualties from that experience. One further cost of the war that is not always noted is that after the war ended in 1975, many Vietnamese and Cambodians and Laotians have died from unexploded ordnance. Roughly 2 percent of every American bomb that was dropped, or even artillery shell, doesn't explode. So ten, 20, even 30 years later, a farmer can be plowing his field and hit one of those things and it can go off. Or a child can pick up–they had these really small baseball-size bombs that were called cluster bombs that–they would come inside a large conventional bomb, and then, when they exploded, they would send out these smaller bombs, and inside each one of these small bombs were hundreds of little steel pellets or dart-like–they were called flechettes that would go in every possible direction, designed as the classic antipersonnel weapon that would kill people but not structures and that would burrow into your body and not necessarily kill you but require other people to take care of you or lead to a slow and horrible death. And as I say, a kid could pick up one of these little baseball bombs and it could go off again. So the estimate now is that some 40,000, anyway, Vietnamese have died from that cause since the war, which is extraordinary, and many more wounded.  JAY: And when you look at American media and this narrative of American exceptionalism, the real victim of the Vietnam War was America.  APPY: Right.  JAY: And we're going to get into the America-as-victim narrative in the next segment of our interview with the Christian Appy on Reality Asserts Itself on The Real News Network. Select one or choose any amount to donate whatever you like any amount $5 $15 $25 $50 $100 $500 $1,000 Custom Amount $ Make this donation each month (optional) Donate with Credit Card var gform;gform||(document.addEventListener("gform_main_scripts_loaded",function(){gform.scriptsLoaded=!0}),window.addEventListener("DOMContentLoaded",function(){gform.domLoaded=!0}),gform={domLoaded:!1,scriptsLoaded:!1,initializeOnLoaded:function(o){gform.domLoaded&&gform.scriptsLoaded?o():!gform.domLoaded&&gform.scriptsLoaded?window.addEventListener("DOMContentLoaded",o):document.addEventListener("gform_main_scripts_loaded",o)},hooks:{action:{},filter:{}},addAction:function(o,n,r,t){gform.addHook("action",o,n,r,t)},addFilter:function(o,n,r,t){gform.addHook("filter",o,n,r,t)},doAction:function(o){gform.doHook("action",o,arguments)},applyFilters:function(o){return gform.doHook("filter",o,arguments)},removeAction:function(o,n){gform.removeHook("action",o,n)},removeFilter:function(o,n,r){gform.removeHook("filter",o,n,r)},addHook:function(o,n,r,t,i){null==gform.hooks[o][n]&&(gform.hooks[o][n]=[]);var e=gform.hooks[o][n];null==i&&(i=n+"_"+e.length),gform.hooks[o][n].push({tag:i,callable:r,priority:t=null==t?10:t})},doHook:function(n,o,r){var t;if(r=Array.prototype.slice.call(r,1),null!=gform.hooks[n][o]&&((o=gform.hooks[n][o]).sort(function(o,n){return o.priority-n.priority}),o.forEach(function(o){"function"!=typeof(t=o.callable)&&(t=window[t]),"action"==n?t.apply(null,r):r[0]=t.apply(null,r)})),"filter"==n)return r[0]},removeHook:function(o,n,t,i){var r;null!=gform.hooks[o][n]&&(r=(r=gform.hooks[o][n]).filter(function(o,n,r){return!!(null!=i&&i!=o.tag||null!=t&&t!=o.priority)}),gform.hooks[o][n]=r)}}); Never miss another story Subscribe to theAnalysis.news - Newsletter Email(Required) Name(Required) First Last Δdocument.getElementById( "ak_js_1" ).setAttribute( "value", ( new Date() ).getTime() ); “Christian Gerard Appy is a professor of history at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. He is widely known as a leading expert on the Vietnam War experience. The most recent of his three books on the subject is American Reckoning: The Vietnam War and Our National Identity.” theAnalysis.news theme music written by Slim Williams for Paul Jay's documentary film “Never-Endum-Referendum“.   Never-Endum-Referendum Artist Website Paul Jay's Documentaries

Review of  Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life, by Robert Dallek Reviewed by Stan Prager, Regarp Book Blog

In this episode, Richard discusses the life, leadership and legacy of John F. Kennedy. DONATE: If you have enjoyed this podcast and want to support what we do, click here. EVENTS: Upcoming BMI spiritual leadership coaching workshop will be held  in the Atlanta area (Oct. 21-23, 2021). Find more information or register here RESOURCES: President Kennedy: Profile of Power by Richard Reeves. Find it here. A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House by Arthur Schlesinger. Find it here. An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, 1917-1963 by Robert Dallek. Find it here. CONNECT: Follow Richard on Twitter. Follow Richard on Facebook. Read Richard's latest blog posts at www.richardblackaby.com. Follow BMI on YouTube.

