Podcasts about Roosevelt

This Day in Legal History: The End of Roosevelt's Hundred DaysOn this day in 1933, Franklin Roosevelt signed three pieces of legislation that closed out what the country has been calling the Hundred Days ever since: the Banking Act of 1933, the National Industrial Recovery Act, and the Farm Credit Act, with the Home Owners' Loan Act having been signed three days earlier. The Banking Act of 1933 is the one most lawyers know, because the popular name attached to it — Glass-Steagall — has been doing rhetorical work in financial-regulation debates for ninety-three years.Carter Glass of Virginia and Henry Steagall of Alabama, the Senate Banking chair and the House Banking chair respectively, built the statute around two structural propositions: that commercial banks should be separated from investment banking and the speculative securities business that had helped pull the country into the Great Depression, and that depositors at member banks should be protected by a federal deposit insurance scheme so that a panic at one bank did not become a panic everywhere.The deposit insurance piece became the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. The separation piece was the part that got partially repealed by the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act in 1999 and then revisited in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. The National Industrial Recovery Act, signed the same day, set up the National Recovery Administration and the Public Works Administration and was meant to coordinate industry-wide codes of fair competition; the Supreme Court struck the centerpiece codes provision down two years later in A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States in 1935 on nondelegation and Commerce Clause grounds, an opinion that nearly killed the early New Deal and prompted Roosevelt's court-packing plan two years after that. The Farm Credit Act consolidated and refinanced the agricultural lending system that the Great Depression had taken to the brink.The legal point worth remembering is that this last day of the Hundred Days was, in retrospect, the moment the federal regulatory state of the twentieth century stopped being a collection of post-Civil-War commissions and started being the integrated structure of agencies, deposit-insurance funds, securities oversight, labor regulation, and welfare administration that the country has lived inside ever since. The fact that the Schechter Court was waiting in the wings to strike down the most ambitious piece of that day's work is part of the lesson. The constitutional question of how much economic ordering a Congress and a President can do at once was not answered on June 16, 1933 — it was framed.The Supreme Court on Monday declined to take up E.D. v. Noblesville School District, a free-speech challenge brought by the parents of an Indiana high-school student whose school district had refused to let her post flyers for her student-run anti-abortion club on classroom and hallway walls. The student, identified in court papers by initials because she was a minor when the case was filed, had been the founder of Noblesville High School's Students for Life chapter. The flyers she wanted posted featured images of demonstrators holding “Defund Planned Parenthood” signs. Noblesville Schools removed the flyers under a district policy giving administrators content-based authority over student materials displayed on school property, and the parents sued under the First Amendment.The Southern District of Indiana sided with the district in 2024, and the Seventh Circuit affirmed in 2025, both applying Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier, the 1988 case that lets public schools regulate the content of school-sponsored expressive activities if the regulation is reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns. The cert denial leaves Hazelwood intact in the Seventh Circuit and everywhere else.The piece worth flagging is Justice Alito's dissent from denial, joined by Justice Thomas, which urged the Court to grant review and use the case to revisit Hazelwood's framework. The dissent argues that Hazelwood was wrongly decided to the extent that it lets schools draw viewpoint-based lines under the cover of pedagogical-concern review, and that the doctrinal distinction Hazelwood draws between school-sponsored speech and Tinker-style independent student speech has become unworkable in the age of student clubs, distributed school messaging, and post-Mahanoy off-campus speech. Two votes are not five votes. But two votes naming a case as the vehicle they wanted are how the next decade of student-speech cases gets queued up. The Court has now told litigants what kind of vehicle it might be looking for. Expect a steady drumbeat of cert petitions teeing up the Hazelwood revisit over the next several terms.US Supreme Court turns away free speech claim by anti-abortion student | Reuters via Maryland Daily RecordThe Supreme Court also turned away on Monday the National Shooting Sports Foundation's challenge to New York's General Business Law § 898, the public-nuisance statute the New York legislature passed in 2021 to let the state and certain private plaintiffs sue firearms manufacturers, distributors, and dealers for endangering the public through the marketing and distribution of their products.The challenge was supported by Smith & Wesson, Sturm, Ruger, Beretta, Glock, and Sig Sauer, and went up on appeal from a 2024 Second Circuit decision that held the New York statute is not preempted by the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act, the 2005 federal statute that broadly immunizes the gun industry from civil liability arising from the criminal misuse of firearms.The Second Circuit reasoned that the PLCAA's “predicate exception” — which preserves state-law claims when the firearms industry has violated a state or federal statute applicable to the sale or marketing of firearms — covers a state public-nuisance statute that, by its terms, regulates the sale and marketing of firearms. The cert denial leaves the Second Circuit's reading in place, leaves New York's statute on the books and enforceable, and leaves the industry with a litigation exposure it had hoped to neutralize.The strategic part of the case is going to be the copycat statutes. California, New Jersey, Washington, Delaware, Illinois, and Hawaii have all enacted versions of the New York approach since 2021, and other states have similar bills in committee. Each of those statutes is going to invite its own PLCAA-preemption fight in its own circuit, and the cumulative jurisprudence is going to get built case by case until either Congress amends PLCAA or the Court decides one of these cases is the right vehicle to step in. Today's denial was not that vehicle.SCOTUS Upholds NY Law Allowing Lawsuits Against Gunmakers | The Daily SignalThe third notable cert denial on Monday was the end of the road for Tata Consultancy Services Ltd. in its long-running trade-secret fight with DXC Technology — the successor in interest to Computer Sciences Corporation. TCS had asked the Court to review a Fifth Circuit decision that affirmed a $168 million judgment against it for misappropriating CSC's life-insurance-administration software trade secrets and using them to build TCS's own BaNCS platform, which TCS then used to win a $2.6 billion contract with the insurer Transamerica.The Northern District of Texas verdict, returned in 2022, had been $56 million in compensatory damages and $112 million in punitives, and the Fifth Circuit upheld the punitives ratio in 2025 over TCS's BMW v. Gore and State Farm v. Campbell challenge to the proportionality of the punitive award and over its Defend Trade Secrets Act extraterritoriality arguments. The cert petition pressed both points and pressed a circuit split on the standard for proving misappropriation by an independent contractor that had been given access to source code under a nondisclosure agreement, but the Court declined.The practical immediate effect is that TCS will recognize a roughly $70 million one-time exceptional charge in Q1 of its 2027 fiscal year and the total exposure on the matter — combining the affirmed judgment with previously taken provisions — settles in around $220 million. The broader effect is doctrinal stability. The Fifth Circuit's analysis on cross-border trade-secret damages and on the extraterritoriality limits of the DTSA stand. Both questions are going to recur, and the next vehicle that brings them up may catch the Court in a different mood, but for now the law is what the Fifth Circuit said it was.US Supreme Court rejects TCS challenge in $168 million trade secrets case | Business Standard This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

H.W. Brands describes how the attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, fundamentally changed the nature of the conflict, which Lindbergh privately characterized as Roosevelt getting the country "in through the back door." While Roosevelt was surprised by the location of the attack, he had been pressuring Japan through ultimatums regarding their presence in China and Indonesia. Hitler, believing Roosevelt was already "itching for a cause of war," did the president a "favor" by declaring war on the United States 72 hours later, merging two separate conflicts into World War II. Once the U.S. was officially at war, Lindbergh attempted to fulfill his duty as a loyal citizen by volunteering for the Army Air Corps. Roosevelt personally blocked the request, unwilling to let his chief critic become a military hero, while his administration continued to smear Lindbergh as a "Nazi sympathizer" unfit for command. Undeterred, Lindbergh signed on with aircraft manufacturers as a consultant and surreptitiously traveled to the Pacific theater. There, he not only tested planes but also flew combat missions against the Japanese, providing his skills to his country despite being officially barred from service. Lindbergh lived until 1974, eventually dying in Hawaii, leaving behind a legacy as a man whose technical brilliance was overshadowed by a bitter and historic debate over America's role in the world. (8)19441936

