Podcasts about Roosevelt

Diving into the history of Morgan Stanley's first bond deal, our Head of Corporate Credit Research Andrew Sheets explains the value of high-quality corporate bonds.Read more insights from Morgan Stanley.----- Transcript ----- Andrew Sheets: Welcome to Thoughts on the Market. I'm Andrew Sheets, Head of Corporate Credit Research at Morgan Stanley. Today, a look at the first bond that Morgan Stanley helped issue 90 years ago and what it might tell us about market uncertainty. It's Thursday, October 9th at 4pm in London. In times of uncertainty, it's common to turn to history. And this we think also applies to financial markets. The Great Depression began roughly 95 years ago. Of its many causes, one was that the same banks that were shepherding customer deposits were also involved in much riskier and more volatile financial market activity. And so, when the stock market crashed, falling over 40 percent in 1929, and ultimately 86 percent from a peak to a trough in 1932, unsuspecting depositors often found their banks overwhelmed by this market maelstrom. The Roosevelt administration took office in March of 1933 and set about trying to pick up the pieces. Many core aspects that we associate with modern financial life from FDIC insurance to social security to the somewhat unique American 30-year mortgage rose directly out of policies from this administration and the financial ashes of this period. There was also quite understandably, a desire to make banking safer. And so the Glass Steagall Act mandated that banks had a choice. They could either do the traditional deposit taking and lending, or they could be active in financial market trading and underwriting. In response to these new separations, Morgan Stanley was founded 90 years ago in 1935 to do the latter. It was a very uncertain time. The U.S. economy was starting to recover under President Roosevelt's New Deal policies, but unemployment was still over 17 percent. Europe's economy was struggling, and the start of the Second World War would be only four years away. The S&P Composite Equity Index, which currently sits at a level of around 6,700, was at 12. It was into this world that Morgan Stanley brought its first bond deal, a 30-year corporate bond for a AA rated U.S. utility. And so, listeners, what do you think that that sort of bond yielded all those years ago? Luckily for us, the good people at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis digitized a vast array of old financial newspapers. And so, we can see what the original bond yielded in the announcement. The first bond, Morgan Stanley helped issue with a 30-year maturity and a AA rating had a yield of just 3.55 percent. That was just 70 basis points over what a comparable U.S. treasury bond offered at the time. Anniversaries are nice to celebrate, but we think this example has some lessons for the modern day. Above anything, it's a clear data point that even in very uncertain economic times, high quality corporate bonds can trade at very low spreads – much lower than one might intuitively expect. Indeed, the extra spread over government bonds that investors required for a 30-year AA rated utility bond 90 years ago, in the immediate aftermath of the Great Depression is almost exactly the same as today. It's one more reason why we think we have to be quite judicious about turning too negative on corporate credit too early, even if the headline spreads look low. Thank you as always for your time. If you find Thoughts on the Market useful, let us know by leaving a review wherever you listen. And also, please tell a friend or colleague about us today.

Historian David Beito discusses his new book “FDR: A New Political Life” and exposes how FDR's New Deal laid the foundations for America's surveillance state, media censorship, and executive dictatorship. From telegram spying and gold confiscation to secret war plans and Supreme Court power grabs, this interview reveals how Roosevelt redefined tyranny in democratic disguise—and how today's leaders are repeating his playbook. Follow the show on Kick and watch live every weekday 9:00am EST – 12:00pm EST https://kick.com/davidknightshow Money should have intrinsic value AND transactional privacy: Go to https://davidknight.gold/ for great deals on physical gold/silverFor 10% off Gerald Celente's prescient Trends Journal, go to https://trendsjournal.com/ and enter the code KNIGHTFind out more about the show and where you can watch it at TheDavidKnightShow.com If you would like to support the show and our family please consider subscribing monthly here: SubscribeStar https://www.subscribestar.com/the-david-knight-showOr you can send a donation throughMail: David Knight POB 994 Kodak, TN 37764Zelle: @DavidKnightShow@protonmail.comCash App at: $davidknightshowBTC to: bc1qkuec29hkuye4xse9unh7nptvu3y9qmv24vanh7Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-david-knight-show--2653468/support.

Historian David Beito discusses his new book “FDR: A New Political Life” and exposes how FDR's New Deal laid the foundations for America's surveillance state, media censorship, and executive dictatorship. From telegram spying and gold confiscation to secret war plans and Supreme Court power grabs, this interview reveals how Roosevelt redefined tyranny in democratic disguise—and how today's leaders are repeating his playbook. Follow the show on Kick and watch live every weekday 9:00am EST – 12:00pm EST https://kick.com/davidknightshow Money should have intrinsic value AND transactional privacy: Go to https://davidknight.gold/ for great deals on physical gold/silverFor 10% off Gerald Celente's prescient Trends Journal, go to https://trendsjournal.com/ and enter the code KNIGHTFind out more about the show and where you can watch it at TheDavidKnightShow.com If you would like to support the show and our family please consider subscribing monthly here: SubscribeStar https://www.subscribestar.com/the-david-knight-showOr you can send a donation throughMail: David Knight POB 994 Kodak, TN 37764Zelle: @DavidKnightShow@protonmail.comCash App at: $davidknightshowBTC to: bc1qkuec29hkuye4xse9unh7nptvu3y9qmv24vanh7Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-real-david-knight-show--5282736/support.

On this week's Labor History Today: Mary Kenney O'Sullivan, first AFL woman organizer; novelist Jack London's classic definition of a scab; Southern Tenant Farmers' Union leads Missouri Highway sit-down; Roosevelt creates National War Labor Board to mediate labor disputes during World War II. Today's show is an encore of our January 7-13, 2018 and features labor historians Joe McCartin and Leon Fink. Questions, comments, or suggestions are welcome, and to find out how you can be a part of Labor History Today, email us at LaborHistoryToday@gmail.com Labor History Today is produced by the Labor Heritage Foundation and the Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and the Working Poor. #LaborRadioPod #History #WorkingClass #ClassStruggle @GeorgetownKILWP #LaborHistory @UMDMLA @ILLaborHistory @AFLCIO @StrikeHistory #LaborHistory @wrkclasshistory  

Have you ever dreamed of hunting a huge Red Stag in New Zealand? So have we... so we got a couple of experts on the phone and unpacked just how to get it done, along with chasing big fallow deer, himalayan tahr, chamois, and even Roosevelt elk on the tip of the South Island. This was one of the coolest and most informative episodes we've done in a long time. ENJOY!    FRIENDS, PLEASE SUPPORT THE PODCAST!  Join the Backcountry Hunting Podcast tribe and get access to all our bonus material on www.patreon.com/backcountry   Check out our new "recommended outfitters" hunt booking agency! We're super excited about this venture that allows us to share our favorite destinations around the world with our loyal listeners. We'll also be doing hosted hunts each year, which will be available first to our loyal listeners on Patreon.  We have a new advertising partner! Check out Swift Bullets, known and trusted as the best of the best by most African Dangerous Game specialists.  It's Porter's Firearms' 30-year anniversary this month! They're offering some incredible deals specifically to podcast listeners. Call Shane Porter at 870-701-0504 for details.    VISIT ALL OUR SPONSORS HERE:  www.timneytriggers.com www.browning.com www.leupold.com www.siembidacustomknives.com www.onxmaps.com www.silencercentral.com https://www.portersfirearms.com/ https://javelinbipod.com www.swiftbullets.com

"Fed Up With Your Job" by Stereolab from Fed Up With Your Job; "The Year of the Rabbit" by Tim Barnes featuring Alan Licht, Tara Jane O'Neil, Ken Vandermark from Lost Words; "Milestones" by GIFT from Illuminator; "Ashes That Made the Shape of My Dreams" by metra.vestlud from Ashes That Made the Shape of My Dreams; "Synesthesia" by Edapollo from Foreign Family Collective, Vol 3; "Prelude for the Hollow" by Endon from Fall of Spring; "All I Have" by Fawning from Illusions of Control; "12 C" by Whatever the Weather from Whatever the Weather II; "Secret City" by Kieran Hebden and William Tyler from 41 Longfield Street Late '80s; "A New Dream" by Daniel Davies from Soeurs De Glisse OST; "Lodestone" by Ex Easter Island Head from Norther.

The last 100 days of Franklin Roosevelt's life coincided with some momentous events in US history. As WWII was drawing to a close, the Yalta Conference brought together the three Allied leaders, Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin to confront some of the thorniest issues of the day and that still loom large to this day. That conference laid the groundwork for the Post World War II Order which prevail to this day, 80 years later.

Harry Hopkins is geen naam die je direct in één adem noemt met Roosevelt, Churchill of Stalin. En toch stond Harry Hopkins midden tussen hen in. Hij was de stille architect van de New Deal, de man die miljoenen Amerikanen weer werk gaf, en de vertrouweling die tijdens de oorlog de lijnen trok tussen Washington, Londen en Moskou. Churchill noemde hem “Lord Root of the Matter”, Stalin liet hem toe in zijn meest paranoïde kring, en Roosevelt vertrouwde hem meer dan wie ook. Geert Mak ziet in Hopkins een wisselwachter van de geschiedenis: onzichtbaar voor het publiek, maar beslissend voor de koers van de twintigste eeuw. In dit gesprek gaat het over Hopkins’ verborgen invloed, over het Amerika van de jaren dertig, en over de opvallende parallellen met de politiek van vandaag. Wat kunnen we leren van de manier waarop Hopkins politiek bedreef, en van de rol die individuen soms spelen in het sturen van de geschiedenis?

PREVIEW::  This source details President Franklin D. Roosevelt's covert strategy to maneuver the United States into supporting Great Britain despite strong domestic anti-war resistance, and the ideological clash this caused with Charles Lindbergh. America First: Roosevelt vs. Lindbergh in the Shadow of War Hardcover – September 24, 2024 by  H. W. Brands  (Author)  1941 Roosevelt's Covert Strategy: Roosevelt was highly committed to Churchill and intended to bring the U.S. in on the British side. Since he could not openly support intervention due to resistance from Lindbergh, Congress, and the anti-war movement, Roosevelt utilized a highly confidential strategy. He managed an influence-peddling operation designed to prepare the American people for war against the "Hitlerites in Europe" and the "Imperial Japanese Navy and Army in the Pacific." Roosevelt maintained secret correspondence with Churchill; the American public was unaware that Rooseveltwas planning with Churchill on how they would fight together should war occur. Roosevelt had morally sided with the British but told Churchill it would take time to bring the American people around politically. He brought in covert operators from Great Britain. The administration gave its covert blessing to a large-scale British propaganda effort directed by William Stephenson in America. Stephenson's goal was explicitly to move American public opinion to the side of Britain. Stephenson's crew, channeled to Roosevelt via William Donovan, employed standard propaganda techniques, such as planting unacknowledged stories and arranging for rumors to appear and be confirmed by other rumors. The source highlights the hypocrisy of the administration engaging in this manipulation while simultaneously "complaining bitterly against the Germans for attempting to do the very same thing." Ideological Conflict: Imperialism vs. Democracy: Roosevelt recognized that the interests of Britain were "not identical to the interests of the United States." Roosevelt's public rationale for aiding Britain was that the U.S. would be "aiding democracy." Lindbergh "calls him out on this," arguing that aiding Britain meant "aiding imperialism." Lindbergh questioned whether Americans should fight to defend the British Empire, asking if American soldiers would go to "defend British rule in India." Churchill is characterized as the "most unreconstructed of British imperialists" who was determined to defend the British Empire, a goal Roosevelt had no desire to pursue.

Catch the full play-by-play broadcast of Roosevelt's 28–10 victory over Pearl City. Hear every big moment, from Ikaika Torres' early touchdown to Cameron Jackson's two rushing scores and Kaeo Bush's passing strike to Riley Beal. Plus, defensive highlights featuring Dayten Tilton's standout performance and key interceptions by Victor Silva and Kealiiomana Keola.

[This is one of the finalists in the 2025 review contest, written by an ACX reader who will remain anonymous until after voting is done. I'll be posting about one of these a week for several months. When you've read them all, I'll ask you to vote for a favorite, so remember which ones you liked] 1. The Internet That Would Be In July 1945, Vannevar Bush was riding high. As Director of the Office of Scientific Research and Development, he'd won World War II. His proximity fuse intercepted hundreds of V-1s and destroyed thousands of tanks, carving a path for Allied forces through the French countryside. Back in 1942, he'd advocated to President Roosevelt the merits of Oppenheimer's atomic bomb. Roosevelt and his congressional allies snuck hundreds of millions in covert funding to the OSRD's planned projects in Oak Ridge and Los Alamos. Writing directly and secretively to Bush, a one-line memo in June expressed Roosevelt's total confidence in his Director: “Do you have the money?” Indeed he did. The warheads it bought would fall on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in mere weeks. The Germans had already given up; Victory in the Pacific was nigh. So Bush was thinking ahead. In The Atlantic, Bush returned to a pre-war obsession with communication and knowledge-exchange. His essay, “As We May Think,” imagined a new metascientifical endeavor (emphasis mine): https://www.astralcodexten.com/p/your-review-project-xanadu-the-internet

Eddie, owner of MyGuy Market, shares his journey from working three restaurant jobs to creating Fresno's most talked-about sandwich shop. His business stands as a testament to authenticity, hard work, and the power of finding your unique identity in the food industry.• MyGuy Market was founded in February 2022 after Eddie and his business partner researched authentic chopped cheese sandwiches in New York• The viral "Checkmate" sandwich—featuring an 8-hour smoked beef short rib that customers pull the bone from—transformed their business• Eddie's father was a chef in Spain before the family immigrated to the US, instilling a strong work ethic and culinary foundation• Running a small business presents challenges including work-life balance, physical exhaustion, and competing with corporate wages• Eddie emphasizes the importance of authenticity in entrepreneurship—you don't need a suit and tie to be a successful business owner• Community building should focus on support rather than gatekeeping, with genuine collaborations that don't require monetary exchanges• Fresno has its own distinct Central Valley identity that isn't Northern or Southern California but deserves to be celebrated• Outside of business, Eddie practices Muay Thai, participates in a running club, and enjoys chess and live music eventsStop by MyGuy Market at Belmont and Roosevelt in Fresno and follow @MyGuyMarket on Instagram to see the famous pull-out Checkmate sandwich and other menu offerings.Follow us @ brokeboyz_ff on Instagram and TikTokIntro Music by Rockstar Turtle- Broke Boyz (999)Christmas Intro Song by Nico

The Charlie Kirk murder is nothing but a staged spectacle, with the GOP and their Zionist handlers like Ben Shapiro exploiting his death to ram through anti-freedom laws and weaponize Turning Point USA for their globalist agenda. From Erika's fake forgiveness to the flimsy evidence pinning it on some furry weirdo, this is a textbook false flag, and we're calling out the liars before they bury the truth. JD Sharp exposes the sinister truth behind Charlie Kirk's assassination, revealing a Jewish-led plot to silence his anti-war stance and betrayal of Zionist agendas. They're twisting his legacy to spark a holy war, using a patsy and a looming false flag to pit Christians against the world. We've been fed a pack of lies about World War II, where brave Europeans fought against the Jewish Bolshevik takeover, only to be betrayed by traitors like Churchill and Roosevelt. Now, this new Nuremberg movie is just another Hollywood sham to brainwash a new generation into believing the holohoax, but Germar Rudolf is here to rip the mask off and reveal the Rothschild cabal's conquest of Christendom. Western civilization has been infected by a parasitic invasion of foreign ideals and values that have been introduced into our culture by strange and morally degenerate people whose goal is world domination. We have been OCCUPIED. Watch the film NOW! https://stewpeters.com/occupied/ Locals September Special