In this episode of The Director's Chair, Michael Fullilove speaks with Professor Robert Dallek, the distinguished presidential historian. Professor Dallek is a prize-winning author who has written books about Franklin D. Roosevelt, Richard Nixon, Lyndon B. Johnson and many other American presidents. Previously he has taught at Columbia, UCLA, Oxford and the University of Texas. Professor Dallek discusses his upbringing in Brooklyn during the Great Depression, his thoughts on the enduring popularity of President Kennedy, and provides an early assessment of President Donald Trump's legacy. He analyses the recent election results and makes some predictions as to the shape of Joe Biden's presidency.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode of The Director’s Chair, Michael Fullilove speaks with Professor Robert Dallek, the distinguished presidential historian. Professor Dallek is a prize-winning author who has written books about Franklin D. Roosevelt, Richard Nixon, Lyndon B. Johnson and many other American presidents. Previously he has taught at Columbia, UCLA, Oxford and the University of Texas. Professor Dallek discusses his upbringing in Brooklyn during the Great Depression, his thoughts on the enduring popularity of President Kennedy, and provides an early assessment of President Donald Trump's legacy. He analyses the recent election results and makes some predictions as to the shape of Joe Biden’s presidency.

Robert Dallek is one of our country's leading presidential historians. His many books include groundbreaking works on Franklin Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and Richard Nixon. Dallek discusses his latest book, “How Did We Get Here?: From Theodore Roosevelt to Donald Trump,” which charts how the triumphs and failures of our modern presidents paved the way for our current president, who, Dallek writes, “presents a new challenge to our system of government.”

In the final episode on our series about deaths that changed history, we look at the life of 35th President of the United States John F. Kennedy. In office for only 1,036 days before his assassination on November 22nd, 1963, he oversaw some of the most momentous events in 20th century US history. We look at his life, career, and how his death might have changed the direction of the civil rights movement, the war in Vietnam and the Cold War.Our primary source for this episode is "An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy 1917-1963" by Robert Dallek.This episode includes a track from The Veiled Creature called "Synondus Horrenda," inspired by the podcast, which will appear at the end of the show. You can support the artist at thevieldcreature.bandcamp.comOther music in this episode is courtesy of musopen.orgYou can support the show on Patreon at https://www.patreon.com/SynodusHorrenda where for $5 a month you will receive access to short monthly bonus episodes. You can also follow us on twitter @SynodusPod and on Instagram at SynodusHorrendaPod

The history of the American presidency is full of accomplishments and compromises, successes and failures.  Robert Dallek argues that the giants from both parties in the last 120 years draw a sharp contrast with the characteristics of the Trump presidency.  Robert Dallek is the author of several bestselling presidential histories, including “Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power; An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, 1917–1963,” and the classic two-volume biography of Lyndon Johnson, “Lone Star Rising” and “Flawed Giant.”  His latest book is “How Did We Get Here? From Theodore Roosevelt to Donald Trump.”  Dallek has taught at Columbia, Oxford, UCLA, Boston University, and Dartmouth, and has won the Bancroft Prize, among numerous other awards for scholarship and teaching. See omnystudio.com/policies/listener for privacy information.

Renowned New York Times bestselling historian and presidential scholar Robert Dallek believes that President Trump is ignorant of the histories of the presidencies that came before 1993. “It was only with the Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama presidencies,” Dallek says, “that he saw vulnerabilities he hoped to exploit to become president.” But while Trump’s 2016 election has presented extreme new challenges to American republican ideals, the triumphs and failures of some of the great modern presidents that came before in some ways cleared the path to Donald Trump. In HOW DID WE GET HERE?: From Theodore Roosevelt to Donald Trump (Harper), Dallek offers an incisive look at ten twentieth century administrations that changed the presidency—for good or ill—and played a role in bringing us to our present moment. Robert Dallek is the author of Camelot’s Court: Inside the Kennedy White House, An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, 1917-1963 and Nixon and Kissinger, among other books. His writing has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Atlantic Monthly, and Vanity Fair. He is an elected fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and of the Society of American Historians, for which he served as president in 2004-2005. He lives in Washington, D.C. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/steve-richards/support

Harry S. Truman by Robert Dallek (original recording made in 2008) Presidential historian Robert Dallek returned to the program to talk about his biography of a president who was deeply unpopular while he was in office. Harry S. Truman is now considered to have been one of the greatest presidents of the 20th century. Rain Gods by James Lee Burke (original recording made in 2009) James Lee Burke has more interviews archived on our website than any other writer. Here's another one. In 2009 I talked to Jim about his novel "Rain Gods." This one features his character Hackberry Holland who is based on a real person. James Lee Burke is in his 80's now and still going strong. He's one of our greatest crime novelists and his Dave Robicheaux series will continue this August with a new book called "A Private Cathedral." I have read an early copy of it and it is dark, dark, dark. The Dickson Baseball Dictionary by Paul Dickson (original recording made in 2009) Paul Dickson has made a number of