H.W. Brands describes how in April 1939, Charles Lindbergh returned to the United States as a world-famous celebrity, greeted by "a football team of flashbulbs popping" as he disembarked a transatlantic steamer. Lindbergh had remained in the global spotlight since his historic 1927 solo flight across the Atlantic, a feat of technical proficiency and bravery comparable to the moon landing. His return was prompted by the imminent threat of war in Europe, a situation he had observed firsthand while living in England to escape the "paparazzi" following the tragic kidnapping and murder of his infant son. While Lindbergh admired German culture and technical organization, he was puzzled and dismayed by the rise of the Nazi party. He viewed the British as complacent, believing they were clinging to a 19th-century empire while imposing unrealistic peace terms on Germany that they refused to enforce. Lindbergh predicted that if war broke out, Britain would inevitably look to the United States for a "bailout," just as they had during World War I. Upon his arrival in Washington, he was beckoned to meet President Franklin Roosevelt, who sought to co-opt the celebrated aviator into the administration. Roosevelt recognized Lindbergh's deep knowledge of global military aircraft and his massive public following, fearing he would become a powerful voice for neutrality. However, Lindbergh, jealous of his independence and skeptical of Roosevelt's charm, declined the offer, refusing to be "inside the tent" where he could be controlled. (1)1930

H.W. Brands describes how, by the summer of 1939, the destruction of Poland by German and Soviet forces confirmed that war was imminent, prompting Roosevelt to invoke neutrality laws as required by Congress. Despite his desire for privacy, Lindbergh began using his celebrity status to secure national radio airtime, feeling a duty to prevent Americafrom repeating what he viewed as the "mistake" of the First World War. His father, a former congressman, had been driven out of politics for opposing American intervention in 1917, a legacy that instilled in Lindbergh a profound distrust of politics as a "mean business" where truth was rare. Lindbergh argued that Britain and France were launching a war they could not win and would eventually force the United States into a permanent presence in Europe. During this period, he consulted with figures like Herbert Hoover, who suggested forming a committee that would eventually become "America First," and visited the "House of Morgan" through his wife's family connections. British observers, such as Harold Nicolson, were less impressed, dismissing Lindbergh as a "schoolboy" who possessed technical talent but lacked a mature understanding of diplomacy and the complexities of governing a great empire. Lindbergh remained unfazed by British criticism, asserting that he was an American and that his country's interests were distinct from those of the British Empire. (2)1936

H.W. Brands explains how, following the massacre in Poland, Roosevelt sought to modify the Neutrality Acts—laws passed in the mid-1930s specifically to prevent the types of economic and travel entanglements that had drawn the U.S.into World War I. Roosevelt argued that providing weapons to Britain and France would allow them to defend themselves, thereby keeping American troops out of the conflict. Lindbergh and anti-interventionist Senators like Burton Wheeler and Robert Borah remained deeply skeptical, believing Roosevelt was being "transactional" and dishonest about his true intent to lead the U.S. into a new European order. Roosevelt countered by attacking his critics early, using the word "isolation" like a "plague" and characterizing their views as well-meaning but ignorant. While some suggested Lindbergh as a potential 1940 Republican presidential candidate, he refused to enter politics, preferring to challenge the president through the airwaves. Roosevelt carefully shaped public opinion, fearing the type of backlash Woodrow Wilson faced for getting too far ahead of the populace. When France fell in just six weeks to the German Blitzkrieg in 1940, Lindbergh felt vindicated, arguing that American troops would have merely been trapped on the beaches. Meanwhile, Winston Churchill manipulated Roosevelt with warnings that a falling British government might surrender its fleet to Germany, successfully pressuring the president to send American destroyers to Britain. (3)1927

H.W. Brands describes how, during the summer of 1940, as London burned under the Luftwaffe's terror weapons, Roosevelt made the historic decision to seek a third term. He used "Rooseveltian misdirection" to freeze out potential Democratic successors like James Farley and John Nance Garner, eventually engineering a "draft" of himself based on the international emergency. Lindbergh and other skeptics saw this as a move toward a presidency for life, with Lindbergh accurately predicting Roosevelt would run for a fourth term and die in office. To formalize the opposition, the America First Committee was formed under General Robert Wood of Sears Roebuck, with Lindbergh serving as its star speaker. Lindbergh enjoyed massive media support and funding, delivering rallies that drew thousands while Roosevelt campaigned on promises that "your son will not die in a foreign war." The debate became increasingly personal, with Senator Burton Wheeler suggesting that every fourth American son would be "plowed into the ground" if the country intervened. Roosevelt, a master of press conferences, used his "slippery" instincts to treat reporters as adjuncts to his administration, planting ideas to see how they would be received by the public. Despite Lindbergh's constant radio messages that the U.S. was secure behind two oceans and possessed a superior military, Roosevelt began planning the Lend-Lease program as 1941 approached. (4)

H.W. Brands describes how, in early 1941, Roosevelt introduced the Lend-Lease Act (HR 1776), a bill that ironically shared its name with the year of American independence but intended to "marry America's future to Britain's future." Because Britain was running out of cash, Roosevelt argued that the U.S. should lend or lease weaponry to ensure they didn't go down for lack of funds. He was aided by a sentimental shift in American public opinion, driven by Edward R. Murrow's broadcasts which portrayed the "stubborn British" as heroic underdogs fighting for democracy. Simultaneously, a covert information war was being waged by William Stephenson, the director of British propaganda in America, who worked with William "Wild Bill" Donovan to manipulate U.S. opinion with the administration's blessing. While Roosevelt publicly complained about German propaganda, his own administration used unacknowledged stories and rumors to move Americans toward war. Lindbergh called out this hypocrisy, arguing that aiding Churchill—an "unreconstructed" imperialist—was not a defense of democracy but a defense of British rule in places like India. Roosevelt even utilized a forged map, allegedly showing a German plan to reorganize Latin America and replace the Bible with Mein Kampf, to stir fear. Lindbergh's diary reveals his deep intuition that every step away from neutrality was a calculated move toward war, regardless of the president's stated desire for peace. (5)1941

H.W. Brands describes how, in early 1941, Lindbergh took his arguments to Congress, testifying before the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Senate. He presented himself as a political "babe in the woods," taking pride in his "innocence" compared to the "culture of politics" embodied by Roosevelt. While interventionists argued that air power had made the world smaller and America more vulnerable, Lindbergh used his technical expertise to argue the opposite: air power made the United States more defensible. He reasoned that any invader would require an armada of ships that could now be attacked by aircraft 300 miles off the American shore, long before they reached land. Lindbergh rejected the label of "isolationist," proposing instead a robust "hemispheric defense." He argued that America's frontier was not on the Rhine River but 200 miles off its own coasts, encompassing the entire Western Hemisphere including Canada and Latin America. His message resonated with the public; massive rallies at the Manhattan Center and Madison Square Garden saw crowds so large that many were left waiting outside. Lindbergh's diary noted his own popularity with some vanity, viewing the cheering crowds as a sign that the people agreed with his "America first" message. However, the debate in the summer of 1941 was increasingly characterized by mockery from London, where leaders were desperate for America to stop simply selling weapons and start fighting. (6)1936

H.W. Brands explains how, in May 1941, Roosevelt declared an "unlimited national emergency," putting American industry and the public mind on a wartime footing. This move escalated the "moral war" against Germany and effectively criminalized dissent, as Roosevelt began labeling his critics "copperheads" and "fifth columnists"—terms implying disloyalty or treason. Lindbergh felt this was a dangerous overreach, noting that his father had been hounded by the Justice Department for similar dissent during World War I. The administration intensified its pressure, with the FBItapping America First Committee phones and British agents attempting to sabotage their gatherings. Roosevelt even misrepresented the Greer incident, claiming a German submarine had fired unprovoked on an American ship, when in fact the Greer was actively hunting the submarine. On September 11, 1941, during a rally in Des Moines, Iowa, a desperate Lindbergh made a fatal rhetorical error. He identified three groups pushing for war: the British, the Rooseveltadministration, and Jewish Americans. Although he stated their sympathies were understandable, his mention of "American Jews" allowed his enemies to brand him an anti-Semite and a "Nazi stooge." Even supporters like Herbert Hoover told him that while his words might be true, he was "wrong to say it" because he had moved himself politically out of bounds. (7)1940

