Podcasts about Roosevelt

Author: John Bachelor and Sean McMeakin. Title: Stalin's War: A New History of World War II - Unconditional Surrender and the Katyn Lie. This segment analyzes FDR's announcement of unconditional surrender at the Casablanca Conference, interpreted as a gesture to satisfy Stalin's demands for a second front. The conversation delves into the Katyn Forest massacre, where the discovery of executed Polish officers by Soviet forces was buried by Allied leaders to maintain the alliance. Stalin used this event to isolate the Polish government-in-exile and install communist puppets. Additionally, the sources highlight how Roosevelt ignored back-channel peace offers from German resistance groups to uphold the strict unconditional surrender policy, potentially prolonging the conflict.1942

10. Paul Thomas Chamberlain: Examines the Yalta Conference, where Roosevelt sought post-war cooperation with Stalin,. He analyzes the inevitable Soviet dominance in Eastern Europe and the staggering human cost borne by Soviet citizens during the war,. (35 words) (10)1943 REGGIO ITALY

SHOW SCHEDULE THURSDAY 3-12-20261917 COTSWOLDS ENGLAND1. Mary Anastasia O'Grady (Wall Street Journal) discusses Iranian presence in Venezuela, focusing on war drones and agents with Venezuelan passports. She notes the U.S. recognition of Delcy Rodriguez as acting president while pursuing a democratic transition. (1)2. Natalie Ecanow (Foundation for Defense of Democracies) examines Qatar's "Special Watch List" designation for religious freedom abuses, specifically involving a Baha'i leader. She highlights the contradiction of Qatar hosting groups like Hamas while maintaining strategic U.S. partnerships. (2)3. Jeff McCausland (CBS News) analyzes modern warfare's reliance on drones and missiles, noting the lack of a clear U.S. strategy for the Iran conflict. He criticizes the administration's poor messaging regarding tragic civilian casualties. (3)4. Jeff McCausland (CBS News) discusses technology favoring defense in Ukraine and Iran through drones and GPS. He examines Iran's asymmetric strategy targeting global supply chains and their willingness to fight a long attrition war. (4)5. Evan Ellis (U.S. Army War College) details Panama's port contract disputes with China and the transition to APM Terminals. He also discusses ongoing lawfare in Guatemala and the U.S. intention to return Haitian migrants despite local violence. (5)6. Evan Ellis (U.S. Army War College) reports on rumored secret diplomacy between the U.S. and Cuba's Castro family. He explains Cuba's severe economic collapse and electricity crisis following the loss of subsidized oil from Venezuela. (6)7. Evan Ellis (U.S. Army War College) discusses U.S. direct engagement with Venezuela's leadership regarding oil and mining investments. He also analyzes shifting political trends in Colombia and Peru, where right-of-center candidates are gaining significant momentum. (7)8. Evan Ellis (U.S. Army War College) notes cooled relations between Brazil's Lula and the U.S. due to Brazil's foreign policy shifts toward the BRICS. He also analyzes the rise of conservative leader Jose Antonio Kast in Chile. (8)9. Paul Thomas Chamberlain (Columbia University) recounts U.S. strategic calculations before Pearl Harbor, highlighting uncertainty about carrier technology. He describes the U.S. as a reluctant, "anti-colonial" empire facing imminent threats to its Philippine possessions and interests. (9)10. Paul Thomas Chamberlain (Columbia University) identifies late 1942 as World War II's turning point, citing Stalingrad, Guadalcanal, and North Africa. These battles signaled the rise of continent-spanning superpowers over traditional colonial empires in a new world order. (10)11. Paul Thomas Chamberlain (Columbia University) analyzes the Casablanca and Cairo conferences, highlighting Roosevelt's strategies to keep Stalin as an ally. The U.S. promoted anti-colonialism and self-determination to establish a post-war liberal capitalist order dominated by American economy. (11)12. Paul Thomas Chamberlain (Columbia University) examines Allied plans like Operation Ranke to contain Soviet influence as Germany neared collapse. Despite focusing on Europe, the U.S. successfully launched simultaneous offensive thrusts across the Pacific against the Japanese Empire. (12)13. Anatol Lieven (Quincy Institute) discusses the Iran war's impact, noting Russia's benefits through increased energy profits and diverted Western air defenses. He criticizes the U.S. administration for failing to predict predictable Iranian retaliation against global energy supplies. (13)14. Anatol Lieven (Quincy Institute) explores the resurgence of the "Great Game," detailing Israel's goal to dismantle the Iranian state. He argues that bombing will not break Iranian resistance and notes European reluctance to impose sanctions. (14)15. Richard Epstein (Civitas Institute) criticizes President Trump's trade policies and tariff investigations, arguing they cause severe domestic economic dislocation. He highlights the legal uncertainty businesses face regarding tariff refunds and the potential for prolonged litigation. (15)16. Richard Epstein (Civitas Institute) discusses the Middle East war's threat to niche commodities essential for high-end microchips. He critiques recent energy policies and emphasizes the difficulty of assessing military progress due to limited public information. (16)

11. Professor Paul Thomas Chamberlain describes the Casablanca and Tehran conferences, where Allied leaders grappled with the realization that the Soviet Union would emerge as a dominant European power. He highlights Roosevelt's anti-colonial vision, which sought to replace imperial systems with a liberal capitalist order based on free trade and self-determination. Roosevelt's outreach to Chiang Kai-shek in Cairo reflected his recognition of China as a future pillar of this new international framework, often managed in private and out of earshot of Winston Churchill. (11)1942 STALINGRAD

12. Professor Paul Thomas Chamberlain details Allied contingency plans like Operation Rank, designed to rush airborne troops into Berlin to prevent the Red Army from occupying all of Europe if Germany collapsed suddenly. He explains that by 1944, Churchill was deeply concerned about Soviet dominance and sought to redirect Western forces into the Balkans or Mediterranean to protect Britishinterests. Despite these internal tensions, the U.S. demonstrated unprecedented superpower capability by launching simultaneous major offensives across both the Pacific and Europe. (12)1942 TORCH AT CASABLANCA

Independent investigative journalism, broadcasting, trouble-making and muckraking with Brad Friedman of BradBlog.com

Today on AirSpace: the scandal of the century! Matt and Emily are joined by friend of the show and Museum curator Bob van der Linden to learn all the twists and turns of the Air Mail Crisis of 1934.The controversy centered on one question: who should fly the mail? Conflicts between brand-new commercial airlines, Congress, and the Roosevelt administration reached a boiling point that led to lucrative contracts being cancelled and the disastrous involvement of the Army Air Corps. In the aftermath, new regulation shaped commercial flight and the Postal Service for generations. This story is a political drama, a postal drama, AND an aviation drama. What more can you ask for?Thanks to our guest in this episode:Dr. Bob van der Linden, Curator for Commercial Aviation, National Air and Space MuseumFind the transcript for this episode and more information at s.si.edu/airspaces11e8.To learn even more about the Air Mail Crisis, check out the Museum's website.Subscribe to our monthly newsletter at s.si.edu/airspacenewsletter.AirSpace is made possible with the generous support of Lockheed Martin.

Recognising that the broadcast had helped bridge the gap between government action and public understanding, fireside chats became a defining feature of Roosevelt's leadership and over the next twelve years he would deliver a total of thirty broadcasts on subjects ranging from economic recovery to ...