Part 3 of 3. The Truth About JFK. The Michael Medved Show. Visit Michael Medveds history website at http://www.medvedhistorystore.com/ These courses can be a bit expensive but worth it. All of the Michael Medved History Series are highly recommended by ACU.    November 22, 1963 remains one of the darkest days in American history; comparably traumatic, for those who lived through it, to the terrorist slaughter of September 11, 2001. The sheer senseless of John F. Kennedy's assassination made his sudden death especially horrifying and the unanswered questions swirling around the tragedy have denied the nation the sense of closure and comprehension that this disaster demands. Assuming that Lee Harvey Oswald murdered the president (as all responsible historians do) why did he do it? Was Oswald's own murder by Jack Ruby a terrible coincidence or an indication of a wider conspiracy? Why do a majority of Americans to this day remain convinced that Oswald didn't act alone? And, most intriguingly, how might a second term have altered the nation's history if JFK had escaped death and won re-election in 1964? In this special history program, Michael Medved speaks with authors of some of the most important new books on the assassination and the Kennedy presidency, including Jeff Greenfield, Robert Dallek, Peter Savodnik and others. He also provides a brisk, comprehensive summary of the indisputable facts of JFK's biography and the tragic hours in Dallas that claimed his life at age 46. Throughout this comprehensive program (with four hours prepared for broadcast, instead of the usual three), Michael stresses five aspects of Kennedy's life (and death) that most Americans misunderstand. 1) His status as an underdog outsider "fighting against the establishment" 2) His youthful vigor, robust fitness and athleticism 3) His visionary "idealism" 4) His character and good judgment and 5) His death as a martyr to a noble cause. The "truth about JFK" turns out to be more complex and fascinating than air-brushed nostalgia and misleading arguments regular promoted by mainstream media.   There are four unique sections and the first one features: -Frank Sinatra singing Kennedy's campaign song "High Hopes" -Kennedy's closing statement at first debate with Nixon -movie trailer for "PT109" which featured Kennedy's war story -A clip from Kennedy's "New Frontier" speech  The second section includes: Jeff Greenfield, author of If Kennedy Lived and Camelot's Court: Inside the Kennedy White House by Robert Dallek.  The third section is a conversation with A Cruel and Shocking Act: The Secret History of the Kennedy Assassination by Philip Shenon and The Interloper: Lee Harvey Oswald Inside the Soviet Union by Peter Savodnik And the final section: The Kennedy Half-Century: The Presidency, Assassination, and Lasting Legacy of John F. Kennedy by Larry J. Sabato  and End of Days: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy by James L. Swanson Additional Resource: The Dark Side of Camelot by Seymour M. Hersh   Total Run Time: 2hrs, 25min Available on CD and audio download   Visit Michael Medveds history website at http://www.medvedhistorystore.com/ These courses can be a bit expensive but worth it. All of the Michael Medved History Series are highly recommended by ACU. 

Part 2 of 3. The Truth About JFK. The Michael Medved Show. Visit Michael Medveds history website at http://www.medvedhistorystore.com/ These courses can be a bit expensive but worth it. All of the Michael Medved History Series are highly recommended by ACU.    November 22, 1963 remains one of the darkest days in American history; comparably traumatic, for those who lived through it, to the terrorist slaughter of September 11, 2001. The sheer senseless of John F. Kennedy's assassination made his sudden death especially horrifying and the unanswered questions swirling around the tragedy have denied the nation the sense of closure and comprehension that this disaster demands. Assuming that Lee Harvey Oswald murdered the president (as all responsible historians do) why did he do it? Was Oswald's own murder by Jack Ruby a terrible coincidence or an indication of a wider conspiracy? Why do a majority of Americans to this day remain convinced that Oswald didn't act alone? And, most intriguingly, how might a second term have altered the nation's history if JFK had escaped death and won re-election in 1964? In this special history program, Michael Medved speaks with authors of some of the most important new books on the assassination and the Kennedy presidency, including Jeff Greenfield, Robert Dallek, Peter Savodnik and others. He also provides a brisk, comprehensive summary of the indisputable facts of JFK's biography and the tragic hours in Dallas that claimed his life at age 46. Throughout this comprehensive program (with four hours prepared for broadcast, instead of the usual three), Michael stresses five aspects of Kennedy's life (and death) that most Americans misunderstand. 1) His status as an underdog outsider "fighting against the establishment" 2) His youthful vigor, robust fitness and athleticism 3) His visionary "idealism" 4) His character and good judgment and 5) His death as a martyr to a noble cause. The "truth about JFK" turns out to be more complex and fascinating than air-brushed nostalgia and misleading arguments regular promoted by mainstream media.   There are four unique sections and the first one features: -Frank Sinatra singing Kennedy's campaign song "High Hopes" -Kennedy's closing statement at first debate with Nixon -movie trailer for "PT109" which featured Kennedy's war story -A clip from Kennedy's "New Frontier" speech  The second section includes: Jeff Greenfield, author of If Kennedy Lived and Camelot's Court: Inside the Kennedy White House by Robert Dallek.  The third section is a conversation with A Cruel and Shocking Act: The Secret History of the Kennedy Assassination by Philip Shenon and The Interloper: Lee Harvey Oswald Inside the Soviet Union by Peter Savodnik And the final section: The Kennedy Half-Century: The Presidency, Assassination, and Lasting Legacy of John F. Kennedy by Larry J. Sabato  and End of Days: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy by James L. Swanson Additional Resource: The Dark Side of Camelot by Seymour M. Hersh   The full JFK program- Total Run Time: 2hrs, 25min Available on CD and audio download   Visit Michael Medveds history website at http://www.medvedhistorystore.com/ These courses can be a bit expensive but worth it. All of the Michael Medved History Series are highly recommended by ACU. 

