Podcasts about Roosevelt

Despite its long-held place in history as the lynchpin of America's recovery from the Great Depression, what if the New Deal did more to hinder the country's recovery than help it? George Selgin is a professor emeritus of economics at the University of Georgia and former director of the Center on Monetary and Financial Alternatives at the Cato Institute. His books like, False Dawn: The New Deal and the Promise of Recovery and Floored!: How a Misguided Fed Experiment Deepened and Prolonged the Great Recession, examine macroeconomic theories through the lens of key moments in monetary history. In this conversation, Greg and George dive deep into the inner workings of The Great Depression, covering the biggest misconceptions surrounding the New Deal's role in ending the crisis, why many of President Roosevelt's policies were counterproductive, and how pre-existing, international factors impacted the U.S.'s recovery.*unSILOed Podcast is produced by University FM.*Episode Quotes:The myth of New Deal wisdom47:17: The thing that people have to remember when they are inclined to think, oh, you know, we need to look back at the New Deal and all the wonderful things they did to end the Depression. They knew so much, you know, they had all these experiments. No. We know a lot more about how to fight recessions and depressions than they did because we know that fiscal and monetary stimulus are our best hopes. And those were two things that the Roosevelt administration did not put much, if any, emphasis upon. And that, of course, just hearing that should give a lot of people second thoughts about how helpful the New Deal was. They did a lot of stuff, but they did not do the main thing we rely on now. The main things, they did not promote monetary stimulus, and they did not promote fiscal stimulus except somewhat, reluctantly.Keynes vs. the New Dealers59:39: I certainly believe that if Keynes's advice had been followed instead of what the New Dealers did, that the Depression would have ended much sooner than it did in the United States. The downside of "bold experimentation"35:56: Roosevelt made two statements that were probably the least, the two main unambiguous things he said, one of which turned out to be a very accurate description of what his administration would end up doing. And the other one of which would be a very inaccurate statement. This is all in the course of the campaign. The accurate statement was when he said that his administration planned to go about addressing the Depression through bold experimentation. And that is absolutely true. There was a lot of trial and error. And the problem is, as I say in my book, you know, the problem with bold experiments is they often fail.On war clouds and gold flows45:41: What keeps gold flowing in for the rest of the decade, and more and more of it as time goes on, is Hitler's rise to power and the, the gatherings war clouds that eventually have many, many Europeans thinking, I do not think this is place, this place is safe for our gold. And as long as they could, taking it and shipping it to the United States, where now after the suspension of the gold standard and the devaluation, the treasury alone is buying all the gold.Show Links:Recommended Resources:John Maynard KeynesFranklin D. RooseveltHerbert Hoover Henry Ford Alexander J. Field James Bradford DeLong Guest Profile:Faculty Profile at University of Georgia Professional Profile at the Cato InstituteProfessional Profile on LinkedInProfile on XGuest Work:False Dawn: The New Deal and the Promise of Recovery, 1933–1947 Floored!: How a Misguided Fed Experiment Deepened and Prolonged the Great RecessionMoney: Free and Unfree Less Than Zero: The Case for a Falling Price Level in a Growing EconomyThe Menace of Fiscal QE  Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

One week after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the combined radio networks broadcast a celebration of the 150th anniversary of the ratification of the Bill of Rights on December 15, 1791.  The all-star broadcast cast was impressive --  Edward Arnold, Lionel Barrymore, Bob Burns, Walter Brennan, Walter Huston, Marjorie Main, Edward G. Robinson, Jimmy Stewart, Rudy Vallee, and Orson Welles, and scripted by Norman Corwin.  For a few hours, there was doubt the long planned program would not air because of Pearl Harbor.  But a one sentence reply from President Roosevelt's office said it all -- "The President thinks it's more important now than ever to proceed with the program."Enjoy this celebration of America.  

Ever wondered how one man could shape an entire nation's destiny? In this episode of Join Us in France, host Annie Sargent and guest Elyse Rivin of Toulouse Guided Walks dive into the extraordinary life of Charles de Gaulle—the towering general who refused to let France fall. From his early days in Lille to his fiery WWII radio broadcasts from London, de Gaulle was a man of unshakable will. He survived being a POW, clashed with Churchill and Roosevelt, and led the Free French Forces to victory. But his story doesn't end there. As France's president, he created the Fifth Republic, pulled France out of NATO's military command, and left a legacy that still defines the country today. Listen to this episode ad-free Annie and Elyse break down the myths and the man. Was he a hero? A stubborn idealist? A political genius? You'll hear about his Catholic upbringing, his love for his wife Yvonne, and the heartbreak of losing their daughter, Anne. You'll also learn why his famous line—"The end of hope is the beginning of death"—captures his relentless spirit. And if you've ever wondered what it was like for French families during WWII, Annie shares her own family's story as Pieds-Noirs in Algeria, where de Gaulle's decisions changed everything. Why listen? Because de Gaulle's story is France's story. It's about resilience, leadership, and the power of believing in something bigger than yourself. Whether you're a history buff, a Francophile, or just love a good underdog tale, this episode delivers. Ready to explore more? Subscribe to Join Us in France for weekly deep dives into French culture, history, and travel. From hidden villages to iconic landmarks, Annie and her guests bring France to life in a way no guidebook can. Hit subscribe on your favorite podcast app, and let's discover France—together. Table of Contents for this Episode [00:00:16] Introduction [00:00:31] Today on the podcast [00:01:04] Podcast supporters [00:01:39] Magazine segment [00:02:24] Charles de Gaulle with Elyse [00:03:03] Early Life and Family Background [00:05:05] Military Aspirations and World War I [00:11:28] Rise to Prominence and World War II [00:21:58] Divisions of Tanks [00:33:07] Post-War Leadership and Political Career [00:46:16] Legacy and Conclusion [00:53:47] Thank You Patrons [00:54:46]  New Year's festivities in Paris [00:57:37] Next week on the podcast [00:58:00] Copyright More episodes about French history

We do have our favorite but surely wouldn't mind if Thomas Pynchon won the Nobel Prize too . . . and in Episode 32 we finish off 2025 by considering Shadow Ticket, the noir detective take on the 1930s by a writer who was surely a key influence on the early DeLillo (we read from an unpublished DeLillo letter summarizing that relationship) but who also seems to have been reading works like Running Dog over the years (or so we imagine in unpacking Shadow Ticket scenes invoking Chaplin and a “German Political Celebrity” named Hitler). We try to understand how Pynchon's latest examination of historical and potential fascism works in its 1932 setting, ranging from Milwaukee to Hungary, where reluctant protagonist and “sentimental ape” and “sap” Hicks McTaggart keeps adding on to his P.I. “tickets” in a strange search for a Wisconsin heiress and her Jewish musician lover but also what might ultimately be justice (a far from simple thing). Shadow Ticket is loads of serious fun, where Pynchon manages to examine the direst of turning points amidst scenes of bowling alley and motorcycle lore, dairy strikes, Prohibition's black markets, dance hall and speakeasy glamour, and something called “Radio-Cheez.” Bela Lugosi, vampires, a beautiful pig in a sidecar, and some of the most tasteless lamps in the world also play a role. The real content here for Hicks, though, is the prospect of spiritual and other forms of peace in a world where weapons from clubs to guns and submarines operate according to mysterious laws of “apport” and “asport,” occult material that interweaves with Hicks's strike-breaking past and raises connections to Gravity's Rainbow. Is Hicks's fellow orphan and young protégé Skeet Wheeler the father of Vineland's Zoyd, headed out to California as the novel ends? What's the meaning of Hicks failing to return to his home country, and what does cheese gangster Bruno Airmont's submarine fate have to do with Bleeding Edge? Are Hungary's shifting borders a new kind of “Zone”? What's going on in the novel's many Statue of Liberty references and its anachronistic allusions to a “Face Tube” for flirtation in bars? And how does this always funny writer, now in his late eighties, keep coming up with all these absurd songs (we sing some) and hilarious mock-movies like the one featuring “Squeezita Thickly” swimming in soup pots (Shirley Temple, is that you?)? Teasing out many connections to Gravity's Rainbow, Against the Day, and Vineland, this episode makes reference to just about all of Pynchon's other works, including even V. and his earliest short stories. At the same time, you need come to it with nothing but an interest in Pynchon's life and work. We doubt that we get every reference to history or previous Pynchon right or mount interpretations we won't later want to revise, but on this brand-new and captivating late work from a masterful author, we hope in nearly three hours of deep conversation and laughter that we've made a good start on the many critical readings to come. A partial list of references and quotations that we mention or paraphrase in this episode . . . On “prefascist twilight”: “And other grandfolks could be heard arguing the perennial question of whether the United States still lingered in a prefascist twilight, or whether that darkness had fallen long stupefied years ago, and the light they thought they saw was coming only from millions of Tubes all showing the same bright-colored shadows. One by one, as other voices joined in, the names began, some shouted, some accompanied by spit, the old reliable names good for hours of contention, stomach distress, and insomnia – Hitler, Roosevelt, Kennedy, Nixon, Hoover, Mafia, CIA, Reagan, Kissinger, that collection of names and their tragic interweaving that stood not constellated above in any nightwide remoteness of light, but below, diminished to the last unfaceable American secret, to be pressed, each time deeper, again and again beneath the meanest of random soles, one blackly fermenting leaf on the forest floor that nobody wanted to turn over, because of all that lived, virulent, waiting, just beneath.” (Pynchon, Vineland (1990)) On “second sheep”: “Our common nightmare The Bomb is in there too. It was bad enough in '59 and is much worse now, as the level of danger has continued to grow. There was never anything subliminal about it, then or now. Except for that succession of the criminally insane who have enjoyed power since 1945, including the power to do something about it, most of the rest of us poor sheep have always been stuck with simple, standard fear. I think we all have tried to deal with this slow escalation of our helplessness and terror in the few ways open to us, from not thinking about it to going crazy from it. Somewhere on this spectrum of impotence is writing fiction about it.” (Pynchon, “Introduction,” Slow Learner (1984)) The “Sloth essay paragraph” mentioned midway through: “In this century we have come to think of Sloth as primarily political, a failure of public will allowing the introduction of evil policies and the rise of evil regimes, the worldwide fascist ascendancy of the 1920's and 30's being perhaps Sloth's finest hour, though the Vietnam era and the Reagan-Bush years are not far behind. Fiction and nonfiction alike are full of characters who fail to do what they should because of the effort involved. How can we not recognize our world? Occasions for choosing good present themselves in public and private for us every day, and we pass them by. Acedia is the vernacular of everyday moral life.” (Pynchon, “Nearer, My Couch, To Thee” (1993)) Don DeLillo Papers, Harry Ransom Center, University of Texas-Austin The Motherland Calls statue, Volgograd: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Motherland_Calls  Pareidolia defined: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pareidolia

Part 2 of our Pearl Harbor series opens in the days after the attack, when a different kind of shockwave rolled across the American mainland—one made of fear, suspicion, and the haunting belief that the next strike might come from within. Japanese immigrants and Japanese American citizens, many of whom had lived in the U.S. for generations, suddenly became targets of rumor and paranoia. Newspapers printed tales of coded signals flashing from fishing boats, imagined spy rings in farming communities, and sabotage plots that never occurred. In this atmosphere, fear didn't just spread—it multiplied.That fear soon took legal shape. In February 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, forcing more than 120,000 people of Japanese ancestry—most of them American citizens—to leave their homes and report to inland camps surrounded by barbed wire. Families packed what they could carry and stepped into a world built on suspicion, not evidence.But the heart of this episode lies in the question that refuses to die: did the U.S. government know more about the coming attack than it ever admitted? We step into the murky realm of broken diplomatic codes, delayed warnings, and the infamous Henry Stimson diary entry about “maneuvering Japan into firing the first shot.” We examine the intelligence intercepts that suggested war was imminent, the last-minute messages that reached Hawaii too late, and the political and strategic pressures building inside Washington in 1941.Was it conspiracy? Was it incompetence? Or was it simply the fog and friction of a world sliding toward global war?www.patreon.com/theconspiracypodcast

RDOD — Cruise Gift Giving & How to Gift a Cruise as a Surprise Thinking about giving the ultimate gift this year? From unforgettable surprise reveals to stocking stuffers every cruiser will actually use, we're breaking down the best ways to gift a cruise—and the must-have items to wrap up (or secretly pack!) for the big reveal. Whether you're surprising a spouse, a kid, or an entire family, this episode will help you make the moment magical. Episode Summary This week on Rope Drop On Deck, Doug and Michelle dive into the art of cruise gift-giving! It's that time of year, and if you're dreaming of surprising someone with a sailing—whether for Christmas, a birthday, an anniversary, or "just because"—we've got your blueprint. We walk through the best ways to surprise someone with a cruise, how to plan around logistics, and the top stocking stuffers and under-the-tree gifts that every cruiser will appreciate. From passport holders to packing cubes to cruise-ready outfits, we're covering all the fun, practical, and unexpected items to elevate your next adventure at sea. Word of the day thanks to Back To The Mouse. -  Cargo

Historian David Kennedy looks at Franklin D. Roosevelt's leadership by exploring how he guided the United States through the twin upheavals of the Great Depression and World War II. Kennedy explains how FDR reshaped federal power, responded to mass economic hardship, and slowly steered a largely isolationist nation toward global responsibility. The discussion highlights the weaknesses of the pre–New Deal government, Roosevelt's innovative (and sometimes improvised) approach to rebuilding institutions, and the ongoing historical debates over what he was trying to achieve and how successful he really was. Overall, the exchange paints FDR as both a bold domestic reformer and a key architect of the postwar international system that defined American leadership for decades.