From the publisher: "A scion of the Protestant elite, Theodore Roosevelt was an unlikely ally of the waves of impoverished Jewish newcomers who crowded the docks at Ellis Island. Yet from his earliest years he forged ties with Jews never before witnessed in a president. American Maccabee traces Roosevelt's deep connection with the Jewish people at every step of his dazzling ascent. But it also reveals a man of contradictions whose checkered approach to Jewish issues was no less conflicted than the nation he led.As a rising political figure in New York, Roosevelt barnstormed the Lower East Side, giving speeches to packed halls of Jewish immigrants. He rallied for reform of the sweatshops where Jewish laborers toiled for pitiful wages in perilous conditions. And Roosevelt repeatedly venerated the heroism of the Maccabee warriors, upholding those storied rebels as a model for the American Jewish community. Yet little could have prepared him for the blood-soaked persecution of Eastern European Jews that brought a deluge of refugees to American shores during his presidency. Andrew Porwancher uncovers the vexing challenges for Roosevelt as he confronted Jewish suffering abroad and antisemitic xenophobia at home.Drawing on new archival research to paint a richly nuanced portrait of an iconic figure, American Maccabee chronicles the complicated relationship between the leader of a youthful nation and the people of an ancient faith."Andrew Porwancher's website can be found at https://www.andrewporwancher.com/Information on his book can be found at https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691203669/american-maccabeeAxelbankHistory.com is designed by https://www.ellieclairedesigns.com/Axelbank Reports History and Today" can be found on social media at https://twitter.com/axelbankhistoryhttps://instagram.com/axelbankhistoryhttps://facebook.com/axelbankhistory

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

On today's episode, we discuss why James' Tesla refused to self‑drive, how something as simple as pollen on cameras can derail advanced autonomy, and why he still prefers the Honda when the car won't take the wheel. The crew swaps stories about vehicle tech quirks, from camera “eyelids” and software updates to the limits of voice commands that don't react well to swear words. That opens into a broader conversation about automation in heavy equipment and yard work, comparing gas and electric tools while James recounts clearing half an acre of thorny underbrush with everything from a mule to a Briggs & Stratton mower. In the second half, they pivot to the Iran war, focusing on President Trump's stated goal of “unconditional surrender” and what a clear definition of victory should look like in modern conflicts. Drawing on Pentagon messaging and historical examples like Roosevelt and Churchill, they debate whether forcing a regime into an untenable position without endless negotiations is realistic or potentially dangerous. Throughout, the panel mixes legal analysis, tech talk, and Southern humor as they wrestle with how leadership, language, and technology shape both everyday life and the conduct of war. Don't miss it!

When Franklin D. Roosevelt stepped into the White House on March 4, 1933, the country was gripped by the Great Depression. Bank failures and record unemployment were ravaging the nation. Roosevelt knew Americans wanted a confident president who could lead them through the storm, and he was determined to hit the ground running.

This Day in Legal History: FDR Declares Bank HolidayOn March 6, 1933, just two days after taking office, President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared a nationwide bank holiday in response to the escalating financial panic of the Great Depression. At the time, banks across the country were collapsing as frightened depositors rushed to withdraw their savings. The closures threatened to completely destabilize the American financial system. Roosevelt used emergency executive authority to temporarily shut down the nation's banks in order to stop the flood of withdrawals. The pause allowed federal officials to inspect financial institutions and determine which were stable enough to reopen.Although the order began as an executive action, Congress quickly moved to support the president's efforts. On March 9, lawmakers passed the Emergency Banking Act, which retroactively approved Roosevelt's bank holiday and expanded federal oversight of banks. The law allowed only financially sound banks to resume operations and provided additional confidence to depositors. In the days that followed, many banks reopened under stricter supervision, and public trust gradually returned to the banking system. Roosevelt reinforced this confidence through his first “fireside chat,” explaining the reforms directly to the American public.Legal challenges later tested the government's authority to take such sweeping action during a crisis. Courts ultimately upheld many emergency financial measures adopted during the early New Deal period. These rulings helped establish the principle that the federal government has broader power to respond to national economic emergencies. The bank holiday of March 6, 1933, therefore became an important early example of how executive initiative and congressional support can combine to address a national crisis.An insurer has filed a lawsuit accusing OpenAI of engaging in the unauthorized practice of law after its AI chatbot allegedly provided faulty legal assistance to a disability benefits recipient. According to the complaint, Nippon Life Insurance Co. of America had settled a long-term disability dispute with Graciela Dela Torre in January 2024. About a year later, she questioned the agreement and asked her attorney about reopening the case due to alleged documentation problems. When her lawyer explained that the settlement was final, Dela Torre consulted ChatGPT, asking whether her attorney had dismissed her concerns.The insurer claims the chatbot suggested that her attorney had invalidated her feelings and deflected responsibility. After receiving that response, Dela Torre fired her lawyer and attempted to reopen the case on her own. The lawsuit alleges that ChatGPT generated legal arguments asserting that her former counsel had pressured her into signing a blank signature page. She filed a motion based on those arguments, which Nippon says violated the settlement agreement releasing the company from future claims.According to the complaint, Dela Torre then submitted numerous additional filings drafted with the chatbot's help, including more than twenty motions and other court documents. The court rejected her attempt to reopen the case and upheld the settlement as valid. Despite that ruling, she allegedly used ChatGPT again to prepare a new lawsuit asserting claims such as fraudulent misrepresentation and interference with disability benefits. Nippon says she has filed dozens of motions that serve no legitimate legal purpose, forcing the company to spend significant time responding. The insurer is now seeking damages and an injunction preventing OpenAI from providing legal assistance to Dela Torre, while OpenAI has dismissed the claims as meritless.OpenAI Practices Law Without A License, Insurer Alleges - Law360A coalition of 24 states has filed a lawsuit challenging new global tariffs imposed by President Donald Trump. The case was brought in the U.S. Court of International Trade and seeks to block tariffs introduced on February 20 under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974. The states argue the administration rushed to impose the tariffs only hours after the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated an earlier set of trade measures that had been issued under a different statute. According to the complaint, the new tariffs were an attempt to revive similar trade restrictions using a separate legal authority.The policy first imposed a 10% tariff on imports worldwide and was raised to the statute's maximum 15% the following day. The administration justified the move by claiming it was necessary to address serious U.S. balance-of-payments deficits. However, the states argue that such deficits do not actually exist and that the government selectively relied on negative data while ignoring overall positive financial inflows. They claim this misuse of the statute mirrors the earlier tariffs that the Supreme Court struck down.The lawsuit also argues that the tariffs violate the Constitution because the authority to impose taxes and duties belongs to Congress. The Supreme Court recently emphasized this principle when it ruled against the administration's earlier tariff policy. According to the states, Section 122 was originally enacted to address problems tied to an outdated international currency system that no longer exists today. Because the statutory conditions cannot be met, the coalition argues the president's tariffs are unlawful. The states are asking the court to invalidate the measures before they remain in effect through the summer.Two Dozen States Sue Trump to Halt New Global Tariffs - Law360Twenty-four US states file lawsuit to stop Trump's latest global tariffs | ReutersA federal trade judge is meeting privately with government lawyers to determine how the United States will refund billions of dollars in tariffs that courts recently ruled unconstitutional. Judge Richard Eaton of the U.S. Court of International Trade scheduled the closed-door meeting as a settlement conference to discuss a practical process for returning money to importers. The tariffs at issue were a major part of President Donald Trump's trade policy but were struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in February for exceeding presidential authority. Because the Court did not provide guidance on how refunds should be handled, lower courts are now working to establish a workable procedure.The scale of the refunds could be enormous, potentially reaching $175 billion and affecting more than 300,000 importers. Government attorneys have warned that processing the reimbursements will be unusually complex because it may involve manual review of tens of millions of tariff payments. Many of the affected importers are small businesses concerned about the cost and administrative burden of seeking repayment. Judge Eaton has indicated that he wants a system that avoids forcing companies to file individual lawsuits.The issue arose in a case filed by Atmus Filtration Inc., which claims it paid $11 million in unlawful tariffs. Eaton recently ordered U.S. Customs and Border Protection to begin using its internal processes to refund tariffs not only to Atmus but potentially to all affected importers. The upcoming conference is expected to focus on how the agency can efficiently review roughly 79 million shipments and distribute refunds. Attorneys involved in related cases believe the meeting could lead to a standardized process that allows most businesses to receive reimbursements without extended litigation.Exclusive: US judge to meet parties on Trump-tariff refunds in closed-door ‘settlement conference' | ReutersA federal appeals court has ruled that President Donald Trump has the authority to suspend refugee admissions to the United States, reversing most of a lower court decision that had blocked the policy. The ruling came from a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. The judges concluded that federal law gives the president broad power to restrict the entry of foreign nationals when he believes it serves national interests. As a result, the panel allowed Trump's halt of the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program to remain in place.The policy was introduced shortly after Trump took office in 2025 and paused the admission of refugees while the administration reviewed whether the program ensured proper assimilation. Refugees, their family members, and several resettlement organizations filed a class action lawsuit challenging the move. A federal judge in Seattle had previously issued injunctions blocking the suspension and related actions. However, the Ninth Circuit determined that most of those rulings exceeded the district court's authority.Writing for the panel, Judge Jay Bybee acknowledged that the decision could have serious real-world consequences for thousands of refugees who had already completed years of vetting and were awaiting resettlement. Despite those concerns, the court emphasized that Congress granted the president sweeping authority over immigration entry decisions. The judges said policy judgments about refugee admissions belong to the executive branch rather than the courts.The panel did leave some portions of the lower court's order in place. It upheld injunctions that prevent the government from cutting services to refugees who have already been admitted to the United States and from terminating certain agreements with refugee support organizations. One judge dissented in part, arguing that the district court's injunctions should have been entirely overturned.Trump can suspend refugee admissions, US appeals court rules | Reuters This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