In this episode, we dive into one of the most visionary and historically significant speeches of the 20th century: President Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, delivered to Congress on January 11, 1944.As the tides of World War II were finally beginning to turn in favor of the Allies, FDR was already looking ahead. We explore the profound shift in his rhetoric—from surviving "the world's greatest war against human slavery" to ensuring that Americans returned home to a society worth fighting for. We break down Roosevelt's powerful argument that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security, and we unpack his legendary proposal for a "Second Bill of Rights."In this episode, we discuss:The Wartime Context: The sacrifices made by the American public and the military in 1944, and why FDR believed "mere survival" wasn't a sufficient reward for their struggles.Freedom From Fear & Want: How FDR linked international peace—a system meant to prevent future aggression from nations like Germany and Japan—with domestic economic stability.The Second Bill of Rights: A deep dive into FDR's proposed economic rights, including the right to a good job, a decent home, adequate medical care, and a quality education.The Legacy: How this address shaped modern debates over social safety nets, human rights, and the American Dream.Whether you're a history buff, a political junkie, or just curious about the roots of today's economic debates, you won't want to miss this deep dive into a speech that imagined a new foundation for American prosperity.Links & Resources:Read the original document from the FDR Presidential Library: 1944 State of the Union Address (PDF)Subscribe & Review: If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe, rate, and leave us a review on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts!Audio Franklin D. Roosevelt: State of the Union Address - January 11, 1944Text State of the Union Message to Congress January 11, 1944The Economic Bill of RightsSend us Fan Mail

El comienzo En septiembre de 1939, tras firmar con la URSS el Pacto Ribbentrop‑Molotov que incluía protocolos secretos para repartirse Europa del Este, la Alemania de Hitler invade Polonia mediante una ofensiva de Blitzkrieg basada en blindados y apoyo aéreo. Europa vuelve a la guerra apenas veinte años después del final de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Para Hitler, comienza la oportunidad de ejecutar su proyecto. El Blitz Hitler avanza por las Ardenas y Francia cae en semanas. Churchill evacúa Dunkerque y el Reino Unido resiste el Blitz mientras Roosevelt refuerza a unos aliados que luchan por sobrevivir.

From Devils Tower in northwestern Wyoming, Host David Horton and Clay Jenkinson discuss Theodore Roosevelt's conservation achievements. When the National Monuments and Antiquities Act was passed in 1906, President Roosevelt lost no time in setting aside what would become 18 National Monuments, starting with Devils Tower just west of the Black Hills. Roosevelt had little to do with the creation of the Antiquities Act, but he made the most of it, culminating in his colossal designation of Grand Canyon National Monument in 1908. In the course of his two-term presidency, Roosevelt set aside a whopping 230 million acres of National Park, National Forest, National Monument, National Wildlife Refuge, and National Game Preserve. No president has done more. David asked Clay to outline his three-phase Roosevelt conservation tour for 2026. First, South Dakota, Wyoming, and Colorado; later, Montana and Idaho; and in the fall, all of Roosevelt's conservation designations in the Four Corners region of the Southwest.

By 1935 the material conditions of the average America were still unacceptably low and millions had no hope of private employment. Help was on the way though, and FDR would spare no expense in making the new Works Progress Administration a success.    Bibliography for this episode:    Taylor, Nick American Made, The Enduring Legacy of the WPA: When FDR Put the Nation to Work Bantam Books 2008 Kennedy, David M. Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War 1929-1945 Oxford University Press 1999 Hiltzik, Michael The New Deal: A Modern History Simon and Schuster 2011 Schlesinger Jr, Arthur M. The Politics of Upheaval 1935-1936: The Age of Roosevelt Volume III First Mariner Books 2003 Katznelson, Ira Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time W.W. Norton and Company, Inc 2013 Smith, Jason Scott A Concise History of the New Deal Cambridge University Press 2014 Leuchtenburg, William E. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal 1932-1940 Harper-Perennial 1963   Questions? Comments? Email me at peaceintheirtime@gmail.com

Lessons in Being a Good Adviser: Louis HoweWithout Louis Howe, most historians agree, Franklin Roosevelt likely would not have become president of the United States. We discuss Howe's impact on Roosevelt this week in our latest episode of our series within the show: More Stories From the Book Crucible Leadership.You'll learn not just who Howe was and how he changed the trajectory of FDR's life — but also the lessons he can teach us all about being a good adviser. From refusing to allow those we're advising to give up when crucibles hit, to speaking truth to power to help them avoid future crucibles, these are just some of the actions Howe took that earned him the praise of history as "the man behind Roosevelt."To explore Beyond the Crucible resources, including our free Trials-to-Triumphs Self-Assessment, visit beyondthecrucible.comEnjoy the show? Leave a review on your favorite podcast app and leave a comment at our YouTube channel. And be sure subscribe and tell your friends and family about us.Have a question or comment? Drop us a line at info@beyondthecrucible.com

•Franklin Croutch is carrying forward a profound musical legacy—one rooted in generations of anointing andspiritual depth. His early years were shaped under the mentorship and musical guidance of his godfather, Gospel legend Pastor John P. Kee, a relationship that deeply influenced his musical and ministerial journey.•Beginning as a drummer in his local church during his preteen years, Franklin's hunger for musical excellence led him to explore and master multiple instruments, ultimately making the keyboard his primary tool of expression. His love for music and ministry continues to inspire his creative expression and spiritual leadership.•Alongside his wife Pastor Charlena Croutch, heco-pastors Refuge Citadel of Hope in Roosevelt, New York. The duo began their Gospel career as lead singers with Greg Hoover and the Charlotte Community Singers, releasing their debut album, Survivor, in 2006. Franklin also co-produced the debut recording for Bishop Wesley Knight and the NYC CCFMLeadership Alliance V.O.W. Ensemble (2013). He continues to create music that blends generational depth with spirit-led sound.•Download his latest single release “Tears Away” which isavailable on all digital outlets.•A “Top Gospel Music Podcast” Badge has been AWARDED from Feedspot which has named Let's Talk: Gospel Music Gold one of the Top 10 Gospel Music Podcasts on the web! •LET'S TALK: GOSPEL MUSIC GOLD RADIO SHOW AIRS EVERY SATURDAY 9:00 AM CST / 10:00 AM EST ON WMRM-DBINTERNET RADIO STATION  AND WJRG RADIO INTERNET RADIO STATION 12:00 PM EST / 11:00 AM CST •There is a Let's Talk: Gospel Music Gold Facebookpage ( @LetsTalk2GMG ) where all episodes are posted as well.    •The Podcast and Radio shows are heard anywhere in theWorld on the Internet! •ANSONIA'S BOOK RELEASES•"If We Can Do It, You Can Too!"•“Legacy of James C. Chambers And his Contributions to Gospel Music History”•"Molding a Black Princess"Order Information https://www.unsungvoicesbooks.com/asmithgibbs