Following the Supreme Court arguments in Slaughter v. United States, Sarah Isgur and David French join legal scholar Adam White to break down a session that became a referendum on whether Congress can insulate modern independent agencies from presidential control. SCOTUSblog's Amy Howe also joins from the steps of the Supreme Court to relay her observations from inside the courtroom.Watch the livestream here. Advisory Opinions is a production of The Dispatch, a digital media company covering politics, policy, and culture from a non-partisan, conservative perspective. To access all of The Dispatch's offerings including access to all of our articles, members-only newsletters, and bonus podcast episodes click here. If you'd like to remove all ads from your podcast experience, consider becoming a premium Dispatch member by clicking here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

1940: The Fall of France and the Rise of Churchill: Colleague Charles Spicer recounts that as the British Expeditionary Force retreated from Dunkirk in May 1940, Winston Churchill became Prime Minister and actively utilized intelligence from Christie and Vansittart; critiquing the 1940 book Guilty Men as a simplistic polemic that established the popular narrative blaming appeasers for the war, the narrative highlights Lord Lothian's success in Washington persuading Roosevelt to support Britain, and connects Rudolf Hess's flight to Scotland to the Fellowship, explaining that Hess sought out the Duke of Hamilton in a delusional attempt to broker peace. 1938

This Day in Legal History: Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr's Kid Sworn in as JusticeOn December 8, 1902, Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. was sworn in as an Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, beginning one of the most storied judicial careers in American history. Appointed by President Theodore Roosevelt, Holmes brought not just legal brilliance but a fierce sense of independence to the bench—qualities that would define his nearly 30-year tenure. He would become known as “The Great Dissenter,” not because he loved conflict, but because he saw the Constitution as a living document that demanded humility, skepticism of dogma, and above all, respect for democratic governance.Holmes shaped modern constitutional law, particularly in his groundbreaking First Amendment opinions. In Schenck v. United States (1919), he famously coined the “clear and present danger” test, establishing a foundational limit on government power to suppress speech. Though that decision upheld a conviction, Holmes's dissent later that year in Abrams v. United States marked his turn toward a much broader vision of free expression—one that laid the groundwork for modern civil liberties jurisprudence.A Civil War veteran wounded at Antietam, Holmes served with the Massachusetts Volunteers and carried shrapnel in his body for the rest of his life. His long memory gave him historical depth: legend holds he met both Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy—Lincoln as a young Union officer in Washington, and JFK decades later when the future president visited the aged Holmes on his 90th birthday. While the Lincoln meeting is plausible and widely accepted, the Kennedy encounter is well documented—photos exist of JFK visiting Holmes in 1932, shortly before the justice's death.Holmes's legal philosophy emphasized restraint, often reminding fellow jurists that the Constitution “is made for people of fundamentally differing views.” He resisted turning the judiciary into a super-legislature, warning against confusing personal preference with constitutional mandate. His opinions, dissents, and aphorisms—“taxes are what we pay for civilized society,” among them—still echo in courtrooms and classrooms today.By the time he retired in 1932 at age 90, Holmes had become an icon: not just a jurist, but a symbol of intellectual honesty and constitutional humility. His December 8 appointment wasn't just another judicial swearing-in—it was the beginning of a philosophical legacy that still defines the boundaries of American legal thought.Amit Agarwal, a former clerk to Justices Alito and Kavanaugh, will soon find himself arguing against the very ideology he once clerked under—defending limits on presidential power in a case that could gut a nearly century-old precedent, Humphrey's Executor v. United States (1935). He'll be representing former FTC Commissioner Rebecca Slaughter, who sued after President Trump gave her the boot, and whose case now tees up a potentially seismic shift in how presidents control independent agencies.At issue is whether the president can remove members of independent commissions—like the FTC—at will, or whether statutory “for cause” protections, created by Congress and upheld since the New Deal, still mean anything. If the Supreme Court overturns Humphrey's Executor, it would blow a hole in the legal framework that has shielded multi-member agencies from raw political interference since Roosevelt tried—and failed—to remake the FTC in his own image.Let's pause here: Humphrey's Executor isn't just some dusty New Deal relic. It drew a sharp line between executive officers who serve the president directly and independent regulators who are supposed to be immune from daily political whims. The Court in 1935 said: no, FDR, you can't just fire an FTC commissioner because he's not singing from your hymnbook. That ruling became the backbone of modern agency independence—from the Fed to the SEC to the NLRB. Without it, the next president could dismiss any regulatory head who doesn't toe the party line. You want crypto rules to mean something? Food safety? Banking supervision? Say goodbye to all that if we pretend these agencies are just White House interns with better titles.But here's where it gets interesting: Agarwal is making the conservative case for restraint. Now working at Protect Democracy, he's arguing that letting presidents fire independent commissioners at will isn't a win for constitutional governance—it's a power grab that warps the original design. He's invoked Burkean conservatism—the idea that practical experience should trump theoretical purity—and warns that blind devotion to the “unitary executive theory” threatens institutional integrity more than it protects separation of powers.And Agarwal isn't alone. A collection of conservative legal scholars, former judges, and ex-White House lawyers—some with deep Federalist Society credentials—have filed briefs supporting his position. Their argument? That Humphrey's Executor is an “originalist” decision, faithful to the Founders' ambivalence about concentrated executive power, especially in domestic administration.Still, let's be honest: the Court is unlikely to be swayed by this internal dissent. The Roberts Court has already chipped away at agency independence in decisions like Seila Law (2020) and Loper Bright (2024), where it let Trump fire the CFPB director and overturned Chevron deference respectively. With a solid conservative majority, and multiple justices openly embracing a muscular vision of presidential control, the writing may already be on the wall.Which is precisely what makes Agarwal's stand so notable. This isn't some progressive legal activist parachuting in from the ACLU (though his wife did work there). This is someone who backed Kavanaugh publicly, donated to Nikki Haley, and spent years rising through the conservative legal pipeline—only to conclude that this version of executive power isn't conservative at all. It's reactionary.So what happens if Humphrey's goes down? Beyond the short-term question of whether Slaughter gets her job back, the bigger issue is how much power presidents will wield over what were supposed to be politically insulated regulatory bodies. Will a ruling in Trump's favor mean future presidents can purge the Fed board? Fire NLRB members mid-term? Flatten the independence of enforcement agencies? The Court may claim it's just restoring “constitutional structure,” but don't be surprised if that structure starts to look a lot like one-man rule.Agarwal, to his credit, is saying: not so fast. Sometimes conserving means preserving. And sometimes defending the Constitution means restraining the people who claim to speak for it the loudest.Ex-Alito, Kavanaugh Clerk Defends Limits on Trump's Firing PowerFight over Trump's power to fire FTC member heads to US Supreme Court | ReutersA federal judge has temporarily barred the Justice Department from using evidence seized from Daniel Richman, a former legal adviser to ex-FBI Director James Comey, in any future attempts to revive criminal charges against Comey. The move comes just weeks after the original case was dismissed due to the lead prosecutor's unlawful appointment.At issue is whether federal prosecutors violated Richman's Fourth Amendment rights by searching his personal computer without a warrant during earlier investigations into media leaks tied to Comey's 2020 congressional testimony. U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly sided with Richman—for now—saying he's likely to succeed on the merits and ordering the government to isolate and secure the data until at least December 12.The contested materials had been used to support now-dropped charges that Comey made false statements and obstructed Congress regarding FBI leaks about the Clinton and Trump investigations. But Richman, once a special FBI employee himself, argues the search was illegal and wants the files deleted or returned.The Justice Department, undeterred, is reportedly considering a second indictment of Comey. But between shaky prosecutorial appointments and constitutional challenges like this one, their case is rapidly sliding into legally questionable territory.US federal judge temporarily blocks evidence use in dismissed Comey case | ReutersThe U.S. Supreme Court has declined to review a controversial book removal case out of Llano County, Texas, effectively allowing local officials to keep 17 books off public library shelves—titles that deal with race, LGBTQ+ identity, puberty, and even flatulence.The justices let stand a divided 5th Circuit ruling that found no First Amendment violation in the county's decision to pull the books. That decision reversed a lower court order requiring the books be returned and rejected the plaintiffs' argument that library patrons have a constitutional “right to receive information.” The 5th Circuit held that libraries have wide discretion to curate collections, and that removing titles doesn't equate to banning them altogether—people can still buy them online, the court reasoned.The dispute began in 2021 when local officials responded to complaints by residents, ultimately purging books including Maurice Sendak's In the Night Kitchen (due to nude illustrations), as well as works on slavery and gender identity. Opponents of the removal sued, citing free speech violations. But the case now stands as a significant blow to that theory—at least in the 5th Circuit, which covers Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi.The Supreme Court's refusal to intervene leaves unresolved a key question: does the First Amendment protect not just the right to speak, but the right to access certain information in public institutions? For now, in parts of the South, the answer appears to be no.US Supreme Court turns away appeal of Texas library book ban | Reuters This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

Movies and History on a SundayFirst,  a look at this day in History.Then, Screen Directors Playhouse, originally broadcast December 7, 1950, 75 years ago, My Favorite Wife starring Cary Grant and Irene Dunne.   A comedy about a man whose missing wife turns up after 7 1/2 years, on the day he remarries!Followed by The Lux Radio Theater, originally broadcast December 7, 1942, 83 years ago, The War Against Mrs Hadley starring Edward Arnold and Fay Bainter.   A Washington socialite cannot forgive nor understand the Nazis and Japs for declaring war and interfering with the lives of her son and daughter.Then, NBC News Broadcast, originally broadcast December 7, 1941, 84 years ago.  Live network programming from 4:30 to 5pm Eastern time.  Report from London (ninety seconds). Upton Close reports from San Francisco: the Japanese consul in San Francisco denies any knowledge of the attack (5 1/2 minutes). Upton Close continues for another six minutes. Report from KGU, Honolulu: a summary of the attack. The report of an attorney who was flying his own airplane when the Japanese attacked. Three hundred and fifty men have been killed at Hickum Field. (4 1/2 minutes). A telegram from David Sarnoff to President Roosevelt is read. Followed by HV Kaltenborn News, originally broadcast December 7, 1941, 84 years ago.   "Japan has made war on the United States without declaring war." Late news developments and commentary. An army transport has been torpedoed thirteen hundred miles west of San Francisco. An unidentified warship is firing on Pearl Harbor. Finally,  Lum and Abner, originally broadcast December 7, 1942, 83 years ago, The Golden Era Discussion Club.  Lum is planning to start "The Pine Ridge Golden Era Discussion Club." He plans to win a set of encyclopedias from "Information Please."Thanks to Richard G for supporting our podcast by using the Buy Me a Coffee function at http://classicradio.streamCheck out Professor Bees Digestive Aid at profbees.com and use my promo code WYATT to save 10% when you order! Find the Family Fallout Shelter Booklet Here: https://www.survivorlibrary.com/library/the_family_fallout_shelter_1959.pdfhttps://wardomatic.blogspot.com/2006/11/fallout-shelter-handbook-1962.html

When headlines feel heavier by the day, it's tempting to wish for a return to “normal.” We take a sharper path instead, asking what real peace requires and how conviction, not comfort, reshapes a nation. Through prayer, Scripture, and a candid look at our cultural blind spots, we trace a line from personal character to public life, from the kitchen table to the town square, and from Advent hope to daily courage.We start with the hard truth: hoping for a status quo won't heal a fractured culture. Titus 2 offers a counterculture of restraint, integrity, and mentoring that rebuilds trust where it's lost—older saints modeling steadiness, younger hearts learning self‑control, speech that can't be condemned because the life behind it is clean. Revelation 11 widens our view, reminding us that faithfulness can be costly and that history is not leaderless. The two witnesses stand, fall, and rise at God's command, and the seventh trumpet declares a kingdom that outlasts empires. That promise doesn't remove our duty; it anchors it.Psalm 139 brings the cosmic close: God sees, guides, and guards, even when fear presses in. We sit with the wonder of being knit together, known fully, and led along an everlasting path. A brief stop in Proverbs names the ache of endless appetite and points us back to limits that free. We honor Seaman Edward William Boers, whose Medal of Honor moment reveals how ordinary duty becomes extraordinary under pressure. Then Christmas voices from Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt invite us to practice charity, forgiveness, worship, and generosity—habits that quiet the soul and strengthen the home.Across these threads, a theme emerges: lasting renewal starts with prayer, character, and courage. We affirm the spiritual roots that shaped American life, not to posture, but to serve with truth and grace. If you found clarity or courage here, follow the show, share it with a friend, and leave a quick review so others can find it. Your voice helps this community grow.Support the showThe American Soul Podcasthttps://www.buzzsprout.com/1791934/subscribe

Une loi pionnière en Colombie permet, depuis 2023, à des femmes cheffes de famille condamnées pour des délits mineurs de purger leur peine hors de prison, à travers des travaux d'utilité publique. Près de 200 détenues ont déjà bénéficié de ce dispositif, qui leur permet de rester auprès de leurs enfants. Reportage à Fusagasugá, près de Bogotá de notre correspondante Camille Bouju. Patricia Cortés, 23 ans, est l'un des visages de ce dispositif unique au monde : Incarcérée alors qu'elle était enceinte, elle a passé onze mois en prison avant d'être libérée grâce à cette réforme. Sa mère, Luisa Fernanda Ladina, raconte une vie marquée par la pauvreté et les violences domestiques, qui l'a poussée vers le trafic de drogue pour nourrir ses enfants. Un profil type pour les associations qui sont à l'origine de la loi. La réforme repose sur la double reconnaissance : les femmes commettent souvent ces délits pour subvenir aux besoins de leur famille. Et pour la première fois, le travail de soin est reconnu comme un critère juridique et ouvre la voie à une forme de justice plus réparatrice, susceptible d'inspirer d'autres pays, souligne notre correspondante Camille Bouju dans son reportage.   Haïti : le bas Artibonite vit une situation de «chaos généralisé» C'est ce qu'estime en tout cas le Protecteur du citoyen, Jean Wilner Morin, qui a alerté le Premier ministre Alix Didier Fils-Aimé sur une violence armée accrue dans cette région. Dans une lettre datée du 2 décembre 2025, il décrit des communes comme Saint-Marc, Montrouis et Pont-Sondé sous la coupe de gangs, avec prises d'otages, assassinats, agressions sexuelles et actes criminels divers, le tout dans une impunité totale. Avec Frantz Duval, rédacteur en chef du Nouvelliste, nous revenons sur ce sujet, tout comme sur les tensions au sein du CPT, tensions qui se sont «apaisées», selon Frinel Joseph, membre observateur au Conseil présidentiel de transition. Tension Caracas - Washington : Donald Trump à la recherche de la gloire militaire Pour le Washington Post, la posture agressive de Donald Trump envers le Venezuela ne s'explique pas seulement par la lutte antidrogue (c'est en tout cas l'explication officielle), l'accès au pétrole ou l'influence stratégique dans les Caraïbes. Le moteur le plus profond serait ailleurs, d'après l'éditorial : c'est la recherche de la «grandeur présidentielle». Donald Trump considère le dossier vénézuélien comme une occasion d'entrer dans l'Histoire à travers la guerre, un marqueur récurrent des présidents classés parmi les «grands» des États-Unis. Donald Trump, rappelle l'auteur, ne cesse de se comparer à Washington, Lincoln ou Roosevelt. Le problème, c'est que l'Histoire est souvent cruelle avec les présidents belliqueux. Si les guerres peuvent coûter des milliers de vies, elles ne garantissent en rien la gloire politique, tous les sondages le montrent. Et puis, le Washington Post souligne aussi ce paradoxe de Donald Trump, qui se targue d'avoir mis fin à des conflits tout en semblant prêt à en ouvrir un nouveau. Une issue politique du conflit est-il encore possible ? En tout cas, c'est ce que veut croire El Nacional. Le journal vénézuélien décrit le conflit qu'oppose Caracas et Washington comme «un jeu à somme nulle». Si Nicolas Maduro est écarté du pouvoir, Donald Trump pourra clamer victoire. Si, au contraire, le dirigeant chaviste que le journal qualifie d'illégitime parvient à se consolider malgré la pression, eh bien le triomphe sera le sien. À partir de ce panorama, poursuit El Nacional, la véritable nature de l'affrontement apparaît clairement : il ne s'agit pas d'une stratégie pour améliorer le sort des Vénézuéliens, mais d'un «duel» entre deux egos où chaque mouvement vise à empêcher l'autre de l'emporter. Mais le journal estime qu'il est encore temps d'éviter ce type d'intervention. Le journal relève que les deux dirigeants se sont parlé au téléphone. Ce simple échange, confirmé hier (3 décembre 2025) aussi par Nicolas Maduro révèle l'existence d'un canal direct entre Washington et Caracas, souligne le journal. «Et s'il existe un canal, il existe aussi la possibilité d'une issue qui restaure la liberté au Venezuela sans morts ni tragédie». Journal de la 1ère La Martinique bouleversée par un cas d'infanticide : un bébé a été retrouvé mort dans un réfrigérateur.  