The traveling exhibition “Resilience - A Sansei Sense of Legacy” brings an artistic lens to the forced incarceration of an estimated 120,000 Japanese Americans — about two-thirds of whom were U.S. citizens — following President Roosevelt's Executive Order 9066. Featuring the work of third-generation Japanese American artists, the exhibition explores the effects of that wartime injustice and connects it to the present day. The St. Louis showing of “Resilience” includes pieces by longtime Alton, Illinois resident and SIUE graduate Arthur Towata. To explore local connections to the legacy of WWII Japanese American internment, we speak with Wendy Roll, president of the Japanese American Citizens League - St. Louis; Amy Ozawa, Arthur Towata's niece and executor of his estate; and Kristine Aono, WashU graduate and one of the artists whose work is part of the “Resilience” exhibition's core collection.

Hour 3 of the Bob Rose Show for Wednesday 3-4-26, with massive strikes continuing on Iran by US and Israeli forces. The joint attacks by 2 leaders, Pres. Trump and PM Netanyahu, praised as today's heroic version of Roosevelt and Churchill during WWII. The latest on war with Iran, plus the morning's top news stories

Summary   In this conversation, Marcus Farris and David Ocheltree explore the themes of leadership, trust, and personal responsibility through historical examples and personal anecdotes. They discuss the importance of being true to oneself, the role of faith in leadership, and how to build trust within teams. The conversation also touches on parenting as a form of leadership, the significance of being seen, and the challenges of taking responsibility in a complex world. Ocheltree shares insights from his book, highlighting lessons from figures like Lincoln and Roosevelt, and emphasizes the need for proactive leadership in an ever-changing environment. Guest Links   https://yankeedoodledave.com/ FB: https://www.facebook.com/yankeedoodledave/# IG: https://www.instagram.com/YankeeDoodleLeadership LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/davidocheltree Chapters   00:00 The Call of Dire Necessity 05:46 Lessons from History: The NASA Example 10:44 Building Trust: Lincoln's Leadership Style 16:20 Parenting and Leadership: Interchangeable Roles 21:05 The Importance of Being Seen 26:33 Taking Responsibility: Lessons from History 31:23 Leadership vs. Manipulation 35:58 Dealing with Stress: The Potato, Egg, or Coffee Bean 41:24 Proactivity in a Rapidly Changing World 47:32 Leadership from the Least of These   To contribute to the the Post-Traumatic Growth of Veterans click here. To learn more about Mission 22's impact and programs, visit www.mission22.org or find us on social media. IG: @mission_22. Tiktok: @_mission22

In Episode 543 of District of Conservation, Gabriella catches up with Kenia Link from International Order of T. Roosevelt at the 2026 Safari Club International Convention in Nashville, TN. Tune in to learn what IOTR is up to this year, their 10 target states for right to hunt and fish amendments, how to get more young people in support of hunting and fishing, SCI membership, and much more. SHOW NOTESJoin Safari Club InternationalInternational Order of T. RooseveltAttend IOTR SummitRight to Hunt and Fish AmendmentsListen to Hunt. Fish. Freedom. Podcast

"Hard Ride" by Glyders from Forever; "Spooky" by Jim Jarmusch and Anika from the soundtrack from Father Mother Sister Brother; The title track from Full Serpent by Dialect; "The Buck Stops Here" by Goat and Human Language from The Human Language Goat Tape; "Let Me Know" by Nohr from the Two Lanes/Nohr collaboration EP Sign (Revision); The title track from the sountrack to The Smashing Machine by Nala Sinephro; "Space Ray" by Drew Gardner from Space Ray; "Firefly Pharology" by Bellbird from The Call; "Anna" by Katzin from Buckaroo; "Nightmare V: When All Becomes None" by The Mashmallow Ghosts from When Death Arrives - Five Nightmares; "Sentient Lithosphere" by Barry Walker, Jr. from Paleo Sol.

Cap

When the days are short and the bench time is shorter, what keeps us building? We open the studio door on a fast, funny, and honest ride through the parts of scale modeling that actually matter: a workspace that invites you to sit down, a ritual that signals “now we create,” and a community that shows up when motivation dips. The mailbag sets the tone—digital galleries that make old builds new again, a legendary decal mishap that proves perfection isn't required, and a smart question about the power of influencers. Do YouTube pros push products or possibilities? We separate inspiration from imitation and share how to borrow techniques without losing your voice.Then we tackle fear targets with real tactics. A 1/32 resin Viggen in splinter camo? Treat the paint job as its own project, build clean first, and practice masks on a cheap mule. Wingnut Wings rigging anxiety? De‑risk the process with repeatable steps and scrap‑wing drills. Along the way, we rediscover why the hobby sticks: it's Shangri‑La for busy minds, a hands‑on history lab, and the start of friendships that carry far beyond the bench. Listener stories echo our own—escapism, creativity, and shelves that chart the evolution from Wildcat to Bearcat.On the bench, we move a Hellcat through oils, satin, and chips, and push the Roosevelt build with neat bare‑metal‑foil masking tricks for razor‑clean trim. In the stash‑temptation corner, we nerd out over new releases: Tamiya's M24 Chaffee, BT upgrades and turrets, a 1/48 Vulcan with the wingspan of a stingray, and a 1/35 Me 323 that begs for a rolling cargo diorama. We wrap with the simple rule we live by: if you're not enjoying it, change what you're doing. Want more of this energy in your feed? Hit follow, rate us five stars, and share the show with a modeling friend who needs a spark.Pelicon'26 - a show to attend in the Tampa, FL area Emmas Planes - a listener recommened websiteModel Paint SolutionsYour source for Harder & Steenbeck Airbrushes, Mixing supplies, and great advice!SQUADRON Adding to the stash since 1968Model PodcastsPlease check out the other pods in the modelsphere!KitMasxCustom Canopy Masks for the Scale ModelerDisclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Give us your Feedback!Rate the Show!Support the Show!PatreonBuy Me a BeerPaypalBump Riffs Graciously Provided by Ed BarothAd Reads Generously Provided by Bob "The Voice of Bob" BairMike and Kentucky Dave thank each and everyone of you for participating on this journey with us.