Our guest in this episode is Lord Jonathan Sumption, former Justice of the UK Supreme Court, acclaimed historian, and one of Britain's leading public voices on law and democracy. The conversation explores the uneasy boundary between law and politics. Sumption reflects on the long history of the U.S. Supreme Court as a political actor, from the Lochner era's resistance to worker protections, through clashes with Roosevelt's New Deal, to the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision on school segregation. He examines the controversies of Roe v. Wade and its recent reversal, warning that both decisions undermined trust in different ways. Lord Sumption also considers how courts respond when politics fails, the role of judicial appointments in shaping independence, and why democracies today struggle with expectations they cannot meet. Despite widespread skepticism, he insists that neutrality is not a myth: judges can set aside personal opinions, and trust in courts depends on their ability to do so. This episode offers a sobering yet hopeful look at the fragile balance between courts, politics, and public trust and why defending judicial neutrality is essential for the future of democracy.

oops, one correction. That was RFK's service. Better comparison probably.   @CBSNews  Charlie Kirk memorial service attended by Trump, Vance and others in Arizona | full video https://www.youtube.com/live/Lkqjzzgc9SU?si=ccIBYFB-n6RXpVib  @NBCNews  Live: Funeral For George Floyd Held In Houston | NBC News https://www.youtube.com/live/mufpOyoFrrg?si=xcYdu2xQfAZ5m3vV  @RafaelMichaelJackson  Michael Jackson's Memorial Service | Full Version  https://youtu.be/nv9KG_F65P4?si=PfioOhgYwbt7ZT41  @USNationalArchives  Funeral of President Roosevelt https://youtu.be/pJS5-YfJTpI?si=s6_a3nZFSddVQDEA  @SheltonWalden  CBS News Coverage of the RFK Funeral and Funeral Train, June 8, 1968 (Partial) https://youtu.be/XKHfKU946l8?si=jgDpbdbAtwquqFNE  @memoryretro  State funeral of Ronald Reagan CNN live coverage 6-11-2004 https://youtu.be/FhIxybSILTw?si=2ZB9VYP1N92IvF8d    https://www.southeastuary.com/ https://www.livingstonescrc.com/give Paul Vander Klay clips channel https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCX0jIcadtoxELSwehCh5QTg https://www.meetup.com/sacramento-estuary/ My Substack https://paulvanderklay.substack.com/ Bridges of meaning https://discord.gg/MGC5Mm9d Estuary Hub Link https://www.estuaryhub.com/ If you want to schedule a one-on-one conversation check here. https://calendly.com/paulvanderklay/one2one There is a video version of this podcast on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/paulvanderklay To listen to this on ITunes https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/paul-vanderklays-podcast/id1394314333  If you need the RSS feed for your podcast player https://paulvanderklay.podbean.com/feed/  All Amazon links here are part of the Amazon Affiliate Program. Amazon pays me a small commission at no additional cost to you if you buy through one of the product links here. This is is one (free to you) way to support my videos.  https://paypal.me/paulvanderklay Blockchain backup on Lbry https://odysee.com/@paulvanderklay https://www.patreon.com/paulvanderklay Paul's Church Content at Living Stones Channel https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCh7bdktIALZ9Nq41oVCvW-A To support Paul's work by supporting his church give here. https://tithe.ly/give?c=2160640 https://www.livingstonescrc.com/give

“Pull the heart of your work out of your chest and lay it out there for the gods,” podcast guest Samuel G. Freedman told his Columbia Journalism School graduate students on the first day of his final semester after 35 years of teaching. “That's all I'm asking of you. Not much.”   No, not much. And yet what Sam Freedman asked of his students during his tenure as one of our leading journalism educators was everything. Before his retirement this spring, his popular book-writing seminar led to the publication of 95 books by his students. “He's been the godfather to an awful lot of publishing over the years,” noted Grove Atlantic executive editor George Gibson, in a New York Times profile on Sam's career and his legacy in journalism and publishing. Sam was named the nation's outstanding journalism professor in 1977 by the Society of Professional Journalists and was awarded Columbia University's coveted Presidential Award for Outstanding Teaching. A former staff reporter and columnist for The New York Times, his work as appeared in numerous publications, including The New Yorker, The Washington Post, Rolling Stone, Tablet, Salon, and New York magazine.     He is the author of 10 acclaimed books, including The Inheritance: How Three Families Moved from Roosevelt to Reagan and Beyond, a 1997 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize; Into the Bright Sunshine: Young Hubert Humphrey and the Fight for Civil Rights; and, Who She Was: My Search for My Mother's Life, which was reissued in a new edition earlier this year.   Learn more about Samuel Freedman: Website Twitter Please support the sponsors who support our show: Gotham Ghostwriters' Gathering of the Ghosts Ritani Jewelers Daniel Paisner's Balloon Dog Daniel Paisner's SHOW: The Making and Unmaking of a Network Television Pilot Heaven Help Us by John Kasich Unforgiving: Lessons from the Fall by Lindsey Jacobellis Film Movement Plus (PODCAST) | 30% discount Libro.fm (ASTOLDTO) | 2 audiobooks for the price of 1 when you start your membership Film Freaks Forever! podcast, hosted by Mark Jordan Legan and Phoef Sutton Everyday Shakespeare podcast A Mighty Blaze podcast The Writer's Bone Podcast Network Misfits Market (WRITERSBONE) | $15 off your first order  Film Movement Plus (PODCAST) | 30% discount Wizard Pins (WRITERSBONE) | 20% discount

Philadelphia stands at a transit crossroads. Amidst uncertainty over SEPTA's financial future, ambitious plans for a Roosevelt Boulevard subway system offer a glimpse of what could transform the city's northeastern corridor. Our conversation with Jay from the Roosevelt Boulevard Subway advocacy group unpacks both challenges and opportunities facing Philly's transit landscape.The SEPTA funding situation exemplifies the frustrating cycle of American transit politics. Despite service resuming after threatened cuts, CEO Leslie Richards has made clear: this is merely a temporary patch. Pennsylvania legislators have essentially kicked the problem two years down the road while depleting reserves meant for critical infrastructure maintenance. What makes this particularly maddening? Solutions exist and work elsewhere. From municipal self-taxation models that built Seattle's light rail network to congestion pricing in urban centers, proven funding mechanisms remain politically untouchable in Pennsylvania.Meanwhile, a transformative vision continues gaining momentum along Roosevelt Boulevard – a notoriously dangerous 12-lane thoroughfare stretching through Northeast Philadelphia. This grassroots campaign for subway service along the corridor has evolved from a university project into a serious transportation alternative currently under study by PennDOT. With a projected ridership of 62,000 daily passengers and a uniquely wide median offering construction advantages, the subway option presents compelling benefits.Perhaps most exciting is the economic development potential. Roosevelt Boulevard's car-centric design has created vast swaths of underutilized land, particularly surface parking lots. These spaces could become vibrant transit-oriented neighborhoods without displacing existing communities – a rare opportunity in established urban areas. With a locally preferred alternative selection expected in 2026 and potential construction readiness by 2030, this century-old dream inches closer to reality.Want to support better transit in Philadelphia? Check out Transit Forward Philly's advocacy work connecting volunteers with decision-makers. Follow the Roosevelt Boulevard Subway campaign on social media or visit blvdsubway.com to learn how this project could finally connect Northeast Philadelphia with opportunities throughout the region.Send us a textSupport the show

Who are the greatest Pixar characters of all time? Woody? Nemo? Mike and Sulley? In this episode, we debate which four characters deserve to be carved into the Mount Rushmore of Pixar. From Toy Story to Finding Nemo, Monsters, Inc. to The Incredibles, Pixar has given us some of the most beloved and influential animated characters in history. But only four can make the cut. Join us as we make our case for the most iconic Pixar characters ever—and let us know which ones you'd choose for your Pixar Mount Rushmore. If you've ever wondered what it's like behind the camera of a Disney YouTube channel, you won't want to miss this conversation. Submit a question/topic for us to discuss on a future episode. Don't forget to check us out on: -Instagram -Facebook  -Youtube Missing the smell of the parks? Check out Magic Candle Company and use code ENCHANTED at checkout to save 15% off your next order. Timestamps Welcome 00:00 Mount Rushmore 01:24 Who's the George Washington of Pixar? 03:06 Our Pick for Jefferson 07:17 Who's Roosevelt? 12:42 The Fourth Greatest Pixar Character Ever 25:58 Has Pixar Lost Its Touch? 34:32 Who Are Your Picks? 39:26

Ephesians 6:1-9 The Family Circle (vv. 1-4) The practice The promise The Workplace Circle (vv. 5-9) The respectful employee The regardful employer More to Consider Paul did not condone slavery when urging both slaves and masters to live as responsible Christians; his concern was to change Christians attitudes toward each other. The gospel is opposed to slavery. Where the gospel permeates lives, the institution of slavery will be undermined and abolished. It is worth noting that the first generation of Christians who had been freed from slavery to sin, gladly called themselves slaves of God or of Christ (see 1 Tm 6:1; Phm 16). Paradoxically, this latter slavery is the highest human freedom. Cabal, T., Brand, C. O., Clendenen, E. R., Copan, P., Moreland, J. P., Powell, D. (2007). The Apologetics Study Bible: Real Questions, Straight Answers, Stronger Faith (p. 1770). Holman Bible Publishers. The New Testament emphasizes a voluntary (James 4:7) rather than a forced (Luke 10:17) submission. Submission is appropriate in social roles (as citizen or servant, see Rom. 13:1; Titus 2:9). It is also appropriate in Christian interpersonal relationships. Here the image is one of responsiveness and willingness to yield to one another out of love. Richards, L. O. (1987). The teachers commentary (p. 927). Victor Books. Start Owne Wister, an old college friend of Theodore Roosevelt, was visiting him at the White House. Roosevelt's daughter Alice kept running in and out of the room until Wister finally asked if there wasn't something Roosevelt could do to control her. "Well," said the President, "I can do one of two things. I can be President of the United States or I can control Alice. I cannot possibly do both." Bits Pieces, December 9, 1993, p. 16. A manager and a sales rep stood looking at a map on which colored pins indicated the company representative in each area. "I'm not going to fire you, Wilson," the manager said, "but I'm loosening your pin a bit just to emphasize the insecurity of your situation." Bits Pieces, May 26, 1994, Page 9. The work of a Beethoven, and the work of a charwoman, become spiritual on precisely the same condition, that of being offered to God, of being done humbly "as to the Lord." This does not, of course, mean that it is for anyone a mere toss-up whether he should sweep rooms or compose symphonies. A mole must dig to the glory of God and a cock must crow. C.S. Lewis, The Weight of Glory.

Today we're mixing metaphors as we discuss the 30th and final Rhythm at Roosevelt (formerly Rhythm on the River), and other events of Longmont and Boulder County's past. We ask how many cars will drive though buildings, Annie's got the scoop on a new hot pot spot you outta try, and we read some listener emails. Let us know what you'd like to hear us discuss by emailing SideDishLongmont@gmail.com