Part 1 of 3. The Truth About JFK. The Michael Medved Show.  Visit Michael Medveds history website at http://www.medvedhistorystore.com/ These courses can be a bit expensive but worth it. All of the Michael Medved History Series are highly recommended by ACU.    November 22, 1963 remains one of the darkest days in American history; comparably traumatic, for those who lived through it, to the terrorist slaughter of September 11, 2001. The sheer senseless of John F. Kennedy's assassination made his sudden death especially horrifying and the unanswered questions swirling around the tragedy have denied the nation the sense of closure and comprehension that this disaster demands. Assuming that Lee Harvey Oswald murdered the president (as all responsible historians do) why did he do it? Was Oswald's own murder by Jack Ruby a terrible coincidence or an indication of a wider conspiracy? Why do a majority of Americans to this day remain convinced that Oswald didn't act alone? And, most intriguingly, how might a second term have altered the nation's history if JFK had escaped death and won re-election in 1964? In this special history program, Michael Medved speaks with authors of some of the most important new books on the assassination and the Kennedy presidency, including Jeff Greenfield, Robert Dallek, Peter Savodnik and others. He also provides a brisk, comprehensive summary of the indisputable facts of JFK's biography and the tragic hours in Dallas that claimed his life at age 46. Throughout this comprehensive program (with four hours prepared for broadcast, instead of the usual three), Michael stresses five aspects of Kennedy's life (and death) that most Americans misunderstand. 1) His status as an underdog outsider "fighting against the establishment" 2) His youthful vigor, robust fitness and athleticism 3) His visionary "idealism" 4) His character and good judgment and 5) His death as a martyr to a noble cause. The "truth about JFK" turns out to be more complex and fascinating than air-brushed nostalgia and misleading arguments regular promoted by mainstream media.   There are four unique sections and the first one features: -Frank Sinatra singing Kennedy's campaign song "High Hopes" -Kennedy's closing statement at first debate with Nixon -movie trailer for "PT109" which featured Kennedy's war story -A clip from Kennedy's "New Frontier" speech  The second section includes: Jeff Greenfield, author of If Kennedy Lived and Camelot's Court: Inside the Kennedy White House by Robert Dallek.  The third section is a conversation with A Cruel and Shocking Act: The Secret History of the Kennedy Assassination by Philip Shenon and The Interloper: Lee Harvey Oswald Inside the Soviet Union by Peter Savodnik And the final section: The Kennedy Half-Century: The Presidency, Assassination, and Lasting Legacy of John F. Kennedy by Larry J. Sabato  and End of Days: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy by James L. Swanson Additional Resource: The Dark Side of Camelot by Seymour M. Hersh   Total Run Time: 2hrs, 25min Available on CD and audio download   Visit Michael Medveds history website at http://www.medvedhistorystore.com/ These courses can be a bit expensive but worth it. All of the Michael Medved History Series are highly recommended by ACU. 

Claire McKinney and I have an in-depth, though brief conversation about marketing middle grade novels. We talk about her work with both independently and traditionally published authors and the differences in promoting the two. She shares some direct strategies for social media campaigns, cost-per-click sites, and getting reviews. And she lends her thoughts on evaluating the effectiveness of marketing. Claire McKinney has been working in public relations for over 20 years. She has appeared on the Today show and CSPAN as an expert on publishing and she travels regularly to speak to authors and audiences about PR and social media marketing. Authors she has worked with include Della Reese, Toni Morrison, Madeleine Albright, Walter Mosley, Robert Dallek, Rick Moody, George Pelecanos, Plum Sykes, Noam Chomski, Richard North Patterson, and Kristin Gore.