March 1933. The Great Depression has Americans on edge, banks are shutting their doors, and fear is moving faster than facts. In this America Explained episode, Rich Bennett sets the scene and then shares a historic voice that helped steady the country: Franklin D. Roosevelt's first Fireside Chat, delivered March 12, 1933.Roosevelt doesn't talk like a politician here. He talks like a neighbor, breaking down complicated banking mechanics into plain language and giving people something they desperately needed: clarity and reassurance.Send a textVote for us here 10% off All MembershipsRuntime: 2/10/2026 until 2/28/2026Code: CRBPodcast This discount is valid only for memberships purchased February 10, 2026 until February 28, 2026. It cannot be applied retroactively to previous purchases and may not be combined with any other discount or promotion. All memberships purchased are nonrefundable.Freedom Federal Credit UnionHELPING YOU REACH YOUR FINANCIAL DREAMSDisclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Support the showRate & Review on Apple Podcasts Follow the Conversations with Rich Bennett podcast on Social Media:Facebook – Conversations with Rich Bennett Facebook Group (Join the conversation) – Conversations with Rich Bennett podcast group | FacebookTwitter – Conversations with Rich Bennett Instagram – @conversationswithrichbennettTikTok – CWRB (@conversationsrichbennett) | TikTok Sponsors, Affiliates, and ways we pay the bills:Hosted on BuzzsproutSquadCast Subscribe by Email

Jeżeli podoba Ci się odcinek możesz nas wesprzeć w serwisie 

D is for Colora-DOors :)From cave entrances and grand hotel thresholds to hot springs and historic streets, we explore the literal and metaphorical doors of Glenwood Springs—then bring it home with a master craftsman who's turning a door into a table and inspiring new life in our own 1916 fixer-upper.MENTIONED in this episode:visitglenwood.comhttps://www.glenwoodcaverns.comspeakeagle.comConnect with Skip Ralls / Mindscape Metal Works:• Facebook: Skip.Ralls• Facebook: Mindscape Metal Works• LinkedIn: Skip Ralls• Web: Mindscapemetalworks.artMindscapemetalworks@gmail.comSome places don't just welcome you in—they change the way you walk back out. Glenwood Springs did that to us. We crossed grand hotel thresholds with presidential lore, ducked into vapor caves that once drew visitors just to see Edison bulbs glow, and rode a gondola to a mountaintop park where a gravity coaster let us choose our own speed. Between the laughter and the chill on our gloves, we kept circling the same idea: travel is a series of doors, and every one of them opens something new.We sit down with Lisa Langer from Visit Glenwood Springs to map the town's origin story—rivers rerouted to cradle mineral waters, a “Grand Dome of the Rockies” built to court the world, and the curious current that connects hot springs, rail lines, and resistance. The King's Row cavern tour turns geology into theater: 3,000 formations, a UV-lit shimmer, and the slow patience of water shaping a room over thousands of years. A muddy hike to Doc Holliday's memorial adds grit and myth, while Hotel Colorado's corridors layer in Roosevelt's balcony speeches, Al Capone's retreats, and the enduring legend of a certain teddy bear.Then we bring the theme home, literally. Our friend, master blacksmith and metal artist Skip Rawls, invites us into his forge where 1,800 degrees turns stubborn metal into meaning. He shows us how a weathered oak door becomes a dining table—steel-banded edges, hand-driven rivets, offset legs that make your eyes pause. Art, he says, is a doorway you want to open. From large-scale public works to custom staircases and furniture, Skip's process is a study in trust, failure as feedback, and the joy of building pieces that people gather around for years.We wrap with simple, practical ways to make your own thresholds speak: clear the path, warm the light, add something living, create a pause point, and let a single intentional detail set the tone. Ready to step through a new door this week—maybe even build one? Press play, travel with us from caves to coasters to the forge, and tell us which threshold you're opening next. If this story moves you, subscribe, share it with a friend, and leave a quick review so more curious travelers can find the show.Please support our show by shopping through Eagle Creek: https://alnk.to/gVNDI6N and/or feel free to donate to:http://paypal.me/TheROAMies And it means the world to us when you subscribe, rate and share our podcast. Alexa and RoryThe ROAMiesFollow us at:http://www.TheROAMies.com@The ROAMies: Facebook and Instagram YouTube and X.

Mitten im Zweiten Weltkrieg entwickeln US-Präsident Roosevelt und der britische Premier Churchill die Atlantik‑Charta. Das Dokument formuliert erstmals die Vision einer neuen Weltorganisation und wird zum Grundstein der UNO, die 1945 gegründet wird. Wie kam es dazu? Im August 1941 treffen sich Franklin D. Roosevelt und Winston Churchill im Geheimen vor Neufundland, um mitten im Zweiten Weltkrieg über die Zukunft nach dem Krieg zu beraten. Aus diesem Treffen entsteht die AtlantikCharta, die erstmals gemeinsame Grundsätze für eine friedlichere Welt festhält und später zum zentralen Fundament der UNO wird. In den folgenden Jahren schliessen sich 26 Staaten der Erklärung der Vereinten Nationen an, die direkt auf dieser Charta aufbaut. 1945 verabschieden Delegierte aus 51 Ländern in San Francisco die UNOCharta, die am 24. Oktober in Kraft tritt und die neue Weltorganisation begründet. Gleichzeitig löst sich der Völkerbund 1946 auf, weil er den Frieden nicht sichern konnte, und überträgt seine Aufgaben an die UNO. Die UNO erhält mit dem Sicherheitsrat und den Friedenstruppen erstmals Instrumente, um bei Bedrohungen des Friedens verbindlich eingreifen zu können, etwas, das dem Völkerbund fehlte. Als neuer Hauptsitz setzt sich New York durch, während Genf europäisches Zentrum bleibt und weiterhin wichtige multilaterale Aufgaben übernimmt. Die Episode des SRF-Podcasts «Geschichte» zeigt, wie aus dem Scheitern des Völkerbunds eine stärkere Organisation entsteht, die den internationalen Frieden sichern soll und bis heute die Weltpolitik prägt. ____________________ Vom Ersten Weltkrieg zu Woodrow Wilsons Vision, vom kleinen Genf zum Sitz einer globalen Organisation: Diese Serie erzählt, wie der Völkerbund entstand, scheiterte – und wie daraus die UNO wurde. ____________________ In dieser Episode zu hören: · Pierre-Etienne Bourneuf, wissenschaftlicher Berater des Archivs und der Bibliothek der UNO in Genf · Chloé Maurel, Historikerin und Buchautorin · Fredy Gsteiger, internationaler Korrespondent Radio SRF ____________________ Recherche, Produktion und Moderation: Silvan Zemp, Anaïs Kien (RTS) ____________________ Literatur: Maurel, Chloé (2015): Histoire des idées des Nations unies. L'ONU en 20 notions, Paris: Éditions L'Harmattan. ____________________ Links: Vereinte Nationen im historischen Lexikon der Schweiz: https://hls-dhs-dss.ch/de/articles/026469/2013-01-10/ RTS-Sendung «Histoire vivante»: Inventer l'ONU: https://www.rts.ch/audio-podcast/2025/audio/onu-les-debuts-2-5-inventer-l-onu-28877591.html ____________________ Hast du Feedback, Fragen oder Wünsche? Wir freuen uns auf deine Nachricht via geschichte@srf.ch – und wenn du deinen Freund:innen von uns erzählst.