I did a livestream recap of the Mormon History Association (MHA highlights) conference, broadcast straight from my hotel room in lovely Las Vegas. Guided by some slightly out-of-order, AI-generated slides, this recap covers the most fascinating historical deep dives, unexpected gems, and award winners from the weekend. https://youtube.com/live/wy_-u8OCLMs Unexpected MHA Highlights & Gems: Pro Wrestling and Gnosticism One of the absolute standout presentations explored “The Mormon Giant,” Don Leo Jonathan, a 6’6″ pro wrestler active from the 1930s to the 1960s. Early in his career, he played up a “weird” and radical polygamist trope—complete with an unkempt beard and a live snake he claimed was from the Garden of Eden. However, to aid the Church’s PR shift toward mainstream assimilation in the 1950s and 60s, he transitioned to a clean-shaven, patriotic hero. Surprisingly, President David O. McKay, who was apparently a wrestling fan, actually authorized this PR gimmick to help mainstream the Church. Suprprisingly, his career ended via injury when he spun 7 foot tall Andre the Giant and injured his back in 1980, ending his wrestling career. Another surprise gem of the conference was a presentation by Mike Lemon on the “Temple of the Pearl,” a modern-day fringe group blending Mormon priesthood and eternal marriage with Gnosticism, chakras, yoga, and an androgynous double godhead. Mike LeCheminant, a dentist from Houston, TX gave an amazing presentation and I hope to get him on the podcast soon to talk more about this free love polygamist group. Politics, Welfare, and the New Deal MHA Highlights Several scholars provided a deep dive into the Church’s 1930s resistance to FDR’s New Deal, noting how leaders created their own welfare system driven by theological self-sufficiency to “supplant the dole” and discredit Roosevelt. Historian Matt Harris highlighted Hugh B. Brown, a vocal Democrat and trusted confidant of Heber J. Grant, who supported FDR’s programs. Brown faced severe backlash for taking the chairmanship of the state liquor commission after prohibition’s repeal, a controversial move that delayed his call to the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles by decades. We also learned about Senator Elbert Thomas, who defeated Apostle Reed Smoot in an election and applied his faith to international humanitarianism. Driven by the historical memory of 19th-century Latter-day Saint persecution, Thomas partnered with Jewish activists to force FDR to create a board that ultimately saved 200,000 Jewish lives. Finally, MHA President Ben Park delivered an address on Cleon Skousen’s massive political influence, explaining how Skousen tied Mormon agency to free-market capitalism and popularized works like The Naked Communist among conservative evangelicals through careful “code-switching.” Reevaluating Settler Colonialism & Science MHA Highlights Elise Boxer gave a powerful presentation challenging traditional “manifest destiny” pioneer narratives. She urged an indigenous lens to view Mormonism as a vehicle for US colonial expansion, pointing to the “This is the Place” monument as a visual example of reducing Native Americans to a marginalized backdrop. In the realm of 20th-century history, Steven Peck discussed BYU biologist Duane Jeffery’s 1970s push for evolutionary biology. Jeffery faced severe backlash and potential termination from Ezra Taft Benson in the 1980s, but was defended by current President Dallin H. Oaks, who decreed that the university must not censor truth or assume faith is too fragile for scientific reality. Polygamy Economics and Early Records MHA Highlights Our on Mary Ann Clements presented fascinating research examining the economic factors behind early plural marriage using Nauvoo tax records. She highlighted how leaders like Brigham Young may have strategically pursued women from wealthier families, such as Martha Brotherton, who famously refused a marriage proposal from Young at age 17 and was locked in a room at the Red Brick Store. Additionally, Cheryl Bruno announced the thrilling discovery of an 1854 list of Joseph Smith’s plural wives. This crucial document pushes the timeline of documented lists to just a decade after his death, earlier than the famous Thomas Bullock list. Award/MHA Highlights The conference also celebrated major contributions to the field of Mormon history. Posthumous honors went to Ardis Parshall, who received the Public History Award for her work championing the unheralded stories of everyday members. George D. Smith received the Arrington Award for fostering independent research as the co-founder of Signature Books, and Elise Boxer took home the Indigenous Studies Award for her book on Mormon settler colonialism. Did you go? What are your thoughts? Next year, John Turner will lead the conference as new MHA president in Provo, Utah. (Las Vegas to Provo is definitely a 180 in environment. I was surprised when a conference attendee was propositioned by a woman offering to make his night memorable. Clearly she didn’t care that most MHA attendees frown on such things. I don’t expect that to happen in Provo!) 00:00:02 Introduction & Welcome 00:04:17 Awards Ceremony (Friday Night) 00:08:34 New Deal & Hugh B. Brown Discussion 00:12:33 Mormon Settlement in Nevada 00:16:22 Mormon Settler Colonialism 00:20:33The Mormon Giant (Don Leo Jonathan) 00:24:40 Latter-day Saint Eloquence & Speaking 00:29:05 Canonization & Doctrine & Covenants 00:33:30 Saturday Sessions Overview 00:37:43 Polygamy in Nauvoo 00:41:50 Economic Factors in Plural Marriage 00:45:41 Earliest Plural Wife Lists 00:49:39 Ben Park’s Presidential Address (Cleon Skousen) 00:53:42 Evolution & BYU (Duane Jeffrey) 00:57:50 Gnostic Mormon Offshoot (Temple of the Pearl) 1:01:59 Final summary From deep dives into 20th-century political clashes to the surprising intersections of theology and wrestling, this MHA conference proved that Mormon history is vibrant, complex, and full of ongoing discoveries.

An address by Supreme Allied Commander General Eisenhower was delivered to troops participating in Operation Overlord involving armed forces from America, Great Britain, and Canada. On the night of June 6, 1944, President Roosevelt went on national radio to address the nation for the first time about the Normandy invasion. His speech took the form of a prayer. Check out the YouTube version of this episode at https://youtu.be/diOtjjXGSHo which has accompanying visuals including maps, charts, timelines, photos, illustrations, and diagrams. D-Day books available at https://amzn.to/3ROEbqR WW2 books available at https://amzn.to/4obj0Lu ENJOY Ad-Free content, Bonus episodes, and Extra materials when joining our growing community on https://patreon.com/markvinet SUPPORT this channel by purchasing any product on Amazon using this FREE entry LINK https://amzn.to/3POlrUD (Amazon gives us credit at NO extra charge to you). Mark Vinet's HISTORICAL JESUS podcast at https://parthenonpodcast.com/historical-jesus Mark's TIMELINE video channel: https://youtube.com/c/TIMELINE_MarkVinet Website: https://markvinet.com/podcast Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/mark.vinet.9 X (twitter): https://twitter.com/MarkVinet_HNA Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/denarynovels Mark's books: https://amzn.to/3k8qrGM Audio credits: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library and Audiovisual Department; Franklin D. Roosevelt Library and Museum, Archives. Audio excerpts reproduced under the Fair Use (Fair Dealings) Legal Doctrine for purposes such as criticism, comment, teaching, education, scholarship, research and news reporting.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The next round of advancing worker power during the New Deal saw organized labor's allies in Congress successfully secure their right to organize. And a massive split in the labor movement would set the stage for a quick to materialize test of those new rights.    Bibliography for this episode:    Dray, Philip There is Power in Union: The Epic Story of Labor in America Anchor Books 2010 Kennedy, David M. Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War 1929-1945 Oxford University Press 1999 Hiltzik, Michael The New Deal: A Modern History Simon and Schuster 2011 Schlesinger Jr, Arthur M. The Coming of the New Deal 1933-1935: The Age of Roosevelt Volume II First Mariner Books 2003 Schlesinger Jr, Arthur M. The Politics of Upheaval 1935-1936: The Age of Roosevelt Volume III First Mariner Books 2003 Katznelson, Ira Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time W.W. Norton and Company, Inc 2013 Smith, Jason Scott A Concise History of the New Deal Cambridge University Press 2014 Leuchtenburg, William E. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal 1932-1940 Harper-Perennial 1963   Questions? Comments? Email me at peaceintheirtime@gmail.com

"THE HORIZON SPIRALS" by OOIOO from THE HORIZON SPIRALS / THE HORIZON VIRAL; The Double Sky single by Autoregulate; "Peace Again" by a certain frank from the reissue of Nothing; "Mesa Mesa" by Yuuf from Mt. Sava; "Tuesday June" by Phil Geraldi from Rural Deceased Undiscovered; "Hallucination II" by Eluvium from Virga III; "Lost" by Gigi Masin from Movement; "Big Bang" by Discovery Zone from Library Copy Do Not Remove; "Dear Robin Bears and Love Cloud 24" by Fire-Toolz frp, Lavender Networks.; "Blurred" by kmru featurung Fennesz from Kin.

durée : 01:48:16 - Soft Power - par : Frédéric Martel - Pilier de la vie locale, la presse quotidienne régionale fait pourtant face à des difficultés croissantes. Entre le vieillissement du lectorat et la difficulté à faire la transition vers les économies numériques, quels lendemains pour ce secteur ? - réalisation : Peire Legras, Alexandra Malka, Emmanuel Paquette, Quentin Le Van - invités : Sophie Gourmelen Présidente du groupe de presse Ebra, Daniel Baal Directeur général de Crédit Mutuel Alliance Fédérale, Sami Naïr Philosophe français, Patrick Viveret Philisophe, économiste, essayiste, membre fondateur du collectif Roosevelt 2012 Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France