Lots of work to do—let's get to it—Here are 3 big things for this hour—   Number One— The Trump administration is not backing off on hitting drug running boats from Venezuela in the open sea—saying they will stop the poison flowing into the country—   Number Two— President Trump made a major announcement yesterday in the Roosevelt Room about helping kids in tougher neighborhoods—start saving money from an early age—and it was jumpstarted by $6.25 billion dollars from Dell—   Number Three— I'm in D.C. all week – and had a chance to ask President Trump about the state of our economy Yesterday during a big announcement in the Roosevelt room – take a look:

“His single minded mission was to elevate the United States as a leading world power… he was dedicated to the ideal of American greatness.” That is how today's guest, Bret Baier, describes President Theodore Roosevelt in his new book, To Rescue the American Spirit. In this episode, we interview Mr. Baier on how Roosevelt shaped the American Century. TO RESCUE THE AMERICAN SPIRIT: TEDDY ROOSEVELT AND THE BIRTH OF A SUPERPOWER https://www.amazon.com/Rescue-American-Spirit-Superpower-Presidential/dp/0063360756 JOIN PREMIUMListen ad-free for only $5/month at www.bit.ly/TAPpremiumFOLLOW USwww.linktr.ee/thisamericanpresidentCREDITSHost: Richard LimProducer: Michael NealArtist: Nip Rogers, www.NipRogers.comSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

5/8. William Randolph Hearst Breaks with Roosevelt over Tax Policy — David Pietrusza — Newspaper and radio magnate William Randolph Hearst, who initially opposed FDR in 1932, became progressively disaffected as Rooseveltmoved leftward and proposed substantial tax increases on wealthy Americans. FDR explicitly discussed the political utility of throwing wealthy opponents, particularly Hearst, "to the wolves" as a populist rallying point. Hearst, who had met with Hitler in 1934, remained a formidable though complicating political force that FDR deemed necessary to neutralize or isolate. 1936

1/8. FDR's 1936 Campaign Begins Amid Loss and Opposition from the Right — David Pietrusza — Pietrusza'sbook Roosevelt Sweeps Nation details the opening phase of FDR's 1936 reelection campaign, commencing with the April death of Franklin D. Roosevelt's principal political advisor, Louis Howe, a devastating personal and strategic loss. Roosevelt immediately confronted sharp opposition from the political right, spearheaded by his former mentor Al Smith, who aligned with the wealthy American Liberty League. Roosevelt strategically leveraged Smith's challenge to wage an aggressive class warfare campaign emphasizing wealth redistribution and populist appeals. 1936

2/8. The Populist Challenge: Huey Long's Legacy and Eugene Talmadge — David Pietrusza — Roosevelt faced formidable challenges from both the populist left and the conservative South. Although Huey Long (representing the radical Share Our Wealth program) was assassinated in 1935, his political strategy envisioned electing Republicans in 1936 to pave the path for his own presidential bid in 1940. FDR also contended with Eugene Talmadge, a Georgianconservative populist who employed race-baiting rhetoric and opposed New Deal welfare program funding, representing a distinct political threat. 1936 BERLIN

4/8. FDR Deals with the Socialist and Communist Parties — David Pietrusza — Roosevelt expressed concern that the Socialist Party (led by Norman Thomas) and the Communist Party (led by Earl Browder) would siphon votes from the Democratic ticket. Due to Stalin's strategic pivot toward the Popular Front strategy opposing Hitler, the CPUSA, directed by Browder, tacitly supported Roosevelt by concentrating opposition fire on the Republican nominee. The Communists aligned strategically with radical organizations including the Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota. 1936 BERLIN

8/8. Roosevelt's Landslide and the Realignment of American Politics — David Pietrusza — Contrary to the Literary Digest straw poll prediction of a close race, early returns confirmed Roosevelt's enormous landslide victory, securing 46 states and overwhelming electoral dominance. The victory produced 74 Democratic senators and 334 Democratic house members, establishing commanding majorities in both chambers. This comprehensive electoral sweep cemented the realignment of American politics, as Roosevelt carried 104 out of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party'sinstitutional strength in urban centers and establishing durable electoral coalitions. 1936 POLAND

"Like a Siren" by Major Stars from More Colors of Sound; "Rust" by Ben Boehmer from Caught Up In the Fire; "A Perpetual Song" by Certain Slant of Light from It Isn't But It Is; "Flatline" by Venera from Exinfinite; "Faults" by Hilary Woods from Night Criu; "Just" by Claire Rousay (feat. M Sage) from A Litle Death; "7-21-17_substitute_hifi_v3" by Toro y Moi from Soul Trash; "Snurra Pa Hjulet" by Dungen from Sitting on the Moon; "The Pressure" by Bruise Blood from You Run Through the World Like an Open Razor; "Waterfalls" by Oneohtrix Point Never from Tranquilizer; "Wine Water Jesus" by Rumah Sakit from Rumah Sakit 25; "Isomorph" by Secret Places of the Lion from High Gardens

Our speaker is Richard Breitman who is an Emeritus Professor of History at American University and the author of a new book entitled Calculated Restraint: What Allied Leaders Said About the Holocaust. I want to learn from Richard about whether the allies should have bombed the rail lines to the concentration camps and if Roosevelt and Churchill should have said more to warn the Jews of Europe to the Holocaust so that the Jews could have gone into hiding. Get full access to What Happens Next in 6 Minutes with Larry Bernstein at www.whathappensnextin6minutes.com/subscribe

On this episode, Sam Hodson, President of BC's Landquest Realty, unpacks how to achieve the dream of owning a rural or recreational property and why, in most cases, land is an investment you won't ever regret.  Sam is also an avid hunter and outdoorsman and shares a great Roosevelt elk hunting story to kick off the episode.  From recreational hunting and fishing properties to leaving the city to live on that rural property you've always dreamed of, Sam covers the ins and outs of how to make owning a piece of land in BC, regardless of where you live, a reality.  NOTABLE QUOTES:  "The best time to buy something is right now."   @landquestrealty  LANDQUEST.COM   ---------------------------  DEALS & PARTNERS:  For over 100 years Leica has set the standard for premium optics. From spotting scopes to binoculars, rifle scopes and the new CRF MAX rangefinders, Leica is the choice for those who accept no compromises.  Don't miss out on Canada's best mountain hunting and conservation expo! The 2026 Wild Sheep Society of BC's Salute to Conservation Mountain Hunting Expo will sell out fast. Get your tickets now!  onX Hunt is the most powerful 3D mapping solution for hunters. Get your FREE trial today. If you're already a member, check out the exclusive offers and perks available when you upgrade to an Elite Member.   Tired of gut rotting instant coffee? Check out This Is Coffee and get yourself some great instant coffee for when you're in the backcountry or on the road.  ---------------------------  SUPPORT WILD SHEEP:  Go to Wild Sheep Foundation to find a membership option that suits your budget and commitment to wild sheep.  Go to Wild Sheep Society of BC to become a member, enter raffles, buy merch and support BC's wild sheep populations.  SUPPORT MOUNTAIN GOATS:  Go to Rocky Mountain Goat Alliance to find a membership option that suits your budget and commitment to conserving mountain goats and their habitat.   

Larry Ostola speaks with Marc Milner about his book Second Front: Anglo-American Rivalry and the Hidden Story of the Normandy Campaign. In June 1944, an Allied army of British, American, and Canadian troops sought to open up a Second Front in Normandy. But they were not only fighting to bring the Second World War to an end. After decades of Anglo-American struggle for dominance, they were also contending with one another—to determine who would ascend to global hegemony once Hitler's armies fell. Marc Milner traces this bitter rivalry as it emerged after the First World War and evolved during the fragile peace which led to the Second. American media and domestic politics dominated the Allied powers' military strategy, overshadowing the contributions of Britain and the remarkably critical role played by Canada in establishing this Second Front. Culminating in the decisive Normandy campaign, Milner shows how the struggle for supremacy between Churchill and Roosevelt changed the course of the Second World War—and how their rivalry shaped our understanding of the Normandy campaign, and the war itself. Marc Milner is emeritus professor of history at the University of New Brunswick and former director of the Gregg Centre for the Study of War and Society. He is the author of ten acclaimed books, including Stopping the Panzers and Battle of the Atlantic. If you like our work, please consider supporting it: bit.ly/support_WTY. Your support contributes to the Champlain Society's mission of opening new windows to directly explore and experience Canada's past.

The most notorious accused spy of the early Cold War, Alger Hiss, emerged from Lewisburg Penitentiary on 27th November, 1954; calm, composed, and determined to reclaim his reputation. Surrounded by a scrum of journalists, he insisted fear had shaped his conviction, and vowed to vindicate his name. A reserved, cultured “grey man” who had risen through the New Deal, attended the Yalta Conference with Roosevelt, and served as acting Secretary-General at the UN's founding, Hiss's conviction for perjury when accused of Soviet espionage had captured America's attention. Former communist Whitaker Chambers claimed Hiss had been part of an underground network with him in the 1930s, and produced the explosive “pumpkin papers” to prove it: microfilm and typed copies of classified documents that he said Hiss had passed to him, which he'd then stored inside a pumpkin on his farm in Maryland. In this episode, Arion, Rebecca and Olly uncover how a young Richard Nixon was instrumental in Hiss's downfall; discover how support for Hiss among prominent liberals turned the case into an early culture-war flashpoint, fuelling the rise of McCarthyism; and probe into Hiss's red-tinged prison reading list… Further Reading: • ‘Chaos Agent, by Jeff Kisseloff' (Harper's, 2025): https://harpers.org/archive/2025/09/chaos-agent-jeff-kisseloff-rewriting-hisstory-alger-hiss/ • ‘SEQUELS: Ordeal of Living' (TIME, 1954): https://time.com/archive/6885609/sequels-ordeal-of-living/ • Alger Hiss Released From Jail' (British Pathé, 1954): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pIII6PLV4LY #Scandal #ColdWar #50s #Legal #Politics  Love the show? Support us!  Join 

Donate (no account necessary) | Subscribe (account required) Join Bryan Dean Wright, former CIA Operations Officer, as he dives into today's top stories shaping America and the world. In this Holiday Week edition of The Wright Report, Bryan covers new investigations into the lawmakers known as the Seditious Six, breaking developments in the Charlie Kirk assassination case, President Trump's sweeping order to re-interview every refugee approved under Joe Biden, and a deep dive into the global AI Revolution. He also closes with listener questions, warnings about AI addiction, and early holiday shipping advice. FBI and Pentagon Probe the Seditious Six: Federal investigators are reviewing six Democratic lawmakers who urged military and intelligence personnel to resist hypothetical unlawful orders from President Trump. Senator Mark Kelly is under Pentagon scrutiny that could result in recall or charges as soon as December 10. Bryan explains how such calls create a culture of insubordination and how similar movements in countries like Pakistan and Egypt eventually led to military dominance over civilian government. Security Failures in the Charlie Kirk Assassination: New reporting shows that Charlie Kirk's head of security, Brian Harpole, flagged rooftop vulnerabilities on the Utah campus but accepted a vague assurance from the university police chief, who replied, "I got you covered." Bryan argues that professional security teams never outsource responsibility to campus police, outlining how Harpole should have pressed for plans, deployed his own team, or pulled Kirk from the event. An official investigation is ongoing, but Bryan says the early facts reveal basic failures that contributed to a preventable tragedy. Trump Orders Review of All Biden-Era Refugees: Bloomberg reports that all 200,000 refugees admitted under the Biden administration will be re-interviewed and reconsidered for green card eligibility. Those found to have been approved improperly will have their status revoked with limited appeals. Democrats plan to sue, although the White House cites widespread failures in vetting under Biden. Listener questions lead Bryan to explain why proper vetting was not possible — from fake IDs and nonfunctional federal databases to the absence of cultural fit screening. A Nation of Immigrants, but Not Without Standards: Bryan contrasts historical immigration patterns, which centered on European migrants who shared language and cultural norms, with modern arrivals from countries whose governments cannot verify identities or criminal history. He argues that America must re-embrace expectations of assimilation, loyalty, and work, echoing Theodore Roosevelt's warning about divided identities. China's AI Factories and the New Industrial Revolution: The Wall Street Journal reports that China is using AI-infused robots and fully automated "dark factories" to produce goods faster and cheaper with minimal human labor. Bryan answers a listener's question about AI bubbles and universal basic income, explaining why he believes AI will reduce the need for human workers, reshape immigration policy, and create a divide between nations that benefit and those that collapse under labor displacement. He warns that American tech companies are pursuing highly addictive chatbots designed for engagement rather than accuracy, creating what he calls "virtual heroin" for vulnerable users. U.S. Cargo Shortage Before Christmas: Bloomberg reports that UPS and FedEx have grounded portions of their fleets after an MD-11 crash in Louisville. UPS has lost about 10% of its cargo aircraft, and FedEx about 5%. Bryan advises listeners to order holiday gifts early to avoid potential delays.   "And you shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." - John 8:32   Put a smile on your face and give joy to your taste buds… Give Masa and Vandy beef tallow chips a try today! Use code WRIGHT for 25% off your first order… at MASAchips.com or VandyCrisps.com. So incredibly delicious! I promise, you won't be disappointed.     Keywords: Seditious Six investigation, Mark Kelly Pentagon review, Elissa Slotkin unlawful orders video, Charlie Kirk assassination security, Brian Harpole campus police Utah, Trump refugee re-interview order, Biden refugee vetting failures, immigrant cultural fit Roosevelt quote, China dark factories AI robots, AI addiction chatbot engagement, UPS FedEx MD 11 grounding

Hosts Heidi and Joel Heitkamp are joined by political commentator Chris Matthews to discuss the future of the Democratic Party, lessons from Bobby Kennedy, and the importance of connecting with everyday Americans. They examine recent election results, challenges facing rural America, and how both parties can better serve working people. You will gain valuable insight into how Democrats can rebuild trust with rural and working-class voters. Chris Matthews shares stories about the Kennedys and offers advice for future leaders. You should listen if you care about democracy, dignity, and the future of rural America.Join us on The Hot Dish every week, where we serve up hearty conversations that resonate with every corner of the country.The Hot Dish is brought to you by the One Country Project, making sure the voices of the rest of us are heard in Washington. To learn more, visit https://onecountryproject.org or find us at https://onecountryproject.substack.com/. (05:22) - Chris Matthews discusses how snobbery hurts Democrats in reaching rural America. (12:00) - Chris, Heidi and Joel debate the hypocrisy around immigration in Red states. (22:18) - Heidi and Chris highlight the importance of rallying for our country's democracy. (27:36) - Joel and Chris discuss how Senators need to speak up and use their office for the good of the country. (33:49) - Heidi and Chris debate Roosevelt's Social Security strategy.