Neil Lanctot covers Charles Evans Hughes winning the Republican nomination, forcing Roosevelt to abandon Progressives, while suffrage leaders pressure candidates to support a federal amendment during the 1916 campaign. 6

Neil Lanctot discusses Roosevelt campaigning for military preparedness for Republican favor, while Wilson embarks on a speaking tour to convince the skeptical Midwest of necessary national defense buildup. 4

Neil Lanctot concludes with the Zimmerman Telegram sealing America's entry into WWI, followed by the eventual deaths of Roosevelt and Wilson and Jane Addams's later Nobel Peace Prize. 8

Josh talks with Roosevelt, Nesha & Erica from the Grand Forks Cultural Committee about what it's all about, their Night Of Excellence Gala, other upcoming events, and how you can be part of it!

From acclaimed historian and author of the “marvelous” (The New York Times Book Review) The Last American Aristocrat comes a captivating new biography of Teddy Roosevelt, exploring the life of America's 26th president and his pivotal role in shaping the dawn of the American Century.Theodore Roosevelt was one of America's most fascinating presidents—a complex man both publicly and privately. In this sweeping biography, historian David S. Brown takes us on an electrifying journey through Theodore Roosevelt's life—from his privileged New York upbringing to his transformative presidency that reshaped America's role on the global stage.In the Arena vividly brings Roosevelt to life as a man of striking contradictions: a rugged outdoorsman with a love for books, a war hero who earned a Nobel Peace Prize, and a larger-than-life figure whose energy seemed boundless. Through compelling storytelling and meticulous research, Brown explores the pivotal moments that forged Roosevelt's indomitable spirit, from battling childhood asthma to witnessing the deaths of both his mother and his wife on the same day, to wrangling cattle in the West and preserving 150 million acres of national land.Challenging traditional views, In the Arena offers a fresh perspective on Roosevelt's groundbreaking political legacy, including his Square Deal policies that laid the groundwork for modern social welfare programs. It also unpacks his bold foreign policy, which expanded America's global influence and set the stage for its rise as a world power. Brown argues that Roosevelt's charisma and performative presidency helped bridge the old Victorian values with the new industrial age, capturing the attention of the middle-class and making him a leader that the people loved.Drawing comparisons to works like David McCullough's Mornings on Horseback, Brown's narrative stands out for its rich detail and sharp insights. More than just an account of a presidency—it's an exploration of a life lived on the edge of greatness and is a must-read for anyone who wants to better understand this critical period of American history.ABOUT THE AUTHORDavid S. Brown teaches history at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. He is the author of eight books, including In the Arena: Theodore Roosevelt in War, Peace, and Revolution; A Hell of a Storm: The Battle for Kansas, the End of Compromise, and the Coming of the Civil War; The First Populist: The Defiant Life of Andrew Jackson; The Last American Aristocrat: The Brilliant Life and Improbable Education of Henry Adams; and biographies of F. Scott Fitzgerald and Richard Hofstadter.#speakingofwriterspodcast #authorpodcast #theodoreroosevelt#americanpresidents

From childhood reading to feminist awakening to the brutal truth about why being yourself means refusing to let anyone's opinion control your narrative - and why the books from Madeleine Albright to Roosevelt's memoirs reveal that greats are just human beings with the same 24 hours and same organs as you proving "why not me?" is the right question, the psychological reality of self-awareness where you insult yourself so harshly that when strangers on social media try to bring you down they become mere mortals because whatever they say you've already said worse to yourself, the Rwandan minister reaching out about Women of Valor triggering imposter syndrome asking "what does this woman want?" before realizing it's the fourth year of promoting this event so it's not a big deal, and why Ghanaians are not timid - they are overly nice, overly polite, overly respectful to the point where they won't tell you your shirt is hideous to your face but will smile and say "oh yeah feel" while thinking something completely different, while the real question becomes: are you confident enough to disagree with people, to be authentic, to say no when you're exhausted, to tell a crying girl "if you're crying because I don't have time right now then cry more because I don't have the time, but if you're crying because of why you want to talk to me call me tomorrow when my brain works better," because being yourself means knowing when to set boundaries, when to say no, when to protect your energy, and when to give your number to someone who needs help and actually mean it when you say call me tomorrow at 7 a.m. and she does and you invite her over and she takes three hours in traffic from Ashiaman to sit in your living room and gulp down water because today is going to be a long day and this girl is going to unload her story just like Junior did at the first Women of Valor event when she shared how her father's friends defiled her as a child with their "mehri mehri you want to say" red flag behavior and her mother heard that story for the first time and cried and the whole room broke down and one girl in the crowd couldn't speak up because she was going through it right then and came to you after the event needing to talk. In this raw episode of Konnected Minds, host Derrick Abaitey sits down with Nana Aba Anamoah - a powerhouse media personality and feminist who dismantles the dangerous "be humble and let people walk over you" mentality that keeps young women from setting boundaries, speaking up, and protecting their energy, revealing the exact moment when reading books from Madeleine Albright and Roosevelt made it clear that greats are human beings with the same 24 hours and same organs as you so "why not me?" is the only question that matters, when being so self-deprecating and insulting yourself harshly means nobody on social media can bring your spirit down because you've already said worse to yourself making their opinions irrelevant, when a Rwandan minister reaching out about Women of Valor triggers imposter syndrome and the panicked thought "what does this woman want, maybe somebody told her something about me" before realizing it's the fourth year of this event so it's not a big deal, when people call saying "they're writing about you on social media" and the response is "I haven't even seen what they're saying because I don't pay attention, I don't lose sleep over opinions of people who shouldn't be discussing my life," when Derek and his friends sit around discussing the worst things about Nana Aba thinking it will bring her spirit down but it actually eggs her on because she thrives on it, when the only person who can bring your spirit down is you and nobody else has that power. When Ghanaians are called timid but the truth is they are overly nice, overly polite, overly respectful - they won't tell you your shirt is hideous to your face, they'll smile and say "oh yeah feel" while thinking something else, when that's not hypocrisy it's just being very nice people who don't want you to look bad or feel bad, when children are taught to start sentences with "please" and end with "thank you" and use magic words and be respectful, when that doesn't mean Ghanaians are timid because if you disrespect a Ghanaian you will see the real Ghanaian. Guest: Nana Aba Anamoah Host: Derrick Abaitey

Comprehensive coverage of the day's news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice. Trump's Board of Peace, photo by Press Service of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license World's 6th largest fossil fuel company facing trial in France; Trump chairs first Board of Peace meeting, pledges funds and troops for Gaza as many fear mission creep; Amy Goodman speaks to KPFA on 30th anniversary of “Democracy Now”; Large banner with Trump's face hung on Justice Department headquarters; On this date in 1942, Roosevelt signs executive order leading to internment of 125,000 people of Japanese ancestry, including US citizens; US pays $160 million of the $4 billion owed to United Nations The post Trump chairs first Board of Peace meeting as many fear mission creep; 6th largest fossil fuel company on trial in Paris- February 19, 2026 appeared first on KPFA.