Although commonly regarded as one of the three or four greatest Presidents and certainly the greatest of the 20th century, Franklin Delano Roosevelt has not had as much attention devoted to his life, as many of the Presidents who came after him. That egregious oversight, has now been remedy by virtue of premier historian, and past winner of the Bancroft award Robert Dallek's new study, titled Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life (Viking, 2017). Dallek's book takes us from Roosevelt's sheltered and upper-class upbringing to his career as a precocious politician, navy administrator and Vice-Presidential candidate. Dallek in extremely readable prose shows how the snobbish and sometimes facile Roosevelt was changed for the better by his struggle with polio at the age of 39. With his being on the shelf politically speaking during most of the 1920's, Dallek recounts how Roosevelt climbed from the Governorship of New York to being elected President of a Depression-haunted America in 1932. With the New Deal, Dallek comes into his own in delineating how Roosevelt was able to successfully handle the two greatest challenges offered-up to any American President: recovery from the Great Depression and subsequently Total War. Dallek's book enables the lay educated reader to understand why Franklin Delano Roosevelt is indeed one of our greatest Presidents. The author of twenty books, Robert Dallek won the Bancroft Prize for his book Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy. He was elected President of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations and was named to the prestigious Harmsworth Professorship of American History at Oxford. Charles Coutinho holds a doctorate in history from New York University. Where he studied with Tony Judt, Stewart Stehlin and McGeorge Bundy. His Ph. D. dissertation was on Anglo-American relations in the run-up to the Suez Crisis of 1956. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. It you have a recent title to suggest for a podcast, please send an e-mail to Charlescoutinho@aol.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Although commonly regarded as one of the three or four greatest Presidents and certainly the greatest of the 20th century, Franklin Delano Roosevelt has not had as much attention devoted to his life, as many of the Presidents who came after him.  That egregious oversight, has now been remedy by virtue of premier historian, and past winner of the Bancroft award Robert Dallek’s new study, titled Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life (Viking, 2017). Dallek’s book takes us from Roosevelt’s sheltered and upper-class upbringing to his career as a precocious politician, navy administrator and Vice-Presidential candidate.  Dallek in extremely readable prose shows how the snobbish and sometimes facile Roosevelt was changed for the better by his struggle with polio at the age of 39.  With his being on the shelf politically speaking during most of the 1920’s, Dallek recounts how Roosevelt climbed from the Governorship of New York to being elected President of a Depression-haunted America in 1932. With the New Deal, Dallek comes into his own in delineating how Roosevelt was able to successfully handle the two greatest challenges offered-up to any American President: recovery from the Great Depression and subsequently Total War.  Dallek’s book enables the lay educated reader to understand why Franklin Delano Roosevelt is indeed one of our greatest Presidents.  The author of twenty books, Robert Dallek won the Bancroft Prize for his book Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy.  He was elected President of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations and was named to the prestigious Harmsworth Professorship of American History at Oxford. Charles Coutinho holds a doctorate in history from New York University. Where he studied with Tony Judt, Stewart Stehlin and McGeorge Bundy. His Ph. D. dissertation was on Anglo-American relations in the run-up to the Suez Crisis of 1956. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. It you have a recent title to suggest for a podcast, please send an e-mail to Charlescoutinho@aol.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Although commonly regarded as one of the three or four greatest Presidents and certainly the greatest of the 20th century, Franklin Delano Roosevelt has not had as much attention devoted to his life, as many of the Presidents who came after him.  That egregious oversight, has now been remedy by virtue of premier historian, and past winner of the Bancroft award Robert Dallek’s new study, titled Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life (Viking, 2017). Dallek’s book takes us from Roosevelt’s sheltered and upper-class upbringing to his career as a precocious politician, navy administrator and Vice-Presidential candidate.  Dallek in extremely readable prose shows how the snobbish and sometimes facile Roosevelt was changed for the better by his struggle with polio at the age of 39.  With his being on the shelf politically speaking during most of the 1920’s, Dallek recounts how Roosevelt climbed from the Governorship of New York to being elected President of a Depression-haunted America in 1932. With the New Deal, Dallek comes into his own in delineating how Roosevelt was able to successfully handle the two greatest challenges offered-up to any American President: recovery from the Great Depression and subsequently Total War.  Dallek’s book enables the lay educated reader to understand why Franklin Delano Roosevelt is indeed one of our greatest Presidents.  The author of twenty books, Robert Dallek won the Bancroft Prize for his book Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy.  He was elected President of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations and was named to the prestigious Harmsworth Professorship of American History at Oxford. Charles Coutinho holds a doctorate in history from New York University. Where he studied with Tony Judt, Stewart Stehlin and McGeorge Bundy. His Ph. D. dissertation was on Anglo-American relations in the run-up to the Suez Crisis of 1956. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. It you have a recent title to suggest for a podcast, please send an e-mail to Charlescoutinho@aol.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Although commonly regarded as one of the three or four greatest Presidents and certainly the greatest of the 20th century, Franklin Delano Roosevelt has not had as much attention devoted to his life, as many of the Presidents who came after him.  That egregious oversight, has now been remedy by virtue of premier historian, and past winner of the Bancroft award Robert Dallek’s new study, titled Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life (Viking, 2017). Dallek’s book takes us from Roosevelt’s sheltered and upper-class upbringing to his career as a precocious politician, navy administrator and Vice-Presidential candidate.  Dallek in extremely readable prose shows how the snobbish and sometimes facile Roosevelt was changed for the better by his struggle with polio at the age of 39.  With his being on the shelf politically speaking during most of the 1920’s, Dallek recounts how Roosevelt climbed from the Governorship of New York to being elected President of a Depression-haunted America in 1932. With the New Deal, Dallek comes into his own in delineating how Roosevelt was able to successfully handle the two greatest challenges offered-up to any American President: recovery from the Great Depression and subsequently Total War.  Dallek’s book enables the lay educated reader to understand why Franklin Delano Roosevelt is indeed one of our greatest Presidents.  The author of twenty books, Robert Dallek won the Bancroft Prize for his book Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy.  He was elected President of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations and was named to the prestigious Harmsworth Professorship of American History at Oxford. Charles Coutinho holds a doctorate in history from New York University. Where he studied with Tony Judt, Stewart Stehlin and McGeorge Bundy. His Ph. D. dissertation was on Anglo-American relations in the run-up to the Suez Crisis of 1956. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. It you have a recent title to suggest for a podcast, please send an e-mail to Charlescoutinho@aol.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Although commonly regarded as one of the three or four greatest Presidents and certainly the greatest of the 20th century, Franklin Delano Roosevelt has not had as much attention devoted to his life, as many of the Presidents who came after him.  That egregious oversight, has now been remedy by virtue of premier historian, and past winner of the Bancroft award Robert Dallek’s new study, titled Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life (Viking, 2017). Dallek’s book takes us from Roosevelt’s sheltered and upper-class upbringing to his career as a precocious politician, navy administrator and Vice-Presidential candidate.  Dallek in extremely readable prose shows how the snobbish and sometimes facile Roosevelt was changed for the better by his struggle with polio at the age of 39.  With his being on the shelf politically speaking during most of the 1920’s, Dallek recounts how Roosevelt climbed from the Governorship of New York to being elected President of a Depression-haunted America in 1932. With the New Deal, Dallek comes into his own in delineating how Roosevelt was able to successfully handle the two greatest challenges offered-up to any American President: recovery from the Great Depression and subsequently Total War.  Dallek’s book enables the lay educated reader to understand why Franklin Delano Roosevelt is indeed one of our greatest Presidents.  The author of twenty books, Robert Dallek won the Bancroft Prize for his book Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy.  He was elected President of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations and was named to the prestigious Harmsworth Professorship of American History at Oxford. Charles Coutinho holds a doctorate in history from New York University. Where he studied with Tony Judt, Stewart Stehlin and McGeorge Bundy. His Ph. D. dissertation was on Anglo-American relations in the run-up to the Suez Crisis of 1956. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. It you have a recent title to suggest for a podcast, please send an e-mail to Charlescoutinho@aol.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

I’m not sure when politics became a dirty word. But there was a time when it was a noble profession. When the best the the brightest sought to serve, and when differences of opinion were about how to better the lives of all people, not just those at the top, or those at the margins, or those in power. To successfully engage in politics tooks a very special skill set, that was about understanding people and what they wanted, and forming coalitions to compromise and get things done. How far we have fallen from that ideal. It was Bismarck who said that “politics was the art of the possible.” Few understood this better than the 32nd President of the United States, Franklin Roosevelt. Presidential historian Robert Dallek takes a deep dive into the political Roosevelt, in  Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life My conversation with Robert Dallek:

On The Gist, the #MeToo movement is only influential insofar as its targets can feel shame and enact accountability. In the interview, biographer Robert Dallek accounts for Franklin D. Roosevelt’s ruthless pragmatism. As president, FDR made the decision to round up 120,000 Japanese Americans to “strike resonant chords with most Americans,” and he was silent on anti-lynching bills to appease Democratic segregationists who would later help him pass New Deal legislation. Dallek’s book is Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life.  In the Spiel, the Alabama Senate election will come down to all registered voters, not just the roughly 26 percent who happen to be black and are reliably Democratic. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On The Gist, the #MeToo movement is only influential insofar as its targets can feel shame and enact accountability. In the interview, biographer Robert Dallek accounts for Franklin D. Roosevelt’s ruthless pragmatism. As president, FDR made the decision to round up 120,000 Japanese Americans to “strike resonant chords with most Americans,” and he was silent on anti-lynching bills to appease Democratic segregationists who would later help him pass New Deal legislation. Dallek’s book is Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life.  In the Spiel, the Alabama Senate election will come down to all registered voters, not just the roughly 26 percent who happen to be black and are reliably Democratic. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Rod Arquette Show Daily Rundown - Tuesday, November 21, 2017 4:20 pm: Joe Cunningham, Assistant Managing Editor at RedState, joins the program to discuss the reasons we are experiencing so much sexual harassment recently4:35 pm: Representative Jeremy Peterson joins Rod to discuss his idea of changing Utah’s election rules to give all of the state’s Electoral College votes to the winner of the popular vote during Presidential elections6:05 pm: Kane County Attorney Rob Van Dyke joins the program to discuss the county’s vision of what a redrawn Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument would look like and the areas the county deems worth protecting6:20 pm: Ben Blaugrund, owner of Canyons Bed and Breakfast and Fire Rock Farm in Escalante, joins Rod to discuss how business owners near the Grand-Escalante National Monument are in opposition to President Trump’s reported plan to downsize the park6:35 pm: Presidential biographer Robert Dallek joins Rod to discuss his latest book, “Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life”

Hillary Clinton has been fighting off questions about her health throughout the 2016 presidential election, but the topic returned to the fore after she nearly fainted at a 9/11 commemoration ceremony and then revealed she'd contracted pneumonia. Clinton, 68 -- or Donald Trump, 70, who has released scant detail about his own medical history -- would be among the oldest presidents ever elected. This week, Celeste and John speak with distinguished historian and presidential biographer Robert Dallek of Stanford University about the astoundingly secretive culture surrounding the wellness of our leaders and ask a simple question: How much do voters have a right to know about their health? This episode was produced by Alan Haburchak. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Robert Dallek, Michael Beschloss and Fredrik Logevall--three major Kennedy historians and biographers--join us on this week's episode to talk about JFK and death. But not his assassination...

Robert Dallek, Historian   "Don't be intimidated by people who seem to be experts. Hear their points of view and get their judgements. But at the end of day, you've got to make a judgement because it's not their life that's going to be affected so much as your future."   Decision time. Something big. Something momentous that you can't avoid, and you must choose well. Consequences, good or bad are in the offing, and at this point you really wish you could see the future, or wish someone else could for you. At this point, we look for others, hopefully expert others, who can help us navigate the rough waters ahead.   As I have mentioned before on Daggers Of The Mind, there is rarely a shortage of people who are willing to tell you what to do, and they have a variety of reasons for wanting to do so. Some are noble, some are not so noble.   You must be just as careful choosing whose advice to listen to as you do making the momentous decision itself.   Knowing who you can trust in advance is what makes the difference. Know who would care enough to steer you correctly, and who would sell you down the river just to feel a little superior, thus feeling better about themselves.   If you can find a person who cares and is also an expert, you really have something there. Unfortunately, even when you do your homework and think you know someone, you can be blindsided by a trait they had that you didn't see. If that happens, just do damage control where it is needed and get away as fast as you can. Don't agonize about it. They make their own decisions and live with their own consequences. All you can do is start from here.   When it comes down to the rubber meeting the proverbial road, you choose your own path. Get all the expert advice you can, but don't have paralysis by analysis. Get good info, and counseling if you can. Then launch. You can do this.   A quote from Caroline Kennedy:   "When you make the right decision, it doesn't really matter what anyone else thinks."   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Dallek   http://www.harpercollins.com/cr-101326/robert-dallek     ----------------------------------------------------   Ellen Goodman, Pulitzer Prize Winning Journalist   “There’s a trick to the 'graceful exit.' It begins with the vision to recognize when a job, a life stage, or a relationship is over — and let it go. It means leaving what’s over without denying its validity or its past importance to our lives. It involves a sense of future, a belief that every exit line is an entry, that we are moving up, rather than out.”     Well, it's time to make a graceful exit. This is episode 50 of Daggers Of The Mind. It is also the final episode.   This is my first podcast, my baby. I have learned so much about how to podcast, and also how not to podcast. I still think this show is great, but it must make way for new opportunities and possibilities.   I would like to thank all those who didn't laugh, and supported me in starting podcasting in the first place. There is a core group who also listened to every episode, either from the beginning, or went back and listened after discovering the show somewhere in the middle.   I have discovered the magic that is missing in Daggers Of The Mind, and that is in the person of my wife, Dee. She is delightful and after 32 years of marriage, still my best friend and the love of my whole life.   Dee has a spontaneity and charm that I lack in the formal delivery of this show. After a few episodes of The WV Podcast, I can see just how valuable that is by the response we have received. I need to stop Daggers Of The Mind in order to put more time into The WV Podcast.   There is also the matter of voice over work and writing for publication that I have been neglecting.   Please don't stop thinking deeply as you go through the rest of your life. As I have said before, every person you meet knows something you don't, and you know something they don't. Please continue to learn from those around you and never stop.     A quote from Mahatma Gandhi:   "Live as if you were to die tomorrow. Learn as if you were to live forever.   http://www.ellengoodman.com/   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ellen_Goodman   ----------------------------------------------------------   You can find everything we do at http://holbrooknewmedia.com         "And that's all I've got to say about that!"  

Author Robert Dallek talks about his recently released historical narrative, "Camelot's Court: Inside the Kennedy White House." Dallek describes his book as taking an inside look at the brain trust surrounding President Kennedy's administration. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Robert Dallek's piece on JFK and the military, Ted Bundy's lawyer's "ethical dilemma"

Robert Dallek's piece on JFK and the military, Ted Bundy's lawyer's "ethical dilemma"

Om hopp och förtvivlan i Barack Obamas värld. Är den amerikanske presidenten en kalkylerande krigshetsare med välsmort munläder? Eller en missförstådd världsförbättrare som är bakbunden av strukturer större än han själv? Hör röster från Washington, Brooklyn och Halmstad om hemliga krig, svårstängda fångläger och det amerikanska presidentskapets själ. I maj i år besökte Barack Obama den amerikanska försvarshögskolan i Washington DC. Han var där för att tala om krig – men inte den sortens krig som USA verkar ge sig in i nu i dagarna, i Syrien, utan ett krig som vi här på Konflikt följt mycket nära under alla de år som programmet funnits: det amerikanska kriget mot terrorismen. Och på senare år, sedan Barack Obama blev president, har vi allt oftare – från platser som Jemen och hemliga amerikanska militärbaser, tillsammans med såväl juridikprofessorer som uighurer – fått anledning att ställa frågan om hur, när och, för den delen, om det här kriget någonsin ska ta slut. Därför var det inte konstigt att vi spetsade öronen i maj, för Obamas tal handlade om just den frågan. - Besluten vi tar idag, om drönare, om hur vi låser in terroristmisstänkta, kommer å definiera vilket sorts land vi är å vilket sorts land vi kommer vara i framtiden. Amerika befinner sig vid ett vägskäl, sa Obama och fortsatte. - Vi måste definiera vilken sorts kamp det är vi utkämpar, annars kommer kampen att definiera oss, sa Obama. Inget land kan utkämpa ett evigt krig och fortsätta vara fritt. Varken jag eller nån annan president kan lova att helt besegra terrorn. Det var ett klassiskt Obama-tal. Han lyckades formulera riskerna med ett hemligt, evigt krig bättre än så gott som alla hans kritiker. Här var en president som inte bara kunde beskriva, utan verkligen förstod sitt ansvar, som förstod varför ett krig inte kan föras i hemlighet, varför folk inte kan låsas in på obestämd tid utan rättegång, varför man inte kan låta rädslan styra. Talet hölls alltså i maj i år. Men, så kom sommaren… Ljud från en lång, het och i allra högsta grad krigisk sommar. NSA-avslöjanden, vaga terrorhot och en kavalkad av drönarattacker i Jemen. Samma president: men ett helt annat budskap. Hur ska man då förstå dessa motsättningar? Vad styrs av presidentens personlighet? Vad är politik? Och vad är djupare liggande strukturer? Vi börjar med att titta närmare på Obamas krig. Och inte det nya krig i Mellanöstern, i Syrien, som USA motvilligt verkar dras in i i dagarna, eller det öppna krig som han avslutade i Irak, eller det halvhjärtade krig som är på väg att trappas ned i Afghanistan. Istället ska vi titta på det krig som Obama verkar föredra, nämligen skuggkriget. På sistone har flera böcker  kommit ut i ämnet Bland dom mest uppmärksammade finns The Way of the Knife av New York Times-journalisten Mark Mazzetti, som i detalj beskriver hur underrättelsetjänsten CIA – tillsammans med delar av den amerikanska militären – förvandlats till en slags presidentens personliga dödsmaskineri. Konflikts Caroline Salzinger intervjuade honom. Men det finns andra områden där Obamas retorik och politik står i bjärt kontrast mot varandra. Här ytterligare ett klipp från Obamas tal i maj: - Föreställ er en framtid om tio år, då USA forftarande håller människor som inte anklagats för något brott inspärrade på en plats som inte ens hör till vårt land. Se på oss, när vi tvångsmatar fångar som hungerstrejkar. Är det det Amerika vi vill vara? Så sa Obama i maj. Han hade ju lovat att fängelset i Guantanamo Bay under sin valkampanj 2008. Men än står det öppet. Hur har det blivit såhär? Den journalist som i störst detalj beskrivit processen kring Guantanamo är Daniel Klaidman, som till vardags skriver för Newsweek och Daily Beast. Förra året publicerades hans bok Kill or Capture, med underrubriken The War on Terror and the Soul of the Obama Presidency. Enligt Klaidman är vad som hände när Obama 2009 skulle stänga Guantanamo bland dom mest talande händelserna  under hela den första Obama-administrationen.    Biografier och studier av presidenter är något av en industri i USA – varje stor bokaffär har en rejäl hylla i ämnet – och dom tyngsta spelarna i den industrin är presidenhistorikerna, en grupp som faktiskt aktivt uppvaktas av sittande presidenter, som dels är intresserade av att förstå bättre hur deras föregångare handlat, men som också vill försöka påverka hur deras eftermäle kommer att låta. En av de mest respekterade presidenthistorikerna heter Robert Dallek – som redan hunnit äta middag med Obama fyra gånger. Konflikts medarbetare Petra Socolovsky hälsade på hos honom hemma i Washington DC. Gäster i Konflikt för att diskutera presidentskapets förutsättningar och Barack Obamas tid som president är dels Frida Stranne, Freds- och utvecklingsforskare med särskild inriktning USA, och Trita Parsi, författare av flera böcker om amerikansk utrikespolitik och ordförande för det Iranskamerikanska rådet. Programledare: Ivar Ekman Producent: Caroline Salzinger

In this first lecture in a series touching on how the U.S. Presidency changed during the 20th century, noted historian Robert Dalek begins with his take on Theodore Roosevelt.

In this first lecture in a series touching on how the U.S. Presidency changed during the 20th century, noted historian Robert Dalek begins with his take on Theodore Roosevelt.

Robert Dallek is an historian specializing in American presidents. He has won the Bancroft Prize and numerous other awards for scholarship and teaching. Dallek studies United States history: diplomatic history, foreign policy and public opinion; New Deal diplomacy; and the professional diplomat.