Hello everyone, a big thanks to all of you who joined the patreon and voted for this to be the next episode, you all are awesome. This is a part 2 about Hirohito's responsibility during the wars of 1931-1945, so if you have not heard part 1, perhaps go do so, or maybe you just don't care about 1931-1940 and just want to hear about the 1941-1945 period, hell by all means enjoy.   So last time we kind of left it on a bit of a dramatic cliff hanger. I spoke about Emperor Hirohito's involvement in what was called at the time the “China Incident”. It was not an official declared war until December of 1941. We left off in 1940, Hirohito was struggling with a situation of juggling two things: 1) how the hell to finally end the China War 2) how to do it without receiving horrible ramifications from the international world. On July 22nd of 1940, Konoe was back and formed a second cabinet. Notably General Hideki Tojo went from vice to army Minister during this time. If you guys ever want a podcast on Hideki Tojo, let me know, he is one rather bizarre figure that's for sure. Konoe tackled his job by holding an imperial HQ government liaison conference. For 90 minutes everyone worked on a new national policy designed to exploit the international situation, IE: Germany bulldozing europe.  The result was a document on national policy dated July 27th. It shifted focus to the “southern area” IE: southeast asia and the Pacific if the China war did not end quickly. Its basis was to exploit the foreign nations that had their hands full in europe, France, Britain and the Netherlands. It called for an invasion of French Indochina to establish bases to launch assaults against the Dutch East Indies for natural resources if diplomatic means failed. It acknowledged if the Dutch East Indies were seized through military means, Japan would also seek to fight Britain, but not the US, instead Japan would prepare for a possible war with the Americans. To all of this Hirohito approved. The army also kept pressuring its desire to ally with Germany. Throughout 1939-1940 Hirohito rejected this idea, not because of any ideological differences, it was because of Germans anti aggression pact with the USSR. If Japan were to ally to Germany, Hirohito wanted it to be mutually to fight the USSR. The Navy likewise opposed allying to Germany because they believed it would force Britain and the US to increase their aid to Chiang Kai-shek.   However the Blitzkrieg changed everything. Everyone was shocked at how well Germany was doing. Prince Chichibu repeatedly argued with Hirohito to change his mind over the alliance idea. Then suddenly the Navy changed their mind and began favoring an alliance. This changed came about in June of 1940 when the France fell. The Navy changed their mind based on a few factors, a major component was the belief if Germany and the USSR were allied, than at least Japan would not have to worry about the USSR and could focus on the pacific. Both the IJA and the IJN believed Hitler would soon take Britain and thus there was a huge desire to join the new international order on the winning side. A third factor was a new clause in negotiations with Germany and Japan, that if they allied Japan would not automatically be drawn into a war with Britain against her will. Some in the navy also believed perhaps Germany could help their diplomatic situation with the Americans. So the army and navy were now both demanding an alliance with Germany, it was all up to hirohito.    At an imperial briefing on June 19th of 1940, Hirohito asked chief of staff Prince Kan'in and the Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” Such as question revealed Hirohito's perception at the time that Germany was on the verge of victory and that he was gradually considering the deployment of troops in French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies as neither parent nation were in a position to defend their holdings. In regards to the China war, the Japanese sought to end leaks of materials getting into China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicated Britain would not accept closing the movement of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military acknowledged it would probably be required to invade Hong Kong and thus declare war on Britain. Upon hearing of this Hirohito remarked “Should that happen, I am sure America will use the method of an embargo, don't you agree?” To this his lord of the privy seal, Kido reassured him stating “the nation must be fully resolved to resist to proceed cautiously and not to be dragged into events precipitated by the overseas agencies”. Konoe's second cabinet resolved to end the China war, construct a new order in greater east asia and to complete war preparations as a national defense state. On July 27th at a liaison conference a document was adopted, affirming a course of advancing to the south and to ally with Germany. Japan would incorporate the Dutch East Indies, British Malaya and other resource rich areas of Southeast Asia into its new order while simultaneously bolstering its relationship with the Axis states. After hearing and reading everything, Hirohito sanctioned it all. Thus Hirohito had sanctioned the preliminary actions that would set Japan into a collision course with the US.   In September Japan began sending troops into northern French Indochina after concluding its Tripartite alliance with Germany and Italy. Now Hirohito was briefed beforehand by Army Minister Tojo and other chiefs of staff about securing bases in northern French indochina. Hirohito agreed to this under the belief acquiring such bases would stop more leaked materials going into China and thus contribute to the fall of Chongqing. But Hirohito also sanctioned it under the full knowledge it was preparing the Nanshin-ron advance and that carried a risk of going to war with Britain and by proxy the US. Naturally he wanted to thwart any war breaking out with the US by it seems his officials had convinced him they could manage most of their plans without aggravating the US.   On July 29th with the German offensive aimed at finishing off Britain, Hirohito summoned his chiefs and vice chiefs of staff to the imperial HQ. He began to question the prospects of war with the US. Prince Fushimi replied “[u]nless we complete our domestic preparations, particularly the preparation of our material resources, I do not think we should lightly start war even if there is a good opportunity to do so.” Hirohito then asked if  “the Army were planning to occupy points in India, Australia, and New Zealand.” But overall Hirohito seemed to be the most concerned about the US, Germany and the USSR. “Could Japan, obtain a victory in a naval battle with the United States as we once did in the Battle of the Japan Sea? . . . I heard that the United States will ban exports of oil and scrap iron [to Japan]. We can probably obtain oil from other sources, but don't you think we will have a problem with scrap iron?” In regards to the USSR “If a Japan-Soviet nonaggression treaty is made and we advance to the south, the navy will become the main actor. Has the army given thought to reducing the size of its forces in that case? . . . How do you assess the future national power of Germany? . . . Both Germany and the Soviet Union are untrustworthy countries. Don't you think there will be a problem if one of them betrays us and takes advantage of our exhaustion fighting the United States?I]t seems as though you people are thinking of implementing this plan by force because there is a good opportunity at this moment for resolving the southern problem even though some dangers are involved. . . . What does a good opportunity mean? [To this question Sawada replied: “For example, if a German landing in England commences.”] In that case wouldn't the United States move to aid Britain? . . . Well, I've heard enough. I take it, in short, that you people are trying to resolve the southern problem by availing yourselves of today's good opportunities.”   You can tell Hirohito understood the very real threat of an Anglo-American alliance and was very cautious. It seemed to Hirohito, that his officials were trying to take the limelight off the abysmal situation in China but emphasizing a southern advance. Well Americans response to the Japanese movement into northern French indochina was to see it as a direct threat. Something I have not paid much attention to was Hirohito's decision making being the direct result of trying to mediate between competing entities, ie: the IJA and IJN. At this point in time the IJA and IJN top officials had the power to simply stop governmental functions from occurring altogether whenever they were displeased with a decision. As you can imagine the IJA and IJN were also competing for resources and political power. Thus Hirohito spent a lot of time and effort trying to formulate decisions that at a minimum kept the governance going.    In the end Hirohito sanctioned Imperial HQ army order number 458, ordering the area army to begin the entry into French Indochina. Thus once again Hirohito sanctioned aggression aboard. America began what it called a “moral embargo” on aircraft parts, scrap iron and aviation gasoline. This was one of many gradual steps America took to incrementally sanction Japan, while aiding China to keep it bogged down. Japan's direct response was joining the Axis with a clause “to assist one another with all political, economic and military means if attacked by a power at present not involved in the European War or in the Sino-Japanese conflict”. This clause was designed specifically to check Britain and the US. Hirohito knew this was a turning point carrying the possibility of war with the US. Later he would blame some officials and even his brothers Chichibu and Takamatsu, but not his own actions sanctioning the Axis pact.    Speaking of his brothers, at this time Chichibu got severely ill with tuberculosis and as a result retired from active public life, now Prince Takamatsu stood as next regent. Thus Takamatsu would begin reading reports and advise Hirohito. Takamatsu like Chichibu approved the Tripartite Pact and found his brother Hirohito's performance lacking. Meanwhile Britain responded to the Tripartite pact by opening up the Burma road and America made a loan to Chiang Kai-shek.   The Soviets came to Japan for a neutrality pact and sweetened the deal by offering Soviet coal and oil concessions in North Sakhalin. Hirohito ratified the treaty on April 25th of 1941. 5 weeks later on June 5th, the Japanese ambassador to Berlin, General Oshima Hiroshi reported to Hirohito and the high command that Hitler was about to invade the Soviets. The Army high command sprang into action drafting plans to open a war with the Soviets while simultaneously advancing south into French Indochina. But many in the military also sought to wait until the time was ripe, and a rift emerged. Operation barbarossa commenced and on June 23rd the IJN high command gave their opinion that Japan should seize all military bases and airfields in southern French Indochina even at the risk of war with Britain and America. Can you say boy that escalated quickly?   There was obvious temptation to invade Siberia towards Lake Baikal, but at the same time the western powers were tightening sanctions on Japan, she needed resources. At this point Japan had been stuck in China for 4 years and 5 months, the army had expanded from 17 divisions totalling 250,000 men in july of 1937 to 51 divisions at 2.1 million men in December 8th of 1941. On July 2nd, 10 tens into Operation barbarossa, Konoe summoned an imperial conference to debate actions going forward. The consensus was that southern French Indochina needed to be taken and that it probably would not provoke the US going to war with Japan. Hirohito sanctioned it and on July 30th made a major operational intervention by advising General Sugiyama to build up forces in Manchukuo to prevent the Soviet Far Eastern Army.   Japan negotiated with Vichy France to allow Japanese troops to occupy southern parts of French Indochina. What was to be originally just 40,000 IJA forces turned into 185,000 and in response America increased sanctions and began preparing the Philippines for war. Roosevelt froze Japanese assets in the US on July 26th and by August the 1st a total embargo of oil and gasoline exports to Japan. Konoe's cabinet, the military high command, pretty much everyone was shocked by how harsh the economic sanctions were. Emperor Hirohito told Sugiyama to halt mobilizing forces in Manchukuo and the army basically dropped all plans of attacking the USSR. A month after the US oil embargo suddenly the army had changed its mind to go all in on the southern advance. Britain likewise began sanctions against Japan and both Britain and the US managed to convince the Dutch to follow suit by refusing to sell oil to Japan. The Dutch even took it a step further and followed Americans lead in freezing Japanese assets.    Konoe was in full panic mode, be believed his ambassador to washington was a moron and sought to go in person to speak to Roosevelt. At 11:40am on August 4th Konoe spoke to Hirohito about the plan, but Washington kept making up excuses prolonging any meeting from taking place. Meanwhile Washington was building up its navy, and the IJN were stressing, in the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.    On september 3rd at a liaison conference it was decided Japan was to prepare for a war against the US, UK and Netherlands while simultaneously pursuing diplomacy. If diplomacy failed by early October the decision for war would be made. Konoe presented everything to Hirohito on September 5th and requested an imperial conference on the matter. The most important decision of his life was about to be made.    Now take a second to feel the moment. Germany's invasion of the USSR was in its 6th week and not producing a decisive victory; Britain was still in the fight and the Japanese ambassador to London reported back Britain would allow Japan to maintain its great power status and exert influence in asia if they stayed out of the European War and “re-examined their current policy”. An olive branch. Hirohito had options is what I am arguing. He could stale things, he could mobilize units into Manchukuo to simply threaten the Soviet border, he could simply stay out of new wars, even it the China war would get worse, but try to profit from the situation in Europe. He could stop the southern advance, lose the chance to seize the resource in southeast asia, but perhaps the US, UK and Netherlands would lift some sanctions.   After speaking back and forth with Konoe while scolding Sugiyama here is a bit of their conversation:    Emperor: In the event we must finally open hostilities, will our operations have a probability of victory?  Sugiyama: Yes, they will.  Emperor: At the time of the China Incident, the army told me that we could achieve peace immediately after dealing them one blow with three divisions. Sugiyama, you were army minister at that time. . . .  Sugiyama: China is a vast area with many ways in and many ways out, and we met unexpectedly big difficulties. . . . [ellipses in original]  Emperor: Didn't I caution you each time about those matters? Sugiyama, are you lying to me? Nagano: If Your Majesty will grant me permission, I would like to make a statement.  Emperor: Go ahead.  Nagano: There is no 100 percent probability of victory for the troops stationed there. . . . Sun Tzu says that in war between states of similar strength, it is very difficult to calculate victory. Assume, however, there is a sick person and we leave him alone; he will definitely die. But if the doctor's diagnosis offers a seventy percent chance of survival, provided the patient is operated on, then don't you think one must try surgery? And if, after the surgery, the patient dies, one must say that was meant to be. This indeed is the situation we face today. . . . If we waste time, let the days pass, and are forced to fight after it it is too late to fight, then we won't be able to do a thing about it.  Emperor: All right, I understand. [He answered in a better mood.]  Konoe: Shall I make changes in tomorrow's agenda? How would you like me to go about it? Emperor: There is no need to change anything.   There is no need to change anything. Konoe grabbed Hirohito for a private audience afterwards and tried to get Hirohito to revise the outline, but Hirohito ignored this. Hirohito at that point could have stopped or at least slowed down the countdown to all out war. Hirohito instead did not want to displease the pro-war factions in his military, perhaps he saw them as a threat to his authority. Hirohito was not at all pleased with the policy plan. When he was shown in on september 5th, he looked extremely irritated and blew up on Sugiyama and the army high command as a whole. 20 minutes before the Imperial conference on September 6th, Hirohito spoke with his lord of the privy Kido and told him he was going to raise some questions at the meeting. Kido told him that it would be best to leave the questions at the very end, basically he was advising to allow for things to go through. Thus Hirohito sat through the meeting and sanction the preparations for war. Here is a conversation between Hirohito and the Chiefs of the general staff:   Emperor: You may go ahead and mobilize. But if the Konoe-Roosevelt talks go well, you'll stop, won't you?  Chief of the General Staff: Indeed, your majesty, we will.  Emperor: I will ask you one more time: Is there any possibility that the north [that is, the Soviet Union] may move against us while we are engaged in the south [emphasis added]?  Chief of the General Staff: I cannot say that will absolutely not occur. However, because of the season it is inconceivable that large forces will be able to attack us   Meanwhile Konoe's deadline to reach a diplomatic resolution with the US was fast approaching. On October 13th Hirohito told Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.” The next day Konoe held his last cabinet meeting and Army minister Tojo took the lionshare of talking:   For the past six months, ever since April, the foreign minister has made painstaking efforts to adjust relations [with the United States.] Although I respect him for that, we remain deadlocked. . . . Our decision was “to start the war . . . if by early October we cannot thoroughly achieve our demands through negotiations.” Today is the fourteenth. . . . We are mobilizing hundreds of thousands of soldiers. Others are being moved from China and Manchuria, and we have requisitioned two million tons of ships, causing difficulties for many people. As I speak ships are en route to their destinations. I would not mind stopping them, and indeed would have to stop them, if there was a way for a diplomatic breakthrough. . . . The heart of the matter is the [imposition on us of] withdrawal [from Indochina and China]. ...If we yield to America's demands, it will destroy the fruits of the China Incident. Manchukuo will be endangered and our control of Korea undermined   And so Konoe resigned two days later, but before he did his last official action was to recommend Prince Higashikuni to succeed him, in fact he got Tojo to do the same. Prince Higashikuni was deemed capable of controlling both the Army and Navy. And what did Hirohito say to this? He said no, and appointed Hideki Tojo. Why? As going back to the beginning of this series, to protect the Kokutai. He did not want a member of the royal family to hold the seat as Prime Minister during a time when war might be declared, a war that Japan might lose, which would toss the responsibility onto the imperial house. It was a threat to the Kokutai. Hirohito chose Tojo because Tojo was 100% loyal subject to the emperor. Tojo was the perfect fall guy if one ever existed.    Between November 8-15th, Hirohito received a full rundown of the Pearl Harbor surprise attack plan and sanctioned it. The deadline to reach a diplomatic solution with the US was set for midnight December 1st.    Hirohito ever since the Mukden Incident had expressed fear that not taking warlike actions, not pumping up the kokutai or not suppressing dissent would jeopardize the imperial system of government and damage the imperial institution itself. For Hirohito domestic conflicts were more dangerous than external ones, because they carried the risk of eroding the monarchy. As the time approached for his finally decision on declaring war, Hirohito requested a last round of discussion. The carriers enroute to Pearl harbor departed on november 27th, while on December 1st, 19 leaders, the entire Tojo cabinet and Emperor met. Tojo pulled a rather cheeky maneuver, he reported the response from America, the famous Hull note by stating “the United States . . . has demanded that we withdraw troops from all of China [emphasis added],” but in fact, Hull had used only the word “China.” Hara asked “I would like to know,whether Manchukuo is included in the term ‘China'? Did our two ambassadors confirm this point?” Togo's reply to this was “However . . . the American proposal [early in the negotiations on] April 16 stated that they would recognize the state of Manchukuo, so Manchukuo would not be part of China. . . . On the other hand . . . there has been a change in their position . . . they look upon Chungking as the one and only legitimate regime, and . . . they want to destroy the Nanking regime, [so] they may retract what they have said previously” A nonsensical gibberish answer, intentionally done to make everyone think America did in fact include Manchukuo, thus forcing everyone to see the demands as impossible to comply with. Togo finished the meeting : “Once His Majesty decides to commence hostilities, we will all strive to meet our obligations to him, bring the government and the military ever closer together, resolve that the nation united will go on to victory, make an all-out effort to achieve our war aims, and set his majesty's mind at ease. I now adjourn the meeting.” Hirohito simply nodded. Sugiyama remarked that the emperor did not show the slightest sign of anxiety, in fact he looked like he was in a good mood.   Hirohito's naval aid Jo Eiichiro wrote minutes on the first day of the pacific war, recording the emperors actions. 4 A.M. (Japan time): Japan issued a final ultimatum to the United States. 3:30 A.M.: the Hawaiian surprise attack was successful. 5:30 A.M.: Singapore bombed. Great results. Air attacks on Davao, Guam, Wake. 7:10 A.M.: All the above was reported to the emperor. The American gunboat Wake was captured on the Shanghai front. The British gunboat Petrel was sunk. From 7:15 to 7:30 the chief of the Navy General Staff reported on the war situation. At 7:30 the prime minister informally reported to the emperor on the imperial rescript declaring war. (Cabinet meeting from 7 A.M.). At 7:35 the chief of the Army General Staff reported on the war situation. At 10:45 the emperor attended an emergency meeting of the privy council. At 11:00 A.M. the imperial rescript declaring war was promulgated. 11:40 A.M. Hirohito conferred with Kido for about twenty minutes.] At 2:00 P.M. the emperor summoned the army and navy ministers and bestowed an imperial rescript on them. The army minister, representing both services, replied to the emperor. [At 3:05 P.M. the emperor had a second meeting with Kido, lasting for about twenty minutes.] At 4:30 P.M. the chiefs of staff formally reported on the draft of the Tripartite (Germany-Italy-Japan) Military Pact. At 8:30 P.M. the chief of the Navy General Staff reported on the achievements of the Hawaii air attack. . . . Throughout the day the emperor wore his naval uniform and seemed to be in a splendid mood.   Hirohito believed Germany would win, thus if with their help he believed Japan could thwart off the US until a negotiated peace. Having made his choice, Hirohito devoted himself to presiding over and guiding the war to victory at all costs. He was a extremely cautious person, every single campaign he looked for what could go wrong, made worse case scenario predictions and was very suspicious of reports from his high officials. He was notably very harsh and critical on said high commanders. Although he did not visit the war theaters as did other commanders in chief, he exercised and controlled influence on theater operations, both in the planning and execution whenever he chose to do so. As was the same case with the China war before it, he issued the highest military orders of the Imperial HQ, performed audited conferences and led to decisions transmitted in his name. He received generals and admirals to the imperial palace who gave full reports of the battlefront. He visited bases, battleships, various army and naval headquarters. He inspected military schools, you know the full shebang.    After 26 months of war, the naval air force had lost 26,006 aircraft, nearly a third of its total power, thousands of veteran pilots were dead. Hundreds of thousands of tons of warship was sunk, the merchant and transport fleet was crippled. Late 1943 saw the Americans turning the initiative of the war, Japan was on the defensive. Guadalcanal had been the major turning point. During the staled battle for the philippines, Hirohito pressed upon Army chief of staff Sugiyama to increase troop strength to knock out Bataan. The problem persisted, on February 9th and 26th Hirohito pressed Sugiyama again about getting more troops to take Bataan.   Hirohito was confronted with the prisoner of war issue after the doolittle raid. When the pilots were caught, Togo initially opposed executions, but many in the IJA sought all 8 men executed. Hirohito chose to intervene and commuted the execution of 5 out of the 8. Why just 5, no one knows to this day, but its theorized it was to demonstrate his benevolence while simultaneously giving a bit of what the army wanted.    The CBI theater took the lionshare of his attention in 1942, he continuously pressed up Sugiyama when a final blow would be delivered against Chongqing. When the Midway disaster occurred, Hirohito was given a full report of what happened, but he chose to hid the extent of the loss from the IJA. In fact in response to the Guadalcanal campaign he was heard once asking “I wonder if this is not the start of the AmericanBritish counteroffensive?” He urged his commanders to increase offensive activities and to toss all weapons possible at the enemy, because Japan needed more time to secure its reserves of vital oil, rubber and iron. When he heard the first report of the Ichiki detachment being wiped out, he simply stated “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” With numerous reports pouring in about the men dying from tropical disease and starvation, Hirohito kept demanding greater efforts from them. Hirohito continuously applied pressure on his naval and land commanders to recapture the island. On September 15th, November 5th and November 11th he called for more IJA troops and aircraft to be allocated to it. Sugiyama was nervous about sending more IJA pilots as they were inexperienced in transoceanic combat and he sought to reinforce the north china army to hit Chongqing. Hirohito demanded it a second time and Sugiyama replied the IJA had deployed its air power instead to New Guinea and Rabaul. Hirohito continuously hammered the issue despite the high level commanders disagreeing with it. By late november it was clear guadalcanal was a lost cause.    At an imperial HQ conference on December 31st of 1942, the chiefs of staff reported they would cancel the attempts to recapture guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned it but stated “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” Hirohito forced the issue and it was decided the new strategic points would be in the solomons north of New Georgia and the Stanley range on New Guinea. Hirohito in fact threatened not to authorize the withdrawal of men from Guadalcanal until such a plan was made. Hirohito would go on to oppose the withdrawal from the Munda airfield on New Georgia since it contradicted the new defensive line. As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern solomons was crumbling, Hirohito continued to demand the navy fight decisive battles to regain the initiative so ships could begin transports supplies to the countless soldiers trapped on islands without them. When Hirohito heard of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd he stated  “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for awhile.” “Do this for me” would become his signature message.    In August of 1943 as the fall of the solomons progressed, Hirohito lambasted “Isn't there someplace where we can strike the United States? . . . When and where on earth are you [people] ever going to put up a good fight? And when are you ever going to fight a decisive battle?Well, this time, after suffering all these defeats, why don't you study how not to let the Americans keep saying ‘We won! We won!'[emphasis added]”” Hirohito berated his chiefs of staff and in the face of mounting defeats he remained undismayed, rigidly self disciplined and aggressive as ever. When he received a report on September 21st of 1943 that the allies were heading for Finschhafen he replied “Being ready to defend isn't enough. We have to do the attacking.”   When the Americans destroyed the main naval anchorage at Truk forcing the navy to evacuate it, leaving behind numerous tanks, the dream of fighting one great decisive naval battle in the central pacific was over.    On February 21st of 1944, Hirohito took the unprecedented action to force Sugiyama to resign so Tojo could assume his position, alongside that of army minister and prime minister. He did this to end dissent. Hirohito and Tojo oversaw the haymaker attempts in 1944, like operation Ichi-go and the Imphal campaign fall into ruins. It looked like the Philippines, Taiwan, Okinawa, the Bonin islands and eventually the home islands would be invaded. When Saipan fell, the home islands had at last come into range of the dreaded B-29 Super flying fortresses. Hirohito had warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” For two days his chiefs of staff explained the dire situation on Saipan was hopeless, but Hirohito ignored their advice and ordered Admiral Shimada to recapture it, the first department of the navy general staff immediately poured themselves into the problem. Day and night they worked, until a draft plan was created on June 21st, 3 days later the combined fleet gave opposition. Tojo and Shimada formally reported to Hirohito the recapture plan needed to be canceled. Hirohito refused to accept the loss of Saipan and ordered his chief aide General Hasunuma to convene in his presence the board of field marshals and fleet admirals. They all met on the 25th, upon which they all unanimously stated the reports indicating Saipan was a lost cause were valid, Hirohito simply told them to put it in writing and he left the room.    Hirohito finally decided to withdraw his support of Tojo, allowing Tojo's numerous enemies to take down his cabinet on July 18th 1944. But Hirohito was undaunted in determination to steal victory from the allies. Imperial HQ on October 18th ordered a decisive naval battle and the battle of Leyte Gulf was it. After the war Hirohito would go on the record stating “Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I agreed to the showdown battle of Leyte thinking that if we attacked at Leyte and America flinched, then we would probably be able to find room to negotiate.” This statement shows the facts as they were, Hirohito and his chiefs of staff forced the field commander, General Tomoyuki Yamashita to engage the American invasion force in a place Yamashita did not want to fight nor prepared adequate defenses. It was a horrible loss.   The Kamikaze attacks increased as Japan's desperation wore on. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?”  On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    Konoe re-entered the stage writing to Hirohito pleading with him to order a surrender because from his perspective “The Soviet Union is Japan's biggest threat. Defeat was inevitable, but more to be feared than defeat was the destruction of the Kokutai. Sue quickly for peace, before a Communist revolution occurred that would make preservation of the kokutai impossible”. Hirohito was taken aback by this, as he shared his military's hope that the Soviets would help Japan reach a peace settlement. So he rejected the advice of Konoe. Hirohito remarked “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.” Then Japan's intelligence units reported the Soviets were going to break the neutrality pact and join the war once the Germans were done. Meanwhile Tokyo was turned to rubble on March 9th 1945 by 334 B-29's dropping firebombs, 40% of the capital was destroyed, up to 100,000 were dead. Hirohito remained undaunted. 60 Japanese cities were leveled by firebomb campaigns. Europe's war finished. Then the battle for Okinawa was lost, suddenly Hirohito began looking for ways to end the war.   On June 22nd Hirohito personally informed the supreme war leadership council his desire to see diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. A special envoy was sent to Moscow, while Hirohito publicly issued an imperial rescript ordering the nation “to smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations and achieve the goals of the war”. B-29's began dropping leaflets with joint declarations issued by the US, UK and China requesting the citizens of Japan demand their government surrender. Prefectural governors, police chiefs and officers began submitting home ministry reports on the rapid deterioration of the nations spirit.   Germany signed the unconditional surrender documents on May 7th and 8th of 1945, Japan was alone. Newly installed President Truman declared on May 8th, Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people, but the unconditional surrender principles remained unaltered. The Japanese meanwhile were awaiting word from the Soviets. The Americans unleashed their first atomic bomb on Hiroshima on August 6th of 1945 killing up to 140,000 people. Then on August 8th the Soviet Union declared war on Japan and began an invasion of Manchuria. On August 9th the second atomic bomb hit Nagasaki killing around 40,000 people.   Thus began the surrender clock as I like to say. After the first atomic bomb, Hirohito said and did nothing about the surrender terms. Hirohito then authorized Togo to notify the world on August 10th that Japan would accept the allied terms of surrender with one condition “that the said declaration does not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler.” The next day, Secretary of State Byrnes replied by alluding to the subordination of the emperors authority to the supreme commander of the allied powers. It was ambiguous as hell. The Japanese leaders erupted into arguments, and on August 14th, Hirohito went before a microphone and recorded his capitulation announcement which aired on August 15th to all in Japan, they surrendered. Why did it take so long?   The peace talks between the Japanese and Soviets went on through June, July and early August. Japan offered the Soviets limited territorial concessions and they refused to accept the envoy on July 22nd because the Japanese were being too ambiguous in their terms. There was continuous back and forth between the intelligence of Moscow and Japan trying to figure out the stance of the other, but then Stalin heard about the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, he was shocked and ordered an invasion of Manchuria in response. In the meantime the Japanese were tossing all sorts of concessions at Moscow, they stated they would allow Japanese to be used as forced laborers in Siberia, a form of reparation as it were, that they would demobilize the military and so on. The response was the invasion of Manchuria.    Hirohito knew prior to the bombing of Hiroshima that the cabinet was divided on accepting the Potsdam terms. Hirohito also knew he and he alone could unify governmental affairs and military command. Why then did he wait until the evening of August 9th to surrender?   The reality of the matter is its complicated, numerous variables at play, but let me try to pick at it. The people of japan under the firebomb campaigns were becoming hostile towards the military, the government and many began to criticize the emperor. Hirohito was given reports from the Home Ministry from governors and police chiefs all over Japan revealing people were speaking of the emperor as an incompetent leader who was responsible for worsening the war situation. Does that sound like a threat to the Kokutai? People were starving en masse, the atomic bomb is flashy, but what really was killing the Japanese, it was starvation. The home islands were blockaded and the sea approaches mined as pertaining to the optimally named “operation starvation”. Hirohito knew full well how bad his people were suffering but he did not surrender for so long.   After Hiroshima was bombed, Hirohito delayed for 2 days before telling Kido at 10am on August 9th “quickly control the situation, the Soviet Union has declared war and today began hostilities against us”. Now here is a piece of Hirohito's surrender proclamation to the citizens of Japan    “Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable ”.   Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai. Did you know there was a rescript of this proclamation that was made to the entire IJA and IJN? Yes Emperor Hirohito gave out two different proclamations for surrender, here is what the armed forces heard.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The proclamation does not speak of the atomic weapons, but emphasizes the Soviet invasion of Manchuria. Hirohito was presented as a benevolent sage and an apolitical ruler that had ended the war. Hirohito sought to justify the surrender upon the bombs to the public, but did he believe so, did his armed forces believe so? People debate to this day why the surrender occurred, I love the fact there are two message offered because both are true. Hirohito's decision to surrender was based on numerous variables, the atomic bombs, the invasion of Manchuria by the soviets, but above all else, what really was important to the man, the emperor, the god? The kokutai. The Soviets were more of a threat to the kokutai, thus Hirohito jumped into the arms of the Americans. The language between the Americans and Japanese in the communications for unconditional surrender were ambiguous, but Hirohito and the high commanders knew there was zero chance of the kokutai surviving if the Soviets invaded Japan, perhaps the Americans would allow it to continue, which is just what they ended up doing. The entire purpose of this series would to emphasize how Hirohito definitely had a active role in the war of 1931-1945, he had numerous occasions where he could put the hammer down to stop the situation from escalating. But in the end when his back was against the wall, he did what he did to cling on to the Kokutai.   I shall leave you with this. On August 12th, as Hirohito came to inform the imperial family of his decision to surrender, Prince Asaka asked him whether the war would continue if the Kokutai could not be preserved, what do you think he said? “Of Course”. 