What hard conversation are you avoiding right now?In this solo episode of Leadership Blueprints, BJ reflects on Valentine's Day, Presidents' Day, and even the Winter Olympics to unpack one central leadership tension: compassion and accountability must coexist. Real leadership is not choosing between love and standards - it is holding both.Through presidential vignettes, youth sports culture, and lessons from business and family life, BJ introduces a practical three-part framework for developing leaders: Compassion, Clarity, and Courage. This episode challenges listeners to examine whether they are truly leading with compassion - or simply avoiding discomfort.Thanks for listening in!Key Points From This Episode:• Why growth - for you and your team - is determined by the number of uncomfortable conversations you're willing to have.• The difference between compassion and comfort, and why lowering the standard helps no one.• Lessons from presidential leadership such as Lincoln's empathy paired with accountability, Washington's self-discipline and moral restraint, and Roosevelt's belief that high standards are a form of respect. • The three-part leadership blueprint: compassion, clarity, and courage• What Norway's youth sports philosophy and Olympic success reveal about balancing joy and standards in development.Quotes:“Love without accountability is a leadership weakness.” — BJ Kraemer“Accountability begins with self-discipline and self-governance.” — BJ Kraemer“I think when you have high-love, high-expectation leadership, performance will increase. The mission will get accomplished. The culture will be improved.” — BJ Kraemer Links Mentioned in Today's Episode:The Dichotomy of LeadershipLincoln on Leadership The Art of ManlinessDo Hard ThingsLeadership Blueprints PodcastLeadership Blueprints Podcast on YouTubeMCFAMCFA CareersBJ Kraemer on LinkedIn

Humanities scholar Clay Jenkinson joins John Williams to talk about how Teddy Roosevelt became the 26th President of the United States, the tragedy that struck the Roosevelt family on Valentine’s Day in 1884, when he became interested in the plight of the poor, and how his family is keeping Roosevelt’s conservation legacy alive.

Humanities scholar Clay Jenkinson joins John Williams to talk about how Teddy Roosevelt became the 26th President of the United States, the tragedy that struck the Roosevelt family on Valentine’s Day in 1884, when he became interested in the plight of the poor, and how his family is keeping Roosevelt’s conservation legacy alive.

Humanities scholar Clay Jenkinson joins John Williams to talk about how Teddy Roosevelt became the 26th President of the United States, the tragedy that struck the Roosevelt family on Valentine’s Day in 1884, when he became interested in the plight of the poor, and how his family is keeping Roosevelt’s conservation legacy alive.

Miami, FloridaFebruary 15, 1933A warm Wednesday evening in Bayfront Park. President-elect Franklin Roosevelt has just finished a short speech from the back of an open touring car when a five-foot-one Italian bricklayer named Giuseppe Zangara climbs onto a wobbly folding chair, pulls a thirty-two caliber revolver, and fires five shots into the crowd. Roosevelt is untouched. But Chicago Mayor Anton Cermak, who had just stepped away from the president-elect's car, takes a bullet to the lung. He will be dead in nineteen days. Zangara will follow him to the grave thirteen days after that — one of the fastest trips from crime to electric chair in American history. The official story is a madman and bad aim. But in Chicago, where the mayor's own police bodyguards had recently tried to assassinate the head of the Capone organization, not everybody was buying it.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/true-crime-historian--2909311/support.You can pay more if you want to, but rent at the Safe House is still just a buck a week, and you can get access to over 400 ad-free episodes from the dusty vault, Safe House Exclusives, direct access to the Boss, and whatever personal services you require.We invite you to our other PULPULAR MEDIA podcasts:If disaster is more your jam, check out CATASTROPHIC CALAMITIES, telling the stories of famous and forgotten tragedies of the 19th and 20th centuries. What could go wrong? Everything!For brand-new tales in the old clothes from the golden era of popular literature, give your ears a treat with PULP MAGAZINES with two new stories every week.This episode includes AI-generated content.

Con la participación del Dr. Gerardo Piñero Cádiz

Puerto Rico, la cuarta isla más grande del Caribe, fue durante cuatro siglos uno de los baluartes más importantes de la corona española en América. A diferencia de la práctica totalidad de la América hispana, no participó en las guerras de independencia del siglo XIX. Se mantuvo primero como una capitanía general remota y luego como una provincia. En 1897, ya en plena guerra de Cuba, el gobierno español le otorgó la Carta Autonómica, un estatuto de autogobierno muy avanzado para la época. Pero aquello duró apenas unos meses, el estallido de la guerra con Estados Unidos puso fin repentina e inesperadamente a una prolongada y tranquila etapa de la historia de la isla. El 25 de julio de 1898 tropas estadounidenses desembarcaron en Guánica. Ese sería el comienzo de una ocupación militar que culminaría con la entrega de la isla. Con el Tratado de París España cedió formalmente un territorio que los nuevos dueños consideraban un botín de guerra. Tras dos años de control militar directo la Ley Foraker de 1900 estableció un gobierno civil que dependía por completo de Estados Unidos. Era de facto una colonia, algo inaceptable para un país como Estados Unidos que se habían sacudido el yugo colonial solo un siglo antes. El Tribunal Supremo tuvo que intervenir creando una singularidad jurídica. Puerto Rico pasaría a pertenecer, pero no formaría parte de Estados Unidos. En ese limbo los puertorriqueños se mantendrían durante años. Los planes que tenían en Washington para Puerto Rico pasaban por convertir la isla en una gigantesca plantación de azúcar controlada por empresas estadounidenses que se beneficiaban de una mano de obra abundante y barata. Con la Ley Jones de 1917 se concedió la ciudadanía estadounidense a sus habitantes y se intensificó una política de americanización acelerada. Los gobernadores, nombrados por el presidente, trataron de asimilar a los puertorriqueños suprimiendo la lengua española de la enseñanza y de la vida pública. Eso y la miseria en la que vivía la mayor parte de los puertorriqueños generó mucha resistencia y allanó el camino para que surgiesen movimientos nacionalistas como el de Pedro Albizu Campos. Albizu cuestionaba abiertamente la soberanía estadounidense. Estaba convencido de que la lucha armada seguida de una revolución era el único camino posible. Terminó en la cárcel y los nacionalistas fueron puestos fuera de la ley. A finales de los años 30 emergió la figura de Luis Muñoz Marín y su Partido Popular Democrático, que, partiendo del independentismo, proponía una solución pragmática a los problemas de la isla. Con el apoyo del gobierno de Roosevelt y el impulso de la Operación Manos a la Obra, Puerto Rico fue abandonando el monocultivo azucarero y se industrializó con gran rapidez gracias a una serie de incentivos fiscales para las empresas estadounidenses. Esas reformas alumbraron una nueva clase media pero también provocaron la emigración de muchos puertorriqueños hacia ciudades como Nueva York. Ya en 1952, tras reprimir la revolución nacionalista de 1950, se proclamó el Estado Libre Asociado. Este nuevo estatus permitió a la isla tener su propia constitución y un autogobierno muy amplio. Ese fue el origen del Puerto Rico actual, un país un tanto peculiar, a caballo entre dos mundos, que tras medio siglo viviendo peligrosamente, supo conservar su idioma, su cultura y sus costumbres frente al país más poderoso del mundo. Ya sólo por eso lo de Puerto Rico, que es conocida como la isla del Encanto, debería llamarse la isla del milagro. En La ContraRéplica: 0:00 Introducción 4:05 La isla del milagro 26:53 Clásicos Gredos 1:26:03 El "tränenpalast" de Berlín Bibliografía: - "Puerto Rico: historia de una nación" de Jorell A. Meléndez-Badillo - https://amzn.to/4tRsNJt - "Breve Historia de Puerto Rico" de José Carlos Arroyo - https://amzn.to/3OcbuCo - "Historia de Puerto Rico" de Luis E. González Vales - https://amzn.to/4bYxnPz - "La isla de la fantasia" de Ed Morales - https://amzn.to/3OdXnN2 · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra el pesimismo”… https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva #FernandoDiazVillanueva #puertorico Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Last episode, we talked about the brewing conflict between what currently passes for mainstream conservatism and the schizophrenic reactionary Groyper politics of Nick Fuentes. Subscribe on Patreon to support making this show, get premium only episodes, and listen to our entire back catalog. patreon.com/wetwired We wrapped things up with the idea that conservatism has never really bothered to conserve anything. Aside from a few exceptions, most of the time they keep themselves busy fighting culture wars about immigration, civil rights, women's rights, Christianity, and demonizing organized labor. What they keep trying to “conserve” is whatever the status quo power dynamic was when their grandad was a kid.  After the Civil War, they wanted slavery back. Women's suffrage, desegregation—they wanted to get rid of all those things. This isn't the first fight inside conservatism. As part of its periodic reinvention of itself, conservatives have gone back to the political well and dredged up the same slogans more than once. We tied this malleable idea of conservatism in with the evolution of the field of unashamed ideological political economists into what we now think of as the pseudoscience of Economics. At least the political economists were up front about whatever ideological bent they had. If you were a socialist, you'd start with your convictions about socialism being the absolute best way of running society on offer, and they work to come up with an economic theory or plan that made it seem possible. It was honest. By the time the 1800s were wrapping up, that wasn't good enough. Economists wanted to be taken more seriously, so they started dressing the whole thing up like they were doing physics or pure math. They could talk about whatever economic system as if they were describing the laws of nature. That didn't get rid of the ideology, though. It just buried it under metric tons of academic jargon and complicated formulas. After all, what's the difference between modeling a tsunami and a stock market crash? The answer is that the tsunami wasn't caused by Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan. That all brings us around to FDR's New Deal and the era of John Maynard Keynes and what Matt Christman has called his "Keynesian machine for dispensing treats". As many contradictions as Keynes gathered into his economic model, it remains the only proven way to maintain capitalism. To set the tone, David Talbot has a quote in his book The Devil's Chessboard about Bertie Pell, a friend of FDR's who Talbot described as a “full-on traitor to his class”. “I am almost the last capitalist who is willing to be saved by you,” Pell wrote Roosevelt in 1936 in a letter beseeching the president to draft him for the New Deal cause. The following year, Pell wrote again, praising FDR's accomplishments: “Your administration has made possible the continuance of American institutions for at least fifty years. You have done for the government what St. Francis did for the Catholic Church. You have brought it back to the people.” It turns out Pell was eerily correct. Those institutions managed to last just a little longer than 50 years. They are about gone now, though. Our long promised merch is here!! Fly your crypto-leftist flag with our personal love letter to Juan José Arévalo, philosopher and socialist president of Guatemala, and the airline he nationalized. wetwired.printful.me/ Subscribe on Patreon to support making this show, get premium only episodes, and listen to our entire back catalog. patreon.com/wetwired Music:Airglow - Spliff and Wesson (CC-BY)