In the third instalment of our Tunisgrad series, Saul and Roger explore two pivotal moments from early 1943. First, they head to the Casablanca Conference, where Allied leaders Churchill and Roosevelt made the monumental decision to demand the "unconditional surrender" of the Axis powers. Then, we jump into the final, desperate German counter-offensive in Tunisia, Erwin Rommel' 'Last Dance'. Saul breaks down a series of crucial battles, from the initial Axis victories at Sidi Bou Zid and the Kasserine Pass, which exposed weaknesses in the U.S. forces, to the strategic Allied comeback. We'll cover how the Allies regrouped, learned from their mistakes, and ultimately repelled Rommel's last major assaults in Operation Ochsenkopf and the Battle of Medenine, sealing the fate of the North African campaign. If you have any thoughts or questions, you can send them to - podbattleground@gmail.com Producer: James Hodgson X (Twitter): @PodBattleground Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Hello Youtube Members, Patreons and Pacific War week by week listeners. Yes this was intended to be an exclusive episode to join the 29 others over on my Youtube Membership and Patreon, but since we are drawing to the end of the Pacific War week by week series, I felt compelled to make some special episodes to answer some of the bigger questions. Why did Japan, or better said, why did Emperor Hirohito decide to finally surrender? It seems obvious on the face of it, but there is actually a lot more to it than bombs or Soviet invasions. I guess you can call this episode a teaser or a shameless plug for going over to my Youtube Membership or Patreon. There's honestly a lot of interesting subjects such as ‘why was the japanese army so brutal”, “Hirohito's war time responsibility”, “the 4 part Kanji Ishiwara series”. Thus if you liked this one please show some love and check out my other stuff on my Youtube Membership or over at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.   Stating all of that lets just jump right into it.   We first need to start off briefly looking at Emperor Hirohito.    Upon taking the throne, Emperor Hirohito in 1926 Hirohito inherited a financial crisis and a military that was increasingly seizing control of governmental policies. From the beginning, despite what many of you older audience members may have been told, Hirohito intensely followed all military decisions. Hirohito chose when to act and when not to. When the Kwantung Army assassinated Zhang Zuolin, he indulged their insubordination. This emboldened them to invade Manchuria in 1931, whereupon Hirohito was furious and demanded they be reigned in. Attempts were made, but they were heavily undermined by radicals. Hirohito could have put his foot down, but he chose not to. On September 22nd, at 4:20pm Hirohito said to the IJA Chief of General staff, Kanaya Hanzo “although this time it couldn't be helped, the army had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito again acquiesced to the military, despite wanting them to stop or at least localize the conflict. The military had disregarded his wishes, they should have been severely punished. Why did Hirohito not take a firmer stance?    Again for older audience members you may have heard, “hirohito was a hostage at the whim of his own military”. This narrative made it seem he was some sort of hostage emperor, but this is not the case at all. In fact Hirohito was instrumental in many military decisions from 1931-1945. The reason this, I will call it “myth” , went on was because after Japan's surrender, the US basically rewrote the Japanese constitution and covered up the Emperor's involvement in all the nasty stuff, to maintain control over Japan. Yeah it sounds a bit conspiracy esque, but I assure you it was indeed the case. This narrative held firm all the way until Hirohito's death, when finally meeting notes and personal accounts from those close to him came out, illuminating a lot. Though to this day, many records are still red -tapped.   The reason Hirohito did not stamp his foot down has to do with the Kokutai.    The Kokutai   So before I carry on, I have to explain what exactly is the Kokutai.    The Kokutai, loosely translated as "national essence," refers to the qualities that distinguish the Japanese identity. However, this concept is remarkably vague and poorly defined; even Japanese historians acknowledge this ambiguity. In contrast to Kokutai is seitai, or "form of government." While the Kokutai embodies the eternal and immutable aspects of Japanese polity—rooted in history, traditions, and customs centered around the Emperor—Japan's seitai has evolved significantly throughout its extensive history. For instance, shoguns governed for over 700 years until 1868, when the Meiji Restoration reinstated direct imperial rule.   Nevertheless, Emperor Meiji's direct authority came to an end with the adoption of the Meiji Constitution in 1889, which established a constitutional monarchy, introducing significant complexities into the governance system.   Article 4 of the constitution declares: “The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, uniting the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, although subject to the consent of the Imperial Diet.” Under this framework, the Emperor alone possessed the power to appoint or dismiss ministers of state, declare war, negotiate peace, conclude treaties, direct national administration, and command the army and navy.   A glaring flaw in this arrangement is the inherent ambiguity of the Meiji Constitution. While it established a democratic parliament, it simultaneously afforded the Emperor absolute authority to usurp it. The document failed to clearly define the relationships between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, and its language was intentionally vague. Most critically, the military—the army and navy—were not directly accountable to the civilian government.    So with the kokutai, the Emperor is a divine figure who embodies the state's sovereignty. It was not necessarily the Emperor's job to surrender on behalf of the official government of Japan, but he most certainly could do so, given the Japanese people still remained faithful to the kokutai.    Now Hirohito did not live an ordinary life. According to the imperial custom, Japanese royals were raised apart from their parents, at the age of 3 he was placed in the care of the Kwamura family who vowed to raise him to be unselfish, persevering in the face of difficulties, respectful of the views of others and immune to fear. One thing that was absolutely indoctrinated into him was to defend the kokutai. It became his top mission as a monarch, it was the only mission in many ways. At the very core of how he saw the world and how he acted, it was always to protect the kokutai.    So when the Japanese military began these insubordinate acts, Hirohito's primary concern was to the kokutai, ie: anything that threatened his imperial authority and the imperial institution itself. Although the military usurped his authority, the operations had been successful. Hirohito was not at all opposed to seeing his empire expand. He understood the value of manchuria, he was fully onboard with the military plans to eventually seize control over it, but these radicals were accelerating things to quickly for everyone's liking. He turned a blind eye, dished light punishments and carried on. However the local conflict escalated. It traveled to Shanghai by 1932 and here Hirohito took action. He understood Shanghai was full of western powers. Nations like Britain and America could place economic sanctions on Japan if things were allowed to get out of hand here. So he ordered General Yoshinori Shirakawa to bring the Shanghai expedition to a close.    During this period, two factions emerged within the Japanese military: the Kodoha, or “Imperial Way,” and the Toseiha, or “Control” faction. The Kodoha was founded by General Sadao Araki and his protégé, Jinzaburo Masaki. Their primary objective was a Shōwa Restoration aimed at purging Japan of corrupt politicians and businessmen, especially those associated with the zaibatsu. Composed mainly of young army officers, the Kodoha espoused a romanticized and radical interpretation of Bushido, idealizing pre-industrial Japan, which Araki believed had been tainted by Western influences. To achieve their goals, they resorted to assassinations and planned a coup d'état.   In response, the Toseiha faction was formed, initially led by Lt. General Tetsuzan Nagata and later by Hideki Tojo. Like the Kodoha, the Toseiha sought a Shōwa Restoration but adopted a more moderate and conservative approach. They recognized the importance of preserving traditional values while integrating Western ideals, advocating for a balanced perspective. The Toseiha promoted pragmatic military strategies to navigate the complexities of modern warfare. Although they acknowledged the existence of corrupt politicians and zaibatsu, they preferred to work within the existing political system, anticipating that future total wars would necessitate a strengthened industrial and military capacity. Their ranks primarily included promising graduates from the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) Academy, Army Staff College, and select naval members. The most significant distinction between the two factions was that the Toseiha explicitly rejected the use of a coup d'état in pursuit of their goals.   Between 1932-1936 radical officers, mostly of the Kodoha faction assassinated politicians and military leaders trying to usher in a showa restoration. You might be led to believe this was in the interest of Hirohito, you would be mistaken. Hirohito did not want a military dictatorship at the whim of the cult of the emperor. Ironic to say, given how WW2 turns out mind you. This really would have been a hostage situation. Hirohito wanted to maintain the exact ambiguous situation that was Showa Era Japan pre 1945. He saw this as the most ideal structure to defend the kokutai, because blame could not be placed solely upon his shoulders. He always maintained a get out of jail free card one could say.    The February 26 incident of 1936, was the climax of the Kodoha faction. They performed a mutiny trying to usher in a SHowa restoration. They assumed when their messenger came to the emperor he would join them and take direct rule. Instead Hirohito was furious. His first thought was the mutineers were trying to enlist his brother Chichibu to overthrow him. He dragged his brother who was a fraternizer amongst the kodoha members mind you, into a meeting, demanding he never associate with them again nor attempt to challenge him. Then Hirohito furious demanded the mutineers be dealt with. At one point he even threatened to lead the imperial guards to put them down. The coup failed, the kodoha faction was destroyed. Ironically the toseiha faction were the ones to do it and thus they became the defacto ruling clique.    The military, especially the kwantung army did not stop with their insubordination.    On July 8th of 1937 the Kwangtung army performed the Marco Polo Bridge incident, ushering in the second sino-japanese war. This was one of many false flag operations they had pulled off over the years. Upon being told about this Hirohito's first response was whether the USSR would invade Manchukuo over the matter. This is what he said to Prime Minister Konoe and army minister Sugiyama “What will you do if the Soviets attack us from the rear?” he asked the prince. Kan'in answered, “I believe the army will rise to the occasion.” The emperor repeated his question: “That's no more than army dogma. What will you actually do in the unlikely event that Soviet [forces] attack?” The prince said only, “We will have no choice.” His Majesty seemed very dissatisfied. Hirohito furious demanded to know what contingency plans existed and his advisors told him before he gave his red seal of approval to invade northern china.   Henceforth he micromanaged a lot of the military decisions going forward and he oversaw the forming and dissolving of numerous cabinets and positions when things went his way or did not in the military and political scene.  Emperor Hirohito was presented with several opportunities to cause cease-fires or peace settlements during the war years. One of the best possible moments to end it all came during the attack on Nanking when Chiang Kai-sheks military were in disarray. On July 11 of 1938, the commander of the 19th division fought a border clash with the USSR known to us in the west as the battle of Lake Khasan. It was a costly defeat for Japan and in the diary of Harada Kumao he noted Hirohito scolded Army minister Itagaki “Hereafter not a single soldier is to be moved without my permission.” When it looked like the USSR would not press for a counter attack across the border, Hirohito gave the order for offensives in China to recommence, again an example of him deciding when to lay down the hammer.   By 1939 the US began threatening sanctions for what Japan was doing in China. Hirohito complained to his chief aide de camp Hata Shunroku on August 5th “It could be a great blow to scrap metal and oil”. Hirohito was livid and scolded many of his top officials and forced the appointment of General Abe to prime minister and demanded of him “to cooperate with the US and Britain and preserve internal order”.   Fast forward a bit, with war raging in Europe Hirohito, on June 19th of 1940 Hirohito asked if chief of staff Prince Kan'in and Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” This question highlighted Hirohito's belief at that time that Germany was close to achieving victory, which led him to gradually consider deploying troops to French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies since neither of those parent nations was in a position to protect their territories and vital resources. Regarding the war in China, the Japanese aimed to stop the flow of materials entering China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicating that Britain would not agree to block the shipment of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military recognized that an invasion of Hong Kong might be necessary, which would mean declaring war on Britain. When this was communicated to him, Hirohito responded, “If that occurs, I'm sure America will enforce an embargo, don't you think?” In response, Kido, the lord of the privy seal, reassured him by stating, “The nation must be fully prepared to resist, proceeding with caution and avoiding being drawn into events instigated by foreign interests.”   Hirohito went through countless meetings, but eventually signed order number 458 authorizing the invasion of French Indochina, knowing full well the consequences. The US,UK and Netherlands began embargoes of oil, rubber and iron. In the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.   On October 13th Hirohito told his closest advisor Koichi Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.”   The reason I am bringing up all this stuff is to solidify, Hirohito had agency, he was micromanaging and forming decisions. After the war broke out with the west, Hirohito did have the ability to stamp his foot down. Of course there could have been wild repercussions, his military could have usurped him with Chichibu, it was definitely possible. But you need to keep this mind set, as far as why Hirohito acts or doesn't, its always to protect the Kokutai. Thus one of the levers for peace, solely rested on Hirohito's perception if the kokutai could be retained or not.    From the outset of the Pacific War, Hirohito believed Germany was going to defeat the USSR. In line with his military leaders, they all believed Japan had to seize everything they could in the asia-pacific and thwart off the US until a negotiated peace could be met. Hirohito committed himself to overseeing the war, determined to achieve victory at any cost. He was a very cautious leader, he meticulously analyzed each campaign, anticipating potential setbacks and crafting worst-case scenario predictions. He maintained a skeptical view of the reports from his senior officials and was often harshly critical of high commanders.   While he did not frequently visit the front lines like other commanders in chief, Hirohito wielded significant influence over theater operations, shaping both planning and execution whenever he deemed necessary. Similar to his approach during the war in China, he issued the highest military orders from the Imperial Headquarters, conducted audited conferences, and made decisions communicated under his name. He regularly welcomed generals and admirals to the imperial palace for detailed briefings on the battlefront and visited various military bases, battleships, and army and naval headquarters. His inspections encompassed military schools and other significant military institutions, adding to his comprehensive involvement in the war effort.   Now the war went extremely well for Japan until the battle of Midway. This was as major setback, but Japan retained the initiative. Then the Guadalcanal campaign saw Japan lose the initiative to the Americans. Upon receiving the initial report of the Ichiki detachment's destruction, Hirohito remarked, “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” Despite the numerous reports detailing the devastating effects of tropical diseases and starvation on his troops, he persistently demanded greater efforts from them. Hirohito exerted continuous pressure on his naval and land commanders to retake the island. On September 15th, November 5th, and November 11th, he requested additional Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) troops and aircraft to be allocated to the cause.   General Sugiyama expressed concerns about dispatching more IJA pilots due to their inexperience in transoceanic combat, preferring to reinforce the North China Army for an attack on Chongqing instead. Hirohito pressed the issue again, but Sugiyama responded that the IJA had diverted its air resources to New Guinea and Rabaul. Undeterred by the objections from senior commanders, Hirohito persisted in his demands. By late November, it became evident that Guadalcanal was a lost cause.   At an Imperial Headquarters conference on December 31st, 1942, the chiefs of staff proposed canceling the attempts to recapture Guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned this decision but stated, “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” He insisted on this point, leading to the selection of new strategic targets in the Solomons, north of New Georgia, and in the Stanley Range on New Guinea. Hirohito even threatened to withhold authorization for withdrawing troops from Guadalcanal until a new plan was established. He later opposed the withdrawal from Munda Airfield, as it contradicted the newly defined defensive line.   As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern Solomons began to crumble, Hirohito continued to insist that the navy engage in decisive battles to regain the initiative, allowing for the transport of supplies to the many soldiers trapped on various islands. When he learned of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd, he asked, “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for a while.” The phrase “Do this for me” would come to be his signature rallying cry.   After Guadal canal, it was loss after loss for Japan. By February of 1944, Hirohito forced Sugiyama to resign so Hideki Tojo could take his position as chief of the general staff, note Tojo was prime minister and army minister at this point. Hirohito worked alongside Tojo to plan some last ditch efforts to change the war situation. The most significant one was Operation Ichi-Go. As much damage as they did to China with that, Chiang Kai-Shek's government survived. Hirohito watched as island by island fell to the Americans. When the Americans were poised to take Saipan he warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” Saipan fell, so Hirohito stopped supporting Tojo and allowed his rivals to take down his cabinet by june 18th of 1944.    Hirohito remained resolute in his determination to wrest victory from the Allies. On October 18th, the Imperial Headquarters ordered a decisive naval engagement, leading to the Battle of Leyte Gulf. After the war, Hirohito publicly stated, "Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I consented to the showdown battle at Leyte, believing that if we launched an attack and America hesitated, we might find an opportunity to negotiate." Leyte Gulf didnt work. The military began the kamikaze program. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?” On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    The Surrender time   Now we come to the time period where Japan seriously began looking for ways to surrender. In Europe Germany was heading to its defeat and Japan knew this. As for Japan, their army in Burma had been annihilated. Their forces in China were faring better after Operation Ichi-go, having opened up a land corridor along the main railway from Beiping to Wuhan and from throughout Guangdong but still stuck in a deadlock stalemate, facing a guerrilla war that was costing them 64% of their military expenditures. They deeply feared once the Soviets finished up with Germany, they would undoubtedly turn east against Manchuria. With the Soviets attacking from the north, the US would attack from the south, perhaps landing in Shanghai and the home islands. The Kamikaze tactics were proving formidable, but not nearly enough. By 1945, 43% of the IJA were now stationed in Japan, Korea and Formosa, bracing for the final stand. Former prime minister Reijiro Wakatsuki came out of retirement in may of 1945, having heard Germany collapsed, to urge Hirohito and the Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki to open negotiations with the US as soon as possible. However he also said “the enemy must first be made to see the disadvantages of continuing the war”. To this Hirohito's chief counselor Makino Nobuaki said that “the ultimate priority is to develop an advantageous war situation.” Advisor admiral Kesiuke Okada said Japan should wait for “a moment favorable for us,” then make peace. Advisors Kiichiro Hiranuma and Koki Hirota advised the emperor to fight on until the end.   Now I want to bring in a key player to the surrender decision, that of Prince Konoe. Konoe was very close to Hirohito and understood the emperors mentality, especially how he viewed things in relation to the kokutai.    The senior statesman Prince Konoe had been consulting with Hirohito for over 18 months at this point trying to convey the message that if the war continued it would threaten the kokutai. Many months prior, he confided in the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, that the army was suffering from “a cancer” in the form of the Toseiha faction. However, he noted that “Kido and others” did not share his perspective, while “his Majesty is relatively unconcerned with ideological issues.” For the past four years, he continued, the emperor had been advised and still believed that “the true extremists are the Kodoha faction.” In reality, the greater threat to the kokutai arose from the Toseiha faction. Konoe further asserted that if the war escalated, they would attempt to alter the kokutai.   Konoe speculated that whether the threat originated from communists within the nation, primarily referring to left-wing radicals in the Toseiha faction, or from the “Anglo-American enemy,” both would seek to preserve the emperor while pushing towards the country's communization.In his written report to the emperor on February 14, which Kido listened to attentively, Konoe elaborated on his conspiracy theory. He asserted that the Soviet Union regarded Japan as its primary threat in East Asia. The Soviets had allied with the Chinese Communists, the largest and most formidable Communist party in Asia, and were collaborating with the United States and Britain to drive Japan out of China. He warned that they would enter the war when the opportunity arose.   Defeat, he cautioned the emperor, was inevitable if the conflict persisted. However, he emphasized that a far greater fear was the potential destruction of the kokutai. The ongoing war was eroding the domestic status quo, unleashing forces that threatened Japan and its imperial institution from within as much as from external adversaries. The real danger lay in the emperor's and Kido's trust in the generals of the Toseiha faction, who were unintentionally facilitating the communization of Japan. Konoe implored for a swift peace settlement before a Communist revolution emerged, making the preservation of the kokutai impossible. Hirohito agreed with Konoe but stated “ To end the war would be “very difficult unless we make one more military gain.” Konoe allegedly replied, “Is that possible? It must happen soon. If we have to wait much longer, . . . [a mere battle victory] will mean nothing.” Hirohito replied “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.”   On February 15th of 1945, Hirohito's intelligence warned the Soviet Union would likely abrogate its Neutrality Pact with Japan. Even Tojo conceded there was a 50/50 chance the USSR would invade Manchuria. In March, the US began B-29 incendiary bombing raids over Tokyo, turning 40% of the capital into ash. On March 18th, Hirohito with some aides drove around the capital to witness the devastation. The civilians looked exhausted and bewildered to Hirohito. Factory production was collapsing, absenteeism was rising, instances of lese majeste were running rampant. For the next 5 months imperial family members and senior statesmen all began speaking to Hirohito about the “crises of the kokutai”. The threat Konoe had warned about for months was becoming the main talking point. It seemed like the Japanese people within the countryside and urban areas remained steadfast in the resolve to obey their leaders, work and sacrifice for their nation, but for how long would they feel so?    It was only after the battle for Okinawa was lost and 60 Japanese cities had been leveled by American incendiary bombs that Hirohito openly indicated he wanted to negotiate a surrender.   Kido's diary reveals the first clear indication that the emperor might be urged to consider an early peace on June 8, 1945, when Kido drafted his “Draft Plan for Controlling the Crisis Situation.” This marked a pivotal moment. It followed the unintentional bombing of the Imperial Palace, the complete loss of hope for saving Okinawa, and coincided with the day the Supreme War Leadership Council adopted the “Basic Policy for the Future Direction of the War.” With the fighting in Europe concluded, Japan found itself entirely isolated. Kido's plan, although vague, proposed seeking the Soviet Union's assistance as an intermediary to help Japan gain leverage in negotiations with its adversaries. By drafting this plan, Kido signaled the end of his long alliance with the military hard-liners. Hirohito's acceptance of it indicated his readiness for an early peace.   Hirohito was moved to an underground bunker in the mountains of Matsushiro in Nagano prefecture where upon those around him noted he fell into a deep depression. On June 22nd  Hirohito informed the Supreme War Leadership Council he wanted them to open diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. In early July Soviet Ambassador Jacob Malik broke off inconclusive talks with Hirota. Hirohito stepped in immediately and ordered a new special envoy be sent to Moscow. However Hirohito nor the Suzuki government had concrete plans on how to mediate a surrender through the Soviets. The only things they did prioritize was a guarantee of the emperors political position and retainment of the imperial system, ie the kokutai. This was taken into consideration rather than ending the war as quickly as possible to save the lives of millions.    From April 8, 1945, until Japan's capitulation, the Suzuki government's chief war policy was “Ketsugo,” an advanced iteration of the “Shosango” (Victory Number 3) plan for defending the homeland. The hallmark of this strategy was a heavy reliance on suicide tactics, including deploying a massive number of kamikaze “special attack” planes, human torpedoes launched from submarines, dynamite-stuffed “crash boats” powered by truck engines, human rocket bombs carried by aircraft, and suicide assaults by specially trained ground units.   While preparations for Operation Ketsu progressed, the Imperial Diet convened on June 9 to pass a Wartime Emergency Measures Law, along with five additional measures aimed at mobilizing the entire nation for this final battle. On the same day, the emperor, who had yet to initiate efforts to end the war, issued another imperial rescript in conjunction with the Diet's convocation, instructing the nation to “smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations” and “achieve the goals of the war.” Concurrently, the controlled press launched a daily die-for-the-emperor campaign to foster gratitude for the imperial benevolence and, from around mid-July onward, initiated a campaign to “protect the kokutai.”   The Americans countered with their own propaganda aimed at breaking Japan's will to fight. B-29 bombers dropped millions of leaflets written in Japanese, announcing the next scheduled targets for bombing raids and urging surrender, while using the emperor to challenge the militarists. Leaflets bearing the chrysanthemum crest criticized the “military cliques” for “forcing the entire nation to commit suicide” and called on “everyone” to “exercise their constitutional right to make direct appeals [for peace] to the Emperor.” They asserted that “even the powerful military cliques cannot stop the mighty march for peace of the Emperor and the people.” One notable batch of seven million leaflets conveyed the terms of the “joint declaration” issued by the United States, Great Britain, and China. “Today we come not to bomb you,” they stated. “We are dropping this leaflet to inform you of the response from the United States government to your government's request for conditions of surrender.... Whether the war stops immediately depends on your government. You will understand how to end the war if you read these two official notifications.”   Amid pressures from imperial edicts to continue preparations for a final battle and focus solely on victory, the Japanese people were also subjected to an intense American psychological warfare campaign in addition to aerial bombardment. During late July and August, prefectural governors, police chiefs, and officers of the “special higher police” submitted reports to the Home Ministry detailing the rapidly deteriorating national morale.    Now on the other side, Roosevelt made it known back in January of 1943 at the Casablanca conference, the allies would only accept unconditional surrender. By 1945, the allies understood the predicament this left Japan with. On May 8th of 1945, Truman added “Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people” trying to indicate a non vindictive spirit. However the Kokutai question always remained ambiguous. State Department Joseph Grew, the former ambassador to Japan, began arguing to Truman they needed to make public a clear definition of the terms to persuade Japan to surrender. As he argued to Truman: Emperor Hirohito was seen as the key figure in Japan's surrender, likened to a "queen bee in a hive... surrounded by the attentions of the hive." Throughout the war, he was characterized in various ways—as a “puppet” of the militarists, a constitutional monarch, and a pacifist. Grew had immense faith in the influence exerted by what he referred to as the “moderates” surrounding the Japanese throne.    However many of Grew's colleagues argued the future existence of the monarchy was intolerable as it was akin to fascism. Many wanted to punish the emperor. Truman was in a tug of war. The Potsdam declaration issued on July 26th of 1945 came in the form of a ultimatum aiming to quicken japans surrender. Truman clarified the terms for the unconditional surrender at the end of its terms: "We call upon the government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction." Zero mention of the emperor. Grew had argued to add “this may include a constitutional monarchy under the present dynasty.” But it was deleted from the article. The status of the emperor was not guaranteed, the kokutai was thus up in the air.    The next day, the Suzuki cabinet rejected the terms. The Japanese leadership and Hirohito were still banking and awaiting Soviet replies to their terms.    Lets talk about the Soviet talks now   Back on July 12th ambassador Naotake Satō sent this message to the Soviets: “His Majesty the Emperor, mindful of the fact that the present war daily brings greater evil and sacrifice upon the peoples of all the belligerent powers, desires from his heart that it may be quickly terminated. But so long as England and the United States insist upon unconditional surrender, the Japanese Empire has no alternative but to fight on with all its strength for the honor and existence of the Motherland”.  However the Soviets had made commitments to their allies, promising in fact to invade Japan to aid them.    As for the Soviets their primary objective was to ensure unrestricted access to the Pacific Ocean. The year-round ice-free areas of the Soviet Pacific coastline, particularly Vladivostok, could be blockaded by air and sea from Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands. Securing these territories to guarantee free access to the Soya Strait was their main goal. Secondary objectives included acquiring leases for the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Southern Manchuria Railway, as well as gaining control over Dairen and Port Arthur.   To achieve these aims, Stalin and Molotov prolonged negotiations with the Japanese, creating a false sense of hope for a Soviet-mediated peace. Simultaneously, in their discussions with the United States and Britain, the Soviets insisted on strict adherence to the Cairo Declaration, which had been reaffirmed at the Yalta Conference. This declaration stipulated that the Allies would not accept a separate or conditional peace with Japan; thus, the Japanese would need to surrender unconditionally to all the Allies. The Soviets aimed to prolong the war by opposing any efforts to dilute this requirement. This approach would provide the Soviets with the necessary time to complete the transfer of their troops from the Western Front to the Far East and to conquer Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, northern Korea, South Sakhalin, the Kuriles, and potentially Hokkaidō, starting with an assault on Rumoi. AUGUST 1945   Thus we come to at last the critical point, August of 1945.    The Americans prepared for the deployment of atomic bombs and for an invasion of southern Kyushu, known as Operation Olympic, scheduled to commence on November 1. At 8:15 A.M. on August 6, a single B-29 bomber, the Enola Gay dropped little boy, devastating much of the undefended city of Hiroshima, instantly killing an estimated 100,000 to 140,000 people and leading to the deaths of possibly another 100,000 over the next five years. At the epicenter of the explosion, “a light appeared 3,000 times brighter than the sun,” creating a fireball that emitted thermal radiation capable of “instantly scorching humans, trees, and houses.” As the air heated and rushed upward, cold air surged in to ignite a firestorm. Hours later, a whirlwind escalated the flames to their peak until more than eight square miles were virtually reduced to cinders. Subsequently, black, muddy rain filled with radioactive fallout began to fall. Two days later, using Japan's rejection of the Potsdam Declaration as a pretext, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan. Then on August 9, the United States dropped a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki, resulting in the immediate deaths of approximately 35,000 to 40,000 people and injuring more than 60,000.   Meanwhile, in Tokyo, during the critical period between the Potsdam Declaration and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Emperor Hirohito remained silent about accepting the Potsdam terms. However, on July 25 and 31, he explicitly conveyed to Kido that the imperial regalia must be defended at all costs. The three sacred objects—a mirror, a curved jewel, and a sword—symbolized the legitimacy of his rule through the northern court and were integral to his identity as the divine sovereign. Hirohito's focus was on protecting these symbols of office, as he insisted on having them brought to the palace. This fixation on maintaining his symbols occurred during a pivotal moment when the pressing issue was whether to accept immediate capitulation. Reflecting on this, he was unprepared to seize the opportunity to end the war himself.   Prime Minister Suzuki, following his initial rejection of the Potsdam ultimatum, also saw no need for further action. His Cabinet Advisory Council, which included the president of Asano Cement, the founder of the Nissan consortium, the vice president of the Bank of Japan, and other representatives from the nation's leading business interests that had profited significantly from the war, convened on the morning of August 3. They recommended accepting the Potsdam terms, arguing that the United States would permit Japan to retain its non-military industries and continue participating in world trade.    Here are some reactions to the two bombs and invasion of Manchuria.    Yonai Mitsumasa said to admiral Takagi Sokichi, on August 12, that “I think the term is perhaps inappropriate, but the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war are, in a sense, gifts from the gods [tenyu, also “heaven-sent blessings”]. This way we don't have to say that we quit the war because of domestic circumstances. I've long been advocating control of our crisis, but neither from fear of an enemy attack nor because of the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war. The main reason is my anxiety over the domestic situation. So, it is rather fortunate that we can now control matters without revealing the domestic situation”.    Konoe's characterized the Soviet involvement in the war as “a godsend for controlling the army,”. Kido viewed of both the atomic bombings and the Soviet entry into the conflict as “useful” elements for ensuring a smooth transition. A nascent power struggle was unfolding, rendering the potential death toll—whether one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand—immaterial to those involved, as long as their desired outcome was achieved: an end to the war that would leave the monarchy intact and capable of managing the discontent that defeat would inevitably provoke. Throughout the final acts of this wartime drama, the Japanese “moderates” found it easier to capitulate to external pressures than to take decisive action on their own to conclude the war.   Another illuminating looks at Japan's elite's perspective on surrender terms was the document titled “Essentials of Peace Negotiations” (wahei kosho no yoryo). Drafted by Konoe and his adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Sakai Koji, after Konoe had reluctantly accepted a mission to Moscow, this document, stipulated the preservation of the emperor system, along with most of the imperial prerogatives, as the absolute minimum condition for peace. It defined the “original” or “essential homeland” as including the southern half of the Kurile Islands but showed a willingness to concede all overseas territories to the enemy, including Okinawa and the American-occupied Bonin Islands, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin. The “Essentials” also accepted complete disarmament for an unspecified period, thereby compromising on the issues of demobilizing and disarming the armed forces. More significantly, an “explanation” attached to the “Essentials” emphasized that “the main aim is to secure the imperial line and maintain the political role of the emperor.”    Why Japan surrendered   We come to it atleast after a long podcast. Why did Japan ultimately surrender?   The twin psychological shocks of the first atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war, combined with Kido's and the emperor's concern over escalating public criticism of the throne and its occupant, fueled an almost paranoid fear that, sooner or later, the populace would react violently against their leaders if the war persisted much longer. These factors ultimately led Hirohito to accept, in principle, the terms of the Potsdam Declaration.   At the first meeting of the six member constituents of the Supreme War Leadership Council, held from 10:30 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. on August 9, Army Minister Anami Korechika, Chiefs of Staff Umezu Yoshijiro, representing the army, and Yonai, representing the navy, along with Tōgō, from the Foreign Ministry, were expected to discuss the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. Instead, the conversation revolved around whether to attempt a conditional surrender—specifically, should they insist on one condition, the preservation of the kokutai, or four?   After Suzuki addressed the assembly regarding the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and the Soviet attack, Yonai, as recounted by Navy Chief of Staff Toyoda, was the first to speak, framing the issue in terms of four conditions. “Let's start to talk, Do we accept the Potsdam Declaration with no conditions? If not, and we wish to insist on attaching hopes and conditions, we may do so this way. First, preservation of the kokutai; then for the rest, the main items in the Potsdam Declaration: treatment of war criminals, method of disarmament, and the matter of sending in an army of occupation.” Thus, the participants identified what they perceived to be the ambiguous points within the Potsdam Declaration and used them as the foundation for their discussions.   The army insisted on four conditions: First, the preservation of the kokutai, which they considered distinct from the Potsdam Declaration itself. The other conditions proposed were, second, that the Imperial Headquarters assume responsibility for disarmament and demobilization; third, a prohibition on occupation; and fourth, the delegation of the punishment of war criminals to the Japanese government. The army equated the kokutai with the emperor's right of supreme command. Their self-serving desire for autonomous war crimes trials was based on the belief that the Allies would use such trials to politically indict the military. Consequently, army leaders aimed to preempt the activities of any international tribunal by conducting their own trials—similar to the approach taken by the uninvaded and unrepentant Germans after World War I.   Supporting the military's views during cabinet meetings that day were three civilian members of the Suzuki cabinet: Justice Minister Matsuzaka Hiromasa, Home Minister Yasui Toji, and Minister of Health Okada Tadahiko. At the imperial conference that night, which extended into the early hours of the tenth, Foreign Minister Tōgō's interpretation of the “preservation of the kokutai” referred solely to the safeguarding of the Imperial House or dynasty, rather than the continuation of Hirohito's reign.   Hiranuma, another advocate for the single condition, interpreted the kokutai as the “emperor's sovereign right to rule the state [not] deriving from national law. Even if the entire nation is sacrificed to the war, we must preserve both the kokutai and the security of the imperial house.” This discrepancy illustrated that there was no completely unified understanding of what the kokutai entailed; the debate over one condition versus four represented conflicting visions for the future of the Japanese state and masked the competition for political power that was already unfolding.   It remains doubtful whether the emperor and Kido initially sided with Tōgō against the four conditions proposed by the senior military leaders. A more likely inference is that both men retained sympathies for the hardliners, both military and civilian, who preferred to continue the futile war rather than surrender immediately and unconditionally. This may explain why, on August 9, Konoe had Hosokawa Morisada approach Navy General Headquarters to urge the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, to pressure Hirohito (through Kido) to accept the Potsdam terms. Later that afternoon, Konoe enlisted the help of diplomat Shigemitsu Mamoru to persuade Kido to reconsider his stance on the four conditions. Ultimately, at the urging of Takamatsu and Shigemitsu, Kido did shift to support Tōgō's position.   At the end of the war, as at its beginning and throughout every stage of its progression, Emperor Hirohito played a highly active role in supporting the actions carried out in his name. From the very beginning of the Asia-Pacific war, the emperor played a significant role in the unfolding events around him. Prior to the Battle of Okinawa, he consistently advocated for a decisive victory. Afterward, he acknowledged the necessity of pursuing an early peace, although he did not favor an immediate cessation of hostilities. Instead, he wavered, steering Japan toward ongoing warfare rather than direct negotiations with the Allies. When the final crisis fully unfolded, the only option left was unconditional surrender. Even then, he continued to procrastinate until the atomic bomb was dropped and the Soviets launched their attack. The wartime emperor ideology that once sustained morale made it exceedingly difficult for Japan's leaders to accept the act of surrender. Aware of their objective defeat, yet indifferent to the suffering the war inflicted on their own people—as well as on the populations of Asia, the Pacific, and the West whose lives they had disrupted—the emperor and his military leaders sought a means to lose without appearing to lose. They aimed to mitigate domestic criticism following surrender while preserving their power structure.   Blinded by their fixation on the fate of the imperial house and committed to an overly optimistic diplomacy toward the Soviet Union, Japan's leaders missed several opportunities to end their lost war. Would Japan's leaders have surrendered more promptly if the Truman administration had “clarified” the status of the emperor before the cataclysmic double shocks of the atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war? Probably not. However, it is likely they would have surrendered to prevent the kokutai from being destroyed from within. The evidence suggests that the first atomic bomb and the Soviet declaration of war led Hirohito, Kido, and other members of the court to believe that continuing the war would inevitably result in that destruction. They recognized that the populace was war-weary and despondent, with rising hostility toward the military and the government, accompanied by increasing criticism of the emperor himself. More specifically, Kido and Hirohito were privy to Home Ministry reports, which contained information from governors and police chiefs nationwide. These reports indicated that citizens were beginning to label the emperor as an incompetent leader responsible for the deteriorating war situation.   This is the third variable, never spoken about. Many first look at the atomic bombs. Bigger brain people turn to the Soviet Invasion of Manchuria. But hardly anyone reads about how the collapse of Japan's social fabric, scared the shit out of the Emperor and his closest advisors. You can't have a kokutai, without a populace that worshiped you.    When the emperor expressed in February, “What worries me is whether the nation [could] endure” long enough to achieve victory, he was not merely voicing concern for the suffering of his subjects; rather, he feared that such suffering could lead to social upheaval—in short, revolution. At that time, he referred to the ordinary, war-related hardships of food shortages, air raids, devastated cities, destruction of homes, and the omnipresent grief from the loss of loved ones. The atomic bomb escalated death, pain, and suffering to unimaginably higher levels, intensifying the threat from within. After the bombings of Japan and two atomic bombs, Hirohito was in a dark way, given a golden get out of jail free card. Hirohito could now save his suffering people from further anguish by surrendering, allowing him to deflect responsibility for leading them into misery while adopting an air of benevolence and care. Indeed, Hirohito did care—though not primarily for the Japanese people, but rather for the survival of his own imperial house and throne.   After the bombing of Hiroshima, Hirohito delayed for a full two days before instructing Kido, shortly before 10 A.M. on August 9, to “quickly control the situation” because “the Soviet [Union]” had declared war. Kido immediately communicated with Prime Minister Suzuki, who began arrangements for an Imperial Conference scheduled for later that night. Following the seidan of August 10, Chief Cabinet Secretary Sakomizu took charge of drafting the “Imperial Rescript Ending the War” based on Hirohito's directives. Assisted by two scholars of the Chinese classics, Kawada Mizuho and Yasuoka Masahiro, Sakomizu worked tirelessly for over three days before submitting a version of the rescript to the Suzuki cabinet. After six hours of contentious discussion on the night of August 14, the cabinet modified and approved the document. Hirohito promptly signed it, and Shimomura and Kido persuaded him to record a suitably opaque final version for broadcast to the nation.   On the night of August 14, the Suzuki government notified the United States and other Allied nations that it had accepted both the Potsdam Declaration and the Byrnes letter of August 11. Accelerating the emperor's actions during this climactic moment of the unconditional surrender drama was the American psychological warfare campaign. When a leaflet dropped from B-29 bombers came into Kido's possession on the night of August 13 or the morning of the fourteenth, he conferred with the emperor and explained the gravity of the situation. The latest enemy leaflets were informing the Japanese people of the government's notification of surrender under one condition, along with the full text of Byrnes's response. If this continued, it would undermine the imperial government's reliance on secrecy to obscure the true nature of the lost war and the reasons for the prolonged surrender delay.   Given Kido's and the emperor's concerns about rising signs of defeatism, including criticism of the throne, immediate action was necessary to prevent the populace from acting on their own initiative. Thus, the second seidan was convened. At noon on August 15, the Japanese people gathered around their radio receivers and heard, for the first time, the high-pitched voice of their emperor telling them:    “After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in Our Empire today, We have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered Our Government to communicate to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that Our Empire accepts the provisions of their Joint Declaration. To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of Our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by Our Imperial Ancestors and which lies close to Our heart. Indeed, We declared war on America and Britain out of Our sincere desire to ensure Japan's self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from Our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone—the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of Our servants of the State, and the devoted service of Our one hundred million people—the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan's advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest. Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable”.   Clearly Hirohito sought to justify his decision to surrender by citing the dropping of the atomic bombs. He wanted to become the saviour of the Japanese people. Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai.  Interestingly, the surrender declaration to the civilian population was not the same one sent to the military. On August 17th Hirohito issued a second “rescript to soldiers and sailors” throughout the asia-pacific.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The lesser-known August 17 rescript to the army and navy specified Soviet participation as the sole reason for surrender, while maintaining the kokutai as the primary aim. Dissembling until the end—and even beyond—it was noted that the emperor presented two different justifications for his delayed surrender. Both statements were likely true.   Months later Hirohito's said this about his decision to surrender “The main motive behind my decision at that time was that if we . . . did not act, the Japanese race would perish and I would be unable to protect my loyal subjects [sekishi—literally, “children”]. Second, Kido agreed with me on the matter of defending the kokutai. If the enemy landed near Ise Bay, both Ise and Atsuta Shrines would immediately come under their control. There would be no time to transfer the sacred treasures [regalia] of the imperial family and no hope of protecting them. Under these circumstances, protection of the kokutai would be difficult. For these reasons, I thought at the time that I must make peace even at the sacrifice of myself.”    There exists this sort of childish argument today whether it was the atomic bombs or the Soviet Invasion that caused Japan to surrender. However, this overlooks as I think I've explained in 9000 words jeez, the influence of the kokutai. Defending the kokutai was Hirohito's number one priority. The Soviets threatened it. Communism threatened it. What Japan perceived to be “democracy” threatened it. American victory threatened it. And the destruction of Japan's social fabric threatened it. I love this one piece of history, that I have only come across in one book, that being the main one I am using here.   On August 12th, Hirohito came to the imperial family to tell them he had made the decision to surrender. His uncle Prince Yasuhiko Asaka asked him whether the war would be continued if the kokutai could not be preserved. Hirohito replied “of course”.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

Conrad Black offers an insider's view of the Trump White House, describing a very positive, informal, and busy atmosphere. He notes the president's decisiveness, courtesy to subordinates, and long workdays, with constant activity in the Oval Office. Black contrasts this informal style with Roosevelt and Nixon, suggesting it's a "three-ring circus" that nonetheless works due to Trump's methods. He also touches on Canadian perceptions, acknowledging Trump's work ethic despite political differences.EV 1937 FDR

CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR SHOW SCHEDULE  9-12-25 GOOD EVENING. THE SHOW BEGINS IN GAZA WITH THE GOAL OF DEHAMASIFICATION.. FIRST HOUR 9-915 John Bolton criticizes the "two-state solution" as a dead idea post-October 7th, proposing a "three-state solution" where Gaza returns to Egypt or is divided, and the West Bank is managed by Israel and Jordan. He emphasizes "De-Hamasification" as crucial and humanitarian, arguing that Arab nations, particularly Egypt, resist taking Gazan refugees due to fears of importing Hamas/Muslim Brotherhood influence. Bolton believes this is necessary for a stable future in the region. 915-930 Lorenzo Fiori shares a traditional Milanese recipe for "rice with saffron" (risotto alla Milanese), often served at La Scalagala dinners, describing it as delicious and creamy with parmesan cheese. He recommends pairing it with Italian wines like Barolo or Barbaresco from Piedmont. Fiori also discusses Italy's economic concerns regarding political instability in France and Germany, and the ongoing international interest in NATO events. 930-945 Gene Marks describes a mixed economic picture, noting that a national "slowdown" isn't universally felt, with many small businesses thriving. He highlights challenges like rising healthcare costs, spurring interest in self-insurance and health reimbursement arrangements. Marks discusses AI's impact on the workforce, specifically reducing sales and tech roles in large companies like Salesforce, but predicts a surge in demand for skilled trades not easily replaced by AI. 945-1000 CONTINUED Gene Marks describes a mixed economic picture, noting that a national "slowdown" isn't universally felt, with many small businesses thriving. He highlights challenges like rising healthcare costs, spurring interest in self-insurance and health reimbursement arrangements. Marks discusses AI's impact on the workforce, specifically reducing sales and tech roles in large companies like Salesforce, but predicts a surge in demand for skilled trades not easily replaced by AI. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 Jim McTague reports from Lancaster County, PA, challenging the narrative of an economic slowdown. He shares examples of busy local businesses like "Phil the painter" who has never been busier. McTague observes a trend of housing price cuts, but notes vibrant local tourism and events. He highlights the significant economic boost from two new data centers, creating 600-1000 construction jobs and 150 permanent positions, bringing the county into the 21st century. 1015-1030 Max Meizlish, a senior research analyst, highlights how Chinese money laundering networks are fueling America's fentanyl epidemic by cleaning drug proceeds for Mexican cartels. These networks also enable wealthy Chinese nationals to bypass capital control 1030-1045 Richard Epstein discusses federal district court judges defying presidential orders, attributing it to a breakdown of trust and the president's "robust view of executive power" that disregards established procedures and precedents. He explains that judges may engage in "passive resistance" or "cheating in self-defense" when they perceive the president acting for political reasons or abusing power, such as in budget cuts or dismissals. Epstein also links this distrust to gerrymandering and increasing political polarization1045-1100 Richard Epstein discusses federal district court judges defying presidential orders, attributing it to a breakdown of trust and the president's "robust view of executive power" that disregards established procedures and precedents. He explains that judges may engage in "passive resistance" or "cheating in self-defense" when they perceive the president acting for political reasons or abusing power, such as in budget cuts or dismissals. Epstein also links this distrust to gerrymandering and increasing political polarization. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 Henry Sokolski addresses the critical challenge of the US power grid meeting AI data center demands, which are projected to require gigawatt-scale facilities and vastly increased electricity by 2030. He questions who bears the risk and cost of this buildout, advocating for AI companies to fund their own power generation. Sokolski also discusses the debate around nuclear power as a solution and Iran's suspect nuclear weapons program, highlighting the complexities of snapback sanctions and accounting for uranium. 1115-1130 CONTINUED Henry Sokolski addresses the critical challenge of the US power grid meeting AI data center demands, which are projected to require gigawatt-scale facilities and vastly increased electricity by 2030. He questions who bears the risk and cost of this buildout, advocating for AI companies to fund their own power generation. Sokolski also discusses the debate around nuclear power as a solution and Iran's suspect nuclear weapons program, highlighting the complexities of snapback sanctions and accounting for uranium.1130-1145 Professor John Cochrane of the Hoover Institution attributes current inflation to the fiscal theory of the price level. He explains that massive government spending, such as the $5 trillion borrowed during COVID-19 with $3 trillion printed by the Fed, combined with no credible plan for repayment, directly causes inflation. Cochrane differentiates this from monetarism, noting that quantitative easing (printing money and taking back bonds) did not lead to inflation. He emphasizes that the 2022 inflation spike was a loss of confidence in the government's ability to pay its debts. Successful disinflations, he argues, require a combination of monetary, fiscal, and microeconomic reforms. 1145-1200 Professor John Cochrane of the Hoover Institution attributes current inflation to the fiscal theory of the price level. He explains that massive government spending, such as the $5 trillion borrowed during COVID-19 with $3 trillion printed by the Fed, combined with no credible plan for repayment, directly causes inflation. Cochrane differentiates this from monetarism, noting that quantitative easing (printing money and taking back bonds) did not lead to inflation. He emphasizes that the 2022 inflation spike was a loss of confidence in the government's ability to pay its debts. Successful disinflations, he argues, require a combination of monetary, fiscal, and microeconomic reforms.FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 Conrad Black offers an insider's view of the Trump White House, describing a very positive, informal, and busy atmosphere. He notes the president's decisiveness, courtesy to subordinates, and long workdays, with constant activity in the Oval Office. Black contrasts this informal style with Roosevelt and Nixon, suggesting it's a "three-ring circus" that nonetheless works due to Trump's methods. He also touches on Canadian perceptions, acknowledging Trump's work ethic despite political differences.EV1215-1230 Brandon Weichert highlights the immense power demands of AI and AGI data centers, requiring gigawatts of electricity and facing significant regulatory hurdles. He discusses the potential weaponization of AI, noting human nature's tendency to weaponize new technologies. Weichert shares personal experiences with AI tools like Grok, Gemini, and Claude, including instances of AI "diversion" rather than hallucination. He emphasizes the need to master this technology, as the substantial investment ensures its permanence.1230-1245 Bob Zimmerman details SpaceX's expanding Starlink reach, including a $17 billion deal to acquire Echostar's FCCspectrum licenses, ensuring Echostar's survival by partnering rather than competing. He also reports on Starship Super Heavy's 10th test flight, where metal thermal tiles failed but significant lessons were learned, with plans for an 11th flight and version three development. NASA's Dragonfly mission to Titan is vastly over budget and behind schedule, risking failure. China's technological exports, including drones and EVs, pose surveillance risks due to government control.1245-100 AM CONTINUED Bob Zimmerman details SpaceX's expanding Starlink reach, including a $17 billion deal to acquire Echostar's FCCspectrum licenses, ensuring Echostar's survival by partnering rather than competing. He also reports on Starship Super Heavy's 10th test flight, where metal thermal tiles failed but significant lessons were learned, with plans for an 11th flight and version three development. NASA's Dragonfly mission to Titan is vastly over budget and behind schedule, risking failure. China's technological exports, including drones and EVs, pose surveillance risks due to government control.

Japan devastated the United States' fleet with a surprise attack at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii on December 7th, 1941.  The Japanese followed up on their Pearl Harbor attack by seizing Guam, Wake Island, Hong Kong, Singapore, and the Philippines.  The Japanese seemed almost unstoppable while the United States asked itself, “What are we going to do, or what can we do, now?”  With direction from President Roosevelt to strike Japan, the United States came up with a plan.   On April 18, 1942, sixteen U.S. Army bombers took off from the USS Hornet on a one-way mission to bomb Japan.  James Scott explains how this raid was planned and executed in “Target Tokyo: Jimmy Doolittle and the Raid that Avenged Pearl Harbor.”  Equally important, Scott explains the outsized impact of the raid on United States' morale and Japan's sense of security.

A spellbinding look at the history of the world through the stories of twelve carpets Beautiful, sensuous, and enigmatic, great carpets follow power. Emperors, shahs, sultans and samurai crave them as symbols of earthly domination. Shamans and priests desire them to evoke the spiritual realm. The world's 1% hunger after them as displays of extreme status. And yet these seductive objects are made by poor and illiterate weavers, using the most basic materials and crafts; hedgerow plants for dyes, fibres from domestic animals, and the millennia-old skills of interweaving warps, wefts and knots. In Threads of Empire: A History of the World in Twelve Carpets (St. Martin's Press, 2025), Dorothy Armstrong tells the histories of some of the world's most fascinating carpets, exploring how these textiles came into being then were transformed as they moved across geography and time in the slipstream of the great. She shows why the world's powerful were drawn to them, but also asks what was happening in the weavers' lives, and how they were affected by events in the world outside their tent, village or workshop. In its wide-ranging examination of these dazzling objects, from the 5th century BCE contents of the tombs of Scythian chieftains, to the carpets under the boots of Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill at the 1945 Yalta Peace Conference, Threads of Empire uncovers a new, hitherto hidden past right beneath our feet. Dorothy Armstrong is a historian of the material culture of South, Central and West Asia. She has taught at the Royal College of Art, Edinburgh College of Art and the University of Oxford. She was the Beattie Fellow in Carpet Studies at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, where she is now honorary research fellow. Threads of Empire is her first book. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube Channel here Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

A spellbinding look at the history of the world through the stories of twelve carpets Beautiful, sensuous, and enigmatic, great carpets follow power. Emperors, shahs, sultans and samurai crave them as symbols of earthly domination. Shamans and priests desire them to evoke the spiritual realm. The world's 1% hunger after them as displays of extreme status. And yet these seductive objects are made by poor and illiterate weavers, using the most basic materials and crafts; hedgerow plants for dyes, fibres from domestic animals, and the millennia-old skills of interweaving warps, wefts and knots. In Threads of Empire: A History of the World in Twelve Carpets (St. Martin's Press, 2025), Dorothy Armstrong tells the histories of some of the world's most fascinating carpets, exploring how these textiles came into being then were transformed as they moved across geography and time in the slipstream of the great. She shows why the world's powerful were drawn to them, but also asks what was happening in the weavers' lives, and how they were affected by events in the world outside their tent, village or workshop. In its wide-ranging examination of these dazzling objects, from the 5th century BCE contents of the tombs of Scythian chieftains, to the carpets under the boots of Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill at the 1945 Yalta Peace Conference, Threads of Empire uncovers a new, hitherto hidden past right beneath our feet. Dorothy Armstrong is a historian of the material culture of South, Central and West Asia. She has taught at the Royal College of Art, Edinburgh College of Art and the University of Oxford. She was the Beattie Fellow in Carpet Studies at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, where she is now honorary research fellow. Threads of Empire is her first book. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube Channel here Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

A spellbinding look at the history of the world through the stories of twelve carpets Beautiful, sensuous, and enigmatic, great carpets follow power. Emperors, shahs, sultans and samurai crave them as symbols of earthly domination. Shamans and priests desire them to evoke the spiritual realm. The world's 1% hunger after them as displays of extreme status. And yet these seductive objects are made by poor and illiterate weavers, using the most basic materials and crafts; hedgerow plants for dyes, fibres from domestic animals, and the millennia-old skills of interweaving warps, wefts and knots. In Threads of Empire: A History of the World in Twelve Carpets (St. Martin's Press, 2025), Dorothy Armstrong tells the histories of some of the world's most fascinating carpets, exploring how these textiles came into being then were transformed as they moved across geography and time in the slipstream of the great. She shows why the world's powerful were drawn to them, but also asks what was happening in the weavers' lives, and how they were affected by events in the world outside their tent, village or workshop. In its wide-ranging examination of these dazzling objects, from the 5th century BCE contents of the tombs of Scythian chieftains, to the carpets under the boots of Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill at the 1945 Yalta Peace Conference, Threads of Empire uncovers a new, hitherto hidden past right beneath our feet. Dorothy Armstrong is a historian of the material culture of South, Central and West Asia. She has taught at the Royal College of Art, Edinburgh College of Art and the University of Oxford. She was the Beattie Fellow in Carpet Studies at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, where she is now honorary research fellow. Threads of Empire is her first book. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube Channel here Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

A spellbinding look at the history of the world through the stories of twelve carpets Beautiful, sensuous, and enigmatic, great carpets follow power. Emperors, shahs, sultans and samurai crave them as symbols of earthly domination. Shamans and priests desire them to evoke the spiritual realm. The world's 1% hunger after them as displays of extreme status. And yet these seductive objects are made by poor and illiterate weavers, using the most basic materials and crafts; hedgerow plants for dyes, fibres from domestic animals, and the millennia-old skills of interweaving warps, wefts and knots. In Threads of Empire: A History of the World in Twelve Carpets (St. Martin's Press, 2025), Dorothy Armstrong tells the histories of some of the world's most fascinating carpets, exploring how these textiles came into being then were transformed as they moved across geography and time in the slipstream of the great. She shows why the world's powerful were drawn to them, but also asks what was happening in the weavers' lives, and how they were affected by events in the world outside their tent, village or workshop. In its wide-ranging examination of these dazzling objects, from the 5th century BCE contents of the tombs of Scythian chieftains, to the carpets under the boots of Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill at the 1945 Yalta Peace Conference, Threads of Empire uncovers a new, hitherto hidden past right beneath our feet. Dorothy Armstrong is a historian of the material culture of South, Central and West Asia. She has taught at the Royal College of Art, Edinburgh College of Art and the University of Oxford. She was the Beattie Fellow in Carpet Studies at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, where she is now honorary research fellow. Threads of Empire is her first book. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube Channel here Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

In this episode, Saul and Roger dive into the chaotic opening moves of the Tunisian campaign, covering Operation Torch and the frantic "Race for Tunis." Together they explore how the Allied invasion of North Africa, a strategic compromise between Roosevelt and Churchill, was meant to catch the Axis off guard but instead led to a desperate dash for the Tunisian capital. They'll detail the swift German response as they air-lifted troops into Tunis, establishing a strong defensive perimeter that would hold for months. They also break down the key battles, including the Allied defeats at Tebourba and Medjez el Bab, where superior German defences and coordinated counterattacks halted the Allied advance. Finally they look in detail at the first bloody attempt to take the strategically vital Longstop Hill in December 1942, a key position that would only fall to the Allies months later. Find out why the Axis emerged victorious in these initial clashes and what this meant for the rest of the campaign. If you have any thoughts or questions, you can send them to - podbattleground@gmail.com Producer: James Hodgson X (Twitter): @PodBattleground Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On today's episode, we talk about a little-remembered presidential visit in the wake of Pearl Harbor - Christmas, 1941, when Winston Churchill risked the U-boats of the Atlantic to visit his new allies in the White House.

Author, comedian, and economic commentator Dominic Frisby joins The Winston Marshall Show for a sweeping conversation on money, empire, and the collapse of the postwar consensus.Frisby, whose viral songs made him an unlikely folk hero, turns here to the themes of his new book The Secret History of Gold. He explains why money is the “blood of society,” how Nixon's 1971 decision to abandon the gold standard set the stage for endless inflation, and why fiat money is driving inequality, debt, and the anger fuelling populist revolts from Trump's Rust Belt to Javier Milei in ArgentinaThey trace the story back to Bretton Woods, Roosevelt's gold confiscation, and the technocrats who used paper money to expand the modern state. Frisby warns that today's bloated governments, trapped in debt and endless money-printing. But can gold or Bitcoin restore trust and prosperity?All this—the golden age of Britain, the fiat fraud of the 20th century, Javier Milei's revolution, and why fixing money is the key to fixing the West…-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------To see more exclusive content and interviews consider subscribing to my substack here: https://www.winstonmarshall.co.uk/-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------FOLLOW ME ON SOCIAL MEDIA:Substack: https://www.winstonmarshall.co.uk/X: https://twitter.com/mrwinmarshallInsta: https://www.instagram.com/winstonmarshallLinktree: https://linktr.ee/winstonmarshall----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Chapters 0:00 Dominic Frisbee's Introduction and Background 3:12 The Role of Money in Society7:12 Historical Context of Money Systems 11:59 The Impact of the New Deal and World Wars 16:10 The Role of Austrian Economists and Neoliberalism 29:03 The Globalisation Debate35:41 The Success of Javier Milei in Argentina44:20 The Role of Cryptocurrencies and Bitcoin1:01:14 The Success of Trump's Tariffs 1:06:54 Lincoln's Revenue Protection and the American Civil War 1:10:28 The Role of Prohibition and Income Tax 1:13:41 Critique of Income Tax and Wealth Inequality1:19:52 The Pursuit of Wealth and Higher Goals1:20:42 Conclusion and Future Discussion Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Steven Rinella talks with author Nathalia Holt, Randall Williams, Phil Taylor, and Corinne Schneider. Topics discussed: Nathalia's new book, "The Beast In The Clouds: The Roosevelt Brothers' Deadly Quest to Find the Mythical Giant Panda" is out!; get presale tickets for MeatEater's Christmas Tour 2025 starting 9/22; the epitome of the bear to find; Roosevelt as a good dad; an expedition to China by foot in an area of no roads; museums and zoos; finding prints in the snow; simultaneous shooting; the gentle giant; collection is paramount; and more. Connect with Steve and The MeatEater Podcast Network Steve on Instagram and Twitter MeatEater on Instagram, Facebook, Twitter, and YouTubeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Was the Grand Alliance simply a partnership born of necessity? Or was it also a missed opportunity for post-war civilizational cooperation among the United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union? Once it became clear that the Allies would eventually defeat Hitler's Germany, the varying post-war ambitions and political goals of Stalin, Churchill and Roosevelt quickly brought cooperation to an end. Humanities West asks on the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II: What were Stalin's strategic goals for Russia's and its neighbors' futures as victory became assured? How did Churchill's strategies to retain as much as possible of the British Empire interfere with those goals? And was an aging Roosevelt capable of thwarting both those strategies and imposing, however inadequately and insincerely, a vision of Pax Americana on the globe? "From Their Archives" Norman Naimark will attempt to untangle what Stalin was thinking about how he wanted to shape the future once it was clear that the Allies would win the war. There is much we still do not know about Stalin's “real” intentions, but the opening of the Soviet archives for research in the 1990s offer important insights into the way the Soviet dictator thought about the world. "In Their Own Words" Ian Morris will convey, in their own words, Churchill's and Roosevelt's perspectives on the Grand Alliance and the post-war world order. Churchill: I can never trust Stalin but can in the fullness of time talk around Roosevelt; and even without India, we can rebuild the world with the British Empire at its core. Roosevelt: I can usually handle Stalin and can always flatter Churchill; it's the Republicans I can't abide. But even without them, we can rebuild the world with democracy and American money at its core. "Walking in a Father's WWII Footsteps" Bill Hammond will describe walking in a father's WWII footsteps, an October 2023 trip to Europe he took with two of his brothers, where they traced their father's path from his landing at Salerno, Italy, through Avellino, Monte Cassino and Rome, to his landing on the French Riviera at St. Raphael, and then up through Draguignan, Remiremont and the Foret Domaniale du Champ du Feu, earning two silver stars and two purple hearts before crossing the Rhine in a dash through southern Germany to finish the war near Kufstein, Austria. A Humanities Member-led Forum program. Forums at the Club are organized and run by volunteer programmers who are members of The Commonwealth Club, and they cover a diverse range of topics. Learn more about our Forums. In association with Humanities West. Organizer: George Hammond  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Send us a textThe United States and China are engaged in a high-stakes AI race with profound implications for global power, but America's short-term thinking puts it at a significant disadvantage against China's long-term strategy.• China is implementing AI in grade schools while creating superior AI systems like Deep Seek at lower costs• For every American STEM graduate, China produces eight, creating a widening knowledge gap• America's infrastructure investment has fallen to less than 1% of GDP while China invests 45% in domestic and global infrastructure• The US dollar has depreciated 10% this year as BRICS nations increasingly bypass dollar-based trade• Chinese youth consume educational content on their version of TikTok while American platforms optimize for rage and entertainment• America needs Roosevelt-style policies focusing on infrastructure, education, and strategic R&D• The solution lies in American history - learning from Roosevelt-era leadership to build a renaissance• Without urgent action, America risks entering its own "century of humiliation"Wake up America! Get out of this ADHD cycle. We need to turn around our nation's trajectory by focusing on long-term goals and strategic investments before it's too late.Follow Saji Madapat at ....His Websitehttps://www.theyyam.us/aboutLink to The Gods Must Be Crazy 2 Bookhttps://www.theyyam.us/gods-must-be-crazy-2/englishLink to The Gods Must Be Crazy Bookhttps://www.theyyam.us/gods-must-be-crazy/englishYouTubehttps://www.youtube.com/@Tiger-RiderLinkedInhttps://www.linkedin.com/in/goodtogreat/Nuvumeshttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DEVstljAV4YSupport the showFollow your host atYouTube and Rumble for video contenthttps://www.youtube.com/channel/UCUxk1oJBVw-IAZTqChH70aghttps://rumble.com/c/c-4236474Facebook to receive updateshttps://www.facebook.com/EliasEllusion/Twitter (yes, I refuse to call it X)https://x.com/politicallyht LinkedIn https://www.linkedin.com/in/eliasmarty/

En este episodio de El Resaltador de la Realidad analizamos cuatro temas clave de la actualidad en Puerto Rico:El debate sobre la creación del cargo de vicegobernador. ¿Representa una solución a un vacío constitucional o un gasto innecesario para el erario público?La denuncia de la Unión Independiente Auténtica sobre los salarios millonarios destinados a empleados de confianza en la Autoridad de Acueductos y Alcantarillados, mientras la mayoría de los trabajadores apenas ganan $10.50 por hora.La propuesta legislativa para investigar el posible reúso de la base naval Roosevelt Roads en Ceiba y su impacto en el desarrollo regional.Un análisis profundo, crítico y alternativo sobre los asuntos que mueven la realidad del país.#ElResaltadorDeLaRealidad #ERR #PuertoRico #Podcast¿Te gusta nuestro contenido? Apóyanos en www.patreon.com/elresaltadordelarealidad

With the end of the Jinshin War, Oama, posthumously known as Temmu Tenno, came to the throne.  And though they would need a new Great Council of State, they continued to build up and bolster the Ritsuryo state.  They were imagining a new Yamato based on continental models of what a state should look like, but also influenced by tradition.  This episode we take a look at that reimagining in broad strokes, asking a few questions--what was Oama's relationship with his brother, and touching on the relationship of Nakatomi no Kamatari and his brother, Nakatomi no Kane.  We also take a look at some of the literary propaganda that also helped to codify this new imaginary--the Nihon Shoki and the Kojiki.  We also touch on other sourcesof information, like the Fudoki and Man'yoshu. For more information, check out our blog:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-133   Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua, and this is episode 133: Reimagining Yamato As the bells of Houkouji tolled, Ohoama and his wife, Uno, surveyed the construction on going in the Asuka valley.  Hordes of workers had been called up, and now they were working furiously towards the deadline of the new year.  Where once stood the later Wokamoto palace of Takara Hime, aka Ohoama's mother, Saimei Tennou, now the land was being prepared for a palace on a much grander scale.  And just as the palace was being remade, Ohoama's thoughts went beyond the valley, to the entire archipelago.  His brother, Naka no Oe, had started something profound.  Now here he was, helming the Ship of State, and Ohoama had plans of his own, built upon his brother's ideas.  He would build a new state, ensuring that the reforms that started back in 645 would continue for generations. Greetings everyone and welcome back.  As we dive back in, let's recap where we are. The year is now 673, and the fighting from the previous year—the Jinshin war—is over.  Prince Ohoama and his Yoshino forces were victorious and he is now poised to ascend the throne in the recently built Palace of Kiyomihara, in Asuka.  He will be known to future generations by his posthumous name:  Temmu Tennou. Ohoama would go ahead and continue to centralize the government under the continental model.  That said, he also would pay a not insignificant amount of attention to local tradition as well.  His reign would lead to the establishment of the first permanent capital city: Fujiwara-kyo.  He is also credited with initiating the projects collecting various historical records, which culminated in the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki, the very chronicles on which this podcast is based – and both of which seem to have been designed specifically to promote the authority of the throne, specifically Ohoama and his descendants. Those descendants—the Temmu dynasty—would rule for almost a century, including four of the eight official female sovereigns (those eight become ten if you count the unofficial Himiko and Okinaga Tarashi-hime, aka Jingu Tennou).  This dynasty would reign from the end of the Asuka period up through to the Nara period, and it would see the evolution of the Yamato state into the kingdom of Nihon—which is to say the kingdom of Japan. The politics of this period were also quite something.  It is during this coming period that we see the rise of the famous Fujiwara family, who would come to dominate the political landscape.  We also see the continued contact with the mainland, with numerous trade goods coming over, many of which would be included in the famous Shousouin storehouse of Toudaiji temple, in Nara. Buddhism would also thrive, with Kokubunji, or provincial temples, being set up in a network around the archipelago.  There was also the building of the famous Daibutsu, or Giant Buddha statue, of Toudaiji. Art would also flourish.  The Man'yoshu would be published at this time—a collection of around 4,500 Japanese poems, or waka.  Meanwhile, the court would also focus on continental styles as well.  From this point on, not only do we have more evidence of what was happening through the written record, but the writing itself changed.  Different Sinitic characters were borrowed solely for their sound to help spell out Japanese words.  These would eventually be simplified, and known as “kana”.  The earliest use of these characters is known as “Man'yo-gana” because so many are traced back to the Man'yoshu itself.  They would eventually be standardized and simplified, becoming the hiragana and katakana we know and use today. But in 673, all of this is still on the horizon. So this is a great time to pause for a bit in our journey through the chronicles and set the stage for this next, incredibly transformative period in the archipelago by going over these larger patterns in some depth, so that, as we start to go through this period we get a better idea of just what was happening, and perhaps why.  That's what we'll do this episode. To start with, let's go back to the relationship between Naka no Oe and Ohoama.  As far as we can tell, these brothers were fairly close to one another.  Not only was Ohoama married to one of Naka no Oe's daughters, Princess Uno, he had actually taken as consort at least four of Naka no Oe's other daughters—all of which were Ohoama's nieces.  In turn, one of Ohoama's own daughters, Princess Touchi, had been married off to Ohotomo, aka the ill-fated Koubun Tennou.  On top of that, Naka no Oe and Ohoama both had taken as consorts daughters of Soga no Akaye, and both Ohotomo and Ohoama had consorts from Nakatomi—or Fujiwara—no Kamatari.  This demonstrates just how interrelated everyone was at court, presumably as a means of strengthening the ties between them.  Of course, as we've seen time and again, those ties were more symbolic than anything else, and certainly did not prevent the occasional use of violence, nor did it protect the fathers of those women from political repercussions when they found themselves on the wrong side. On the other hand, beyond the initial mention of their births, we don't see the two brothers together until Naka no Oe came to the throne.  Why?  Well, to be fair, we don't see much of anyone but the sovereign in the Chronicles unless there is a specific thing they are called out for—like an embassy, presenting something to the throne, etc.  Even Naka no Oe often isn't mentioned directly, even when he was the Crown Prince and supposedly helping run the government.  So that could be it. There are two apparent counter arguments to the idea that Naka no Oe and his brother, Ohoama, were tight.  First is a mention in the Toushi Kaden, the Family History of the Fujiwara Family, about Ohoama thrusting a spear into a board, which rattled Naka no Oe enough that he was apparently wondering if he needed to have his own brother taken out.  Then there is Ohoama's resignation at the time of Naka no Oe's death, presumably because he was warned that a plot was afoot, and that if he accepted Naka no Oe's offer to take the reins of the state in his own two hands then something—we aren't told what—would unfold. I can't rule out the idea that neither of those accounts is quite accurate either, however.  It is possible that the Toushi Kaden account is embellished to heighten Fujiwara no Kamatari's own role as peacemaker between the brothers.  I also have to wonder if the warning to Ohoama around Naka no Oe's death wasn't so much about Naka no Oe, but about his ministers.  After all, they seem to have had no problem supporting the much younger—and likely more malleable—Prince Ohotomo.  So it seems to me entirely possible that there were other threats that Ohoama was concerned with. That brings me to one of those ministers:  Nakatomi no Kane.  We talked about him before and during the war.  He first showed up participating in ritual and speaking on kami matters.  He would later rise to be one of the Great Ministers of State, and was one of the six ministers who had pledged themselves to Prince Ohotomo.  At the end of the Jinshin War, he was put to death and his family was banished.  That said, in period leading up to all of that,  we spent a good amount of time with another Nakatomi: Nakatomi no Kamatari. He was the head of the Nakatomi clan and the Naidaijin, the Interior Minister, a special position placing him on par, or even above, the Ministers of the Left and Right, but which did not have a well defined portfolio noted in the literature.  Interestingly, this position also doesn't seem to have survived Kamatari, at least in the short run.  From the time of Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tennou, to the time of Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou, it seems that the office of Naidaijin fell out of favor, possibly due, in part, to Prince Ohotomo being raised to a different post, that of Dajou Daijin, placing him in charge of the Great Council of State. The Naidaijin role wouldn't be revived until 717 for Kamatari's grandson, Fujiwara no Fusasaki (interestingly,  only three years before the completion of the Nihon Shoki). Nakatomi no Kane was, as far as we can tell, the brother to Kamatari.  When Kamatari passed away, Kane seems to have taken on the role as head of the Nakatomi family and he was also made Minister of the Right.  This mirrors, in its way, the relationship between Naka no Oe and Ohoama, and the common system of inheritance that would often go brother to brother.  And yet, while Kamatari was a hero of the Taika era, Nakatomi no Kane was executed for his role in the Jinshin War.  So in the context of the rise of the Fujiwaras to greater prominence later on in Ohoama's reign, it is significant that Kamatari's line would be set apart from the rest of the Nakatomi to the extent of giving it the new Fujiwara name.  Although the Chronicles claim that the “Fujiwara” name was actually granted by Naka no Oe, there is a thought that this was granted posthumously, and may have even been retconned by later members of the family, possibly to distance themselves from Nakatomi no Kane and his role on the losing side of the Jinshin War, and tie themselves clearly to Kamatari and his founding role in Naka no Oe's and Ohoama's new vision, instead.  This all brings me to my next point: the creation of the national histories.  The projects that culminated in what we know today as the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki are said to have been started under Ohoama's reign, though they wouldn't be finished until much later, well into the 8th century.  A lot of what went into them was work under Ohoama's wife Uno, who succeeded him as Jitou Tennou, as well as her successors.  Prince Toneri, one of Ohoama's sons, is said to have overseen the Nihon Shoki's compilation. Prince Toneri was son of Ohoama and princess Niitabe, one of Naka no Oe's daughters, and while he never sat the throne, himself, one of his sons would eventually do so.  As such, we can see a strong royal hand on the project, even though the actual composition was probably by several teams of Chroniclers—we touched on this briefly back in Episode 131. The Kojiki, on the other hand, is said to have been written by Oho no Yasumaro based on the oral history that had been maintained by Hieda no Are.  We don't know much about Hieda no Are—there are some that believe they may have been a woman, since a passage in a later work, the Seikyuuki, suggests that they were a member of the Sarume no Kimi family, descended from Ame no Uzume no Mikoto, who is said to have danced and helped lure Amaterasu out of the rock cave.  And so they were particularly known for their role as shrine maidens—a particularly female role.  That said, Are received the title of “toneri”, which is often assumed to be male, and there is nothing else that explicitly says they were not. Either way, Hieda no Are is said to have been commanded by the sovereign, Ohoama, to memorize the history of the nation, presumably to then perform it as needed, for the court.  Only later was Oho no Yasumaro asked to write it down in what became known as the Kojiki. Both of these chronicles were attempts to organize the history of the nation and to put together all the stories in a way that would establish a foundation for the new state that was evolving out of ancient Yamato.  A large part of that effort was going to be to justify those who were in power at the time—including both the royal family and the various noble houses at the time, including the powerful Fujiwara. Now, when we talk about how these histories were created to bolster the state, I want to be careful.  It may not have necessarily been the case that the chroniclers were actively and consciously promoting a fictional account.  From what we can tell, the chroniclers drew from a collection of stories, some written down in diaries and court records, works like the Baekje annals and continental histories, and some that were likely just memorized tales that were part of the general culture.   There were a couple of existing histories—we are told, for example, that there was a Teiki and a Kyuji floating around, both attributed to the legendary Shotoku Taishi, and both supposedly including the royal lineage at least to Toyomike-kashikiya-hime, aka Suikou Tennou.  However, the copies that were being passed around were apparently suspect, and we are told that there were inconsistencies.  Which probably means that the way they told the story did not conform to the way that Ohoama and the royal family wanted it told, though it could also refer to the fact that different accounts had slight variations on the stories, many of which had probably started as oral traditions that were only later written down.  It is also likely that there was only so much detail in those ancient texts, but we can't know for sure.  The Sendai Kuji Hongi purports to be the text of the original Kyuuji, or Kyuujiki, but that claim is dubious, at best, though it may have used an older, no longer extant history to crib its own notes from. So there were probably some writings, already, but there was also so much more.  There were stories from various familial records, stories told by various shrines about their kami and their histories, and stories passed down as local history that had never been captured, previously.  All of this was good material for the project of creating an official national history that aimed to tell the whole story. To get an idea of what the Chroniclers of that time might have been going through, imagine that you have some 2,000 random facts about the United States, or any country of your choice, in no particular order—stories of heroes, presidents, wars, etc.  On top of that, only a few of them ever give you any kind reference dates, and when they do, those dates are only in relationship to the presidents in office – the third year of the presidency of Roosevelt, for example - or maybe they reference another event.  In addition, some of the facts have been lost, or they come from history books with a slightly different format.  Or they come from diaries with different perspectives and takes on the same event.  And then, without the aid of the Internet or any other reference material, you are asked to put all of that together into a coherent narrative. In all likelihood you would be able to generally construct many of the broad strokes.  You would leverage what you know to be true and do your best to put things in place, but there is no guarantee that everything would be in the right order.  And in places where there wasn't any clear through line, you may have needed to come up with your best, most plausible explanation and write that down. Also, imagine you had, in the interests of completeness, thrown in some of the more, shall we say, apocryphal stories.  George Washington cutting down a cherry tree, for instance, or the story of Johnny Appleseed, or even the more fantastical stories of Davy Crockett.  Without other reference points, would you know where they went, or how true they actually were? Add to all of that the lack of a referential calendar.  The sexagesimal system helps for units of 60 years, but there was nothing comparable to a western calendar in use at the time.  Instead, everything was based on the number of years in a given reign.  So instead of thinking about it as “did this happen in 584 or 524?” it was more like “Did this happen in the years of the sovereign reigning from X palace or Y palace?” Now that said, there do appear to have been individuals whose job was to memorize the stories and the histories and recite them.  We have, for example, the Kataribe, the guild of storytellers.  It may have been out of this tradition that we get the eventual commission of the previously mentioned Hieda no Are, who was to memorize all of the historical events and recite them back, which I can only imagine would have been a kind of performance for the court, helping to reinforce the narrative.  But still, as Are was putting everything together, what were the assumptions and guidelines they were working under? After all, there were no doubt certain truths, whether factual or not, that were pushed by the court.  Things like the idea of an unbroken line of sovereigns going all the way back to the mythical founding, just like in continental stories.  Or, the idea that worship centered from the beginning around the sun goddess, Amaterasu. There is plenty of evidence that while the early Wa people practiced various forms of sun worship, with traces found in their language as well as stories, cultural traditions, etc., it was not necessarily Amaterasu who was the primary deity of worship.  Back in the Age of the Gods we talked about the creator deities, Izanagi and Izanami, and about the High god of Heaven, Takami Musubi, who seems to at one point been the most prominent central deity, but who had since been eclipsed, if you will, by the likes of Amaterasu. We also see evidence that there were other sun deities.  The language around Sarutahiko no Ohokami suggests that he may have once been worshipped as a sun deity as well.  And there is the early primacy of Mt. Miwa as a place of worship, and the spirit of Ohomononushi.  This is to say nothing of Ohokuninushi, and all of his stories, up in Izumo. Furthermore, it seems telling that Amaterasu is not even central to the rituals conducted in the palace itself, which likely went back to an even earlier period.  If Amaterasu were central, and the ancestral kami of the royal family since its inception, one would expect that Amaterasu would also be central to the rites carried out by her descendants in the royal palace.  And yet most of her worship appears to have continued to be set apart from the palace ritual, and conducted out of Ise shrine (albeit after a certain point ceremonially led by a designated female member of the royal line). Even Ise shrine itself isn't the primary shrine in the Ise area—the Ichi-no-miya, or most important shrine, of Ise is actually said to be Tsubaki shrine, worshipping Saruta Hiko no Ohokami and Ame no Uzume. So how did Amaterasu come to be so central in Ohoama's vision? There are stories that say that worship at Ise Shrine—and worship of Amaterasu—was specifically conducted by Ohoama's wife during the Jinshin campaign.  This is to say Ohoama's wife, primary consort, eventual queen and then queen regnant, Uno, later known as Jitou Tennou.  Remember, Uno had fled with Ohoama and had been on the trail with him at first, but had stayed behind in Ise.  Worship towards Ise seems to have later been counted as foundational to Ohoama and Uno's victory, and many suspect that they themselves may subsequently have encouraged greater worship of Amaterasu and placed her in the central position of sacral authority amongst the various kami. If so, that could explain why their histories focus so much on Amaterasu and her Heavenly descendant, from which the royal line claimed direct lineage.  It might also be around this time that the story of Iwarebiko, aka Jimmu Tennou, and the conquest of Yamato from Himuka may have been introduced: telling how Iwarebiko justifiably took away the land from the descendants of Nigi Hayahi, and then connecting Iwarebiko, in an extremely loose fashion, to Mimaki Iiribiko no Mikoto, aka Sujin Tennou. Another influence on all of this was likely the continental concept that time is a circle, and history repeats itself.  Chroniclers seeking to place events in a narrative context would have likely seen reflections of more recent events and used that to help order their compilation.  And of course, if there were events that seemed to run counter to the truth as known by the court, well, those could be smoothed over.  In this way, co-rulers were probably serialized, inconvenient interim rulers may have been excised altogether, and different dynasties, which may have only had tenuous connections, at best, were written down as direct lineal descendants.  It also seems telling that the Chroniclers may have reduced the role of what appears to be matrilineal succession to a more patriarchal and patrilineal determination of legitimacy.  Similarly, connections could be made for families to ancient ancestors through whom they were able to claim a certain proximity to the royal family.  Likewise, rules for legitimacy could be imposed—or perhaps just assumed—for previous reigns, doing their best to bring them into harmony with the social norms and the cultural imaginaries of the late 7th and early 8th centuries. So that's the general context the Chroniclers were working under. But at this point it's illuminating to take a look at the two histories and how they differ, to see what we can understand about where those differences came from. The work of Hieda no Are, eventually recorded and written down as the Kojiki, seems to have dealt with history that was far enough back that it was likely hard to argue with—it isn't like there was anyone alive who could counter with their own facts.  And the Kojiki reads as a fairly straightforward narrative, relatively speaking. The Nihon Shoki, on the other hand, is a different beast.  While the Kojiki may have captured the official narrative, the Nihon Shoki seems to have been designed to include more—including some of the competing accounts.  Thus you'll get a lot of things like “another source says…” with a different take on the same event.  This is much more prevalent in the Age of the Gods, but still pops up occasionally throughout the rest of the text.  Nonetheless, it is still very much focused on the royal line from Amaterasu down to Naka no Oe and Ohoama.  Even their posthumous names, Tenji and Temmu, specifically reference Ten, also pronounced Ama, at the start of their names, in what appears to be a bid to further connect them to the sun goddess of Heavenly Brightness--Amaterasu. Both of these works have their own character, and while the dates they were presented to the throne—713 for the Kojiki and 720 for the Nihon Shoki—suggest that they were published in succession, there are those that argue that the Kojiki is largely a reaction against the Nihon Shoki. In all likelihood the contents of the Nihon Shoki were known to many people before it was presented.  There were groups of Chroniclers involved, after all -- which meant teams of scribes pouring through sources, seeking out myths and legends, and generally trying to bring everything they could to the table.  And there is no indication that this was done in secret.  So it is quite possible that the writers of the Kojiki had seen some of the early drafts and cribbed from those notes. Some of the ways that the the history differ are in their portrayal of certain accounts.  For example, the Kojiki presents Iwarebiko and the pacification of Yamato and archipelago more generally in terms of that mythical sovereign conversing with the spirits.  And so he converses with, for instance, Ohomononushi, the deity of Mt. Miwa, a spirit whose name might be translated as the Great Lord of the Spirits, or “Mono”.  This idea places the sovereign as an intercessor between the mortal and the spirit world.  It hearkens back to earlier systems of sacral kingship, where power and authority came, at least in part, from supposed power of one's sacred sites and protective spirits. The Kojiki is also written in a much more vernacular style, using kanji and what we know of as man'yogana, the kanji used for their sound, rather than meaning, to provide a syllabary with which to write out Japanese words.  This may have been done for similar reasons to why it was also used in the Man'yoshu itself—because the Kojiki was meant to be recited aloud, not just read for meaning. The Nihon Shoki, in contrast, is clearly attempting to emulate the continental style.  It relies much more heavily on not just the characters but the grammar of Chinese, though not without its own idiosyncrasies.  The Nihon Shoki incorporated classical references that mirrored the references found in the histories of the Tang and earlier dynasties.  I suspect, for instance, that this is one of the main reasons that Naka no Oe and Ohoama are given the posthumous names of “Tenji” and “Temmu”.  Tenji means something like the Wisdom of Heaven while Temmu is more like the Martial Virtue of Heaven.  This immediately brings to mind, for me, the continental concepts of Wen and Wu—Culture and Warefare, or Bunbu in Japanese.  This even mirrors the founding Zhou kings, King Wen and King Wu.  Later, in the Han dynasty, you have Emperor Wu of Han, the grandson of Emperor Wen of Han, and Wu was considered to be one of the greatest emperors of the Han dynasty.  And so I can't help but think that there was a similar attempt at mythmaking going on here, connecting these two reigns with the reigns of famous emperors of the continent.  Of course, “Wu” was a popular name amongst the imperial dynasties from that period onward, with emperors of Jin, Chen, Liang, and others all being given the same name. This all accords with the way that the sovereign in the Nihon Shoki is less of a sacral king, interceding and speaking with the kami, and more along the continental model of an absolute ruler who ruled by divine right and heavenly mandate.  The lands outside of Yamato are subdued and, except for the occasional uprising, stay subdued—or at least that is what the narrative would seemingly have us believe. Now, I would argue that these distinctions are not absolute.  The Kojiki contains plenty of concepts of imperial trappings, and the Nihon Shoki contains plenty of examples of the sovereign playing a more traditional role.  But it is something to consider in the broad strokes of what they are saying, and I would argue that it also speaks to the duality of what was going on in this period.  Clearly the Ritsuryo State was built on the continental model, with an absolute ruler who ruled through a Heavenly mandate.  And yet at the same time, we see Ohoama patronizing the traditional spiritual sites and kami worship, like the emphasis on Amaterasu and Ise shrine.  Besides the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki, we have one more set of official records that were compiled just as the major histories were beginning to be finished.  These were the Fudoki.  Fudoki were texts about the various provinces, and they include information on the various places, population, soil quality, as well as various local myths and legends attached to such things.  Rather than supporting the royal lineage, the Fudoki were more geared towards supporting the process begun under Karu and Naka no Oe with the Ritsuryo system whereby knowledge of the archipelago was being centralized such that the State could know about its territories.  Still, there are many times that the various Fudoki refer to different sovereigns, often to help situate a given event roughly within the historical narrative. The Fudoki were commissioned in 713.  At least 48 chronicles were said to have been compiled, but only a handful of them remain extant today.  Most are only partial texts, though even those can still contain significant information.  We also have purported text from certain fudoki that were reprinted in later histories.  The Shaku Nihongi seems to have been one such work, expressly commissioned to try and compile various older records that were likely aging and in danger of being lost altogether.  However, there is a concern regarding just how faithful those later transcriptions might have been, meaning that we cannot rely on them, entirely.  Still, they are an invaluable addition to our study of the history of this period. I mention all of this because much of this period seems dedicated to remaking the nation of Yamato into what we know as Japan.  This evolution didn't happen overnight, and it seems clear that it started gradually, but had now come to a head.  There is some consideration, though, that many of the things attributed to earlier reigns—the work done by Shotoku Taishi, for example, or even that of Naka no Oe—may have been embellished in this period.  After all, consider the difference between Ohoama trying to institute something entirely new versus pointing back to a previous sovereign and claiming that he wasn't innovating, he was just following tradition. But there are still unmistakable signs of innovation in the following reigns.  The creation of the first permanent capital city, for one.  There was also the blending of Buddhist and local kami-based traditions.  While Buddhism had been ascendant for a while, now, we see Ohoama seemingly paying equal homage to Amaterasu and the local kami.  Even while instituting new fangled continental ideas, he is also hearkening back to traditions that I can only imagine helped assuage some of the fears of any traditionalists who saw the rapid speed at which the archipelago was adopting at least the trappings of continental imperial culture. Speaking of culture, there was one other work that we should probably mention, and that is the famous Man'yoshu—the collection of 10,000 Leaves.  I mentioned this briefly earlier in the episode, but I do want to discuss it a bit, because as much as we may glean from the official histories, as well as the various fudoki texts, the Man'yoshu provides an invaluable view into the minds of the people of the time, and contains some incredibly useful tidbits of information that, when put together, help give us a better idea of what was happening during this period. The Man'yoshu is a collection of more than 4500 poems attributed to various historical figures, from sovereigns, such as Ohoama and Naka no Oe, to common soldiers.  It is remarkable in that the poems are largely in native Japanese and are not using the Sinitic poetry styles that were popular with scholars of the time. These poems are waka, Japanese verse, which typically follows a pattern of repeating verses of 5-7-5 syllables or morae, ending with two lines of 7-7.  The most simple of these are tanka—one top verse of 5-7-5, and one bottom verse of 7-7.  However, the poems in the collection can vary quite a bit. They are also remarkable in that they are written in what we know as Man'yogana.  That is to say they use Sinitic characters—kanji—but for their sound rather than their meaning in many cases.  This practice allowed for much more nuanced writing, such that the author could be more certain that the correct meaning could be taken away, since Japanese grammar differs greatly from various Chinese languages, and leverages particles and suffixes that are non-existent in Sinitic script.  Often times, when reading something like the Nihon Shoki, one has to infer the Japanese word order, particles, and suffixes from the text as a whole.  This is common with any kanbun—a very Japanese style of Chinese writing that often requires its own study to fully understand. Meanwhile, the Man'yogana allowed someone to more easily sound out the letters in the Man'yoshu.  This must have been important when morae or syllable count was important to the art form.  Furthermore, it gives us tremendous insight into how spoken Japanese may have sounded  back in the 8th century. And of course it is great that we have all of these poems, but almost more important is the other information contained in the collection.  Most poems not only are attributed to a particular author, but they often give a brief introduction to lay out the circumstance in which the poem was composed.  These poems are, in many ways, more straightforward than many later poetic styles, which relied much more heavily on so-called “pillow words”, poetic allusions, or callbacks to previous poems—not that they were completely devoid of such references, especially to other, often continental, works. Some poems are actually paired—a type of call and response.  A man would often be expected to send a poem to a lady with whom he had recently had assignations, and she would often respond.  Through such correspondence, preserved in the poetic record, we can see connections that might not be as clear in the various historical texts. Now, 4500 is a lot of poems and I'll be honest, I'm probably not going to be researching all of them for historical tidbits, but it is nonetheless important to understand.  One should also be careful—while the poems are often attributed to various artists and famous persons, this may sometimes be misleading.  The attribution may have been garbled or forgotten, and recreated. Most of the poems in the Man'yoshu are presented with at least some amount of framing around them.  They are grouped loosely by various themes.  We are then told, for each poem, the composer and the occasion for which it was created.  Sometimes this may be as simple as “when they were out hunting”, but that still gives us some context on which to go by as for why the author was writing the poem in the first place. The poems themselves vary in size.  There are short poems, or tanka, but also longer form chōka poems, with multiple verses.  Some may allude to previous poems, but many of the poems are just about the author's feelings.  Unlike haiku, they were not quite so proscribed in terms of “pillow words” or requisite seasonal descriptions. And yet these poems, just as much as the histories, were important in capturing some part of the cultural zeitgeist from that time.  We can see what was considered popular or important, and it was there for future generations down until today. Ultimately the Kojiki would largely be overshadowed by the more comprehensive and prestigious seeming history in the Nihon Shoki.  The Nihon Shoki would become the official history, inspiring future historical records, such as the Shoku Nihongi, the continuation of the records.  The Man'yoshu, likewise, would be emulated, with future compilations like the Kokinshu. These, in turn, would impact the cultural imaginary of the time.  They would shape people's ideas about the past, about art, and even about the nature of the kami themselves.  During this period it is hard to understate just how much they were setting in place a new system.  It is even difficult to tell how much of that system had actually been instituted by previous sovereigns, even though it's hard to tell how much that actually happened as opposed to simple claims by Ohoama and, later, Uno, to justify what they were doing.  Up to this point, the Ritsuryou State and the various reforms had been an experiment, but under Ohoama we truly see that the new government upgrades would be fully installed.  At the same time, we also see a shake up in the court.  Those who had been loyal to Ohoama during the Jinshin conflict of 672 received various rewards—increased rank and stipend, for one thing.  As famous individuals passed away, they were also granted posthumous rank, which might not seem like much, but it increased the family's prestige and that of the individual's descendants without actually handing out a higher level stipend that would be a drain on the coffers.  All of this also continued to build up the elites' reliance on not just the court, but on the throne itself for their status, wealth, and position.  Thus they had a vested interest in seeing that the project succeeded. And that is the world that we are about to dive into.  Thank you, I know we didn't get into too much of the immediate history, and some of this is spoilers—after all, this took time and in the moment it could have turned out quite differently.  What if Ohoama had gotten sick and died?  What if there had been a rebellion?  What if Silla or Tang had attacked?  While we know what happened from the safety of our vantage point, far in the future, it is important to remember that at the time the people in the court didn't know what would happen next, so please keep that in mind. Next episode, we'll start to get into the actual events of the reign, starting with Ohoama's ascension to the throne at the newly built Kiyomihara palace in Asuka. Until then, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

"Walk tall and carry an ugly stick" or whatever Dylan attributed to Bufford Pusser but it's actually wrong and Roosevelt said it.Mountain Murders celebrates Labor Day weekend with crime news. Updates on Bufford Pusser, Emmanuel Haro, and Roblox -Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/mountain-murders--3281847/support.

"Clipped and 15 Extended" by Manslaughter 777 from God's World; "Syzygy" by Och from Po Om Po; "Flyboat" by Frunk29 from The Fifth Season; "The Procession" by John Carpenter, Cody Carpenter and Daniel Davies from Halloween Ends Soundtrack; "By Fire" by Tres Leches (feat Hiatus Kaiyote) from The Smooth Sounds Of Tres Leches, LHCC Mart Vol. 1; "E-Night (Bureau B Edit)" by You from Silberland Vol 3 The Ambient Side of Kosmische Musik 1972 to 1986; "Kid Cbc" by Manumari from Hidden Tracks and Rarities 2001 to 2005; "Enter Lemuria" by heith from X Wheel; "Multifold" by Seefeel from Everything Squared; "Forever" by Christoph Spendel Group from the Maybe I'm Dreaming compilation; "Do" by Eiko Ishibashi and Jim O'Rourke from Pareidolia.

Theodore Roosevelt was a president, soldier, writer, explorer, and reformer who believed in action and courage. From leading the Rough Riders to breaking up corporate monopolies and creating national parks, Roosevelt reshaped the role of the presidency. Known for his big personality and bigger ideas, he helped make America a global power. This episode explores his life and the bold choices that defined his legacy.

As Theodore Roosevelt's expedition sets off down the River of Doubt, it doesn't take long for the going to get rough. Their canoes are no match for the boiling rapids, forcing them to trek through an unforgiving jungle rife with insects, predators and disease. As their movement slows, their food supplies dwindle. Roosevelt's son Kermit takes a bold risk to speed their progress . . . but the turbulent waters deliver more peril than he bargained for. Order your copy of the new Against the Odds book, How to Survive Against the Odds: Tales & Tips for Animal Attacks and Natural Disasters, for stories of everyday people confronted by life-or-death situations, showing you how they survived—and how you can too. Learn more at SurvivalGuidebook.com.Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to Against The Odds on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting http://wondery.com/links/against-the-odds/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In 1913, former President Theodore Roosevelt embarked on a perilous expedition to explore one of the last unmapped rivers in the Amazon. Roosevelt was joined by his son Kermit, famed Brazilian explorer Candido Rondon, and a team of naturalists and porters. But as the party sets off on a 400 mile trek across the highlands to reach the headwaters, they discover they are woefully unprepared for the dangers that await them in the wild.Order your copy of the new Against the Odds book, How to Survive Against the Odds: Tales & Tips for Animal Attacks and Natural Disasters, for stories of everyday people confronted by life-or-death situations, showing you how they survived—and how you can too. Learn more at SurvivalGuidebook.com.Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to Against The Odds on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting http://wondery.com/links/against-the-odds/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.