Strangers - Roosevelt

Hanaka and his guard must now deal with the fact that Zardoz will not come to their rescue. Georgia deactivates the machine gun and programs it to load itself onto the Mercury. The ROBO unit Gracee has also been deactivated and loaded onto the Mercury. Kate learns the shocking truth about where Meredith's so called private jet is really registered. Scarlett and Thornton arrange to meet Barnes, Sam and Nelson at the foot of the Roosevelt bridge on Teddy Roosevelt Island. They are in for a big surprise. Simon's team comes up with a possible candidate for the Russian mole. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Sydney Levit was 17 years old when the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor. Like most kids his age, he was eager to serve. In 1943, Levit was drafted into the U.S. Army and he soon had the opportunity to join the airborne, training as a paratrooper and also with gliders. He became part of the 17th Airborne Division.In this edition of Veterans Chronicles, Levit describes the rigorous training he went through as part of the airborne, including his first jump out of an airplane and learning how gliders work. He then explains how his unit spent months training in England, waiting to enter the fight. Their first action was at Malmedy and was both vicious and chaotic.Levit details the logistical fight against the Germans at the Bulge and the separate struggle against the brutal and unrelenting cold that was also a daily fight to stay alive.Then, Levit takes us into Operation Varsity, the massive airborne campaign designed to help the Allies cross the Rhine River. Yet, very few Americans are even aware of it.Levit also shares memorable moments away from the fighting, including his interactions with prisoners, being stunned by the death of President Roosevelt, and being surprised when a Hollywood star just popped into his tent.

From Restraint to Ruin - The Birth of the Bombing WarAt the dawn of World War II in 1939, a fragile consensus existed among the warring powers. Spurred by an appeal from President Roosevelt, leaders like Neville Chamberlain and even Hitler gave public undertakings to abstain from the horror of aerial attacks on civilians. There was a genuine, if naïve, belief that the looming conflict could be "humanised," and that the bomber would be restricted to purely military targets.But how did this initial restraint crumble into the devastating strategic bombing campaigns that would define the war? In this episode, we delve into Richard Overy's "The Bombing War" to explore the complex factors that shaped Britain's approach to aerial warfare in the crucial early years of 1939-1942.Join us as we uncover the story of a nation caught between its self-image as a "civilised" power and the brutal necessities of total war. We'll examine why RAF Bomber Command was initially held back, not just by political and legal niceties, but by its own operational unreadiness. Discover how the unique, independent institutional culture of Bomber Command—a force designed solely to attack—fostered a doctrine that would eventually target the enemy's home front, leading to the destruction of cities like Hamburg, Cologne, and Dresden under the infamous command of Sir Arthur "Bomber" Harris.If you liked this episode, listen to: https://shows.acast.com/explaininghistory/episodes/the-politics-of-rearmament-in-britain-1936Go Deeper: Visit our website at www.explaininghistory.org for articles and detailed explorations of the topics discussed.▸ Join the Conversation: Our community of history enthusiasts discusses episodes, shares ideas, and continues the conversation. Find us on:Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/groups/ExplainingHistoryPodcast/Substack: https://theexplaininghistorypodcast.substack.com/▸ Support the Podcast: Explaining History is a listener-supported production. Your contribution helps us cover the costs of research and keep these conversations going. You can support the show and get access to exclusive content by becoming a patron.Support on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/explaininghistoryExplaining History helps you understand the 20th Century through critical conversations and expert interviews. We connect the past to the present. If you enjoy the show, please subscribe and share.▸ Support the Show & Get Exclusive ContentBecome a Patron: patreon.com/explaininghistory▸ Join the Community & Continue the ConversationFacebook Group: facebook.com/groups/ExplainingHistoryPodcastSubstack: theexplaininghistorypodcast.substack.com▸ Read Articles & Go DeeperWebsite: explaininghistory.org Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Send us a textThe meteoric rise and sudden fall of Milli Vanilli. The 40th anniversary of the groundbreaking Calvin and Hobbes comics. A battle for supremacy with AI over 1970s movie soundtracks.Episode 221 is the appetizer of GenX nostalgia before Thanksgiving week.We start with a rise and fall for the ages. Imagine going from on top of the world to being dropped by your record label in an instant. That is what happened to the pop duo Milli Vanilli 35 years ago this week. In one of the most infamous scandals in music history, a chart-topping group was exposed as frauds and ostracized from the industry. We do a deep dive into the unbelievable but true story of Milli Vanilli.40 years ago this week a new comic strip debuted and changed the way people viewed them. Calvin and Hobbes brought insight and thought-provoking conversations to the typically simple world of newspaper comics. A little boy and his stuffed tiger burst onto the scene, made an immense impact, and then retreated into history, all within the span of a decade. It's a 40th anniversary celebration of the beloved comic strip this week.Me v. AI Top 5 returns with a bang and maybe some funky dance moves. I battle ChatGPT over the best 1970s movie soundtracks while a pair of computer programs battle over who gets to read the AI answers.There is a brand new This Week In History and Time Capsule, where we look back at the creation of the beloved teddy bear.You can support my work by becoming a member on Patreon. Or you can Buy Me A Coffee!Helpful Links from this EpisodeBuy My New Book, In Their Footsteps!Searching For the Lady of the Dunes True Crime BookHooked By Kiwi - Etsy.comDJ Williams MusicKeeKee's Cape Cod KitchenChristopher Setterlund.comCape Cod Living - Zazzle StoreSubscribe on YouTube!Initial Impressions 2.0 BlogCJSetterlundPhotos on EtsyRead Calvin and HobbesListen to Episode 220 hereSupport the show

Hello again Pacific War Week by Week listeners, it is I your dutiful host Craig Watson with more goodies from my exclusive patreon podcast series. This is actually going to be a two parter specifically looking at the failure and responsibility of Emperor Hirohito during the 15 year war Japan unleashed in 1931. Again a big thanks to all of you for listening all these years, you are all awesome.   Hello everyone, a big thanks to all of you who joined the patreon and voted for this to be the next episode, you all are awesome.    Now I realize very well when I jumped into my former patreon episode on Ishiwara Kanji, I fell into a rabbit hole and it became a rather long series. I wanted to get this one done in a single episode but its also kind of a behemoth subject, so I will do this in two parts: this episode will be on Hirohito's failure and responsibility in regards to the China War from 1931-1941. The next one will cover Hirohito's failure and responsibility in the world war from 1941-1945.   I am not going to cover the entire life of Hirohito, no what I want is to specifically cover his actions from 1931-1945. Nw I want you to understand the purpose of this episode is to destroy a narrative, a narrative that carried on from 1945-1989. That narrative has always been that Emperor Hirohito was nothing more than a hostage during the war years of 1931-1945. This narrative was largely built by himself and the United States as a means of keeping the peace after 1945. However upon his death in 1989 many meeting notes and diaries from those who worked close to him began emerging and much work was done by historians like Herbert P Bix and Francis Pike. The narrative had it that Hirohito was powerless to stop things, did not know or was being misled by those around him, but this is far from the truth. Hirohito was very active in matters that led to the horrors of the 15 year war and he had his own reasons for why or when he acted and when he did not.   For this episode to be able to contain it into a single one, I am going to focus on Hirohito's involvement in the undeclared war with China, that's 1931-1941. For those of you who don't know, China and Japan were very much at war in 1931-1937 and certainly 1937 onwards, but it was undeclared for various reasons. If you guys really like this one, let me know and I can hit Hirohito 1941-1945 which is honestly a different beast of its own.   For those of you who don't know, Hirohito was born on April 29th of 1901, the grandson of Emperor Meiji. Hirohito entered the world right at the dawn of a new era of imperial rivalry in Asia and the Pacific. According to custom, Japanese royals were raised apart from their parents, at the age of 3 he was placed in the care of the Kwamura family who vowed to raise him to be unselfish, persevering in the face of difficulties, respectful of the views of others and immune to fear. In 1908 he entered elementary education at the age of 7 and would be taught first be General Nogi Maresuke who notoriously did not pamper the prince. Nogi rigorously had Hirohito train in physical education and specifically implanted virtues and traits he thought appropriate for the future sovereign: frugality, diligence, patience, manliness, and the ability to exercise self-control under difficult conditions. Hirohito learnt what hard work was from Nogi and that education could overcome all shortcomings. Emperor Meiji made sure his grandson received military training.   When Emperor Meiji died in 1912, Hirohito's father, Yoshihito took the throne as emperor Taisho. Taisho for a lack of better words, suffered from cerebral meningitis at an early age and this led to cognitive deficiency's and in reality the Genro would really be running the show so to say. When Taisho took the throne it was understood immediately, Hirohito needed to be prepared quickly to take the throne. After Meiji's funeral General Nogi politely told the family he could no longer be a teacher and committed seppuku with his wife. He wrote a suicide letter explained he wanted to expiate his disgrace during the russo japanese war for all the casualties that occurred at Port Arthur, hardcore as fuck. Hirohito would view Nogi nearly as much of an iconic hero as his grandfather Meiji, the most important figure in his life.   Hirohito's next teacher was the absolute legendary Fleet Admiral Togo Heihachiro who would instill national defense policy into him. Hirohito would be taught Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahans theories as all the great minds were taught at the time. Now I know it sucks but I cant delve deep into all this. What I want you to envision is a growing Man, instilled with the belief above all else, the Kokutai was most important. The Kokutai was the national essence of Japan. It was all aspects of Japanese polity, derived from history, tradition and customs all focused around the cult of the Emperor. The government run by politicians was secondary, at any given time the kokutai was the belief the Emperor could come in and directly rule.   If you are confused, dont worry, I am too haha. Its confusing. The Meiji constitution was extremely ambiguous. It dictated a form of constitutional monarchy with the kokutai sovereign emperor and the “seitai” that being the actual government. Basically on paper the government runs things, but the feeling of the Japanese people was that the wishes of the emperor should be followed. Thus the kokutai was like an extra-judicial structure built into the constitution without real legal framework, its a nightmare I know.    Let me make an example, most of you are American I imagine. Your congress and senate actually run the country, wink wink lets forget about lobbyists from raytheon. The president does not have actual executive powers to override any and all things, but what if all Americans simply felt he did. Thus everyone acted in accordance to his wishes as they assumed them to be, thats my best way of explaining Japan under Hirohito.    Emperor Taisho dies in 1926, and Hirohito takes the throne ushering in the Showa Era. He inherited a financial crisis and a military that was increasingly seizing control of governmental policies. Hirohito sought to restore the image of a strong charismatic leader on par with his grandfather Meiji, which was sorely lacking in his father Taishos reign. He was pressured immediately by the Navy that the national sphere of defense needed to be expanded upon, they felt threatened by the west, specifically by the US and Britain who had enacted the Washington Naval Treaty. Hirohito agreed a large navy was necessary for Japan's future, he was a proponent of the decisive naval battle doctrine, remember his teacher was Togo.    From the very beginning Hirohito intensely followed all military decisions. In 1928 the Japanese covertly assassinated the warlord of Manchuria, Zhang Zuolin. The current prime minister Tanaka Giichi had performed a thorough investigation of the incident and presented his report to Hirohito on December 24th of 1928. He told Hirohito he intended to court martial the criminals, purge the army and re-establish discipline. However the rest of Tanaka's cabinet wished to allow the army to deal with the matter and quiet the entire thing down. Hirohito responded by stating he had lost confidence in Tanaka and admonished his report. Hirohito allowed the army to cover up the incident, he sought to have it hushed up as well. Thus Hirohito had indulged the army in its insubordination and the kwantung army officers now felt they could take matters into their own hands.   Also in 1928 the Tanaka cabinet failed to endorse the international protocol banning chemical and biological warfare. The next year the privy council, pressured by the military, failed to ratify the full geneva convention of prisoners of war. Hirohito in response began doing something Emperor Meiji never had done, he began to scold officials to force them to retire from positions. Tanaka Giichi was bullied out. Hirohito then stated his endorsement of Hamaguchi Osachi as Tanaka's successors.   Just a few months after Hamaguchi cabinet formed, Hirohito overrode the advice of his naval chief of staff and vice chief of staff, Admiral Kato and Vice Admiral Suetsugu. The Americans and British were hinting they might form a naval alliance against Japan if she did not abide by the Washington Conference mandates on naval tonnage. Kato and Suetsugu refused to accept the terms, but prime minister Hamaguchi stood firm against them. The navy leaders were outraged and accused Hamaguchi of signing the treaty without the support of the Navy General Staff thereby infringing upon the “emperor's right of supreme command”. Two months after signing the treaty, Hamaguchi was assassinated and upon learning of this Hirohito's first concern apparently was “that constitutional politics not be interrupted”. The military felt greatly emboldened, and thus began the age of the military feeling “its right of supreme command”. Generals and Admirals fought back against arms reduction talks, discipline within the officer corps loosened, things spiraled out of control. Alongside this came the increasing cult of the emperor, that they were all doing this in his name.   When rumors emerged of the emerging Mukden Incident in 1931, Hirohito  demanded the army be reigned in. Attempts were made, but on September 18th of 1931, Kwantung army officer detonated an explosion at Liut'iaokou north of Mukden as a false flag operation. The next day the imperial palace were given a report and Hirohito was advised by chief aide de camp Nara Takeji “this incident would not spread and if the Emperor was to convene an imperial conference to take control of the situation, the virtue of his majesty might be soiled if the decisions of such a conference should prove impossible to implement”. This will be a key theme in Hirohito's decision making, protect the kokutai from any threats.   As the Mukden incident was getting worse, the Kwantung officers began to demand reinforcement be sent from the Korea army. The current Wakatsuki cabinet met on the issue and decided the Mukden incident had to remain an incident, they needed to avoid a declaration of war. The official orders were for no reinforcements of the Korea army to mobilize, however the field commander took it upon his own authority and mobilized them. The army chief of staff Kanaya reported to Hirohito the Korea army was marching into Manchuria against orders. At 31 years of age Hirohito now had an excellent opportunity to back the current cabinet, to control the military and stop the incident from getting worse. At this time the military was greatly divided on the issue, politically still weak compared to what they would become in a few years, if Hirohito wanted to rule as a constitutional monarch instead of an autocratic monarch, well this was his chance. Hirohito said to Kanaya at 4:20pm on September 22nd “although this time it couldn't be helped, [the army] had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito accepted the situation as fait accompli, he was not seriously opposed to seeing his army expand his empire. If it involved a brief usurpation of his authority so bit, as long as the operation was successful. Within two weeks of the incident, most of Japan had rallied being the kwantung army's cause. Hirohito knew it was a false flag, all of what they had done. Hirohito planned the lightests punishments for those responsible. Hirohito then officially sanctioned the aerial strike against Chinchou, the first air attack since ww1.   A message had gone out to the young officers in the Japanese military that the emperors main concern was success; obedience to central command was secondary. After the Mukden incident Prime Minister Wakatsuki resigned in december after failing to control the army and failing to contain the financial depression. The new Priminister Inukai took to action requesting permission from Hirohito to dispatch battalions to Tientsin and a brigade to Manchuria to help the Kwantung army take Chinchou. Hirohito responded by advising caution when attacking Chinchou and to keep a close eye on international public perception. Nevertheless Chinchou was taken and Hirohito issued an imperial rescript praising the insubordinate Kwantung army for fighting a courageous self defense against Chinese bandits. In a few more years Hirohito would grant awards and promotions to 3000 military and civil officials involved in the Manchurian war. When incidents broke out in Shanghai in 1932 involved the IJN, Tokyo high command organized a full fledged Shanghai expeditionary force under General Shirakawa with 2 full divisions. But within Shanghai were western powers, like Britain and America, whom Hirohito knew full well could place economic sanctions upon Japan if things got out of hand. Hirohito went out of his way to demand Shirakawa settle the Shanghai matter quickly and return to Japan.   And thus here is a major problem with Hirohito during the war years. On one end with Manchuria he let pretty much everything slide, but with Shanghai he suddenly cracks the whip. Hirohito had a real tendency of choosing when he wanted to act and this influenced the military heavily. On May 15th of 1932, young naval officers assassinated prime minister Inukai at his office. In the political chaos, Hirohito and his advisors agreed to abandon the experiment in party cabinets that had been the custom since the Taisho era. Now Hirohito endorsed a fully bureaucratic system of policy making, cabinet parties would no longer depend on the two main conservative parties existing in the diet. When the diet looked to the genro as to who should be the next prime minister, Hirohito wrote up “his wishes regarding the choice of the next prime minister”. Loyal officials backed Hirohito's wishes, the cult of the emperor grew in power. To the military it looked like Hirohito was blaming the party based cabinets rather than insubordinate officers for the erosion of his own authority as commander in chief. The young military officers who already were distrustful of the politicians were now being emboldened further.    After Manchuria was seized and Manchukuo was ushered in many in the Japanese military saw a crisis emerge, that required a “showa restoration' to solve. There were two emerging political factions within the military, the Kodoha and Toseiha factions. Both aimed to create military dictatorships under the emperor. The Kodoha saw the USSR as the number one threat to Japan and advocated an invasion of them, aka the Hokushin-ron doctrine, but the Toseiha faction prioritized a national defense state built on the idea they must build Japans industrial capabilities to face multiple enemies in the future. What separated the two, was the Kodoha sought to use a violent coup d'etat to do so, the Toseiha were unwilling to go so far. The Kodoha faction was made up of junior and youthful officers who greatly distrusted the capitalists and industrialists of Japan, like the Zaibatsu and believed they were undermining the Emperor. The Toseiha faction were willing to work with the Zaibatsu to make Japan stronger. Hirohito's brother Prince Chichibu sympathized with the Kodoha faction and repeatedly counseled his brother that he should implement direct imperial rule even if it meant suspending the constitution, aka a show restoration. Hirohito believed his brother who was active in the IJA at the time was being radicalized. Chichibu might I add was in the 3rd infantry regiment under the leadership of Colonel Tomoyuki Yamashita.   This time period has been deemed the government by assassination period. Military leaders in both the IJA and IJN and from both the Kodoha and Toseiha began performing violence against politicians and senior officers to get things done.    A enormous event took place in 1936 known as the february 26 incident. Kodoha faction officers of the IJA attempted a coup d'etat to usher in a showa restoration. They assassinated several leading officials, such as two former prime ministers and occupied the government center of Tokyo. They failed to assassinate the current prime minister Keisuke Okada or take control over the Imperial palace. These men believed Japan was straying from the Kokutai and that the capitalist/industrialists were exploiting the people of the nation by deceiving the emperor and usurping his power. The only solution to them was to purge such people and place Hirohito as an absolute leader over a military dictatorship.    Now the insurrectionists failed horribly, within just a few hours they failed to kill the current prime minister, and failed to seize the Sakashita Gate to the imperial palace, thus allowing the palace to continue communicating with the outside, and they never thought about what the IJN might do about all of this. The IJN sent marines immediately to suppress them. The insurrectionists had planned to have the army minister General Kwashima who was a Kodoha backer, report their intentions to Hirohito who they presumed would declare a showa restoration. They falsely assumed the emperor was a puppet being taken hostage by his advisers and devoid of his own will.   At 5:40am on February the 26th Hirohito was awakened and informed of the assassinations and coup attempt. From the moment he learnt of this, he was outraged and demanded the coup be suppressed and something I would love to highlight is he also immediately demanded his brother Prince Chichibu be brought over to him. Why would this be important? Hirohito believed the insurrectionists might enlist his brother to force him to abdicate. Hirohito put on his army uniform and ordered the military to “end it immediately and turn this misfortune into a blessing”. Hirohito then met with Kwashima who presented him with the insurrectionists demands to “clarify the kokutai, stabilize national life and fulfill national defense, aka showa restoration”. Hirohito scolded Kwashima and ordered him to suppress the mutiny. On the morning of the 27th Hirohito declared administrative martial law on the basis of Article 8 of the Imperial Constitution, pertaining to emergency imperial ordinances. Formally he was invoking his sovereign power to handle a crisis. Hirohito displayed an incredible amount of energy to crush the mutiny as noted by those around him at the time. Every few hours he demanded reports to be given to him by top officials and at one point he was so angry he threatened to lead the Imperial Guard division himself to go out and quell it. Hirohito met with Chichibu and its alleged he told his brother to end any relationships he had with the Kodoha members. By february 29th, Hirohito had firmly crushed the mutiny, most of the ringleaders were arrested. In april they were court martialed secretly without even given a chance to defend themselves in court and 17 were executed by firing squad in July. As a result of it all, the Kodoha faction dissolved and the Toseiha faction reigned supreme.    On the morning of July 8th of 1937 came the Marco Polo Bridge incident, a nearly identical false flag operation to what occurred at Mukden in 1931. Hirohito's reaction was first to consider the possible threat of the USSR. He wondered if the communists would seize the opportunity to attack Manchukuo. This is what he said to Prime Minister Konoe and army minister Sugiyama “What will you do if the Soviets attack us from the rear?” he asked the prince. Kan'in answered, “I believe the army will rise to the occasion.” The emperor repeated his question: “That's no more than army dogma. What will you actually do in the unlikely event that Soviet [forces] attack?” The prince said only, “We will have no choice.” His Majesty seemed very dissatisfied.    Hirohito demanded to know what contingency plans existed. After this he approved the decision of the Konoe cabinet to move troops into Northern China and fixed his seal to the orders of dispatch. The emperor had tacitly agreed to it all from the start. With each action taken for the following months, Hirohito would explicitly sanction them after the fact. In his mind he kept thinking about a fight with the USSR, he believed he had no choice in the China matter. All of his top ranking officials like Sugiyama would tell him “even if war with China came… it could be finished up within two or three months”. Hirohito was not convinced, he went to Konoe, to imperial conferences, to other military officials to get their views. None convinced him but as Hirohito put it  “they agreed with each other on the time factor, and that made a big difference; so all right, we'll go ahead.”     Two weeks into the conflict, the kwangtung army and Korean army were reinforced by 3 divisions from Japan and on July 25th were reaching Beijing. What did the man who was not responsible in such decision making say? On July 27 Hirohito sanctioned an imperial order directing the commander of the China Garrison Force to “chastise the Chinese army in the Peking-Tientsin area and bring stability to the main strategic places in that region.” Hirohito wanted a killing blow to end the war, and thus he escalated the incident. Historian Fujiwara Akira noted “it was the [Konoe] government itself that had resolved on war, dispatched an army, and expanded the conflict,” and Hirohito had fully supported it”   Chiang Kai-shek abandoned northern China pulling into the Interior and unleashed a campaign in Shanghai to draw the Japanese into a battle showcased in front of western audiences. Chiang Kai-shek tossed the creme of his military all into Shanghai to make it as long and explosive as possible to try and win support from other great powers. On August 18 Hirohito summoned his army and navy chiefs for a pointed recommendation. The war, he told them, “is gradually spreading; our situation in Shanghai is critical; Tsingtao is also at risk. If under these circumstances we try to deploy troops everywhere, the war will merely drag on and on. Wouldn't it be better to concentrate a large force at the most critical point and deliver one overwhelming blow? Based on our attitude of fairness, Do you, have in hand plans for such action? In other words, do we have any way worked out to force the Chinese to reflect on their actions?”   The chiefs of staff returned 3 days later with an aerial campaign to break China's will to fight and strategic cities needed to be seized. Hirohito gave his sanction and on August 31st gave the order “for the Dispatch of the North China Area Army. [D]estroy the enemy's will to fight and wipe out resistance in the central part of Hepei Province,” Over the course of weeks Hirohito sanctioned 6 troop mobilizations to the Shanghai area where the fighting had bogged down. Then he sanctioned 3 divisions from Taiwan to Shanghai, but for units in northern Manchuria to stand guard firmly in case the USSR attacked. The entire time this was happening both China and Japan referred to it as an incident and not a real war lest either of them lose the backing of their great power allies. Japan needed oil, iron and rubber from America, China was likewise received materials from the USSR/America/Britain and even Germany.    By november the war was not going well and Hirohito had the Imperial Headquarters established within his palace as a means to exercise his constitutional role as supreme commander, the army and navy would act in concert. For a few hours in the morning a few days every week, the chiefs of staff, army and navy ministers and chiefs of operations would meet with Hirohito. At these imperial conferences Hirohito presided over and approved decisions impacting the war. This was Hirohito's device for legally transforming the will of the emperor into the will of the state. Hirohito not only involved himself, sometimes on a daily basis he would shape strategy and decide the planning, timing and so on of military campaigns. He even intervened in ongoing field operations. He monitored and occasionally issued orders through commanders to subordinate units. Now I can't go through the entire 1937-1945 war and showcase all the things he did but I will highlight things I think we're important.    On November 9th, the Shanghai battle was finally falling apart for the Chinese as they began a withdrawal to the Nanking area some 180 miles away. The Japanese forces chased them and for the first time were really coming into direct contact with Chinese civilians, when it came to Shanghai most had evacuated the areas. The Japanese burned, plundered and raped villages and towns as they marched towards Nanking. On december 1st, Hirohito's imperial HQ ordered the 10th army and Shanghai expeditionary force to close in on Nanking from different directions, a pincer maneuver. Prince Asaka took command of the Shanghai expeditionary force and General Matsui commanded the Central China Area Army consisted of the Shanghai force and 10th army. Asaka led the forces to assault the walled city of Nanking with a population estimated to be 4-5 hundred thousand and it would fall on December 13th. Was there an order to “rape Nanking”, no. The Imperial HQ did not order the total extermination of the Chinese in Nanking, they had ordered an encirclement campaign. However, the standing orders at this time were to take no prisoners. Once Nanking fell, the Japanese began to execute en massage military prisoners and unarmed troops who surrendered willingly. There was a orgy of rape, arson, pillage and murder. The horror was seen in Nanking and the 6 adjacent villages over the course of 3 months far exceeding any atrocities seen during the battle for Shanghai or even the march to Nanking. General Nakajima's 16th division on its first day in Nanking was estimated to have murdered 30,000 POWs. Estimate range insanely, but perhaps 200,000 POW's and civilians were butchered over the course of 6 weeks.   Prince Asaka the 54 year old grand uncle to Hirohito and other members of the Imperial Family commanded the attack on Nanking and supervised the horrors. 49 year old General Prince Higashikuni chief of the army air force alongside Prince Kan'in knew of the atrocities occurring. Army minister Sugiyama knew, many middle echelon officers of the Imperial HQ knew. Hirohito was at the top of the chain of command, there is no way he was not informed. Hirohito followed the war extensively, reading daily reports, questioned his aides. It was under his orders that his army “chastise China”, but did he show any concern for the breakdown of his army's discipline? There is no documented evidence he ordered an investigation, all we are met with as historians is a bizarre period of silence. Hirohito goes from supervising the war with OCD precision, to silence, then back to normal precision. Did Hirohito show anything publicly to show angry, displeasure or remorse, at the time he energetically began spurring his generals and admirals on their great victories and the national project to induce “Chinese self-reflection”.    On November 24th Hirohito gave an after the fact sanction to the decision of General Matsui to attack and occupy Nanking. Hirohito was informed the city was going to be bombarded by aircraft and artillery and he sanctioned that as well. That was basically him removing any restrictions on the army's conduct. On December 14th the day after Nankings fall, he made an imperial message to his chiefs of staff expressing his pleasure at the news of the city's capture and occupation. Hirohito granted General Matsui an imperial rescript for his great military accomplishments in 1938 and gave the order of the golden early to Prince Asaka in 1940. Perhaps Hirohito privately agonized over what happened, but publicly did nothing about the conduct of his armed forces, especially in regards to the treatment of POW's.   Emperor Hirohito was presented with several opportunities to cause cease-fires or peace settlements during the war years. One of the best possible moments to end it all came during the attack on Naking when Chiang Kai-sheks military were in disarray. Chiang Kai-shek had hoped to end the fighting by enticing the other great powers to intervene. At the 9 power treaty conference in Brussel in november of 1937, Britain and the US proposed boycotting Japan. However the conference ended without any sanctions being enacted upon Japan. The Konoe government and Imperial HQ immediately expanded the combat zone. Chiang Kai-shek in desperation accepted a previous offer by Germany to mediate. Oscar Trautmann, the German ambassador to China attempted to negotiate with Japan, but it failed. China was offered harsh terms; to formally recognize Manchukuo, cooperate with it and Japan to fight communism, permit the indefinite stationg of Japanese forces and pay war reparations.    On January 9th of 1938, Imperial HQ formed a policy for handling the China incident which was reported to Hirohito. Konoe asked Hirohito to convene an imperial conference for it, but not to speak out at it  “For we just want to formally decide the matter in your majesty's presence.” Konoe and Hirohito were concerned with anti expansionists within the army general staff and wanted to prevent German interference in Japanese affairs. On January 11th, the policy was showcased and adopted, there would be no peace until Chiang kai-shek's regime was dissolved and a more compliant regime followed. Hirohito presided over the conference in full army dress uniform and gave his approval. He sat there for 27 minutes without uttering a word, appearing to be neutral in the matter, though in fact he was firmly backing a stronger military policy towards China.    The Konoe cabinet inaugurated a second phase to the China incident, greatly escalating the war. By this point in time Japanese had seen combat casualties at 62,007 killed, 160,000 wounded. In 1939 it would be 30,081 killed, 55,970 wounded, then 15,827 killed and 72,653 wounded in 1940. Major cities were under Japanese control ranging from the north east and south. Chiang Kai-shek fled to Chongqing, the war was deadlocked without any prospect of victory in sight.    On July 11 of 1938, the commander of the 19th division fought a border clash with the USSR known to us in the west as the battle of Lake Khasan. It was a costly defeat for Japan and in the diary of Harada Kumao he noted Hirohito scolded Army minister Itagaki “Hereafter not a single soldier is to be moved without my permission.” When it looked like the USSR would not press for a counter attack across the border, Hirohito gave the order for offensives in China to recommence, again an example of him deciding when to lay down the hammer. Konoe resigned in disgrace in 1939 having failed to bring the China war to an end and being outed by his colleagues who sought an alliance with Germany, which he did not agree with. His successor was Hiranuma a man Hirohito considered a outright fascist. Hiranuma only received the job because he promised Hirohito he would not make enemies of Britain or the US by entering in a hasty alliance with Nazi Germany. However his enter prime ministership would be engulfed by the alliance question.   In May of 1939 there was another border clash with the USSR, the battle of Khalkhin Gol. This one was much larger in scale, involving armored warfare, aircraft and though it seems it was not used, the Japanese brought biological warfare weapons as well. The Japanese had nearly 20,000 casualties, it was an unbelievable defeat that shocked everyone. Hirohito refrained from punishing anyone because they technically followed orders based on a document “outline for dealing with disputes along the manchurian soviet border” that Hirohito had sanctioned shortly before the conflict arose.   In July of 1939, the US told Hiranuma's government they intended not to renew the US-Japan treaty of commerce and navigation. Until this point Roosevelt had been very lenient towards Japan, but now it looked to him war would break out in europe and he wanted Japan to know they could expect serious economic sanctions if they escalated things. Hirohito complained to his chief aide de camp Hata Shunroku on August 5th “It could be a great blow to scrap metal and oil”. Then suddenly as Japan was engaging in a truce with the USSR to stop the border conflict, Germany shocked the world and signed a nonaggression pact with them. This completely contravened the 1936 Japan-German anti-comintern pact. Hiranuma resigned in disgrace on august 28th.    Hirohito was livid and scolded many of his top officials and forced the appointment of General Abe to prime minister and demanded of him “to cooperate with the US and Britain and preserve internal order”. Then Germany invaded Poland and began a new European War. Abe's cabinet collapsed from the unbelievable amount of international actions by January 14th 1940. Hirohito appointed Admiral Yonai as prime minister  and General Tojo to vice army minister. As we have seen Hirohito played a active role appointing high level personnel and imposed conditions upon their appointments.    Hirohito dictated what Yonai was to do, who he was to appoint to certain positions so on and so forth. When a large part of the military were calling for an alliance with Germany, Hirohito resisted, arguing Japan should focus on the China war and not ally itself to Germany unless it was to counter the USSR. Three months passed by and Germany began invading western europe. Norway fell, Denmark fell, Luxembourg, Belgium, the netherlands and then France, it was simply stunning. While Japan had been locked in a deadlock against China, Germany was crushing multiple nations with ease, and this had a large effect on asia. Britain, France and the Netherlands could not hope to protect their holdings in asia. But Hirohito kept pressuring Yonai not to begin any talks of an alliance, and the military leaders forced Yonai's cabinet to collapse.    So Hirohito stood by while Hiranuma, Abe and Yonai met each crisis and collapses. He watched as the China war went nowhere and the military was gradually pushing for the Nanshin-ron doctrine to open a southern war up with the west. Not once did he make a public effort on his lonesome to end the war in China. Japan's demands of China were unchanged, relations with the west were getting worse each day. The China war was undeclared, hell it was from the Japanese viewpoint “chastising China”. Japan was no respecting any rules of war in China, atrocities were performed regularly and for that Hirohito shared responsibility. For he alone was free to act in this area, he needed to act, but he did not. He could have intervened and insisted on respecting the rules of war, especially in regards to POW's and the results could have been dramatically different. Hirohito bore direct responsibility for the use of poison gas upon Chinese and Mongolian combatants and non combatants even before the undeclared war of 1937.    Then on July 28th of 1937 Hirohito made his first directive authorizing the use of chemical weapons which was transmitted by the chief of the army general staff prince Kan'in. It stated that in mopping up the Beijing-Tientsin area, “[Y]ou may use tear gas at suitable times.” Then on September 11th of 1937 he transmitted again through Kan'in the authorization to deploy special chemical warfare units in Shanghai. Gas weapons were one weapon the imperial HQ, aka Hirohito held effective control over throughout the China war. Front line units were never free to employ it at their own discretion, it required explicit authorization from the imperial HQ. During the Wuhan offensive of August to October 1938, imperial HQ authorized the use of poison gas 375 separate times. Hirohito authorized on May 15th of 1939 the carrying out of field studies of chemical warfare along the Manchukuo-soviet border.  In 1940 Hirohito sanctioned the first experimental use of bacteriological weapons in China, though there is no documented evidence of this, given the nature of how he micro managed everything it goes without saying he would have treated it the same as the poison gas. He was a man of science, a person who questioned everything and refused to put his seal on orders without first examining them. Imperial HQ directives went to unit 731 and as a rule Hirohito overlooked them. There again is no documents directly linking him to it, but Hirohito should be held responsibility for strategic bombing campaigns performing on cities like Chongqing. Alongside such horror Hirohito sanctioned annihilation campaigns in China. Such military campaigns were on the scale of what occurred at Nanking. Take for example the Hebei offensive which saw the infamous “three alls policy, burn all, kill all, steal all”.    Before Pearl Harbor and the ushering in of the war against the west, look at the scene that had unfolded. China and Japan were not officially at war until December of 1941. Not to say it would have been easy by any means, but look at the countless opportunities the man, emperor, so called god if you will, held in his hands to stop it all or at the very least stop escalating it. Why did he not do so? To protect the Kokutai. Above all else, the role and survival of the emperor's divinity over the people of Japan was always at the forefront of his mind. He did what he thought was always necessary to thwart threats internal and external. He allowed his military to do horrible things, because they did so in his name, and likewise they were a threat to him. I know its abrupt to end it like this, but for those of you who perhaps say to yourself “well he really was powerless to stop it, they would have killed him or something”, who chose suddenly to intervene in 1945 and made the decision to surrender?

On this episode, Roosevelt Patterson Jr. shares a journey that spans championships at Vigor High School and the University of Alabama, time in the NFL and CFL, and a life-changing commitment to helping young people avoid the mistakes he once made. Roosevelt opens up about the highs of football, the lessons learned through adversity, and the mission behind Rosie's Foundation. His story is one of redemption, purpose, and using experience to lift others.

On this Make A Difference Minute, Roosevelt Patterson Jr. shares how the nickname “Rosie” began during his time playing for Coach Gene Stallings at Alabama and how that same name became the heart of his work today. Roosevelt explains why he chose to call his youth mentorship effort Rosie's Foundation and how his own struggles inspire him to help young people avoid the pitfalls he once faced. His story shows how a simple nickname grew into a mission of hope and guidance. Sponsor: Premier Structures, Inc. PremierStructures.com

On this episode of the podcast, we are joined by Jiu-Jitsu World Champion and BJJ Black Belt Roosevelt Sousa. Roosevelt discusses his start in Jiu-Jitsu, what helped with developing a strong work ethic, how learning the mindset of high level Volleyball players hlped with success in BJJ, how to get the most out of training as a black belt, how working with a sports psychologist helped with performance in BJJ, his competition mindset, how Roosevelt prepared for Jiu-Jitsu Worlds in 2 weeks and training with white belts, the importance of being a good role model for your students, the impact of being a coach, what immigrating to America has meant to Roosevelt, the importance of customer service, and how BJJ can help improve your life. Thanks to the podcast sponsors: Check out "Athlethc" at https://athlethc.com/ and use the code Chewjitsu10 to get 10% off of your order of hemp-derived THC performance mints.  Charlotte's Web CBD. Head over to https://bit.ly/chewjitsu30 and use the promo code Chewjitsu30 to get 30% off of your total purchase. Epic Roll BJJ. Check out https://epicrollbjj.com/ and use the promo code Chewjitsu20 to get 20% off of your total purchase. Check out podcast exclusives including conversations with guests, Q&A sessions, and tons more at https://patreon.com/thechewjitsupodcast

The guys discuss why an overly generous employer makes going home nearly impossible, when hearing "just don't get it in his eyes" initiates a prayer for pepper spray, and how pork-filled sky scrapers will inadvertently regulate the price of a cup of coffee.

A shock win feels like a movement—until the math starts. We dig into Zoran Mamdani's ascent with a clear-eyed look at why voters broke for him, what “anti-politics” actually signals, and how a mayor's bold promises get squeezed by bonds, taxes, and thin state capacity. The story here isn't a fairy tale of revival; it's a patient autopsy of party cartels in decline, activist narratives colliding with ordinary voter motives, and a political entrepreneur who read the room better than the machine.We unpack the split between the activist layer and the broader electorate: one sees a springboard for a project; the other wants rent relief and competent delivery. That tension meets hard constraints. Cities don't print money. They borrow or tax, and capital reacts. We trace why progressive mayors post-1950s hit the same wall, why LaGuardia needed Roosevelt's federal cash, and why Dinkins and de Blasio serve as useful mirrors for what comes next. If national headwinds return—especially a Trump-era reset—does combat raise Mamdani's profile while shrinking his room to maneuver, or does conciliation cost him the left while buying breathing room?We also zoom out: unions that poll well but feel managerial on the ground, populism as a political strategy rather than a mass social force, and the broader void where anti-politics thrives. Mamdani's early refusal to dignify culture-war bait showed how composure builds legitimacy in an era of institutional mistrust; later moralism was safer but weaker. The stakes now are concrete: visible affordability wins without tripping fiscal tripwires. If he threads that needle, he sets a new urban playbook. If not, the void stays open for the next savvy reader of the moment.If this lens helps you see past the noise, follow the show, share it with a friend, and leave a review with the one question you want answered next.Send us a text Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan, Parzival, Adriel Mixon, Buddy Roark, Daniel Petrovic

[00:07:23] – The Black Committee: America's First Mass Surveillance ProgramBeito explains Senator Hugo Black's seizure of millions of private telegrams to spy on FDR's opponents — a little-known episode that prefigured today's surveillance state and “national security” abuses. [00:27:29] – The Newport Sex Scandal and FDR's Moral HypocrisyKnight and Beito expose Roosevelt's secret Navy operation that used entrapment to target suspected homosexual sailors — a scandal later erased from mainstream history. [00:39:31] – Going Off Gold: Roosevelt's Monetary RevolutionThe discussion covers how FDR's abandonment of the gold standard and arbitrary price-fixing launched America's age of fiat currency, inflation, and centralized economic manipulation. [00:49:16] – The “Fake News” Law That Almost HappenedBeito recounts a 1930s proposal to criminalize “false news” under FDR's influence — an early prototype of modern truth policing and digital censorship laws. [01:00:16] – The 72-Dose Childhood Vaccine LawsuitKnight reviews a lawsuit claiming the CDC never tested the combined safety of its full childhood vaccine schedule, arguing the agency hides behind untested assumptions of safety. [01:14:46] – Eli Lilly Bribery and Big Pharma CorruptionKnight reports on a Texas lawsuit accusing Eli Lilly of paying doctors to push high-profit drugs, tying it to systemic collusion between pharmaceutical giants and captured regulators. [01:24:23] – James Bradley on Vietnam: Precious FreedomAuthor James Bradley joins to discuss his book Precious Freedom, reframing the Vietnam War from the Vietnamese perspective and exposing decades of U.S. and media propaganda. [01:36:39] – Media Lies and CIA MythsBradley reveals how the U.S. and its allies fabricated the idea of “North and South Vietnam” as separate nations, a CIA-backed myth used to justify decades of warfare. [02:22:00] – Fourth Turning Politics and the Rise of Authoritarian SaviorsKnight and Bonta examine how historical cycles of crisis create conditions for strongmen like FDR, Trump, and others who exploit social chaos to centralize power. [03:02:17] – De-Dollarization and the End of U.S. Financial SupremacyBonta closes by warning that the weaponization of the dollar is accelerating the global shift toward BRICS and gold-backed trade systems, threatening the foundation of American economic dominance. Money should have intrinsic value AND transactional privacy: Go to https://davidknight.gold/ for great deals on physical gold/silverFor 10% off Gerald Celente's prescient Trends Journal, go to https://trendsjournal.com/ and enter the code KNIGHTFind out more about the show and where you can watch it at TheDavidKnightShow.com If you would like to support the show and our family please consider subscribing monthly here: SubscribeStar https://www.subscribestar.com/the-david-knight-showOr you can send a donation throughMail: David Knight POB 994 Kodak, TN 37764Zelle: @DavidKnightShow@protonmail.comCash App at: $davidknightshowBTC to: bc1qkuec29hkuye4xse9unh7nptvu3y9qmv24vanh7Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-david-knight-show--2653468/support.

Mason Payer has been at Nosler for nearly 15 years. The Marketing Brand Director and passionate hunter works closely with product development and field testing. Highlights from the conversation include: Mason's perspective on how Bend, Oregon has changed in his lifetime An unlikely place for an ammunition factory Blacktails and mulies with his sons Roosevelt [...]

US Military Operations off Venezuela and the War in Ukraine. General Blaine Holt (United States Air Force retired) analyzes the significant US military buildup off Venezuela, headquartered at Roosevelt Roads, describing it as a "war-winning force" primarily targeting cartels and sending a global message of American might. He suggests that operations will likely use commando-style tactics rather than a full occupation, potentially leveraging historical events like the Bay of Pigs as cover for unconventional approaches. The conversation pivots to Ukraine, where Russia is effectively using new glide bombs and missiles, having shifted to a wartime mobilization economy. Holt notes the profound erosion of Ukraine's infrastructure and the demoralizing lack of manpower. He argues innovative, inexpensive defenses, such as Reaper drones with Sidewinders or lasers, are needed, as current air defense economics are unsustainable. 1926 HCMS VANCOUVER

US Military Operations off Venezuela and the War in Ukraine. General Blaine Holt (United States Air Force retired) analyzes the significant US military buildup off Venezuela, headquartered at Roosevelt Roads, describing it as a "war-winning force" primarily targeting cartels and sending a global message of American might. He suggests that operations will likely use commando-style tactics rather than a full occupation, potentially leveraging historical events like the Bay of Pigs as cover for unconventional approaches. The conversation pivots to Ukraine, where Russia is effectively using new glide bombs and missiles, having shifted to a wartime mobilization economy. Holt notes the profound erosion of Ukraine's infrastructure and the demoralizing lack of manpower. He argues innovative, inexpensive defenses, such as Reaper drones with Sidewinders or lasers, are needed, as current air defense economics are unsustainable. 1917 USS WYOMING

Venezuela Pressure Campaign and Asian Diplomacy. Mary Kissel analyzes the massive US military buildup near Venezuela, staged from Roosevelt Roads, noting that the Trump administration prioritizes removing Maduro due to national security threats. She emphasizes that the State Department possesses numerous non-military levers, like sanctions and international pressure through the OAS, to induce Maduro's exit without direct intervention. Kissel also characterizes President Trump's diplomatic engagement at ASEAN and APEC as very successful, securing vital commitments on rare earth mining and processing to counter Chinese economic threats in the Pacific. 1876 BOLIVAR ENTERS CARACAS

Venezuela Pressure Campaign and Asian Diplomacy. Mary Kissel analyzes the massive US military buildup near Venezuela, staged from Roosevelt Roads, noting that the Trump administration prioritizes removing Maduro due to national security threats. She emphasizes that the State Department possesses numerous non-military levers, like sanctions and international pressure through the OAS, to induce Maduro's exit without direct intervention. Kissel also characterizes President Trump's diplomatic engagement at ASEAN and APEC as very successful, securing vital commitments on rare earth mining and processing to counter Chinese economic threats in the Pacific.

US Military Buildup Near Venezuela and Opposition Support for Action. Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa discuss the unprecedented US military buildup at the former Roosevelt Roads Naval Base in Puerto Rico, interpreted as preparations for action against Venezuela. Peña Esclusa clarifies that the true Venezuelan opposition, led by María Corina Machado (who won 93% of the primary vote), supports US action against the Maduro drug cartel. Araújo asserts that this is viewed regionally as a "crusade against organized crime," not an invasion, and would be welcomed by people tired of instability. This credible threat is already pressuring Venezuelan military officials to negotiate Maduro's exiIT. 1902 TRINIDAD

US Military Buildup Near Venezuela and Opposition Support for Action. Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa discuss the unprecedented US military buildup at the former Roosevelt Roads Naval Base in Puerto Rico, interpreted as preparations for action against Venezuela. Peña Esclusa clarifies that the true Venezuelan opposition, led by María Corina Machado (who won 93% of the primary vote), supports US action against the Maduro drug cartel. Araújo asserts that this is viewed regionally as a "crusade against organized crime," not an invasion, and would be welcomed by people tired of instability. This credible threat is already pressuring Venezuelan military officials to negotiate Maduro's exiIT. 1902 CARACAS

5. The Democratic Convention: Wilson's Downfall and the Rise of Cox and Roosevelt David Pietrusza 1920: The Year of the Six Presidents Meeting in San Francisco in July 1920, the Democrats grappled with Woodrow Wilson's political liability due to his uncompromising League of Nations stance and desire for a third term. Wilson received only a grim demonstration of support, and his cabinet feared he would die if nominated. The two leading contenders were William Gibbs McAdoo, Wilson's son-in-law, and Ohio Governor John Cox. Due to the Democratic two-thirds rule, the convention took many ballots. Cox, a moderate publisher, secured the nomination after 44 ballots. After meeting with Wilson, Cox abandoned his moderate position to strongly support the League. Franklin D. Roosevelt was chosen as Vice President due to his name recognition, Navy service, and New York connections. 1929 HOOVER INAUGURAL