When host Janet Michael talks with Rosemary Wallinger and Laura Fogle for this episode of The Valley Today, she expected a straightforward conversation about local history. What unfolded instead was a remarkable story of discovery, perseverance, and the fight to preserve a crucial piece of American—and African American—heritage that has been hiding in plain sight for nearly 90 years. A Tale of Two Camps Rosemary, president of the CCC Legacy organization, and Laura, the vice president, share how Shenandoah County is home to two historically significant Civilian Conservation Corps camps. While Camp Roosevelt is well-known as the nation's first CCC camp, Wolf Gap - located just 22 miles away - has remained virtually unknown. "Nobody here that we've talked to, other than maybe three people, had ever heard of it," Rosemary reveals. "So we are giving concentrated effort to get it into public awareness." Both camps were among the first ten CCC camps established in the nation. But there's a crucial difference: Wolf Gap became one of the very first African American CCC camps in the country, opening just one month after Camp Roosevelt in 1933. Roosevelt's New Deal in Action As the women explain, the CCC was born from desperation. When Franklin D. Roosevelt took office in 1933, 15 million Americans were unemployed. People were starving. The CCC became one of his fastest-activated New Deal programs, up and running within weeks of his inauguration. The scale was staggering: over 3 million men employed across 4,500 camps nationwide, including 250,000 African Americans and 80,000 Native Americans. Young men—officially aged 17 to 25, though many lied about their age to enroll as young as 15—earned $30 a month. Twenty-five dollars went directly home to their families; they kept just $5 for themselves. "It was another great stimulus program for the whole country," Laura explains. "The guys that were working got to keep $5 a month and their families got the other 25 back home to spend on groceries and needs. The communities around the CCC camps profited because they supplied the food. The farmers had work, the mercantiles had work, the lumber yards had work." The average enrollee gained 35 pounds during their service—a stark testament to the poverty they'd escaped. They learned carpentry, metalworking, and conservation skills. Those who couldn't read or write were taught in camp classes. The Accomplishments History Forgot During the conversation, Rosemary rattles off Wolf Gap's impressive achievements: 16,000 acres of trees planted, 45 miles of road built, 60 miles of horse trails, 100 miles of telephone line, 50 miles of roadside naturalization, and three miles of stream improvement. The camp protected 100,000 acres of local forest, fought a three-day fire at Cedar Creek in 1935, and rescued more than 1,200 residents from floodwaters in March 1936. "Their accomplishments were just astonishing," Rosemary says. "It's shocking that it's unknown to have a list of accomplishments that long, and yet nobody even knows they were here," says Janet. The infrastructure these young men built—in national parks, state parks, and forests across America—still stands today, a testament to the quality of their work. A Serendipitous Discovery Rosemary's discovery of Wolf Gap came while researching her family's involvement in the 1880 race riot at Columbia Furnace. On the Edinburg Memories website, she found a post from Helen Larkin Burton describing how, as a young girl in her father's store, she watched "the boys from the Wolf Gap CCC" come to shop. It was, Burton wrote, the first time she'd ever seen a Black person. "I thought, what CCC are we talking about at Wolf Gap?" Rosemary recalls. She contacted a local historian who confirmed it: "Best kept secret in Shenandoah County." That discovery sparked a grassroots movement. Rosemary assembled a team of dedicated women to pursue state byway designation for Route 675, the road connecting both camps. They succeeded in getting the byway designation and are now working to have it officially named the Shenandoah County CCC Memorial Byway. The Segregation Story The conversation delves into the painful reality of segregation within the CCC. Though African American legislator Oscar De Priest had declared there would be "no discrimination according to race, creed, or color," Robert Fechner, a southerner who helped administer the program, declared that "separate was not unequal." Wolf Gap started as a white camp in its first year but became an African American camp in 1934 when administrators realized they hadn't factored in "how deeply segregated the south still was in the thirties," as Laura explains. African American camps were intentionally placed in remote areas, presumably to avoid racist confrontation. The irony, Rosemary notes, was that when African American enrollees worked battlefields to the point where tourists wanted to visit, they were often transferred to another remote location. Local populations frequently protested the placement of these camps. Finding the Descendants One of the team's greatest accomplishments, shared emotionally during the conversation, was connecting with Roy Allen Cooper, whose father, Oswald Bentley Cooper, was an enrollee at Wolf Gap. While serving, Oswald met Evelyn McAfee from Woodstock. They married and raised nine children—eight boys and one girl named Georgia—on Water Street and Spring Street in Woodstock. Roy's brother Bobby became a well-known local restaurateur, first as the opening cook at the Spring House restaurant in 1973, then running his own establishment. Roy now serves on the CCC Legacy board, providing a vital personal connection to Wolf Gap's history. The Research Challenge "The white CCC was well recorded, records up your wazoo," Rosemary says candidly during the conversation. "But the history of the Black camps is just sparse and what's there is difficult to find." The team has uncovered treasures, including a regional annual with the only known photographs of Wolf Gap enrollees—two large portraits showing the men's names and hometowns. Many came from a community in Southwest Virginia called Agricola, offering potential leads for finding more descendants. Rosemary's research has also uncovered broader stories, including the Preston Lake Rebellion in upstate New York, where African American enrollees trained as leaders were told to step down when white enrollees joined the camp. The men rebelled for three days before being sent back to Harlem—a story that even New York State's historical resources department didn't know about. The Interpretive Center and What's Next The women discuss the James R. Wilkins Sr. Interpretive Center at the US Forest Service Office in Edinburg—a partially completed museum dedicated to CCC history. Wilkins supervised projects at both camps. His son, Jimmy, has been a primary funder along with his sister Donna. The center is open to the public but unfinished. The organization is working to finalize a new agreement with the US Forest Service. As Laura emphasizes in the conversation, 2033 will mark the hundredth anniversary of the CCC's birth, and Camp Roosevelt was the first CCC camp in the nation. "Virginia was truly the epicenter of the CCC," she says. "The state of Virginia needs to embrace that history." Why This Matters When board member Colette Sylvestri presented to 300 students at George Mason University, the most frequent question was: "Why weren't we taught this?" "So much of the history of the CCC in general has just fallen by the wayside," Laura laments. Many people in their forties have never even heard of the Civilian Conservation Corps, let alone understand its contribution to the nation. The CCC didn't just build infrastructure—it restored America. As Laura puts it: "These men who built this country, really the CCC restored the United States of America to what it became after World War II." How to Get Involved The CCC Legacy welcomes new members at $35 annually. Members receive quarterly publications including bulletins and a journal with stories from CCC camps across the country. The organization also offers presentations to civic groups and is actively seeking volunteers, particularly web developers to help update their website at ccclegacy.org. For those with family connections to the CCC, the National Archives has digitized enrollee names, making it possible to search for relatives online. As the conversation wraps up, Rosemary makes a simple request: "Spread the word that this is a thing. We want people to know that this is our history." Both Camp Roosevelt and Wolf Gap are accessible to visitors today. Camp Roosevelt operates as a Forest Service campground with interpretive signage throughout. Wolf Gap, currently undergoing Forest Service renovations, will soon have its own signage installed. Standing at these remote, quiet sites at dusk, Rosemary shares, "I can hear the voices" - a poignant reminder that history isn't just about dates and statistics. It's about the young men who slept in West Virginia, walked to Virginia for breakfast, and built the America we know today. To learn more about the CCC Legacy organization, visit ccclegacy.org or find them on Facebook. Donations can be mailed to CCC Legacy, PO Box 341, Edinburg, VA 22824.