On this episode of Ojai Talk of the Town, Bret Bradigan welcomes returning guest Mark Frost — bestselling author, co-creator of Twin Peaks, and author of the new historical work Yankee Sphinx.The conversation begins with Frost's remarkable great-uncle William D. Hassett, a close adviser to both Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry Truman who kept meticulous diaries from inside the White House during some of the twentieth century's defining moments. Frost discusses what those journals reveal about FDR's leadership, how Roosevelt's battle with polio shaped his empathy and political vision, and the lessons modern America may have forgotten about resilience, communication, and democratic leadership.Frost took Hassett's diaries and turned them into a page-turning, compelling work of fiction that shows the machinery of power up close and very, very personal.But the discussion ranges much further — into Eleanor Roosevelt's influence, the hidden structures beneath political power, the enduring mysteries woven through American history, and why places like Ojai continue to attract artists, seekers, and unconventional thinkers.Along the way, Frost reflects on storytelling, mythology, creativity, and the connective thread running from Twin Peaks to the Roosevelt White House: the idea that beneath every public story lies another deeper and stranger reality.We did not talk about Ty Cobb's counter-intuitive racial views, marble trout fishing in Croatia or tomato season. Listen in for a thoughtful, wide-ranging conversation about leadership, art, history, and the unseen forces that shape American life.https://www.amazon.com/Yankee-Sphinx-FDR-Novel/dp/1250876893

An archival Yes release has been announced: LIVE AT ROOSEVELT STADIUM, JERSEY CITY, 17 JUNE 1976. Coming out July 17, 2026, you can pre-order it here: https://yes.lnk.to/NJ76 Plus, tidbits from Geoff Downes and Tom Brislin interviews, additions to 2027's Cruise to the Edge lineup, and more.

This Day in Legal History: Black Monday and the End of the NIRAOn May 27, 1935 — a day quickly dubbed “Black Monday” by the press — the United States Supreme Court delivered three unanimous decisions that gutted central pieces of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal in a single morning. The most consequential was A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, in which the Court struck down the National Industrial Recovery Act. The case grew out of the prosecution of a Brooklyn kosher poultry slaughterhouse for violating the “Live Poultry Code,” one of the hundreds of industry codes drafted by trade groups and given the force of federal law by the National Recovery Administration. The Court held that the NIRA's code-making scheme was an unconstitutional delegation of legislative power to private actors and the executive, and that the federal government's Commerce Clause authority did not reach the intrastate sale of poultry to local butchers. Justice Cardozo, concurring, famously described the statute as “delegation running riot.”The same day, in Humphrey's Executor v. United States, the Court cabined the President's power to remove members of independent regulatory commissions, a holding that would shape the constitutional status of agencies like the FTC, SEC, and FCC for the next ninety years. And in Louisville Joint Stock Land Bank v. Radford, the Court invalidated the Frazier-Lemke Farm Bankruptcy Act as an uncompensated taking from secured creditors. Roosevelt was, by all accounts, furious — and Black Monday became the proximate cause of his 1937 court-packing plan, which failed in Congress but is generally credited with prompting the “switch in time” that produced the more deferential commerce-clause and administrative-law jurisprudence of Jones & Laughlin Steel and the decades that followed. The nondelegation doctrine the Court announced in Schechter has, famously, not been used to strike down a federal statute since — though it has been the subject of growing interest from the current Court's conservative majority, which makes the ninety-first anniversary of Black Monday more than just a historical footnote.Former President Joe Biden has sued the Department of Justice to block the release of audio recordings and transcripts from his interview with Special Counsel Robert Hur, the prosecutor who investigated Biden's handling of classified documents and declined to bring charges. According to the filing, Biden argues that releasing the recordings would skirt federal law restricting disclosure of materials gathered in a special counsel probe, and would effectively turn protected investigative material into political fodder. The suit follows a 2024 Freedom of Information Act action by the conservative Heritage Foundation seeking the same recordings, and comes against the backdrop of repeated efforts by the current administration to make Hur-era material public — efforts the Biden team has argued are intended to embarrass the former president rather than to serve any legitimate investigative or oversight function. The transcripts of the Hur interviews were released back in 2024, but the audio itself has been the subject of executive privilege fights ever since. Worth watching for what the court does with the privilege claims, and for how the Special Counsel regulations are treated now that there is an ex-president on each side of these disputes.Former President Biden sues DOJ over release of interview audio | ReutersThe Trump administration is asking a California federal judge to throw out an expanded challenge to its sweeping reorganization of the federal workforce, calling the litigation a “litigation safari.” In a Friday motion to dismiss filed in AFGE v. Trump, the administration urged Judge Susan Illston to toss a supplemental complaint that broadened the case to cover, among other things, the downsizing of FEMA and a set of forward-looking workforce planning documents the administration issued last October. The original suit, filed in April 2025 by a coalition including the American Federation of Government Employees, SEIU, and the cities of Chicago, Baltimore, and San Francisco, challenged layoffs and reorganizations at more than twenty federal agencies. Judge Illston enjoined the workforce plans last May, but the Supreme Court stayed her injunction in July, and she has since declined to dismiss the case outright.The administration's argument is essentially jurisdictional: that the October planning documents are too tentative to constitute “final agency action,” that there is no specific DHS order behind the FEMA contract lapses the plaintiffs point to, and that individual FEMA terminations must run through the administrative civil-service process rather than land in district court. The “litigation safari” framing — that the plaintiffs are simply “roving the executive branch to explore various employment issues” — is rhetorically catchy but glosses over the more interesting underlying question: how cleanly the Administrative Procedure Act's “final agency action” requirement maps onto a coordinated, rolling, and openly cross-agency reorganization. A ruling on the dismissal motion is expected later this summer.Trump Admin Looks To Ax Expanded Suit Over Staffing Cuts - Law360Billionaire insurance magnate Greg Lindberg was sentenced in the Western District of North Carolina to twelve years in federal prison across two separate criminal cases — eighty-seven months on charges that he tried to bribe the state's insurance commissioner, and 144 months on wire-fraud charges arising from a $2 billion scheme in which prosecutors said he treated the insurance companies he controlled as a personal piggy bank. The sentences will run concurrently. Judge Max Cogburn also entered a preliminary restitution order of $1.6 billion based on a court-appointed special master's recommendation, which Lindberg's defense team described as the largest restitution award in state history.Prosecutors said the scheme harmed more than two hundred thousand victims, most of them elderly annuity holders, at least twenty thousand of whom died before any promised payouts arrived. The bribery case has its own complicated history — Lindberg was first convicted in 2020, had that conviction vacated by the Fourth Circuit in 2022 over faulty jury instructions, and was reconvicted on retrial in 2024. He pleaded guilty to the separate wire-fraud and money-laundering counts in November 2024. Judge Cogburn credited Lindberg's “extraordinary cooperation” with prosecutors and the special master, but also noted, with what reads like real exasperation in the transcript, that Lindberg has continued to file pro se civil lawsuits against the insurance companies he once owned and that the case illustrates how much of our regulatory apparatus can be “bought and sold like sacks of potatoes.” The government had sought roughly fourteen and a half years; Lindberg had asked for four.‘Regretful' Billionaire Gets 12 Years For $2B Fraud, Bribery - Law360The Colorado Supreme Court ruled unanimously that a debt buyer suing a consumer must attach to its complaint a non-affidavit writing that actually shows the buyer owns that consumer's debt — not just a generic bill of sale showing that the buyer purchased some bundle of receivables from the original creditor. The case, Wright v. Portfolio Recovery Associates, involved a $671.29 Victoria's Secret credit-card balance that Comenity Bank had sold to Portfolio Recovery in 2018. Portfolio Recovery's complaint attached a bill of sale and an affidavit identifying the last four digits of Wright's account number, and the lower courts found that sufficient under Colorado's Fair Debt Collection Practices Act. The Colorado Supreme Court, in the first opinion authored by recently appointed Justice Susan Blanco, reversed and held the affidavit could not cure a complaint that didn't first satisfy the statute's non-affidavit-writing requirement.The practical consequence is significant: the four largest debt buyers alone filed close to forty thousand cases in Colorado county courts between 2013 and 2015, accounting for around eight percent of the state's county-court civil docket, and many of those complaints have historically relied on exactly the kind of generic bill-of-sale-plus-affidavit packaging the court just rejected. Consumer advocates argue the ruling will help consumers — most of whom never had any relationship with the debt buyer — understand and respond to the suits filed against them; the debt-buying industry will, in the near term, need to retool its pleading practices statewide.Colo. Justices Say Debt Buyer Must Show It Owns The Debt - Law360 This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

Originally aired in January, back by popular demand. Two minutes. Real impact. Leave a review: lovethepodcast.com/politicsandreligion What happens when a nation debates whether it has a moral obligation to intervene in the suffering of others — and who gets to decide? Corey is joined by Pulitzer Prize–finalist historian and bestselling author H.W. Brands, Jack S. Blanton Sr. Chair in History at the University of Texas at Austin, to explore the moral, political, and human tensions behind one of the most consequential debates in American history. The conversation centers on Professor Brands' latest book, America First: Roosevelt vs. Lindbergh in the Shadow of War, which examines the clash between Franklin D. Roosevelt and Charles Lindbergh as the United States wrestled with whether to enter World War II — and what role America should play in the world. Professor Brands unpacks how personal biography shapes public history, introducing his framework of “big history” and “little history” — the intersection between sweeping geopolitical forces and the intimate human decisions that quietly steer them. From Lindbergh's unlikely rise as a celebrity political figure to Roosevelt's strategic ambiguity and political maneuvering, the discussion reveals how persuasion, fear, power, and moral reasoning collide in moments of national consequence. Corey and Dr. Brands explore the ethical tension at the heart of American leadership: When does power create responsibility? Is it moral for leaders to deceive in pursuit of what they believe is the greater good? How should a nation weigh human suffering abroad against the risks borne by its own citizens? The conversation also examines Lindbergh's controversial views on race, antisemitism, and isolationism — resisting caricature while reckoning honestly with their implications.  Along the way, Brands reflects on his craft as a historian — how he uses diaries, speeches, correspondence, and press transcripts to reconstruct interior lives while remaining faithful to documented sources — and why narrative storytelling remains essential to understanding political power and human choice. The episode closes by turning forward: What questions should we be asking now that future historians will use to understand our moment? How should Americans grapple with a changing global balance of power, rising geopolitical instability, and the enduring tension between national interest and moral responsibility? Calls to Action ✅ If this episode resonates, consider sharing it with someone who might need a reminder that disagreement doesn't have to mean dehumanization. ✅ Check out our Substack: coreysnathan.substack.com ✅ Leave a review on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen: lovethepodcast.com/politicsandreligion ✅ Subscribe to Talkin' Politics & Religion Without Killin' Each Other on your favorite podcast platform. ✅ Watch the full conversation and subscribe on YouTube: youtube.com/@politicsandreligion About Our Guest H.W. Brands holds the Jack S. Blanton Sr. Chair in History at the University of Texas at Austin and is the author of numerous acclaimed histories and biographies, including Founding Partisans, The First American, Traitor to His Class, and America First: Roosevelt vs. Lindbergh in the Shadow of War. Two of his biographies were finalists for the Pulitzer Prize. Brands writes regularly on Substack at hwbrands.substack.com, where he publishes A User's Guide to History. His forthcoming biography of George Washington, American Patriarch, will be released this spring. Connect on Social Media Corey is @coreysnathan on all the socials... Substack LinkedIn Facebook Instagram Twitter Threads Bluesky TikTok Thanks to our Sponsors and Partners Thanks to Pew Research Center (pewresearch.org) for making today's conversation possible. Proud members of The Democracy Group Talking across differences doesn't require agreement; it requires courage, curiosity, and the willingness to stay human.

CONTENT WARNING - Some things related to life on a German U-boat are pretty gross. If you have a sensitive stomach, skip those parts of the episode.In this wild card episode Wyatt discusses what life was like on a German U-boat. Andrew discusses some of Roosevelt's life work before he was president, specifically his time as commissioner of the NYC police.References- Dead Wake: The Last Crossing of the Lusitania by Erik Larson- The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt by Edmund Morris

This one is too good not to share here.Our guest today is John Roosevelt Boettiger, psychologist, author, father, grandfather, and great-grandfather. He is also one of the very few living people who spent his childhood inside the Roosevelt White House, where his grandfather Franklin was busy running the free world, and his grandmother Eleanor was traveling it.While John is the grandson of Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt, he's also the son of Anna Roosevelt and John Boettiger, a Chicago Tribune reporter who fell in love with the president's daughter on the campaign train in 1932. His book, "A Love in Shadow," tells the story of their marriage, and of his own long journey to understand a father changed by war and lost far too soon.In this conversation, John shares witty, warm, and deeply personal stories from his years inside the wartime White House, including memories of Churchill, of Eleanor, and of the man he simply called Papa. We talk about his father's moral injury, his mother's quiet courage, and the complicated grace of growing up a Roosevelt. We also talk about John's years as a civil rights activist, his time in Selma, and what it means to carry that history forward into a political moment like this one.It is a remarkable life. We are lucky he wrote it down, and luckier still that he came in on a Sunday to share it.Find John's book "Love and Shadow" here - https://www.abebooks.com/book-search/title/love-shadow-story-anna/author/boettiger-john/

En enero de 1945 los aliados intuían que la guerra entraba en su recta final, aunque nadie acertaba a fijar la fecha del desenlace. El teatro europeo de operaciones parecía más cerca del final que el del Pacífico. Alemania estaba cercada por el este, el oeste y el sur, mientras que el archipiélago japonés todavía resistía. Aún no se habían librado las batallas de Iwo Jima y Okinawa, por lo que el alto mando estadounidense calculaba que aquello no terminaría hasta mediado el año 1946 a un coste muy elevado en vidas. Lo que sí dominaban los aliados sin discusión era el aire, y de ese dominio surgiría la mayor campaña de bombardeo estratégico de la historia. En el Reino Unido Arthur Harris, al frente del Bomber Command, era partidario del bombardeo de área nocturno, concebido expresamente para incendiar ciudades enteras y romper así la moral de los civiles. Los estadounidense preferían el bombardeo de precisión diurno sobre objetivos industriales bien elegidos con anterioridad. Disponían de ciertos avances como la mira Norden y contaban con buenos cazas de escolta como los Mustang que protegían a los bombarderos. En la Conferencia de Yalta celebrada en febrero Roosevelt y Churchill decidieron desatar una campaña de bombardeos que aliviase presión a los soviéticos en el frente del este impidiendo que el ejército alemán pudiese desplazar tropas y pertrechos hasta allí. Ese mismo mes atacaron con furia Berlín el día 3 y Dresde entre los días 13 y 14 con tres oleadas combinadas que desataron una tormenta de fuego que en su centro superó los 1.500 grados. Unas 25.000 personas murieron en el bombardeo, pero no sería el único. Le siguieron otras ciudades como Pforzheim, Wurzburgo y Magdeburgo que fueron destruidas, incluso en mayor medida que Dresde. Pero lo que marcó la diferencia no fue tanto la destrucción de las ciudades como los ataques sobre la infraestructura ferroviaria, algo que terminó paralizando por completo el Reich. En el Pacífico el cambio vino de la mano de un joven general, Curtis LeMay, que en enero se puso al mando de los B-29 destacados en las islas Marianas. Los fuertes vientos en altura hacían muy difícil el bombardero de precisión sobre Japón. LeMay ordenó volar de noche, a baja altura, sin armamento defensivo a bordo de los aviones y con bodegas repletas de bombas incendiarias M-69. La noche del 9 al 10 de marzo la Operación Meetinghouse incendió 41 kilómetros cuadrados de la ciudad de Tokio y mató entre 80.000 y 125.000 personas en lo que fue el episodio bélico más mortífero no de la guerra, sino de toda la historia. Nagoya, Osaka, Kobe, Yokohama y Kawasaki sufrieron idéntico destino, y luego decenas de ciudades medianas. Pero, pese a la devastación, Japón no se rendía. En Washington se plantearon invadir las islas principales con una gran operación anfibia, pero estimaban que el coste sería altísimo, de hasta un millón de bajas. Fue entonces cuando recurrieron a la bomba atómica que habían desarrollado con el Proyecto Manhattan. El 6 de agosto cayó la primera en Hiroshima, tres días más tarde cayó otra sobre Nagasaki. Entre medias los soviéticos entraron en Manchuria. El día 15 el emperador Hirohito anunció la rendición incondicional. Esta tormenta de fuego plantea preguntas incómodas. Los bombardeos contribuyeron a la victoria si, pero las víctimas civiles superaron las 650.000 en ambos teatros. Harris y LeMay fueron condecorados, y los tribunales de Núremberg y Tokio prefirieron no abrir ese melón. Sucesivos acuerdos sobre el alcance de este tipo de bombardeo vinieron después, pero el debate sigue abierto. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción 4:01 La tormenta de fuego 1:24:41 Joaquín Murat Bibliografía: “El incendio. Alemania bajo el bombardeo” de Jörg Friedrich - https://amzn.to/4tOywyi “Bomber command” de Max Hastings - https://amzn.to/3PV8aN9 “Downfall” de Richard B. Frank - https://amzn.to/4wNBx4M “Sangre y ruinas” de Richard Overy - https://amzn.to/4uVxtgS Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

During the Spanish-American War, Theodore Roosevelt was anxious to get into the action. He raised a volunteer cavalry unit for the conflict. Famously known as the Rough Riders, Roosevelt's volunteers served in Cuba and took part in the battle of San Juan Hill.

FDR faced significant domestic opposition from powerful congressional voices like Harry Truman and Hiram Johnson, who viewed both Hitler and Stalin as "monsters" or "beasts." Internal polls showed that 54% of Americans opposed aiding the Soviet Union, with majority support in only 11 states. To bypass this political resistance, the Roosevelt administration kept the early stages of Soviet aid secret for six months. Sean McMeekin notes that it was only after the Soviet regime survived the 1941 winter that Roosevelt publicly admitted to a multi-billion dollar credit line with no strings attached, effectively winning the political battle through executive discretion. (2/8)1900 BAKU

USFS LEO (and former NPS ranger) Brian Fields shares some wild tales from his time in the US Forest Service - we're not kidding - you can't make this stuff up.  But still... just a day in the life of a law enforcement officer sworn to protect a few million acres of our public lands.Support the show!For bonus content join our Patreon!patreon.com/CrimeOfftheGridFor a one time donation:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/cotgFor more information about the podcast, check outhttps://crimeoffthegrid.com/Check out our Merch!!  https://in-wild-places.square.site/s/shopFollow us on Instagram https://www.instagram.com/crimeoffthegridpodcast/ and  (1) Facebook

FDR seeks to modify the Neutrality Acts to provide aid to the Allies, sparking a fierce debate with Lindbergh and non-interventionist senators. These critics deeply distrust Roosevelt, believing he is incrementally leading the nation toward war through deceptive policy shifts. FDR counters by labeling his opponents "ignorant" and "isolationist," while carefully shaping public opinion to avoid the political backlash faced by Woodrow Wilson. The rapid fall of France in 1940 reinforces Lindbergh's warnings, yet it also prompts FDR to initiate the destroyers-for-bases deal with Winston Churchill. This transaction effectively signals the end of true American neutrality. (3/8)1936

During the Battle of Britain, FDR maneuvers for an unprecedented third term by using "Rooseveltian misdirection" to sideline his political rivals. Lindbergh warns that a third term could transform the presidency into a "presidency for life," a prediction that eventually comes true. He becomes the star speaker for the America First Committee, drawing massive crowds to rallies across the country. While Lindbergh highlights America's geographic security behind two oceans, Roosevelt utilizes masterful press conferences to influence the media narrative. The domestic divide intensifies as both men battle for public support amidst campaign promises to stay out of war. (4/8)1936

In 1941, the Lend-Lease Act (HR 1776) effectively aligns America's industrial future with Britain's survival. Rooseveltframes this as a hard-headed business deal, while covertly facilitating British propaganda led by William Stephenson to sway American sentiment. FDR even presents a likely forged map of Nazi designs on Latin America to incite fear among the public. Lindbergh argues that such aid supports British imperialism rather than democracy, specifically citing India. He maintains that every step away from neutrality is a calculated move by the President toward inevitable military intervention. (5/8)1936

Testifying before Congress, Lindbergh challenges the administration's claim that technological advances make the United States more vulnerable to attack. He argues that air power actually enhances hemispheric defense by allowing the U.S. to intercept invading forces far offshore. Rejecting the "isolationist" label, he proposes a robust defense of the Western Hemisphere rather than the Rhine River. Lindbergh continues to hold massive rallies, where he adopts sharper rhetoric against "interventionists" and "defeatists." However, he begins to realize he is outmatched by Roosevelt'ssuperior political maneuvering and control over the national conversation. (6/8)1936

The attack on Pearl Harbor instantly unifies the American public and merges separate global conflicts into World War II. Lindbergh immediately offers his services as a loyal citizen, but FDR personally blocks his return to the military. Roosevelt refuses to allow his chief critic to become a military hero, leaving Lindbergh to serve as a civilian consultant. Labeled a "Nazi fellow traveler," Lindbergh surreptitiously flies unauthorized combat missions in the Pacific to train pilots and test aircraft. He lived until 1974, with his legacy forever defined by his bitter pre-war struggle against the Roosevelt administration. (8/8)1936

Colorado sportsmen are fighting to protect hunting traditions before activists permanently reshape wildlife management. Colorado has become ground zero in the national battle over hunting, fishing, trapping, and science-based wildlife management. In this conversation, Dan Gates of Coloradans for Responsible Wildlife Management and Luke Hilgemann of the International Order of T. Roosevelt break down the growing push for a constitutional right to hunt and fish amendment in Colorado and why sportsmen across the country should be paying attention. The discussion dives deep into the aftermath of Proposition 127, mounting pressure from animal rights organizations, predator hunting politics, wolf management, and how wildlife commissions are increasingly becoming battlegrounds for public lands and hunting access. Listeners will hear how conservation groups, outfitters, ranchers, anglers, trappers, and hunting organizations are building a coalition to defend Colorado's outdoor heritage before more restrictions take hold. Dan and Luke explain what the amendment would actually do, what it would not do, and why misconceptions around hunting rights, trapping, firearms, and wildlife policy continue to dominate public debate. They also unpack how the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation is supported by the American System of Conservation Funding which funds habitat work, supports healthy game populations, and protects opportunities for future generations of hunters and anglers. If you care about elk hunting, predator management, public lands, wildlife conservation, or the future of Western hunting culture, this conversation delivers critical insight into one of the most important outdoor policy fights happening today.   Follow the show for more weekly hunting, fishing, and conservation policy conversations.   Get the FREE Sportsmen's Voice e-publication in your inbox every Monday: ⁠www.congressionalsportsmen.org/newsletter⁠  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

You were taught that elections change policy. Cast the ballot. Flip the seat. Redirect the nation. And that's true — to a point.Elections usually move individuals inside an existing framework. Assassinations tend to reset the framework itself. McKinley dies and Roosevelt remakes the American empire almost overnight. Lincoln falls and Reconstruction quietly disappears before it ever takes shape. Kennedy's motorcade enters Dealey Plaza and the Vietnam briefing rooms change hands.If you actually look at the last century of major American policy reversals, most of them don't follow a ballot. They follow a body. And the important thing is this: they don't just change the players. They change the board underneath the players.This isn't about who fired the shots. This video isn't a whodunit. It's an autopsy of what changed afterward — the contracts, the budgets, the financial architecture, the institutional infrastructure that consolidated each time a particular figure was removed.The pattern isn't ideological. Lincoln, McKinley, Kennedy, RFK, Reagan — different parties, different beliefs, different eras. What matters isn't ideology. It's threat level to deep institutional structure. The pattern doesn't require a secret council to explain it. Institutional self-preservation operates at continental scale across generations.This is the ledger.00:00 — Elections vs. Assassinations01:17 — Welcome and Sources Note01:44 — What Policy Frameworks Actually Are03:21 — Lincoln 1865: Reconstruction and the Collateral System06:29 — McKinley 1901: Roosevelt and Imperial Architecture09:51 — Kennedy 1963: NSAM 263 to NSAM 273 in Four Days12:32 — RFK 1968: The Coalition That Died with Him14:40 — Reagan 1981: The Shooting and the Framework Acceleration16:55 — Why the Pattern Keeps Repeating19:35 — The Pattern Operating Today21:13 — The Ledger Is Still Open23:24 — Reading the Ledger Forward

Getting cut is brutal. Getting cut on Hard Knocks is a whole different kind of pain. Roosevelt “Rosie” Nix sits down with us to tell the parts of his story most fans never hear, from being labeled “too small” out of Ohio to choosing Kent State because the coaches believed in him first, and how that early trust shaped everything that came next.We talk about Rosie's roots as a defensive lineman, why sacks were always the goal, and how he trained for the NFL as an “athlete” while teams projected him at linebacker, fullback, or anywhere he could help. Then we get into the hard turn: Atlanta, cameras, learning an entirely new offensive language, and a cut that sent him back home to teach at his high school while he kept training for a second chance that was not guaranteed.That second chance shows up in Pittsburgh, and it comes with a twist. Rosie breaks down what it's like to be told by Mike Tomlin, in a quick locker room moment, that you're switching again and you have seconds to decide. We dig into special teams as a career lifeline, the core four phases, why kickoff coverage became his stage, and how belief plus relentless work can turn a “role player” into someone teams actually game plan for. We also catch up on life after football, mental health, and Rosie's new chapter in franchising with Playa bowls.Footbahlin Merch:https://footbahlin-with-ben-roethlisberger.clockwise.io/products

Following a hasty wedding, Pamela quickly discovered Randolph's abusive nature, heavy drinking, and philandering. Despite the failing marriage, she became a favorite of Winston and Clementine Churchill, who brought her into their "Padlock" inner circle while pushing their untrustworthy son away. Pamela's intelligence and charm impressed Harry Hopkins, President Roosevelt's envoy, who viewed her as the most well-informed person in Britain after the Prime Minister himself. Hopkins' meeting with Pamela significantly influenced his recommendation to Roosevelt that the United States must intervene to save the British people. Living through the intense 1940 Blitz while heavily pregnant, Pamela recorded the drama of wartime life under constant bombardment. She eventually gave birth to her son, Winston, during a massive air raid, demonstrating her resilience. This period marked her transformation into a vital, secret figure at the heart of the British war effort. (2/8)1650

In America’s first hundred years, the animal you were most likely to see was a passenger pigeon. And you saw a lot of them. Flocks were so numerous they literally blotted out the sun for days and their combined weight snapped the branches of entire forests where they roosted. Yet by 1914, the last specimen, a female named Martha, died at the Cincinnati Zoo, marking the complete extinction of what had been North America's most abundant bird numbering in the billions just decades earlier. Early Americans assumed the nation's bird populations were infinite, so market hunters fashioned homemade cannons to blast sleeping ducks by the dozens, "pigeoneers" shipped passenger pigeons by the trainload to city restaurants, and feather hunters shot rare birds worth more than their weight in gold so Gilded Age women could wear plumes in their hats. What followed was an unlikely coalition of bird-lovers like Roosevelt, gunmakers, business titans, and brave game wardens who transformed American conservation. They couldn’t save the passenger pigeon, but they saved other species from extinction, like the Canada Goose and the trumpeter swan. Today's guest is James H. McCommons, author of The Feather Wars: And the Great Crusade to Save America's Birds. We discuss how Roosevelt used executive powers to create the first federal bird refuge at Pelican Island in 1903, why the revolutionary 1918 Migratory Bird Treaty Act made nearly all wild birds wards of the federal government while inadvertently establishing that federal law supersedes state law, and how conservation success stories including wild turkeys, wood ducks, trumpeter swans, and bald eagles were all brought back from extinction's brink. McCommons also warns that America faces a new crisis reminiscent of the Gilded Age. Since 1970, one in four birds (about 3 billion) in North America have been lost, with backyard species like sparrows, blackbirds, warblers, and finches disappearing as indicator species foreshadowing greater environmental collapse.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

  8. Roosevelt achieved a historic landslide, winning 46 states and defying the Literary Digest poll. This victory signaled a major political realignment, as FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities. Pietrusza emphasizes that the support of urban immigrant populations solidified the modern Democratic coalition for decades. 81936 LEND YOUR BINOCULARS TO THE NAVY

7. Legacies and Lessons: Looking Beyond 1920 Guest: David Pietrusza Reflecting on the "six presidents," the discussion covers Hoover's move toward the GOP, FDR's character growth following his polio diagnosis, and the eventual repeal of Prohibition. Roosevelt's later creation of the United Nations is presented as a successful application of Wilson's failed League lessons. 71916

8.  Legacies and Lessons: Looking Beyond 1920 Guest: David Patruchia Summary: Reflecting on the "six presidents," the discussion covers Hoover's move toward the GOP, FDR's character growth following his polio diagnosis, and the eventual repeal of Prohibition. Roosevelt's later creation of the United Nations is presented as a successful application of Wilson's failed League lessons.1936

1. Historian David Pietrusza details the April 1936 death of Louis Howe, FDR's longtime political advisor. Howe'spassing left Roosevelt to navigate the campaign alone against former mentor Al Smith. Smith and the American Liberty League accused Roosevelt of abandoning Democratic principles for socialist ideals and engaging in class warfare. 1FDR AND FIRST LADY GREETING.

2. Pietrusza discusses Southern populist threats from Huey Long and Eugene Talmadge. Although Long died in 1935, his radical "Share Our Wealth" plan remained a political force. Talmadge, a race-baiting Jeffersonian conservative, further challenged Roosevelt from the right by refusing to fund New Deal welfare programs in Georgia. 21936 WPA ART PROJECT

3. Dr. Francis Townsend's popular pension plan is credited with forcing Roosevelt to introduce Social Security. Pietrusza also describes the break with Father Charles Coughlin, a powerful radio priest. After a failed 1935 meeting at Hyde Park, Coughlin joined other radicals to form a third-party challenge. 31936 ROCKVILLE HIGH SCHOOL

4. The election featured threats from the Socialist and Communist parties. While Norman Thomas drew urban votes, Earl Browder's Communist Party supported Roosevelt through a "popular front" to oppose fascism. Radical agrarianism in the Midwest, led by figures like Minnesota's Floyd Olson, added further instability. 41936 FEDERAL SURPLUS

6. Republicans struggled to find a challenger, eventually selecting Kansas Governor Alf Landon. Known as the "Kansas Coolidge," Landon had balanced his state's budget but lacked Roosevelt's charisma. Pietrusza notes Landonwas an unremarkable campaigner whose poor radio presence proved a significant disadvantage in the modern era. 61936 WARM SPRINGS

7. During the campaign, Eleanor Roosevelt emerged as a powerful asset, bridging gaps with the African-Americancommunity. While Landon's polling momentum faded, Roosevelt campaigned aggressively. He famously concluded at Madison Square Garden by declaring he "welcomed the hatred" of the nation's "economic royalists". 71937 MIAMI

April 24, 2026On April 25, 1945, delegates from 50 nations met to establish the United Nations, In the 1941 Atlantic Charter, Roosevelt and Churchill had laid out principles for an international system to prevent future world wars, The Declaration by United Nations formalized the alliance that would stand against fascist Axis powers, Representatives from the US, UK, Soviet Union, and China drafted the Dumbarton Oaks Proposal for the UN in 1944, As WWII came to an end, Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin met in Yalta and agreed to convene a conference of the nations of the UN, The UN Charter was adopted unanimously, The Charter declared the signers' commitment to live in peace with each other and to work for the advancement of all peoples. Watch today's recording here: https://www.youtube.com/live/g9TUa1Rwd6U?si=T8_KKcHQZElhpnZ-Get full, free access to Letters from an American here: https://heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/subscribeYou can also find me:Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/hcrichardson.bsky.socialInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/heathercoxrichardson/?hl=enFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/heathercoxrichardson/YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@heathercoxrichardson Get full access to Letters from an American at heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/subscribe