H.W. Brands explains FDR declares a national emergency while Lindbergh's reputation collapses after a Des Moinesspeech blaming the British, Jews, and the Roosevelt administration for dragging America into war.

Con la participación del Dr. Emilio Pantojas Garcia

Guest: Dan Flores. Aristocratic "safari" hunters massacred wildlife for sport, while early conservation efforts by figures like Roosevelt often focused on preserving game populations specifically for future hunting.1911 ALASKA

Sean McMeekin discusses Molotov's 1940 Berlin visit, noting Stalin's brazen demands for influence in Bulgaria and Turkey caused talks to collapse, prompting Hitler to plan Operation Barbarossa, while Roosevelt began lifting moral embargoes anticipating a German-Soviet clash.1931 STALIN AND BERIA

How can we be sure that we're not living in the Upside Down? A lot of evidence suggests things aren't as they should be. Stephen A Smith is considering a run for President. A gay porn show is the most-talked about Hockey program on TV. And semen freaks are treating changerooms like it's the Roosevelt administration. But worry not, faithful roaches! I have indisputable proof that we are not living in the Upside Down: The Bills keep doing Bills things. And I still believe in them. They are nothing if not a sign of reliability in troubling times. Mafia…I love you. Keep writing in with your stories of zipper fly trauma at JoshPotterShow@gmail.com ★★★ This week's episode is brought to you by the kind people over at: HomeChef - 50% off and Free Shipping for your first box, plus FREE DESSERT FOR LIFE ⁠⁠https://www.homechef.com/potter⁠⁠ Rocket Money - Find and cancel your unwanted subscriptions and reach your financial goals faster. Go to ⁠⁠https://rocketmoney.com/POTTER⁠⁠ Mint Mobile - Go to https://mintmobile.com/potter for 50% off Unlimited premium wireless. Plans start at $15/month ★★★ This week's Intro Music: “I Feel Weird But I'm Alright” by @Odd-Track Numbers Outro Music: “Live From The Roach Motel (feat. Hendawg)” by Brothers ⁠⁠@HendawgMusic⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠  ⁠⁠⁠⁠  ⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ★★★ See Josh Live! ALL STAND UP LINKS CAN BE FOUND HERE: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://thejoshpotter.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ★★★ Josh Potter:

WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST'S OPPOSITION TO FDR Colleague David Pietrusza. Media tycoon William Randolph Hearst, who controls a vast network of newspapers and radio stations, turns against Roosevelt as the New Deal moves left. Hearst's reputation suffers after a controversial 1934 meeting with Hitler, which accelerates his decline in popularity. By 1936, Roosevelt views Hearst and the wealthy "economic royalists" as political targets. In a conversation with an intermediary, Roosevelt jokes about throwing millionaires to the wolves, further inflaming Hearst. Consequently, the publisher commits his media empire to unseating the President, seeking a Republican candidate to support. NUMBER 51936 BRITISH ARMY AT THE JAFFA GATE FOR THE TURMOIL IN PALESTINE

CHALLENGES FROM AL SMITH AND SOUTHERN POPULISTS Colleague David Pietrusza. Roosevelt faces opposition from his former mentor Al Smith, who felt snubbed after 1932 and now leads the conservative American Liberty League. Smith attacks the New Deal as class warfare and claims it steals from socialist programs. Simultaneously, FDR worries about the populist threat from the South, represented by the legacy of Huey Long and the rhetoric of Eugene Talmadge. Although Long was assassinated in 1935, his "Share Our Wealth" program remains popular. In Georgia, Talmadge rallies support with race-baiting and accusations that the New Deal is influenced by communism. NUMBER 21936 JOAN CRAWFIORD AND FRANCHOT TONE IN ITALY

Jonah Goldberg starts this Ruminant off with a bang by defending his take on the ICE shooting, then jumping headfirst into his thoughts on Labor Department posts and Woodrow Wilson's fascistic America. He also muses on his father's defense of the Shah, takes on right- and left-wing antisemitism, and tries out a new metaphor for Donald Trump.Plus, listeners will be treated to ... a confession. Shownotes:—Jonah's take on the Minneapolis ICE shooting on The Dispatch Podcast—Advisory Opinions on the ICE shooting—Goldberg slams ‘grotesque and idiotic' response by some in GOP to deadly ICE shooting—Most recent Dispatch Podcast—Mike Allen at Axios on new White House concern over immigration—“There Will Be More Renee Goods” - Jeremiah Johnson at The Dispatch—Jonah's G-File on the Department of Labor—Jonah's book, Liberal Fascism—Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939—The Remnant: John Adams Was Not an Originalist | Interview: Lindsay Chervinsky—The Remnant: Patriots and Loyalists | Interview: Ken Burns—Foer in The Atlantic: ‘MAGA's Jewish Intellectuals Helped Create Their Own Predicament'—Yoni Appelbaum on The Remnant—Foer: ‘The Golden Age of American Jews Is Ending'—Eli Lake on The Commentary Podcast—Mike Nelson in The Dispatch on America's red lines The Remnant is a production of ⁠The Dispatch⁠, a digital media company covering politics, policy, and culture from a non-partisan, conservative perspective. To access all of The Dispatch's offerings—including access to all of Jonah's G-File newsletters—⁠click here⁠. If you'd like to remove all ads from your podcast experience, consider becoming a premium Dispatch member ⁠by clicking here⁠. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices