Podcasts about Roosevelt

During the Second World War, a promise by President Roosevelt to provide supplies to nationalist China led to the creation of an ill-fated air supply route from India, across a perilous stretch of the Himalayan foothills known as 'the hump'. Caroline Alexander tells Elinor Evans about the young American pilots who braved the world's most dangerous skies, facing deadly weather, jungle crashes, and psychological collapse. (Ad) Caroline Alexander is the author of Skies of Thunder: The Deadly World War II Mission Over the Roof of the World (Bonnier Books, 2025). Buy it now from Waterstones: https://www.waterstones.com/book/skies-of-thunder/caroline-alexander/9781804189870. The HistoryExtra podcast is produced by the team behind BBC History Magazine. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In 1909, William Howard Taft entered the White House, pledging to preserve and expand the Progressive policies of his predecessor Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt, in turn, promised to stay out of politics. But over the next year, a controversy at the Department of the Interior convinced Roosevelt that his legacy was under threat. Soon, he would reenter the political arena, sparking a bitter struggle for control of the Republican party.Roosevelt stirred the public with a bold agenda known as the “New Nationalism.” But Taft wasn't his only adversary. As the 1912 election got underway, New Jersey Democrat Woodrow Wilson entered the fray with an alternative vision of Progressive reform.Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

1/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) 1945 IKE, MONTGOMERY https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency.

2/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency. 1945 IKE BRAVES GIANTS POLO GROUNDS

3/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency. 1945 STIMSON IKE

4/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency. 1945 IKE ZHUKOV

5/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency. 1944 D-DAY

6/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency. NOVEMBER 1944 IKE

7/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency. 1944 OPERATION OVERLORD

8/8: The Light of Battle: Eisenhower, D-Day, and the Birth of the American Superpower by  Michel Paradis  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Light-Battle-Eisenhower-American-Superpower/dp/0358682371/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= On June 6, 1944, General Dwight Eisenhower addressed the thousands of American troops preparing to invade Normandy, exhorting them to embrace the “Great Crusade” they faced. Then, in a fleeting moment alone, he drafted a resignation letter in case the invasion failed. In The Light of Battle, Michel Paradis, acclaimed author of Last Mission to Tokyo, paints a vivid portrait of Dwight Eisenhower as he learns to navigate the crosscurrents of diplomacy, politics, strategy, family, and fame with the fate of the free world hanging in the balance. In a world of giants—Churchill, Roosevelt, De Gaulle, Marshall, MacArthur—it was a barefoot boy from Abilene, Kansas, who would master the art of power and become a modern-day George Washington. Drawing upon meticulous research and a voluminous body of newly discovered records, letters, diaries, and firsthand accounts from three continents, Paradis brings Eisenhower to life, as a complicated man who craved simplicity, a genial cipher whose smile was a lethal political weapon. With a page-turning pace and an eye for the overlooked, Paradis interweaves the grand arc of history with more human concerns, bringing readers into the private moments that led to Eisenhower's most pivotal decisions. By deftly integrating the personal and the political, he reveals how Eisenhower's rise both reflected and was integral to America's rise as a global superpower. An unflinching look at how character is forged, and leadership is learned, The Light of Battle breathes new life into the man who made “the leader of the free world” the mantle of the American presidency. 1944 IKE BRADLEY NORMANDY

Is green a red and blue construct? Put another way, is there a political partisan divide over the environment? That's a particularly interesting question, no doubt more so in recent years as the country seems to have drifted farther and farther apart because of our political beliefs. To that point, a reader reached out the other day to say our stories shouldn't be negative on the Trump Administration because the national parks are going to need the help of all of us - Democrats, Republicans, Independents, and everything in-between - to survive. But are environmental issues highly partisan? For the Traveler's purpose, we'll define “environmental issues” as those focused on public lands, wildlife, clean air, clean water, and of course the national parks. To help us try to answer that question, our guest today is Caleb Scoville, a professor at Tufts University who has received an Andrew Carnegie fellowship to explore that question.

Dr. David Gordon reviews Mary Grabar‘s Debunking FDR, which examines Roosevelt‘s paternalistic worldview and how it shaped his political life and his presidency. Original article: https://mises.org/friday-philosophy/lord-manor

Dr. David Gordon reviews Mary Grabar‘s Debunking FDR, which examines Roosevelt‘s paternalistic worldview and how it shaped his political life and his presidency. Original article: https://mises.org/friday-philosophy/lord-manor

1084. This week, Gabe Henry talks about his new book, "Enough Is Enuf," and the long, strange quest to simplify English spelling. Learn why the "Chicago Tribune" made simplified spelling its house style for decades and why Roosevelt's attempt to make it law backfired.Find Gabe Henry at http://GabeHenry.com.

In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt discharged 167 soldiers of the all-Black 25th Infantry stationed in Brownsville, Texas. The men were accused of shooting up the town. But there was little evidence to prove their guilt. Roosevelt's decision sparked outcry among Black activists and revealed the limits of his campaign to build a more fair and just society.But Black Americans refused to stand on the sidelines of the Progressive movement. In the aftermath of a deadly race riot in Springfield, Illinois, W. E. B. Du Bois and other activists formed a new national organization to fight racial prejudice, the N.A.A.C.P. Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This week's episode features a classic showdown between two Des Moines public school programs we've followed closely for years—North and Roosevelt (Boys & Girls). After breaking down the Game of the Week, we shift into a full rundown of the Class 4A boys substate brackets. We go region by region, highlighting key matchups, potential upsets, and the top contenders in each bracket. From powerhouse programs to dark horse threats, we cover everything you need to know heading into the postseason

Une saga palpitante sur les derniers mois de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.Juillet 1944. Tandis qu'à l'Est, l'Armée rouge casse définitivement les reins de la Wehrmacht (opération " Bagration") et qu'à l'Ouest, Américains et Britanniques qui piétinaient depuis le Débarquement, percent enfin les défenses allemandes (opération " Cobra"), les chefs alliés sont optimistes : la guerre en Europe sera finie à Noël. Tous se trompent. Elle durera dix mois encore. Les plus coûteux en vies humaines de tout le conflit. Comment l'Allemagne, dont les forces vives – hommes, matériels, infrastructures industrielles, ressources énergétiques – ont été saignées à blanc, a-t-elle pu tenir aussi longtemps ? Pourquoi Hitler, au contraire de Mussolini ou du dictateur roumain Antonescu, n'a-t-il pas été renversé ? Comment l'Union soviétique, dont plus de 20 millions de citoyens ont été exterminés en trois ans, est-elle parvenue, en quelques mois, à recouvrer le terrain perdu et à planter le drapeau rouge au sommet du Reichstag ? Pourquoi les États-Unis passent-ils pour le pays ayant le plus contribué à la victoire sur l'Allemagne alors que sur les 48 millions de morts provoqués par la guerre en Europe, 73 % sont des Russes (16 millions de civils et 9 millions de combattants soit 15 % de la population de l'URSS) et 0,3% seulement des Américains (140 000 morts) ? Même illusion d'optique s'agissant des accords de Yalta (février 1945) et du prétendu " partage du monde " qui en a résulté. Sait-on que ce n'est pas Roosevelt – trop rapidement taxé de complaisance avec Staline – qui a entériné les visées territoriales soviétiques sur l'Europe centrale, mais le très anticommuniste Churchill, cinq mois plus tôt à Moscou, pour préserver la sphère d'influence britannique sur la Grèce et la Méditerranée orientale ? Après tant d'ouvrages écrits sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale, raconter l'histoire de son achèvement européen était nécessaire pour tordre le cou à beaucoup d'idées reçues. C'est l'objet de ce livre dont l'originalité repose sur les angles morts qu'il a choisi d'éclairer, et la force au rare talent d'écriture de son auteur.L'auteur Eric Branca est notre invité en studioDistribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

72 minuter tros det ta innan världen som vi känner den går under vid ett totalt kärnvapenkrig. Dan Jönsson reser till Hiroshima och ser hur ingenting tycks ha hänt och allt förändrats. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna.AtomvårSom ett förfärligt fossil från något av framtidens naturhistoriska museer ligger den där och ruvar i all sin nakenhet: den suddiga konturen, skuggan av en mänsklig kropp. Fortfarande tydligt urskiljbar efter så många år tecknar den sin svartnade silhuett i det slitna brottstycket av den stentrappa som fram till den 6 augusti 1945 utgjorde entrén till bankkontoret i Hiroshima. På morgonen den dagen, som verkade bli varm och solig, hade någon slagit sig ner på trappan i väntan på att banken skulle öppna; någon, som när atombomben briserade klockan kvart över åtta i likhet med tiotusentals andra invånare i denna storstad helt enkelt försvann, förintades i den extrema hettan. Men skuggan blev kvar. Framtida civilisationer till varnagel och besinning.Nu ingår stenen med skuggan bland artefakterna på Fredsmuseet i Hiroshima, bland föremål som smälta klockor, sönderbrända skor, väggbitar med spåren av det svarta, radioaktiva regn som följde senare på dagen – ett museum som i sin krampaktiga saklighet kramar hjärtat ur besökaren. Plötsligt förstår jag precis vad han menar, den japanske mannen i Alain Resnais film ”Hiroshima, mon amour”, när han gång på gång förnekar att hans tillfälliga franska älskarinna skulle kunna förstå något: ”Tu n'as rien vu a Hiroshima.” Du såg ingenting i Hiroshima. Ute i parken blommar körsbärsträden; vid utgången skriver jag en rad i museets gästbok och hajar till vid något som någon har präntat dit ett litet stycke ovanför. ”If only they had surrendered earlier…” läser jag på engelska. Om de bara gett upp tidigare.Föreställningen att atombomberna över Hiroshima och Nagasaki var moraliskt försvarbara eftersom de gjorde slut på kriget och tvingade fram den japanska kapitulationen några veckor senare, hör till den västerländska historieskrivningens mest långlivade myter. Men sann, det är den inte. Bomben bör kallas för vad den var, en förbrytelse; vill man förklara den bör man förstå den som en maktdemonstration inte bara mot Japan utan kanske främst mot Sovjetunionen, vars röda armé i krigets slutskede avancerade mot de japanska öarna. Men förödelsen i Hiroshima ska också ses som det logiska slutsteget i en process som påbörjats nästan femtio år tidigare, en vetenskaplig omvälvning som redan i grunden hade skakat bilden av vår värld och vår plats i den. Människan hade dyrkat upp naturens lås, sprängt den gamla världsbilden i småbitar. Det återstod att demonstrera.Fram till dess hade naturvetenskapen varit överens om att materiens minsta beståndsdelar utgjordes av ett slags rörliga partiklar, atomer. Ordet atom användes första gången av den grekiske naturfilosofen Leukippos på 400-talet före vår tideräkning och betyder odelbar – när den moderna atomläran formulerades i början av 1800-talet var det alltså ett sätt att hävda just att vetenskapen i dessa elementarpartiklar hade identifierat en materiens orubbliga grund, en fast punkt. Den rubbades 1897, när fysikern Joseph John Thomson lyckades visa att atomen förutom sin positiva kärna också består av en mindre, negativ partikel, elektronen. Året innan hade Henri Becquerel upptäckt det som Marie Curie några år senare skulle ge namnet radioaktiv strålning, och decennierna som följde kom genombrotten slag i slag: makarna Curies utforskande av radioaktiviteten, Ernest Rutherfords kartläggning av atomens inre struktur och hans modell – som sedan utvecklades och förfinades av den danske fysikern Niels Bohr – av hur elektronerna kretsar runt kärnan som i ett litet solsystem.Människan öppnade dörren till atomåldern, och världen var förändrad. ”Upplösningen av atomen,” skrev den ryske konstnären Vassily Kandinsky 1913, ”var för min själ detsamma som upplösningen av världen. De tjockaste murar störtade med ens samman. Allt blev osäkert, instabilt, mjukt.” Det var ungefär samtidigt som Kandinsky gjorde sina första helt abstrakta bilder – och känslan av en värld i upplösning var han knappast ensam om. Kubister, futurister, rayonnister: alla försökte de på olika sätt spegla denna söndersprängda verklighet. ”Jag är en atom i universum,” skrev Hilma af Klint om sina målningar i serien ”Atom”, och i Paris uppförde dansösen Loïe Fuller sin experimentella ”Radiumdans” med fosforescerande kostymer och – enligt uppgift – Marie och Pierre Curie som förundrade åskådare.Men fascinationen för det nya och oerhörda bar redan från början på ett mörkt stråk. 1909 publicerade H G Wells sin autofiktiva roman ”Tono-Bungay” där kvacksalvaren George Ponderevo upptäcker det radioaktiva materialet ”quap”, ett ämne med en outsinlig inre energi som också med tiden drabbar dem som kommer i kontakt med det med en dödlig, lepraaktig sjukdom. Detta kärnfysikens janusansikte var alltså tidigt uppenbart för både forskare och konstnärer, liksom för den breda allmänheten. I USA inleddes mot slutet av 20-talet en rättsprocess när en grupp kvinnliga arbetare i en urfabrik, ”the radium girls”, stämde staten efter att många av dem drabbats av cancer på grund av exponering för fluorescerande radiumfärg. Bävande anade man i den nya fysiken samtidigt lösningen på många av mänsklighetens problem – och fröet till dess slutgiltiga undergång.Men någon väg tillbaka fanns inte. Modernitetens bild av den tekniska utvecklingen som ett framåtskridande till varje pris laddade atomteorin med en ödesmättad förening av utopiska löften och dödliga hot. Dadaisten Hugo Ball förkunnade hur ”elektronteorin orsakat en märklig vibration i alla ytor, linjer och former”, hur ”dimensionerna krökte sig och gränser föll”. Men det slutliga genombrottet kom först 1938 när en grupp tyska fysiker gjorde upptäckten att en urankärna kunde klyvas när den besköts med neutroner. Och hur det då frigjordes extrema mängder energi.Det återstod nu sju år till Hiroshima. Om vetenskapen fram till dess stått på tröskeln till atomåldern togs nu de sista stegen in i den – och som så ofta var det vapenindustrin som gick i bräschen. Redan i januari 1939 tog USA:s president Roosevelt emot en rapport som visade hur man med en nukleär kedjereaktion skulle kunna producera en förödande bomb; samma teknik kunde också användas för att producera fredlig elektricitet, men med det krig som snart bröt ut kom andra prioriteringar. Från nyåret 1943 sysselsatte det så kallade Manhattanprojektet mer än hundratusen personer runt om i USA och efter två och ett halvt år, i juli 1945, gjordes den första provsprängningen. Bara tre veckor kvar: vid tvåtiden på morgonen den 6 augusti lyfte bombplanet Enola Gay från sin bas på ön Tinian i Marianerna. Vid spakarna satt piloten Paul Tibbets och i lastutrymmet fanns en fyra ton tung bomb som kärleksfullt fått namnet Little Boy. Knappt sju timmar senare nådde den sitt mål. Framtidens portar hade sprängts. Och ljuset flödade. AtomsommarDet sägs att det första som sker när en atombomb exploderar är att allt blir vitt. Berättelserna från dem som överlevde och kan berätta är fyllda av en vantrogen bävan, en övertygelse om att ha varit med om något som är omöjligt att beskriva. Ändå måste man försöka. Hisashi Tohara var arton år och satt just på ett tåg i väntan på att det skulle lämna perrongen. Dagen var en måndag, skriver han. Höstterminen hade precis börjat. Eleverna i hans gymnasieklass var mobiliserade vid ett stålverk, men den här dagen hade strömmen slagits ut och arbetarna fått ledigt. Pendeltåget in till centrum skulle alldeles strax gå när plötsligt allt flammade upp i ett bländande ljus – ögonblicket efter var det som om jorden skakade i sina grundvalar och hans nacke blixtrade till av en ohygglig smärta.Hisashi Tohara ägnar nästan en sida åt att försöka ge en föreställning om detta oerhörda ljus. Det var, förklarar han, ett ljus som aldrig slutade att strömma ut: ”oräkneliga partiklar av ljus” – ”bländande, gyllene med röda reflexer” – ”mikroskopiska, finare än ett damm av ljus” – ”en stormflod av ljus som översvämmade världen” – ”himmel och jord flöt i ett rött, gult, gyllene skimmer där man urskilde myriader av partiklar, än mer strålande. Under två eller tre sekunder kanske? Men det tycks mig” – minns han – ”som det varade betydligt längre. Och ändå inte mer än ett ögonblick.”Ögonvittnesskildringarna från Hiroshima har alla det gemensamt att de står mer eller mindre vanmäktiga inför den intensiva intighet som bomben utlöser. Hisashi Toharas minnesbilder är nedtecknade ett år efter bomben, därefter skrev han aldrig något mer. Enligt hans hustru var det heller ingenting han någonsin talade om; först efter hans död 2011 hittade hon berättelsen i en byrålåda. Som hos så många andra som överlevt liknande katastrofer genomsyras den inte bara av försöken att ge konkret gestalt åt det obeskrivliga, utan också av en dov, irrationell skam över att vara den som skonades. De sargade, sönderbrända, fastklämda, drunknande offer som kantar flyktvägen ut ur den förstörda staden hemsöker hans minnen som en kör av tysta, anklagande spöken.Samma dunkla upplevelse av hur skulden på något obevekligt vis faller på de oskyldiga offrens axlar går också som en sugande underström genom den främsta litterära skildringen av katastrofen i Hiroshima: Masuji Ibuses dokumentära kollektivroman ”Kuroi ame” – Svart regn. Ibuse var redan före kriget en av Japans mest uppburna författare, och ”Svart regn” blev bland det sista han skrev. Boken utgavs först 1969 och bygger på ett stort antal vittnesmål som fogats samman till en lågmäld, kollektiv berättelse. Titeln, ”Svart regn”, syftar på det våldsamma skyfall som bröt ut några timmar efter explosionen och som många av de brännskadade offren hälsade med jubel – utan att veta, förstås, att vattnet var radioaktivt och att de som drack det gick en säker död till mötes.Detta historiska markperspektiv är det fina med Ibuses roman. Ingen vet ju riktigt vad som hänt. Men att det är något exceptionellt blir uppenbart redan under de första veckor efter bomben när berättelsen utspelar sig. Ogräsen skjuter fart och blir monsterhöga, mystiska utslag visar sig på de överlevandes kroppar och leder snabbt till döden. Inga förklaringar ges, allt framstår som en obarmhärtig prövning. Frågan är, å andra sidan, om någon alls skulle bli lugnad av att veta vad sådana fenomen beror på, vad som faktiskt sker i en kropp som smittas av akut strålsjuka. Hur vävnaderna i de inre organen faller sönder, hur blodkärlens väggar drabbas av nekros, hur blodet slutar producera antikroppar och immunförsvaret upphör att fungera. Hur vatten tränger ut under huden där det bildar stora blåsor som brister, hur syrebristen i blodet orsakar så kallad cyanos, ett slags lilafärgade utslag som spricker upp och blöder. Hur bakterier från inälvorna tar sig ut och infekterar blodet och leder till akut sepsis.Som sagt, jag vet inte om det gör katastrofen mer begriplig. Men allt detta vet vi idag. Det är helt enkelt några av de nya kunskaper atomåldern fört med sig. Dessutom: med bomben föddes insikter som också utlöste en helt ny etisk diskussion. Den tyske filosofen Günther Anders, som besökte Hiroshima och Nagasaki i slutet av femtiotalet, beskrev det som att det som drabbat dessa båda städer var den första konkreta erfarenheten av hur kärntekniken och dess konsekvenser från och med nu förenar hela mänskligheten i en kuslig ödesgemenskap. Historiefilosofiskt, skriver han, är dessa vapensystem inte längre ett medium utan själva scenen där historien utspelar sig.Efter hemkomsten från Japan tar Anders kontakt med Hiroshimapiloten Claude Eatherly, som vid den här tiden sitter intagen på ett mentalsjukhus för sina samvetsbetänkligheter. Deras korrespondens, som sträcker sig över nästan två år, utkommer så småningom under titeln ”Samvete förbjudet” – och i ett av dessa publicerade brev minns Eatherly hur han på morgonen den 6 augusti slås av den förfärande insikten om vad som är på väg att ske. Han sitter själv inte i bombplanet, utan flyger i förväg för att rekognoscera målet: en järnvägsbro i utkanten av staden. Han ser den tydligt genom de lätta cumulusmolnen. I samma ögonblick som han ger klartecken glider molnen bort, bomben riktas fel och han inser att den nu kommer att träffa stadens centrum.Claude Eatherly kommer så länge han lever aldrig att bli fri från det han varit med om. Samma sak gäller förstås de tusentals överlevande, på japanska hibakusha, som likt offren för de nazistiska förintelselägren bär sitt ofattbara trauma i tysthet mitt i en till synes likgiltig omvärld. Vad är det för mening att berätta? Hur beskriver man det obeskrivliga? Hur förklara skuldkänslorna hos den som överlevt? ”Du såg ingenting i Hiroshima”, som det heter i Marguerite Duras manuskript till Alain Resnais ”Hiroshima, min älskade”. Nej – men på stadens Fredsmuseum finns några konkreta kvarlevor: en bit vägg med långa strimmor av det svarta, radioaktiva regnet, trappstenen med skuggan efter någon som satt och väntade på att banken skulle öppna. Men också mängder med teckningar, utförda av hibakusha under åren efter bomben; bilder som började dyka upp i offentligheten på sjuttiotalet och sedan vuxit till en egen genre av vittnesmål. Enkla, expressiva försök att skildra förödelsen, paniken, massdöden. Mänskliga spöken med håret på ända, kläderna i trasor och skinnslamsor hängande från kroppen. Floden som svämmar över av lik. Vanmäktiga bilder av de första sekundernas intensiva ljus.Barnen som överlevde, skriver Hisashi Tohara, kom att kalla bomben för ”pikadon”: av orden för ”ljus” och ”dån”. Det ljuset, och det dånet, är det som lyser upp och genljuder genom decennierna som följer. Med skuggorna av hundratusen döda. Atomhöst”Din första tanke när du vaknar skall vara 'atom'.” Så inleder Günther Anders sina Atomålderns bud, publicerade i dagstidningen Frankfurter Allgemeine 1957. Den tyske filosofen och författaren hade då sedan ett decennium ägnat sig åt att försöka greppa den moraliska vidden av atombomberna mot Hiroshima och Nagasaki – och kommit till slutsatsen att bombens själva existens i grunden hade förändrat mänskligheten som kollektiv. Som han uttryckte det i sin brevväxling med den olycklige Hiroshimapiloten Claude Eatherly något år senare hade hotet om planetens totala förintelse fört oss alla samman i en ofrivillig ödesgemenskap av ”oskyldigt skyldiga”. Eatherly, med sina förtärande självförebråelser – som till slut drev honom så långt att han upprepade gånger begick våldsbrott och bankrån, bara för att bevisa sig skyldig till något, och slippa ifrån sin roll som krigshjälte – framstod för Anders som en förebild i denna universella olycksgemenskap. Ett offer för bomben, han också.Om någon tycker det här påminner om hur man idag tänker kring klimatförändringarna, ligger det mycket i det. Men detta första decennium efter bomben var det inte många i västvärlden som delade Anders tankar. När han och Eatherly brevväxlade satt piloten inspärrad på ett militärt mentalsjukhus med sina skuldkänslor. I femtiotalets USA fanns ingen plats för sådana som han. Det skulle så småningom förändras – men trots att bilderna och vittnesmålen från Hiroshima nått den amerikanska allmänheten redan 1946, i John Herseys berömda reportage, fick de väldigt liten effekt i offentligheten. Här dominerade den officiella historieskrivningen där det som skett i Hiroshima och Nagasaki var ett nödvändigt ont, närmast framtvingat för att äntligen få den japanska krigsmakten att kapitulera. Den berättelsen gäller till stor del än idag, trots att den faktiskt inte har mycket fog för sig. Som historikern Tsuyoshi Hasegawa kunde visa redan 2005 var Japans kapitulation bara en tidsfråga; det som fick USA att detonera bomberna var att Sovjetunionen efter Tysklands kapitulation fått händerna fria i Fjärran Östern. I en stormoffensiv hade Röda armén ockuperat Manchuriet och var på väg mot Japan över öarna i norr. Vad det handlade om för USA:s del var att inte Sovjet skulle hinna först.Atombombsåldern kom alltså att inledas i en stämning av förnekelse och förträngning. Medan efterkrigstidens optimistiska konsumtionssamhälle tog form började en vanvettig atomkapprustning. Från de första bomberna hade den amerikanska atombombsarsenalen vuxit till 170 stycken 1949, när Sovjetunionen gjorde sitt första kärnvapenprov, och åren som följde gick det slag i slag. 1952 testsprängde USA sin första termonukleära vätebomb, stark som tusen Hiroshimabomber, och redan i mitten av decenniet hade de båda kärnvapenmakterna bomber nog för att med marginal spränga hela den mänskliga civilisationen till grus. Detta samtidigt som politikerna drömde om en framtida teknokratisk utopi flödande av billig energi, där bilarna drevs av små kärnreaktorer. Skulle kriget ändå råka bryta ut fick skolbarnen lära sig att krypa ner under bänkarna, och speciella dräkter tillverkades för att skydda mot strålningen.Under tiden drogs ritningarna upp för den oundvikliga förintelsen. 2008 berättade den pensionerade amerikanske försvarstjänstemannen John Rubel hur han i december 1960 suttit med under ett hemligt möte där ett par höga officerare lade fram de detaljerade planerna för en så kallad förebyggande kärnvapenattack mot Sovjetunionen. Som Rubel mindes det skulle angreppet enligt ingenjörernas beräkningar leda till döden för cirka sexhundra miljoner människor. Rubel erkände att han själv i stunden saknat civilkurage för att protestera, och jämförde med den nazistiska Wannseekonferensen där planerna för den slutliga, industriella lösningen av judefrågan tog form. ”Jag kände,” skrev han, ”att det jag bevittnade var ett liknande nedstigande i mörkrets hjärta, en grumlig underjordisk värld som styrdes av ett disciplinerat, noggrant och livaktigt men hjärndött grupptänkande med syfte att utrota hälften av människorna som levde på nästan en tredjedel av jordytan.”I Japan däremot var de postnukleära stämningarna annorlunda – av naturliga skäl. Trots att det under hela femtiotalet rådde ett offentligt tabu mot att diskutera katastrofen och dess följder är det ingen överdrift att säga att hela den japanska konsten och litteraturen under efterkrigstiden utvecklades i skuggan av Hiroshima och Nagasaki. Bomberna och den amerikanska ockupationen sände chockvågor genom den japanska kulturen och födde experimentella konströrelser som den minimalistiska arte poveragruppen Mono-ha, eller den betydligt våldsammare Gutai, vars medlemmar besköt sina målardukar med kanon: bägge strömningar som i sin tur också gjorde djupa intryck på yngre konstnärer som Yoko Ono, Tetsumi Kudo och Yayoi Kusama. Nobelpristagaren Kenzaburo Oe gav 1965 ut sina Anteckningar från Hiroshima, en samling personliga reportage där de överlevande, som efter tjugo år fortfarande lever i skräck för blodcancer och andra efterverkningar, lyfts upp till en sorts nationella, moraliska förebilder: ”Bara genom liv som deras,” skriver Oe, ”kan människor framträda med värdighet i vårt samhälle.”Och med tiden växte protesterna i styrka även i västvärlden. Precis som man likt Theodor Adorno kunde se det som ”barbariskt” att skriva poesi efter Auschwitz kunde man som Günther Anders spekulera i vad det betydde att bedriva filosofi efter Hiroshima. Hans kollega Hannah Arendt delade synen på bomben som en mänsklighetens vändpunkt – men för henne stod den framför allt för en förlust av politiskt handlingsutrymme, där teknologins råa styrka tog förnuftets plats. Man frestas citera president Trumans tillkännagivande den 6 augusti 1945, där han proklamerar Hiroshimabomben som ”den organiserade vetenskapens största historiska bragd”. Som Arendt uttrycker det i Människans villkor har denna etiskt förblindade vetenskap trätt ut i offentligheten som en av ”de mäktigaste, maktgenererande grupperingar historien skådat.”Atomålderns etik måste med andra ord ta formen av en civilisationskritik. Mot slutet av sextiotalet uppgick antalet atombomber i världen till över 30 000 – men då var också motståndet i full kraft. Ett motstånd som inte bara riktades mot kärnvapenrustningen utan också mot den fredliga atomkraften och hela den teknokratiska kultur som gjort det möjligt att spela med så fruktansvärda insatser. Att en olycka vid ett kärnkraftverk kan få precis samma förödande effekter som en bomb har världen sedan dess tvingats till insikt om, gång på gång: i Harrisburg, Tjernobyl, Fukushima. Namnen hemsöker vår tid, som skuggan av en mardröm. Den där tanken som man nuddar när man vaknar. Och som sedan försvinner. AtomvinterEtt minne från när det kalla kriget var som kallast, början på åttiotalet: jag sitter hemma i soffan i föräldrahemmet och ser på teven där USA:s president Reagan flinande avslöjar att en kärnvapenattack mot Sovjetunionen kommer att starta om fem minuter. Ett skämt, tydligen. Mitt minne av händelsen är lite oklart: eftersom ”skämtet” gjordes inför en radiosändning borde ljudupptagningen ha spelats upp till stillbilder, jag vet inte – men det jag tydligt minns är hur det medan skratten klingar ut i teven ändå hinner gå ett frostigt spöke genom vardagsrummet. Hur mina föräldrar liksom fryser till i tevesoffan och hur vi sedan också skrattar, lättade – och lite chockade: det var nära ögat. Om det är något vi har förstått på sista tiden är det ju hur nära det faktiskt verkar vara. Atomklockan, som den kallas, har länge stått på bara någon minut i tolv.Världen, kanske särskilt Europa, gick i detta tidiga åttiotal nästan bara och väntade på den stora smällen. Om vi idag förskräcks av de klimatförändringar som utsläppen av växthusgaser är på väg att leda till så är de trots allt ingenting emot det som skulle bli följden om ett fullskaligt kärnvapenkrig bröt ut. Inte som en effekt av själva explosionerna – men allt stoft de rörde upp, alla bränder de orsakade skulle lägga sig som ett lock på atmosfären i flera års tid och sänka temperaturen på jordytan till katastrofala nivåer. Fenomenet gick under begreppet atomvinter: ett ord som de här åren låg som ett kylelement under den dystopiska tidsandan med dess undergångsfantasier och nihilistiska yuppieideal. Med dess apolitiska alienering, och en popkultur som manglade ut sin svarta depprock och sina frostiga syntslingor över en ekande posthistorisk avgrund.Men den hotande atomvintern gav också näring åt en växande proteströrelse. Civilisationskritiken, som under sextio- och sjuttiotalen blivit ett allt tyngre inslag i kärnvapenmotståndet förenades på åttiotalet med feministiska, postkoloniala och antikapitalistiska strömningar i en gränsöverskridande skepsis mot den tekniska utvecklingen som filosofen och antikärnvapenveteranen Günther Anders såg som ett senkommet historiskt genombrott när han i början av åttiotalet samlade sina reflexioner i de här frågorna i boken Hiroshima ist überall, Hiroshima är överallt. I England tog ett feministiskt fredsläger form i protest mot utplaceringen av kärnvapen vid armébasen i Greenham Common. I Australien protesterade urbefolkningen mot uranbrytningen på traditionell aboriginsk mark, i New Mexico i USA krävde Navajofolket kompensation för kärnvapenprovens radioaktiva kontaminering. Och i Oceaniens övärld växte rörelsen för ”ett kärnvapenfritt Stilla Havet”, som en reaktion på de franska och amerikanska provsprängningar som gjort många öar obeboeliga. För dem som tvingats bort från sina hem var stormakternas så kallade ”nukleära kolonialism” bara ännu en form av cyniskt imperialistiskt våld.Denna världsomspännande folkrörelse såg för en kort tid ut att faktiskt stå inför ett globalt genombrott. I juni 1982 samlade en demonstration i New York en miljon deltagare i protest mot kärnvapenrustningen; några veckor tidigare hade bortåt hundratusen människor tågat genom Göteborg under samma paroller. Jag var själv en av dem. Liknande fredsmarscher ägde rum över hela den europeiska kontinenten. Vad vi kanske inte riktigt förstod, tror jag – hur vi nu skulle kunnat göra det, där vi vällde fram, mitt i alltihop – var hur snärjda vi alla redan var i den nukleära terrorbalansens världsordning. För om nu ”Hiroshima är överallt”, som Günther Anders skrev – måste det då inte betyda att också protesterna blir en del av systemet: en balanserande motvikt som invaggar oss i tron att den nukleärteknologiska utvecklingen trots allt ska gå att tämja och hantera? Sedda från dagens tidsavstånd kan de ju faktiskt se så ut, som en avledande, kringgående rörelse, en historiens list som tillfälligt öppnade en politisk ventil och lät oron pysa ut, utan att i grunden ändra något överhuvudtaget. Allt medan utvecklingen gick vidare i sina obevekliga spår.Nej, jag vet inte. Men kanske var det en sådan insikt som landade i världens medvetande i april 1986, med haveriet i Tjernobyl. Plötsligt visade det sig mycket konkret – om man nu inte redan hade förstått det – att Hiroshima verkligen var överallt: i luften, i vattnet, i maten vi äter. Helt oberoende av nationsgränser och politiska system. Sociologen Ulrich Beck skrev i sin uppmärksammade bok Risksamhället hur händelser som just den i Tjernobyl tvingar hela samhället att orientera sig efter potentiella risker, försöka förutse och förebygga – och inte minst: uppfostra sina medborgare i riskmedvetenhet, eller uttryckt på ett annat sätt, i oro. Vi får i förlängningen ett samhälle där rädslan är det som binder samman, ett samhälle vars främsta uppgift blir att vidmakthålla en bedräglig illusion om säkerhet.I detta risksamhälle måste till slut också kärnteknologin banaliseras och kläs i termer av säkerhet. Det talas om kärnvapnen som ett skyddande ”paraply”, om kärnenergin som en trygghet i en osäker och föränderlig omvärld. Hiroshima känns mycket avlägset. Att besöka staden idag ger upphov till en märklig svindelkänsla: åttio år efter bomben sjuder staden av liv som vilken modern metropol som helst, de hypersnabba shinkansentågen anländer och avgår på sekunden på den centrala järnvägsterminalen, nästan som om inget hänt. Men det har det. Det har det, verkligen – under ytan ömmar fortfarande traumat, men med sin ärrvävnad av monument och museala artefakter, all denna rekvisita i en minneskultur som hoppas läka det som inte går att läka.Kanske är det det han menar, den japanske mannen i Alain Resnais film Hiroshima, min älskade, när han säger till sin franska älskarinna att hon aldrig har sett något i Hiroshima. För det som skett går inte att se. Med varje gest som återkallar minnet följer en som hjälper till att utplåna det. I filmen är den franska kvinnan själv på flykt undan ett krigstrauma: hennes första kärlek var en tysk ockupationssoldat – och minnet av hur hon blev vittne till hans död för en anonym kula från en motståndsman är, förstår man, det hon nu på ett bakvänt sätt försöker bearbeta genom att vara med och spela in en ”fredsfilm” (som det kallas) i Hiroshima.Men traumat, visar det sig, går inte att förtränga. Det finns kvar. Precis som atomvintern finns kvar – som en iskall, omedveten rysning under kärnvapenparaplyet. Spöket från Hiroshima, skuggan av den okände som satt och väntade på bankens trappa just när bomben föll, har vuxit till ett skymningsdunkel som vi mer eller mindre tycks ha vant oss vid. Om det totala atomkriget bryter ut skulle det, enligt en vanlig uppgift, ta sjuttiotvå minuter innan det mesta av vår civilisation är ödelagd. En dryg timme. Längre är den inte, framtiden.Dan Jönssonförfattare och essäistLitteraturAnnie Jacobsen: Kärnvapenkrig – ett scenario. Översättare: Claes-Göran Green. Fri Tanke, 2024.Tsuyoshi Hasegawa: Racing the Enemy – Stalin, Truman, and the Surrender of Japan. Harvard University Press, 2005.Marguerite Duras: Hiroshima, mon amour – filmmanus och berättelse. Översättare: Annika Johansson. Modernista, 2014.H. G. Wells: Tono-Bungay. (Ej översatt till svenska i modern tid, original: Macmillan, 1909.)Günther Anders: Hiroshima ist überall. C. H. Beck, 1982.Hisashi Tōhara: Il y a un an Hiroshima. översättare: Dominique Palmé. Gallimard, 2011 (postum utgåva från återfunnen text).Masuji Ibuse: Black Rain. Översättare: John Bester. Kodansha International, 1969.Claude Eatherly / Günther Anders: Samvete förbjudet – brevväxling. Översättare: Ulrika Wallenström. Daidalos, 1988.Kenzaburō Ōe: Hiroshima Notes. Översättare: David L. Swain & Toshi Yonezawa. Marion Boyars, 1995.Peter Glas: Först blir det alldeles vitt – röster om atomvintern. Natur & Kultur, 1984.Ulrich Beck: Risksamhället – på väg mot en annan modernitet. Översättare: Svenja Hums. Bokförlaget Daidalos, 2018.Hannah Arendt: Människans villkor. Översättare: Alf Ahlberg. Rabén & Sjögren, 1963.LjudSylvain Cambreling, Nathalie Stutzmann, Theresa Kohlhäufl, Tim Schwarzmaier, August Zirner med Bayerska Radions Kör och Symfoniorkester (München): Voiceless Voice In Hiroshima. Kompositör: Toshio Hosokawa med texter från liturgin, Paul Celan och Matsuo Bashō. Col legno, 2001.Sveriges Radios arkiv.US National archives.Hiroshima mon amour (1959), regi: Alain Resnais, manus: Marguerite Duras. Producent: Argos Films. Musik: Georges Delerue och Giovanni Fusco.

L'attacco giapponese a Pearl Harbor colpì la flotta USA il 7 dicembre 1941, causando gravi perdite e portando gli Stati Uniti nella Seconda guerra mondiale.

A federal judge seizes jurisdiction over Rikers Island, fueling suspicion that ICE may want to use the facility to house criminal illegal aliens, an idea border czar Tom Homan embraces. Some media take off the gloves as Chris Cuomo talks insider trading and Nancy Pelosi. Jake Tapper drops a new book about Joe Biden's cognitive and physical collapse as we're reminded of HIS role in the media cover up.

We would LOVE to hear what you think. Please drop a line. Philly's Finest — An Interview with BLAK-215Join us for an engaging and inspiring conversation with the talented Philly hip hop artist, BLAK-215! Known for his passionate writing and lyrical prowess, he's a storyteller who truly carries the spirit of Philadelphia in his music. With a deep respect for the rich musical history of the City of Brotherly Love, he's making his mark while holding his city on his back.In this fun and entertaining interview, we dive into his journey, creative process, and his love for Philly's legendary music scene. Get ready to hear stories, insights, and the passion that fuels his artistry — a true brother from the city that inspired him.Tune in and feel the vibe of Philly's finest!Support the show

La nuova serie di podcast “Conversazioni sull'America”, del prof. Mario Del Pero (Professore di Storia Internazionale presso SciencesPo, Parigi) e di Riccardo Alcaro (Coordinatore delle Ricerche e responsabile del Programma Attori globali dello IAI), si concentrano su fatti di cronaca politica americana attuali per cercarne paralleli storici, mettendo in luce le continuità col passato ma anche le differenze dell'oggi. La terza puntata si occupa dei primi cento giorni dell'Amministrazione statunitense. L'idea che i primi cento giorni di una presidenza siano un primo metro di giudizio è stata introdotta novant'anni fa dalla presidenza forse più trasformativa della storia americana, quella di Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Entrato in carica in piena Grande Depressione, Roosevelt convocò il Congresso per una sessione speciale di cento giorni in cui un numero impressionante di misure furono adottate per rispondere alla calamità economica che si era abbattuta sugli Stati Uniti. A cura di Francesco De Leo. Montaggio di Silvio Farina. https://storiainpodcast.focus.it - Canale Le questioni della Storia ------------ Storia in Podcast di Focus si può ascoltare anche su Spotify https://open.spotify.com/show/293C5TZniMOgqHdBLSTaRc ed Apple Podcasts https://podcasts.apple.com/it/podcast/la-voce-della-storia/id1511551427. Siamo in tutte le edicole... ma anche qui: - Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/FocusStoria/ - Gruppo Facebook Focus Storia Wars: https://www.facebook.com/groups/FocuStoriaWars/ (per appassionati di storia militare) - YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/user/focusitvideo - Twitter: https://twitter.com/focusstoria - Sito: https://www.focus.it/cultura Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

durée : 00:56:12 - Autant en emporte l'Histoire - par : Stéphanie Duncan - En 1942, Jan Karski fut, selon ses propres termes, "le témoin oculaire de la politique allemande de l'extermination des juifs d'Europe" qui réussit, au péril de sa vie, à quitter l'Europe occupée pour alerter le monde libre. Jusqu'au président Roosevelt, mais en vain... - invités : Annette Becker - Annette Becker : Historienne, professeur émérite des universités à l'université de Paris-Ouest Nanterre - réalisé par : Anne WEINFELD

It's been 80 years since Allied forces defeated Nazi Germany in World War II. Why is it still important to recognize Victory in Europe, or VE Day? Three historians discuss the significance of this anniversary, not just to help us understand the past, but to comprehend the present. Margaret MacMillan, emeritus professor of International History at Oxford University and the University of Toronto and author of "War: How Conflict Shaped Us"; Tim Cook, chief historian and director of research at the Canadian War Museum and author of "The Good Allies: How Canada and the United States Fought Together to Defeat Fascism during the Second World War"; and Jeff Noakes, historian at the Canadian War Museum and author of "Forged in Fire: Canada and the Second World War" join Steve Paikin to discuss. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

durée : 00:37:48 - France Culture va plus loin (l'Invité(e) des Matins) - par : Jean Leymarie, Isabelle de Gaulmyn - 80 ans après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les États-Unis n'entendent plus être les "gendarmes du monde". Alors que l'ordre international qui régnait depuis 1945 est en passe de disparaître, retour sur l'héritage de l'un de ses architectes, Franklin D. Roosevelt. - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Judith Perrignon Journaliste et romancière; Romain Huret Historien des États-Unis, président de l'EHESS

durée : 02:29:45 - Les Matins - par : Guillaume Erner, Isabelle de Gaulmyn - . - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Mélissa Levaillant Docteure en sciences politiques, directrice générale de SELDON Conseil, chercheuse senior au sein de l'European Council on Foreign Relations; Ohri Yamada Responsable de la phytopharmacovigilance à l'Anses ; Judith Perrignon Journaliste et romancière; Romain Huret Historien des États-Unis, président de l'EHESS

 Learn how to stop letting fear control your life with lessons from sheep. Discover how courage and character can lead to personal growth and transformation. This true story will inspire you to face your fears and create positive change in your life.What can a 7-year-old chasing sheep teach us about managing fear? A humorous childhood memory opens the door to deeper truths about fear, courage, and growth. With stories from Apollo 13, Florence Nightingale, and quotes from Roosevelt, Churchill, and Plato. Explore how fear holds us back—and how to face it with purpose.--------------------00:00 Intro00:12 The Boy and the Sheep01:25 The Nature of Fear02:59 Florence Nightingale03:57 Everyday Fear04:31 Fear Meets Focus – Apollo 1305:32 Elenore Rosevelt and Winston Churchill06:10 What Do We Do About Fear07:26 An Ounce-------------------------------------------------------

In the late 1890s, Theodore Roosevelt emerged as a hero of the Spanish-American War and embarked on a meteoric rise through the political ranks. His bold leadership and restless energy would define a new era of Progressive change.At the end of the 19th century, the United States had become one of the world's great industrial powers. But prosperity hid the truth of a society rife with corruption and inequality. In response, a diverse group of reformers resolved to harness the power of government to build a better society. Journalists, activists, lawyers, and politicians joined Roosevelt to fight for safer workplaces, consumer protections, and corporate regulations. They were known as “Progressives.”Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Roosevelt fu presidente durante la Grande Depressione e la Seconda guerra mondiale con politiche innovative e una leadership determinata.

fWotD Episode 2923: William D. Leahy Welcome to Featured Wiki of the Day, your daily dose of knowledge from Wikipedia's finest articles.The featured article for Tuesday, 6 May 2025, is William D. Leahy.William Daniel Leahy (; 6 May 1875 – 20 July 1959) was an American naval officer. The most senior United States military officer on active duty during World War II, he held several titles and exercised considerable influence over foreign and military policy. As a fleet admiral, he was the first flag officer ever to hold a five-star rank in the U. S. Armed Forces.An 1897 graduate of Annapolis, Leahy saw active service in the Spanish–American War, the Philippine Insurrection, the Boxer Rebellion in China, the Banana Wars in Central America, and World War I. He was the first member of his cadet class to reach flag rank, as the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance from 1927 to 1931. He subsequently served as Chief of the Bureau of Navigation from 1933 to 1936, and commanded the Battle Fleet from 1936 to 1937. As Chief of Naval Operations from 1937 to 1939, he was the senior officer in the United States Navy, overseeing the expansion of the fleet and preparations for war.After retiring from the Navy, Leahy was appointed the governor of Puerto Rico in 1939 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In his most controversial role, he served as the Ambassador to France from 1940 to 1942. American policy was aimed at keeping the government of Vichy France free of German control, but Leahy had limited success. He came to believe that the United States should back Free France instead of Vichy France, and asked to be recalled after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor brought the United States into the war. Leahy was subsequently recalled to active duty as the Chief of Staff to the President in 1942 and served in that position for the rest of the Second World War. As the de facto first Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he oversaw all of the American armed forces and was a major decision-maker during the war. He also presided over the American delegation to the Combined Chiefs of Staff. In December 1944, Leahy was promoted to five-star rank of fleet admiral.In the aftermath of World War II, Leahy served Roosevelt's successor Harry S. Truman, helping shape postwar foreign policy until he retired in 1949. Although he did not oppose the use of the nuclear weapons during the war, in the post-war period he rejected war plans that placed too much emphasis on the first use of nuclear weapons.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:30 UTC on Tuesday, 6 May 2025.For the full current version of the article, see William D. Leahy on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Kimberly.

“Who Murdered the Vets?” is one of the most important non-fiction pieces Hemingway ever wrote. This 1935 article for New Masses excoriated the Roosevelt administration's careless supervision of World War I veterans who died during the Labor Day hurricane while they were living in workcamps along the Keys. Stationed there to help to build the overseas highway, more than 250 died as victims of the cataclysmic storm.Hemingway wrote what he called his “2800 words of dynamite” in a frothing rage, furious at the irresponsibility of the government, shocked at what he had witnessed firsthand, and grieving for the veterans who survived the Great War, only to lose their lives at home. To discuss this explosive article and its crucial context, we welcome James H. Meredith, the former President of the Hemingway Society. Jim's perspective walks us through Hemingway's approach to this tragedy and how he composed such a vivid, emotional polemic. 

This week on From Waterloo to the Alamo, host Traci Turnquist-Wilson steps out of the studio and into a living piece of history—the Roosevelt Library and Social Club in San Antonio. Built in 1929, this former public library has been transformed into a vibrant gathering space by the ever-dapper Leland Stone, a trained butler and fifth-generation purveyor of fine fixtures.Leland shares his journey from growing up in historic homes to breathing new life into this architectural gem. Discover how his passion for preservation and hospitality led to the meticulous renovation of the Roosevelt Library, now a sought-after venue that hosts everything from elegant dinners to etiquette classes.Join us for an engaging conversation that blends history, design, and the art of gracious living. Whether you're a history buff, design enthusiast, or simply love a good transformation story, this episode offers a unique glimpse into how one man's vision turned a forgotten library into a cornerstone of community and culture.

Whether you like President Donald Trump or not, he is embracing policies that BOTH Democrats and Republicans saw as the solution in the past.    Only difference is, today, Democrats are terrified that President Trump's policies not only the viable solution, but that they're actually going work, argues Victor Davis Hanson on today's edition of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words:”   “What's happening is we're watching the most dramatic counterrevolution in our history.   “This is more fundamentally changing than even the Reagan revolution that rebooted the American economy and won the Cold War. And it's even more—I don't know—more fundamentally transformative than the Roosevelt first 100 days when he took the country hard left with the New Deal.   “I really think [Democrats] have no alternative to addressing the debt, the budget deficit, the trade deficit. And there's only one pathway. And whether you like Donald Trump or not, or you think he's crude, he is embracing policies that in bygone days both Democrats and Republicans saw was the solution. And the Democrats are terrified that it is not only the viable solution…” 

"An Event (Helicopter Passing)" by Jason Forrest from The Unrelenting Songs of the 1979 Post Disco Crash; "Clock no Clock" by Natural Information Society and Bitchin Bajas from Totality; "Lowcountry" by More Eaze and Claire Rousay from No Floor; "The Trail (Astrid Sonne Remix)" by Mount Kimbie from The Sunset Violent Remixes; "Event Flow - A Sequence" by Joni Void from Every Life Is A Light; "Syzygie" by Jean-Emmanuel Rosnet from Les Alentours; "Silver Streams" by Pan American and Michael Grigoni from New World, Lonely Ride; "Rastakraut Pasta" by Moebius and Plank from Krautrock Eruption An Introduction To German Electronic Music 1970-1980; "Blackoak" by Maribou State from Hallucinating Love; "Sometimes" by Spellling from Portrait of My Heart; "The Remembering Self" by Barker from Stochastic Drift

In this episode, Kelly is joined by artist and his good friend Emily Farish! Join them as they discuss the ever important question of where to go to the bathroom in New York City!  They continue their bathroom adventure in Soho! Find out what the best resturaunts are for you to go and maybe even see celebrities as you do! If you are visiting the world trade center area, learn about some great spots for amazing food, great views, and stunning bathrooms! Kelly, Emily and Jae learn about the invention of modern plumbing! you will never guess the name of the person who popularized it. Learn where to use the bathroom if you are visiting St. Pauls church or battery park! Finally they talk about where to go if you visit DUMBO Brooklyn or take the train to Roosevelt island. They are both very popular travel destinations where your bathroom options aren't super obvious.   But above all else plumbing is for New Yorkers.   Kelly Kopp's Social Media@NewYorkCityKopp Chapters (00:00:00) - Easter Bonnet Parade(00:04:24) - Easter Parade Prank(00:05:07) - 2 of my favorite places to wee in Soho(00:08:12) - Where to Go To Pee in NYC(00:11:32) - Exploring World Trade Center's Oculus, Brookfield Place(00:13:14) - St. Paul's Church and Trinity Church in Manhattan(00:15:09) - The Only Restroom In A NYC Church(00:18:28) - Where Did The First Toilet Beinstalled?(00:21:47) - MID Manhattan: Italy Bathrooms(00:24:56) - Public Bathrooms in Dumbo & Brooklyn(00:29:25) - How to get to the Brooklyn Bridge(00:29:56) - Roosevelt Island, New York(00:32:15) - How To Use a Bathroom in NYC(00:32:55) - Bathrooms and Easter Bonnets(00:33:14) - The New Yorkers Podcast: Episode 291

Connecticut author Helen Sheehy talks about her latest release“Just Willa” (based on a true story) spanning 7 decades of one woman's lifegoing from the Dust Bowl to the Depression, from Roosevelt to Reagan, givingcharacter of indominable spirit that fuels her family & bravery shaping abeautiful world despite the hardships! Helen grew up on tenant farms inOklahoma and Kansas, worked as a dramaturg, written a theatre textbook,authored biographies of three theater pioneer women (Margo Jones, Eva LeGullienne,& Eleonora Duse) and how they influence Helen's career, plus taughttheatre/acting for 2 decades at So. Connecticut State University! Check out theamazing Helen Sheehy and her latest release on all major platforms at www.helensheehy.comtoday! #helensheehy #author #connecticut #theatre #justwilla #dustbowl#depression #roosevelt #reagan #tenantfarm #oklahoma #kansas #acting #margojone#evalegullieme #eleonoraduse #southernconnecticutstateuniversity #spreaker#iheartradio #spotify #applemusic #youtube #anchorfm #bitchute #rumble#mikewagner #themikewagnershow #mikewagnerhelensheehy #themikewagnershowhelensheehy 

Connecticut author Helen Sheehy talks about her latest release“Just Willa” (based on a true story) spanning 7 decades of one woman's lifegoing from the Dust Bowl to the Depression, from Roosevelt to Reagan, givingcharacter of indominable spirit that fuels her family & bravery shaping abeautiful world despite the hardships! Helen grew up on tenant farms inOklahoma and Kansas, worked as a dramaturg, written a theatre textbook,authored biographies of three theater pioneer women (Margo Jones, Eva LeGullienne,& Eleonora Duse) and how they influence Helen's career, plus taughttheatre/acting for 2 decades at So. Connecticut State University! Check out theamazing Helen Sheehy and her latest release on all major platforms at www.helensheehy.comtoday! #helensheehy #author #connecticut #theatre #justwilla #dustbowl#depression #roosevelt #reagan #tenantfarm #oklahoma #kansas #acting #margojone#evalegullieme #eleonoraduse #southernconnecticutstateuniversity #spreaker#iheartradio #spotify #applemusic #youtube #anchorfm #bitchute #rumble#mikewagner #themikewagnershow #mikewagnerhelensheehy #themikewagnershowhelensheehy 

FITZGERALDS (6615 Roosevelt in Berwyn) is, without a doubt, one of my favorite places to see music and simply hang out. The vibe is always chill, and the bookings are fantastic. Beyond that, the building is historic! FITZGERALDS was officially added to the National Register of Historic Places by the United States Park Service at the end of last year. In advance of the plaque dedication on May 3, co-owners Will Duncan and Jess King jumped in the car to talk about the storied history of FITZGERALDS, as well as its impact on the local and music communities. Adding the “Carne” to this episode is BABYGOLD BARBECUE, the killer restaurant that’s part of the FITZGERALDS campus. Will and Jess brought a massive sampler of the BABYGOLD menu into the car, and we did our best to make our way through it. Chef Steve Domanik is doing amazing things over in Berwyn… Can’t make it to the plaque dedication? You’ll see it afterward when you go to any upcoming show at FITZGERALDS. See you at the American Music Festival? Car Con Carne sponsored by Easy Automation: easy-automation.net Transform your living space with cutting-edge home automation. Experience seamless control over audio/video, lighting, climate, security, and more. Embrace the future of smart living – your home, your rules. Get a quote by visiting easy-automation.net, or give Dan a call at 630.730.3728 ## Car Con Carne is also sponsored by Ninety Days in the 90s: A Rock N Roll Time Travel Story. It's the ultimate novel about the '90s and Chicago's music scene, written by Andy Frye. Join record store owner Darby on her trip back to 1990s Chicago as she jumps on the Grey Line to time travel back to her carefree twenties, soaking up all the pop culture and rock n roll nostalgia you could ever imagine. To learn more, go to 90daysinthe90s.com or pick it up on Amazon.com or wherever you buy books. ## On Thursday, May 15, join me for a live recording of Car Con Carne at Legit Dogs and Ice in South Elgin - 322 S. Randall Road. Music from Aaron Williams Band, Karen Shook and Derision Cult. Comedy from Chris Bongat. Craft brewer Carson Souza from Obscurity Brewing. It starts at 8:30 pm.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In today's episode we look at all the people and plans it took to create the United Service Organization (USO). While there was enormous planning and smart people, it wouldn't be what it is without a trumpet player from Chicago. We cross paths with General Pershing, Glenn Miller, m&ms, Thomas Dewey, Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and little guy from England named Lesley Townes Hope.

A year ago, the great American historian Adam Hochschild came on KEEN ON AMERICA to discuss American Midnight, his best selling account of the crisis of American democracy after World War One. A year later, is history really repeating itself in today's crisis of American democracy? For Hochschild, there are certainly parallels between the current political situation in the US and post WW1 America. Describing how wartime hysteria and fear of communism led to unprecedented government repression, including mass imprisonment for political speech, vigilante violence, and press censorship. Hochschild notes eery similarities to today's Trump's administration. He expresses concern about today's threats to democratic institutions while suggesting the importance of understanding Trump supporters' grievances and finding ways to bridge political divides. Five Key Takeaways* The period of 1917-1921 in America saw extreme government repression, including imprisoning people for speech, vigilante violence, and widespread censorship—what Hochschild calls America's "Trumpiest" era before Trump.* American history shows recurring patterns of nativism, anti-immigrant sentiment, and scapegoating that politicians exploit during times of economic or social stress.* The current political climate shows concerning parallels to this earlier period, including intimidation of opposition, attacks on institutions, and the widespread acceptance of authoritarian tendencies.* Hochschild emphasizes the importance of understanding the grievances and suffering that lead people to support authoritarian figures rather than dismissing their concerns.* Despite current divisions, Hochschild believes reconciliation is possible and necessary, pointing to historical examples like President Harding pardoning Eugene Debs after Wilson imprisoned him. Full Transcript Andrew Keen: Hello, everybody. We recently celebrated our 2500th edition of Keen On. Some people suggest I'm mad. I think I probably am to do so many shows. Just over a little more than a year ago, we celebrated our 2000th show featuring one of America's most distinguished historians, Adam Hochschild. I'm thrilled that Adam is joining us again a year later. He's the author of "American Midnight, The Great War, A Violent Peace, and Democracy's Forgotten Crisis." This was his last book. He's the author of many other books. He is now working on a book on the Great Depression. He's joining us from his home in Berkeley, California. Adam, to borrow a famous phrase or remix a famous phrase, a year is a long time in American history.Adam Hochschild: That's true, Andrew. I think this past year, or actually this past 100 days or so has been a very long and very difficult time in American history that we all saw coming to some degree, but I don't think we realized it would be as extreme and as rapid as it has been.Andrew Keen: Your book, Adam, "American Midnight, A Great War of Violent Peace and Democracy's Forgotten Crisis," is perhaps the most prescient warning. When you researched that you were saying before we went live that your books usually take you between four and five years, so you couldn't really have planned for this, although I guess you began writing and researching American Midnight during the Trump 1.0 regime. Did you write it as a warning to something like is happening today in America?Adam Hochschild: Well, I did start writing it and did most of the work on it during Trump's first term in office. So I was very struck by the parallels. And they're in plain sight for everybody to see. There are various dark currents that run through this country of ours. Nativism, threats to deport troublemakers. Politicians stirring up violent feelings against immigrants, vigilante violence, all those things have been with us for a long time. I've always been fascinated by that period, 1917 to 21, when they surged to the surface in a very nasty way. That was the subject of the book. Naturally, I hoped we wouldn't have to go through anything like that again, but here we are definitely going through it again.Andrew Keen: You wrote a lovely piece earlier this month for the Washington Post. "America was at its Trumpiest a hundred years ago. Here's how to prevent the worst." What did you mean by Trumpiest, Adam? I'm not sure if you came up with that title, but I know you like the term. You begin the essay. What was the Trumpiest period in American life before Donald Trump?Adam Hochschild: Well, I didn't invent the word, but I certainly did use it in the piece. What I meant by that is that when you look at this period just over 100 years ago, 1917 to 1921, Woodrow Wilson's second term in office, two things happened in 1917 that kicked off a kind of hysteria in this country. One was that Wilson asked the American Congress to declare war on Germany, which it promptly did, and when a country enters a major war, especially a world war, it sets off a kind of hysteria. And then that was redoubled some months later when the country received news of the Russian Revolution, and many people in the establishment in America were afraid the Russian Revolution might come to the United States.So, a number of things happened. One was that there was a total hysteria against all things German. There were bonfires of German books all around the country. People would take German books out of libraries, schools, college and university libraries and burn them in the street. 19 such bonfires in Ohio alone. You can see pictures of it on the internet. There was hysteria about the German language. I heard about this from my father as I was growing up because his father was a Jewish immigrant from Germany. They lived in New York City. They spoke German around the family dinner table, but they were terrified of doing so on the street because you could get beaten up for that. Several states passed laws against speaking German in public or speaking German on the telephone. Eminent professors declared that German was a barbaric language. So there was that kind of hysteria.Then as soon as the United States declared war, Wilson pushed the Espionage Act through Congress, this draconian law, which essentially gave the government the right to lock up anybody who said something that was taken to be against the war. And they used this law in a devastating way. During those four years, roughly a thousand Americans spent a year or more in jail and a much larger number, shorter periods in jail solely for things that they wrote or said. These were people who were political prisoners sent to jail simply for something they wrote or said, the most famous of them was Eugene Debs, many times the socialist candidate for president. He'd gotten 6% of the popular vote in 1912 and in 1918. For giving an anti-war speech from a park bandstand in Ohio, he was sent to prison for 10 years. And he was still in prison two years after the war ended in November, 1920, when he pulled more than 900,000 votes for president from his jail cell in the federal penitentiary in Atlanta.So that was one phase of the repression, political prisoners. Another was vigilante violence. The government itself, the Department of Justice, chartered a vigilante group, something called the American Protective League, which went around roughing up people that it thought were evading the draft, beating up people at anti-war rallies, arresting people with citizens arrest whom they didn't have their proper draft papers on them, holding them for hours or sometimes for days until they could produce the right paperwork.Andrew Keen: I remember, Adam, you have a very graphic description of some of this violence in American Midnight. There was a story, was it a union leader?Adam Hochschild: Well, there is so much violence that happened during that time. I begin the book with a graphic description of vigilantes raiding an office of the Wobblies, the Industrial Workers of the World, in Tulsa, Oklahoma, taking a bunch of wobblies out into the prairie at night, stripping them, whipping them, flogging them fiercely, and then tarring and feathering them, and firing shotguns over their heads so they would run off into the Prairie at Night. And they did. Those guys were lucky because they survive. Other people were killed by this vigilante violence.And the final thing about that period which I would mention is the press censorship. The Espionage Act gave the Postmaster General the power to declare any publication in the United States unmailable. And for a newspaper or a magazine that was trying to reach a national audience, the only way you could do so was through the US mail because there was no internet then. No radio, no TV, no other way of getting your publication to somebody. And this put some 75 newspapers and magazines that the government didn't like out of business. It in addition censored three or four hundred specific issues of other publications as well.So that's why I feel this is all a very dark period of American life. Ironically, that press censorship operation, because it was run by the postmaster general, who by the way loved being chief censor, it was ran out of the building that was then the post office headquarters in Washington, which a hundred years later became the Trump International Hotel. And for $4,000 a night, you could stay in the Postmaster General's suite.Andrew Keen: You, Adam, the First World War is a subject you're very familiar with. In addition to American Midnight, you wrote "To End All Wars, a story of loyalty and rebellion, 1914 to 18," which was another very successful of your historical recreations. Many countries around the world experience this turbulence, the violence. Of course, we had fascism in the 20s in Europe. And later in the 30s as well. America has a long history of violence. You talk about the violence after the First World War or after the declaration. But I was just in Montgomery, Alabama, went to the lynching museum there, which is considerably troubling. I'm sure you've been there. You're not necessarily a comparative political scientist, Adam. How does America, in its paranoia during the war and its clampdown on press freedom, on its violence, on its attempt to create an authoritarian political system, how does it compare to other democracies? Is some of this stuff uniquely American or is it a similar development around the world?Adam Hochschild: You see similar pressures almost any time that a major country is involved in a major war. Wars are never good for civil liberties. The First World War, to stick with that period of comparison, was a time that saw strong anti-war movements in all of the warring countries, in Germany and Britain and Russia. There were people who understood at the time that this war was going to remake the world for the worse in every way, which indeed it did, and who refused to fight. There were 800 conscientious objectors jailed in Russia, and Russia did not have much freedom of expression to begin with. In Germany, many distinguished people on the left, like Rosa Luxemburg, were sent to jail for most of the war.Britain was an interesting case because I think they had a much longer established tradition of free speech than did the countries on the continent. It goes way back and it's a distinguished and wonderful tradition. They were also worried for the first two and a half, three years of the war before the United States entered, that if they crack down too hard on their anti-war movement, it would upset people in the United States, which they were desperate to draw into the war on their side. Nonetheless, there were 6,000 conscientious objectors who were sent to jail in England. There was intermittent censorship of anti-war publications, although some were able to publish some of the time. There were many distinguished Britons, such as Bertrand Russell, the philosopher who later won a Nobel Prize, sent to jails for six months for his opposition to the war. So some of this happened all over.But I think in the United States, especially with these vigilante groups, it took a more violent form because remember the country at that time was only a few decades away from these frontier wars with the Indians. And the westward expansion of the United States during the 19th century, the western expansion of white settlement was an enormously bloody business that was almost genocidal for the Native Americans. Many people had participated in that. Many people saw that violence as integral to what the country was. So there was a pretty well-established tradition of settling differences violently.Andrew Keen: I'm sure you're familiar with Stephen Hahn's book, "A Liberal America." He teaches at NYU, a book which in some ways is very similar to yours, but covers all of American history. Hahn was recently on the Ezra Klein show, talking like you, like we're talking today, Adam, about the very American roots of Trumpism. Hahn, it's an interesting book, traces much of this back to Jackson and the wars of the frontier against Indians. Do you share his thesis on that front? Are there strong similarities between Jackson, Wilson, and perhaps even Trump?Adam Hochschild: Well, I regret to say I'm not familiar with Hahn's book, but I certainly do feel that that legacy of constant war for most of the 19th century against the Native Americans ran very deep in this country. And we must never forget how appealing it is to young men to take part in war. Unfortunately, all through history, there have been people very tempted by this. And I think when you have wars of conquest, such as happen in the American West, against people who are more poorly armed, or colonial wars such as Europe fought in Africa and Asia against much more poorly-armed opponents, these are especially appealing to young people. And in both the United States and in the European colonization of Africa, which I know something about. For young men joining in these colonizing or conquering adventures, there was a chance not just to get martial glory, but to also get rich in the process.Andrew Keen: You're all too familiar with colonial history, Adam. Another of your books was about King Leopold's Congo and the brutality there. Where was the most coherent opposition morally and politically to what was happening? My sense in Trump's America is perhaps the most persuasive and moral critique comes from the old Republican Center from people like David Brooks, Peter Wayno has been on the show many times, Jonathan Rausch. Where were people like Teddy Roosevelt in this narrative? Were there critics from the right as well as from the left?Adam Hochschild: Good question. I first of all would give a shout out to those Republican centrists who've spoken out against Trump, the McCain Republicans. There are some good people there - Romney, of course as well. They've been very forceful. There wasn't really an equivalent to that, a direct equivalent to that in the Wilson era. Teddy Roosevelt whom you mentioned was a far more ferocious drum beater than Wilson himself and was pushing Wilson to declare war long before Wilson did. Roosevelt really believed that war was good for the soul. He desperately tried to get Wilson to appoint him to lead a volunteer force, came up with an elaborate plan for this would be a volunteer army staffed by descendants of both Union and Confederate generals and by French officers as well and homage to the Marquis de Lafayette. Wilson refused to allow Roosevelt to do this, and plus Roosevelt was, I think, 58 years old at the time. But all four of Roosevelt's sons enlisted and joined in the war, and one of them was killed. And his father was absolutely devastated by this.So there was not really that equivalent to the McCain Republicans who are resisting Trump, so to speak. In fact, what resistance there was in the U.S. came mostly from the left, and it was mostly ruthlessly silenced, all these people who went to jail. It was silenced also because this is another important part of what happened, which is different from today. When the federal government passed the Espionage Act that gave it these draconian powers, state governments, many of them passed copycat laws. In fact, a federal justice department agent actually helped draft the law in New Hampshire. Montana locked up people serving more than 60 years cumulatively of hard labor for opposing the war. California had 70 people in prison. Even my hometown of Berkeley, California passed a copycat law. So, this martial spirit really spread throughout the country at that time.Andrew Keen: So you've mentioned that Debs was the great critic and was imprisoned and got a considerable number of votes in the election. You're writing a book now about the Great Depression and FDR's involvement in it. FDR, of course, was a distant cousin of Teddy Roosevelt. At this point, he was an aspiring Democratic politician. Where was the critique within the mainstream Democratic party? Were people like FDR, who had a position in the Wilson administration, wasn't he naval secretary?Adam Hochschild: He was assistant secretary of the Navy. And he went to Europe during the war. For an aspiring politician, it's always very important to say I've been at the front. And so he went to Europe and certainly made no sign of resistance. And then in 1920, he was the democratic candidate for vice president. That ticket lost of course.Andrew Keen: And just to remind ourselves, this was before he became disabled through polio, is that correct?Adam Hochschild: That's right. That happened in the early 20s and it completely changed his life and I think quite deepened him as a person. He was a very ambitious social climbing young politician before then but I think he became something deeper. Also the political parties at the time were divided each party between right and left wings or war mongering and pacifist wings. And when the Congress voted on the war, there were six senators who voted against going to war and 50 members of the House of Representatives. And those senators and representatives came from both parties. We think of the Republican Party as being more conservative, but it had some staunch liberals in it. The most outspoken voice against the war in the Senate was Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin, who was a Republican.Andrew Keen: I know you write about La Follette in American Midnight, but couldn't one, Adam, couldn't won before the war and against domestic repression. You wrote an interesting piece recently for the New York Review of Books about the Scopes trial. William Jennings Bryan, of course, was involved in that. He was the defeated Democratic candidate, what in about three or four presidential elections in the past. In the early 20th century. What was Bryan's position on this? He had been against the war, is that correct? But I'm guessing he would have been quite critical of some of the domestic repression.Adam Hochschild: You know, I should know the answer to that, Andrew, but I don't. He certainly was against going to war. He had started out in Wilson's first term as Wilson's secretary of state and then resigned in protest against the military buildup and what he saw as a drift to war, and I give him great credit for that. I don't recall his speaking out against the repression after it began, once the US entered the war, but I could be wrong on that. It was not something that I researched. There were just so few voices speaking out. I think I would remember if he had been one of them.Andrew Keen: Adam, again, I'm thinking out loud here, so please correct me if this is a dumb question. What would it be fair to say that one of the things that distinguished the United States from the European powers during the First World War in this period it remained an incredibly insular provincial place barely involved in international politics with a population many of them were migrants themselves would come from Europe but nonetheless cut off from the world. And much of that accounted for the anti-immigrant, anti-foreign hysteria. That exists in many countries, but perhaps it was a little bit more pronounced in the America of the early 20th century, and perhaps in some ways in the early 21st century.Adam Hochschild: Well, we remain a pretty insular place in many ways. A few years ago, I remember seeing the statistic in the New York Times, I have not checked to see whether it's still the case, but I suspect it is that half the members of the United States Congress do not have passports. And we are more cut off from the world than people living in most of the countries of Europe, for example. And I think that does account for some of the tremendous feeling against immigrants and refugees. Although, of course, this is something that is common, not just in Europe, but in many countries all over the world. And I fear it's going to get all the stronger as climate change generates more and more refugees from the center of the earth going to places farther north or farther south where they can get away from parts of the world that have become almost unlivable because of climate change.Andrew Keen: I wonder Democratic Congress people perhaps aren't leaving the country because they fear they won't be let back in. What were the concrete consequences of all this? You write in your book about a young lawyer, J. Edgar Hoover, of course, who made his name in this period. He was very much involved in the Palmer Raids. He worked, I think his first job was for Palmer. How do you see this structurally? Of course, many historians, biographers of Hoover have seen this as the beginning of some sort of American security state. Is that over-reading it, exaggerating what happened in this period?Adam Hochschild: Well, security state may be too dignified a word for the hysteria that reigned in the country at that time. One of the things we've long had in the United States is a hysteria, paranoia directed at immigrants who are coming from what seems to be a new and threatening part of the world. In the mid-19th century, for example, we had the Know-Nothing Party, as it was called, who were violently opposed to Catholic immigrants coming from Ireland. Now, they were people of Anglo-Saxon descent, pretty much, who felt that these Irish Catholics were a tremendous threat to the America that they knew. There was much violence. There were people killed in riots against Catholic immigrants. There were Catholic merchants who had their stores burned and so on.Then it began to shift. The Irish sort of became acceptable, but by the end of the 19th century, beginning of the 20th century the immigrants coming from Europe were now coming primarily from southern and eastern Europe. In other words, Italians, Sicilians, Poles, and Jews. And they became the target of the anti-immigrant crusaders with much hysteria directed against them. It was further inflamed at that time by the Eugenics movement, which was something very strong, where people believed that there was a Nordic race that was somehow superior to everybody else, that the Mediterraneans were inferior people, and that the Africans were so far down the scale, barely worth talking about. And this culminated in 1924 with the passage of the Johnson-Reed Immigration Act that year, which basically slammed the door completely on immigrants coming from Asia and slowed to an absolute trickle those coming from Europe for the next 40 years or so.Andrew Keen: It wasn't until the mid-60s that immigration changed, which is often overlooked. Some people, even on the left, suggest that it was a mistake to radically reform the Immigration Act because we would have inevitably found ourselves back in this situation. What do you think about that, Adam?Adam Hochschild: Well, I think a country has the right to regulate to some degree its immigration, but there always will be immigration in this world. I mean, my ancestors all came from other countries. The Jewish side of my family, I'm half Jewish, were lucky to get out of Europe in plenty of time. Some relatives who stayed there were not lucky and perished in the Holocaust. So who am I to say that somebody fleeing a repressive regime in El Salvador or somewhere else doesn't have the right to come here? I think we should be pretty tolerant, especially if people fleeing countries where they really risk death for one reason or another. But there is always gonna be this strong anti-immigrant feeling because unscrupulous politicians like Donald Trump, and he has many predecessors in this country, can point to immigrants and blame them for the economic misfortunes that many Americans are experiencing for reasons that don't have anything to do with immigration.Andrew Keen: Fast forward Adam to today. You were involved in an interesting conversation on the Nation about the role of universities in the resistance. What do you make of this first hundred days, I was going to say hundred years that would be a Freudian error, a hundred days of the Trump regime, the role, of big law, big universities, newspapers, media outlets? In this emerging opposition, are you chilled or encouraged?Adam Hochschild: Well, I hope it's a hundred days and not a hundred years. I am moderately encouraged. I was certainly deeply disappointed at the outset to see all of those tech titans go to Washington, kiss the ring, contribute to Trump's inauguration festivities, be there in the front row. Very depressing spectacle, which kind of reminds one of how all the big German industrialists fell into line so quickly behind Hitler. And I'm particularly depressed to see the changes in the media, both the Los Angeles Times and the Washington Post becoming much more tame when it came to endorsing.Andrew Keen: One of the reasons for that, Adam, of course, is that you're a long-time professor at the journalism school at UC Berkeley, so you've been on the front lines.Adam Hochschild: So I really care about a lively press that has free expression. And we also have a huge part of the media like Fox News and One American Network and other outlets that are just pouring forth a constant fire hose of lies and falsehood.Andrew Keen: And you're being kind of calling it a fire hose. I think we could come up with other terms for it. Anyway, a sewage pipe, but that's another issue.Adam Hochschild: But I'm encouraged when I see media organizations that take a stand. There are places like the New York Times, like CNN, like MSNBC, like the major TV networks, which you can read or watch and really find an honest picture of what's going on. And I think that's a tremendously important thing for a country to have. And that you look at the countries that Donald Trump admires, like Putin's Russia, for example, they don't have this. So I value that. I want to keep it. I think that's tremendously important.I was sorry, of course, that so many of those big law firms immediately cave to these ridiculous and unprecedented demands that he made, contributing pro bono work to his causes in return for not getting banned from government buildings. Nothing like that has happened in American history before, and the people in those firms that made those decisions should really be ashamed of themselves. I was glad to see Harvard University, which happens to be my alma mater, be defiant after caving in a little bit on a couple of issues. They finally put their foot down and said no. And I must say, feeling Harvard patriotism is a very rare emotion for me. But this is the first time in 50 years that I've felt some of it.Andrew Keen: You may even give a donation, Adam.Adam Hochschild: And I hope other universities are going to follow its lead, and it looks like they will. But this is pretty unprecedented, a president coming after universities with this determined of ferocity. And he's going after nonprofit organizations as well. There will be many fights there as well, I'm sure we're just waiting to hear about the next wave of attacks which will be on places like the Ford Foundation and the Carnegie Corporation and other big nonprofits. So hold on and wait for that and I hope they are as defiant as possible too.Andrew Keen: It's a little bit jarring to hear a wise historian like yourself use the word unprecedented. Is there much else of this given that we're talking historically and the similarities with the period after the first world war, is there anything else unprecedented about Trumpism?Adam Hochschild: I think in a way, we have often had, or not often, but certainly sometimes had presidents in this country who wanted to assume almost dictatorial powers. Richard Nixon certainly is the most recent case before Trump. And he was eventually stopped and forced to leave office. Had that not happened, I think he would have very happily turned himself into a dictator. So we know that there are temptations that come with the desire for absolute power everywhere. But Trump has gotten farther along on this process and has shown less willingness to do things like abide by court orders. The way that he puts pressure on Republican members of Congress.To me, one of the most startling, disappointing, remarkable, and shocking things about these first hundred days is how very few Republican members to the House or Senate have dared to defy Trump on anything. At most, these ridiculous set of appointees that he muscled through the Senate. At most, they got three Republican votes against them. They couldn't muster the fourth necessary vote. And in the House, only one or two Republicans have voted against Trump on anything. And of course, he has threatened to have Elon Musk fund primaries against any member of Congress who does defy him. And I can't help but think that these folks must also be afraid of physical violence because Trump has let all the January 6th people out of jail and the way vigilantes like that operate is they first go after the traitors on their own side then they come for the rest of us just as in the first real burst of violence in Hitler's Germany was the night of the long knives against another faction of the Nazi Party. Then they started coming for the Jews.Andrew Keen: Finally, Adam, your wife, Arlie, is another very distinguished writer.Adam Hochschild: I've got a better picture of her than that one though.Andrew Keen: Well, I got some very nice photos. This one is perhaps a little, well she's thinking Adam. Everyone knows Arlie from her hugely successful work, "Strangers in their Own Land." She has a new book out, "Stolen Pride, Lost Shame and the Rise of the Right." I don't want to put words into Arlie's mouth and she certainly wouldn't let me do that, Adam, but would it be fair to say that her reading, certainly of recent American history, is trying to bring people back together. She talks about the lessons she learned from her therapist brother. And in some ways, I see her as a kind of marriage counselor in America. Given what's happening today in America with Trump, is this still an opportunity? This thing is going to end and it will end in some ways rather badly and perhaps bloodily one way or the other. But is this still a way to bring people, to bring Americans back together? Can America be reunited? What can we learn from American Midnight? I mean, one of the more encouraging stories I remember, and please correct me if I'm wrong. Wasn't it Coolidge or Harding who invited Debs when he left prison to the White House? So American history might be in some ways violent, but it's also made up of chapters of forgiveness.Adam Hochschild: That's true. I mean, that Debs-Harding example is a wonderful one. Here is Debs sent to prison by Woodrow Wilson for a 10-year term. And Debs, by the way, had been in jail before for his leadership of a railway strike when he was a railway workers union organizer. Labor organizing was a very dangerous profession in those days. But Debs was a fairly gentle man, deeply committed to nonviolence. About a year into, a little less than a year into his term, Warren Harding, Woodrow Wilson's successor, pardoned Debs, let him out of prison, invited him to visit the White House on his way home. And they had a half hour's chat. And when he left the building, Debs told reporters, "I've run for the White house five times, but this is the first time I've actually gotten here." Harding privately told a friend. This was revealed only after his death, that he said, "Debs was right about that war. We never should have gotten involved in it."So yeah, there can be reconciliation. There can be talk across these great differences that we have, and I think there are a number of organizations that are working on that specific project, getting people—Andrew Keen: We've done many of those shows. I'm sure you're familiar with the organization Braver Angels, which seems to be a very good group.Adam Hochschild: So I think it can be done. I really think it could be done and it has to be done and it's important for those of us who are deeply worried about Trump, as you and I are, to understand the grievances and the losses and the suffering that has made Trump's backers feel that here is somebody who can get them out of the pickle that they're in. We have to understand that, and the Democratic Party has to come up with promising alternatives for them, which it really has not done. It didn't really offer one in this last election. And the party itself is in complete disarray right now, I fear.Andrew Keen: I think perhaps Arlie should run for president. She would certainly do a better job than Kamala Harris in explaining it. And of course they're both from Berkeley. Finally, Adam, you're very familiar with the history of Africa, Southern Africa, your family I think was originally from there. Might we need after all this, when hopefully the smoke clears, might we need a Mandela style truth and reconciliation committee to make sense of what's happening?Adam Hochschild: My family's actually not from there, but they were in business there.Andrew Keen: Right, they were in the mining business, weren't they?Adam Hochschild: That's right. Truth and Reconciliation Committee. Well, I don't think it would be on quite the same model as South Africa's. But I certainly think we need to find some way of talking across the differences that we have. Coming from the left side of that divide I just feel all too often when I'm talking to people who feel as I do about the world that there is a kind of contempt or disinterest in Trump's backers. These are people that I want to understand, that we need to understand. We need to understand them in order to hear what their real grievances are and to develop alternative policies that are going to give them a real alternative to vote for. Unless we can do that, we're going to have Trump and his like for a long time, I fear.Andrew Keen: Wise words, Adam. I hope in the next 500 episodes of this show, things will improve. We'll get you back on the show, keep doing your important work, and I'm very excited to learn more about your new project, which we'll come to in the next few months or certainly years. Thank you so much.Adam Hochschild: OK, thank you, Andrew. Good being with you. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

1/2: #TRADE: AND. CONGRESS  FOR JEFFERSON, MADISON, HOOVER, ROOSEVELT, KENNEDY, NIXON AND TRUMP. PHILIP WALLACH, AEI, CIVITAS INSTITUTE. 1929 HOOVER

2/2: #TRADE: AND CONGRESS  FOR JEFFERSON, MADISON, HOOVER, ROOSEVELT, KENNEDY, NIXON AND TRUMP. PHILIP WALLACH, AEI, CIVITAS INSTITUTE. 1920 TRADE HIGH END

Le marathon des Jeux olympiques de Saint-Louis en 1904 est sans doute l'un des événements les plus désastreux et rocambolesques de toute l'histoire olympique. Prévu comme un moment de gloire sportive, il tourna en une épreuve d'endurance surréaliste, marquée par des conditions extrêmes, des choix logistiques absurdes et des comportements pour le moins... inattendus.Une organisation calamiteuseLes Jeux de 1904, organisés aux États-Unis dans le cadre de l'Exposition universelle, furent déjà critiqués pour leur manque de cohérence et leur durée interminable (plusieurs mois). Le marathon, quant à lui, fut programmé en pleine après-midi, sous une chaleur écrasante de plus de 32 °C, sur un parcours poussiéreux, non asphalté, long de 40 km à travers les collines du Missouri.Pire encore : un seul point d'eau était prévu, à mi-parcours, et les organisateurs pensaient même que la privation d'eau permettrait d'étudier les effets de la déshydratation sur le corps humain. Résultat : les athlètes furent frappés de crampes, vomissements, hallucinations, et beaucoup durent abandonner.Des concurrents… inattendusLes participants eux-mêmes formaient un tableau déroutant. Sur les 32 coureurs engagés, plusieurs n'étaient ni professionnels ni préparés. L'un des favoris, Fred Lorz, abandonna après 14 km… avant de reprendre la course en voiture. Tombé en panne à 8 km de l'arrivée, il repartit à pied et franchit la ligne d'arrivée sous les acclamations. Il fut brièvement félicité par la fille du président Roosevelt, avant d'être démasqué et disqualifié.Un autre coureur, Thomas Hicks, fut déclaré vainqueur après avoir été littéralement dopé par son équipe : on lui administra plusieurs doses de strychnine, un stimulant utilisé à l'époque, mélangé à du brandy. Il termina la course en titubant, semi-inconscient, porté par ses entraîneurs.Quant à Andarín Carvajal, un facteur cubain, il courut en chaussures de ville et en pantalon coupé au couteau. Après s'être arrêté pour manger des pommes fermentées dans un verger, il souffrit de crampes violentes, fit une sieste… mais termina quand même quatrième.Une épreuve absurde devenue légendaireLe marathon de Saint-Louis est aujourd'hui considéré comme un symbole du chaos olympique des débuts. Aucun autre marathon n'a connu un tel mélange de tricheries, d'expérimentations douteuses, de malchance et d'improvisation totale.Mais derrière l'absurde, il révèle aussi les débuts tâtonnants du sport moderne, avant l'ère des règles strictes, du professionnalisme et des normes sanitaires. En 1904, courir un marathon n'était pas encore une science… c'était une aventure hasardeuse à la limite de la comédie. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

In this episode of Your History Your Story, we are honored to be joined by Tweed Roosevelt, great-grandson of the 26th President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt. A businessman, college professor and Chairman of the Theodore Roosevelt Institute at Long Island University, Tweed is also a devoted family historian. He'll share personal reflections on growing up as a Roosevelt and will bring to life fascinating stories about the many colorful and influential personalities that make up one of America's most iconic families.Music: "With Loved Ones" Jay Man Photo(s): Courtesy of Tweed RooseveltSupport Your History Your Story: Please consider becoming a Patron or making a donation via PayPal. - THANK YOU!!! YHYS Patreon: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CLICK HERE⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ YHYS PayPal: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CLICK HERE⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠YHYS: Social Links: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CLICK HERE⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ YHYS: Join our mailing list: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CLICK HERE⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ #yhys #yourhistoryyourstory #history #storytelling #podcast #njpodcast #youhaveastorytoo #jamesgardner #historian #storytellerLIU Roosevelt School: https://www.liu.edu/rooseveltschoolNational Park Service: NPS.gov

Last time we spoke about Yamato's Last Stand. In the spring of 1945, as WW2 intensified, the US Marines commenced a fierce assault on Okinawa. Amidst heavy bombardment, the Japanese 32nd Army fortified their positions, preparing for a desperate counteroffensive. Codenamed Operation Ten-Ichi-Go, Japan's final bid involved the legendary battleship Yamato, tasked with a suicidal mission to confront the American fleet. On April 7, 1945, as the Yamato sailed towards its fate, American forces were ready. Hundreds of aircraft descended upon the ship in a coordinated attack, unleashing bombs and torpedoes. Despite its infamous firepower, Yamato struggled against the relentless onslaught. With its systems failing, Captain Aruga and Admiral Ito made the agonizing decision to go down with their ship. As the proud battleship sank, it symbolized both Japan's indomitable spirit and the crushing weight of defeat, forever etching its story into the annals of military history. This episode is the First Okinawa Counteroffensive Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  Picking up from last time. The Japanese naval-air counteroffensive against Admiral Spruance's forces at Okinawa had been decisively defeated with minimal losses, allowing General Buckner's 10th Army to proceed with the land offensive largely without interference. While General Geiger's Marines advanced toward the sparse Japanese defenses in northern Okinawa, General Hodge's 24th Corps in the south encountered the main enemy line of resistance centered around the Shuri fortified zone. Initially, the 32nd Army had declined to launch a land counteroffensive in conjunction with Operation Ten-Go and the Yamato's suicide attack, fearing that the Americans might execute another amphibious landing at Machinato while the Japanese wasted their strength in a futile effort to reclaim the airfields. However, pressure from Tokyo and Formosa compelled General Ushijima to resume planning for this operation. Ultimately, it was decided that instead of initiating a broad counterattack, the Japanese would deploy a brigade-strength force overnight on April 12 to breach the American lines and advance approximately six miles. If successful, this would be followed by a general attack. Accordingly, Colonel Yoshida Masaru's 22nd Regiment was assigned to the 62nd Division and assembled northeast of Shuri, tasked with attacking through enemy lines east of the Ginowan Road and advancing toward Shimabuku. To bolster this offensive, General Fujioka was also instructed to deploy three reserve battalions for a three-pronged attack from the west aimed at Chatan. However, Colonel Yahara, 32nd Army operations chief, strongly opposed the counterattack plan, feeling that it was not in keeping with the army's defensive mission and that it would waste men. He succeeded in getting the 1st Battalion of the 22d Regiment and elements of the 23d IIB cut from the counterattack force. He made a dire prediction that the infiltrating units, unfamiliar with the terrain in their attack sectors, would get lost, confused, and cut to pieces during a night assault. Taking a sidenote here, I read Yahara's rather famous novel about his experience of the battle for Okinawa and I highly recommend it to all of you. It's a great insight into the perspective of the Japanese and how the leadership were beginning to change their mind on how to go about the war. Yahara, acting without Ushijima's knowledge, advised Fujioka to commit only four battalions to the attack, predicting it would inevitably fail. Meanwhile, the American offensive was still in progress. On April 9, as Major-General George Griner's 27th Division landed at the Orange Beaches near Kadena, the ships of Colonel Waltern Winn's 105th Regiment met with Admiral Blandy's Eastern Islands Attack and Fire Support Group at the Kerama Islands, preparing to move to Tsugen Island overnight. Following a preliminary air and naval bombardment, which saw some Japanese mortar fire in response, Winn's 3rd Battalion successfully landed on the morning of April 10. The Americans then advanced inland with light resistance, quickly securing the northern part of the island but failing to overrun the entrenched enemy positions in Tsugen village. The assault continued the next day against persistent opposition, but organized resistance gradually diminished, allowing the Americans to secure the rest of the island by nightfall, marking the conclusion of the Eastern Islands operation. On April 11, General Shepherd's Marines continued to probe for the main enemy positions in northern Okinawa; the 1st Battalion, 22nd Marines patrolled eastward from their new base at Shana Wan, while the 29th Marines advanced toward Manna. Due to this progress, Buckner decided to fully merge Phases I and II, ordering the 77th Division to capture Iejima on April 16. To the south, Colonel Albert Stebbins's 106th Regiment was attached to the 96th Division, moving toward that division's reserve area, while Colonel Gerard Kelley's 165th Regiment relieved the 17th Regiment in the corps service area. Most significantly, General Bradley continued his attacks on Kakazu Ridge, with the 1st Battalion, 381st Regiment attempting to assault the western slopes but halted short of the ridge crest by determined defenders. At the same time, the 3rd Battalion, 383rd Regiment pushed up the northwest slopes of Kakazu Ridge but was also pinned down by intense Japanese fire. Simultaneously, following an intense artillery bombardment, the 1st Battalion of the 32nd Regiment finally succeeded in breaking into Ouki. However, additional reinforcements were thwarted by heavy Japanese fire, forcing the troops to retreat. With no further advancements, the 7th Division and the 382nd Regiment were relegated to patrolling and mopping up their designated areas over the next few days. At sea, Admiral Ugaki resumed his kamikaze assaults that day, damaging the carriers Essex and Enterprise, the battleship Missouri, and eight destroyers. However, his primary operation commenced on April 12, when he launched approximately 380 aircraft for a second mass Kikisui attack, primarily targeting Admiral Turner's Task Force 51 west of Okinawa. Thanks to cryptanalysis warnings, Turner scrambled his own fighter planes, which successfully shot down 298 Japanese aircraft. Despite attempting numerous missions, Kanoya's specially trained 721st Kokutai Jinrai-Butai “Divine Thunder” unit had so far failed to launch a single Ohka suicide rocket against the Americans. On April 12, however, eight Betty bombers would finally launch six Ohkas against the 5th Fleet, although five Betties never returned. At RPS-14, about 70nm northwest of Okinawa, a Zero plowed into Mannert L. Abele's engine room at 14:40, its 500lb bomb exploding and leaving the destroyer dead in the water. One minute later an Ohka came screaming in at 575mph, slammed into Mannert L. Abele and exploded. She sank in five minutes, losing 97 dead. Mannert L. Abele was the first destroyer hit by an Ohka and the last sunk by one. Destroyer-minesweeper Jeffers, en route to assist Mannert L. Abele, observed a twin-engined bomber eight miles away drop a smoking “belly tank” that suddenly rocketed towards Jeffers “at terrific speed.” Numerous 40mm hits and hard maneuvering saw the Ohka miss Jeffers astern and disintegrate. Additionally 3 battleships, 14 destroyers, 2 destroyer minesweepers, and another landing craft were damaged. Meanwhile, Admiral Rawlings' Task Force 57 was ordered to strike the Shinchiku and Matsuyama airfields in northern Formosa, and over the next two days, 48 Avengers and 40 fighters successfully attacked Shinchiku and Kiirun Harbor. On Okinawa, the 6th Reconnaissance Company captured Bise Saki with minimal resistance, while the 29th Marines faced significant opposition southeast of Manna near Mount Yae-Take, indicating where the main enemy forces were located. This prompted Shepherd to reposition the 3rd Battalion, 22nd Marines to Awa as his new divisional reserve. At the same time, Japanese guerrillas managed to retake Ishikawa, which they would hold for the following two days. Facing south, the 96th Division made another attempt to capture Kakazu but was once again thwarted by the determined defenders. By this time, approximately 5,750 Japanese soldiers were estimated to have been killed in the southern region, while the 24th Corps suffered losses of 451 men killed, 2,198 wounded, and 241 missing. In the afternoon of April 12, 1945, in Warm Springs, Georgia, while sitting for a portrait by Elizabeth Shoumatoff, President Franklin D. Roosevelt said: "I have a terrific headache." He then slumped forward in his chair, unconscious, and was carried into his bedroom. The president's attending cardiologist, Howard Bruenn, diagnosed a massive intracerebral hemorrhage. At 3:35 pm, Roosevelt died at the age of 63. His declining health had been kept secret from the public, leading to shock and sorrow worldwide upon the news of his death. Harry Truman, who was serving as vice president in 1945, succeeded FDR as president. Meanwhile, back in Okinawa, Fujioka initiated his counteroffensive after a heavy artillery bombardment, advancing his four battalions to secretly infiltrate the American lines. On the eastern front, the 22nd Regiment struggled to advance due to becoming disoriented in unfamiliar terrain.  The night attacks suffered from several unexpected problems. Heavy shelling had changed the landscape, blasting away villages and thickets, so that even though night infiltrators knew their maps and thought they knew the terrain, they lacked the landmarks needed to tell them where they actually were. Moreover, frequent illumination shells forced the eyes of night infiltrators to adjust so many times that their capacity to adjust was lost. They became temporarily blinded and so were unable to move. Because of the unfamiliar terrain and flash blindness, the Japanese night fighters had difficulty reaching their assigned objectives. In fact, it was hard for them to reach their jumping-off points. Continuous naval bombardment of crossroads and bridges forced units to rush across in small groups between shells so that the units became strung out on the roads and difficult to control. It was hard to move heavy ammunition and supplies forward because of these interdiction points and the generally churned up roads. Even when units reached their northward assembly points safely by night, they were immediately exposed to aerial observation and artillery fire at dawn, since they lacked enough time to dig in. Units that attacked across American lines safely in darkness had the same problem: they lacked time to dig in and so were utterly exposed to artillery fire at morning light. Night attacks, like flanking maneuvers, were a kind of cure-all in prewar Japanese doctrine. But they failed to provide the expeditious results on Okinawa that IJA doctrine had led the 32d Army Staff to expect. Consequently, Yoshida's four infiltration attempts, each involving about a squad, were effectively repelled by troops from the 32nd, 184th, and 382nd Regiments before midnight. The only significant attack came from around 45 Japanese soldiers against the positions held by Company G of the 184th, which quickly returned fire, forcing the enemy to retreat to their caves and trenches. In contrast, the assault on the 96th Division on the western front was intense, sustained, and well-coordinated. The forward units of Major-General Nakajima Tokutaro's 63rd Brigade launched their own local offensive to maintain pressure on the thin line held by the 382nd and 383rd Regiments, while elements from the 23rd, 272nd, and 273rd Independent Battalions infiltrated the American lines and moved into the Ginowan area. The majority of the 272nd Division launched an assault on American positions at Kakazu Ridge, enduring intense naval and artillery fire but ultimately being repelled by the determined defenders after several hours of combat. By morning, the bodies of 317 enemy soldiers were counted on the ridge, whereas the Americans suffered 50 casualties. Meanwhile, the 273rd Division attacked along the west coast against the recently arrived 2nd Battalion of the 106th Regiment, which decisively repelled the Japanese assault and nearly annihilated the independent battalion. Despite this, some units from the 23rd and 272nd Independent Battalions managed to penetrate approximately 1,000 yards behind American lines between Nishibaru and Kaniku but became isolated after dawn on April 13. Throughout the day, Bradley's troops worked to eliminate these infiltrators, many of whom detonated explosives when trapped. When these units retreated into Japanese lines later that night, only half of their original numbers had survived. Just before midnight, the reserve 9th Company of the 22nd Regiment launched an attack against the 184th Regiment following preparatory artillery fire, but this offensive was quickly disrupted by artillery, mortars, and machine-gun fire. On April 14, Nakajima's forces attempted two more assaults on Kakazu in the early hours, but these attempts were similarly thwarted by artillery and machine-gun fire. Given the failures of the offensives, Ushijima had no choice but to order a suspension of the attack, resulting in a shift to a defensive posture for the Japanese. Over the two days of combat, the 24th Corps reported killing 1,594 Japanese soldiers and capturing four, with losses of fewer than 100 American troops. In the northern region, an extensive air and naval bombardment of Iejima commenced while the Fleet Marine Force Amphibious Reconnaissance Battalion landed on Minna Island, securing it without encountering resistance to position artillery units for General Bruce's upcoming attack, which would involve the 305th and 306th Regiments. Meanwhile, in northern Okinawa, the 29th Marines continued to advance against enemy positions at Yae-Take through vigorous patrolling, preparing for a morning assault the next day. Concerned about the pace of progress, Shepherd relieved Colonel Bleasdale of command, replacing him with veteran Colonel William Whaling. However, Shepherd recognized that taking the 1,200-foot summit would require more than one regiment, so he ordered the 4th Marines to move from the east coast to Yofuke and then to the southwest corner of the Motobu Peninsula. Additionally, Colonel Shapley's 3rd Battalion was tasked with moving to Kawada, while the reinforced 2nd Battalion of the 22nd Marines rapidly advanced up the west coast to secure Hedo Misaki. On April 14, Shepherd initiated a coordinated assault on Yae-Take, with Whaling's 3rd Battalion and Shapley's 2nd Battalion advancing from the area around Toguchi against unexpectedly light resistance, while the rest of the 29th Marines moved out from Itomi to clear the Itomi-Toguchi Road. Although the eastern front faced strong opposition and required a change in strategy to advance southwesterly for better elevation advantage, rapid progress was made on the west, prompting Shapley to commit his reserve 1st Battalion to secure the exposed right flank. At the same time, Whaling's 3rd Battalion and Shapley's 2nd Battalion continued their advance against significantly strengthened enemy resistance, ultimately capturing another ridge located 1,000 yards ahead. Initial opposition consisted of small enemy groups. These hostile covering forces employed every available means to delay and disorganize the advance, and to mislead the attackers as to the location of the battle position. The Japanese would lie in concealment, with weapons zeroed in on a portion of a trail, allowing a considerable number of Marines to pass before opening up on a choice target. An entire platoon was permitted to pass a point on a trail without interference, but when the company commander reached that point with his headquarters section, a burst of machine-gun fire killed him and several others. Officer casualties were excessively high. In an area in which there had been no firing for over half an hour, Major Bernard W. Green, commanding the 1st Battalion, 4th Marines, was killed instantly by machine-gun fire. No one else was hurt, although Major Green was standing with his operations and intelligence officers on either side of him. Lieutenant Colonel Fred D. Beans, Regimental Executive Officer, assumed command of the battalion. "It was like fighting a phantom enemy." For while the hills and ravines were apparently swarming with Japanese, it was difficult to close with them. The small enemy groups, usually built around a heavy Hotchkiss machine gun augmented by Nambus, would frequently change positions in the dense vegetation. Hostile volleys elicited furious Marine fusillades into the area from whence the firing had come. But after laboriously working their way to the spot, the Marines came upon only an occasional bloodstain on the ground. Neither live nor dead Japanese were to be found. One Marine registered his impression of these tactics by blurting out, "Jeez, they've all got Nambus, but where are they?" Meanwhile, the 29th Marines advanced 800 yards up steep slopes despite facing fierce opposition; however, the 1st Battalion eventually found itself pinned down by intense Japanese gunfire. Additionally, Shapley's 3rd Battalion crossed the island via motor march to relieve the 3rd Battalion of the 22nd Marines in division reserve, which then returned to its patrol base at Majiya. To the south, Hodge recognized the need for a full-scale effort to penetrate the fortified Shuri area, so he scheduled a corps attack involving three divisions abreast for April 19. In preparation, he dedicated the following four days to organizing the assault, with the 27th Division taking over from the 96th Division in the western region of its zone, while smaller local attacks were conducted to enhance forward positions. Aware of the impending major attack, the Japanese used this preparatory period to bolster their defenses with additional supporting weapons. Back to the north, on April 15, most of the 29th Marines consolidated their defenses on high ground and exerted constant pressure on the rear of the Yae-Take position through vigorous patrols to the west and northwest. On the other hand, Whaling's 3rd Battalion advanced east and south approximately 900 yards amidst heavy machine-gun, mortar, and artillery fire before being halted by a strong enemy position on Hill 210. Additionally, the 4th Marines faced fierce resistance as Shapley's battalions finally secured Hill 200 and a critical hill mass just southwest of Yae-Take. Fully aware that his primary positions would soon be overrun, Colonel Udo decided to transition to guerrilla tactics by nightfall, relocating his command to the mountainous regions of northern Okinawa via Itomi. In light of these developments, the 1st Battalion, 22nd Marines was placed into division reserve at Awa to allow Shapley's 3rd Battalion to prepare for the following day's assault. On April 16, the offensive resumed, with Whaling's 3rd Battalion swiftly capturing Hill 210 in conjunction with Shapley's 2nd Battalion. Meanwhile, the rest of the 4th Marines secured a ridge just below Yae-Take by midday, while the 29th Marines applied continuous pressure on the rear of Udo's fortified stronghold. While the 4th Marines was storming the fortified position on Yae-Take, the 29th Marines maintained relentless pressure against its rear. The opposition which faced the 29th was similar to that on the front of the 4th. From log-revetted bunkers and occasional concrete emplacements the enemy resisted the advance with increasing stubbornness, supported by machine-guns, mortars, and artillery concealed in ravines and in caves on the high ground. Rugged terrain and an acute supply situation also contributed to the difficulties confronting the 29th Marines in accomplishing its task of clearing the high ground flanking the Itomi-Toguchi Road. The enemy displayed his usual ability to exploit the terrain and derived the maximum benefit from his weapons emplaced in caves and pits and concealed by natural cover. Particularly noteworthy was his use of 20mm dual-purpose cannon against personnel. Fire from these weapons on battalion CPs was a daily occurrence. All roads and natural avenues of approach were covered. Any attempt to move over the easier routes was met with bitter and effective resistance. Consequently, "the method of reducing the enemy positions followed a pattern of 'ridgehopping'," covered by the fires of all supporting weapons. This tactic enabled the attacker to envelop the hostile defenses and reduce them in detail. Numerous abandoned positions and weapons encountered by the 29th indicated that the determination of the Japanese to resist diminished considerably when they were taken from the flank. In contrast to a coordinated advance with all units in contact across a broad front, the action in the zone of the 29th Marines was characterized by attacks that, even when delivered simultaneously, constituted a series of local patrol actions to seize critical positions, followed by mopping up activity within the area. In the afternoon, Shapley's 1st and 3rd Battalions assaulted the formidable mountain, gradually making their way up the steep slope under light and scattered small-arms fire. However, as the Marines reached the peak, they encountered intense fire at close range, which quickly forced them to pull back. After a fierce and close engagement, the 1st Battalion ultimately regained control of Yae-Take, managing to hold the summit against strong Japanese counterattacks, aided by artillery support and Shapley's 2nd Battalion. Meanwhile, at dawn on April 16, two battleships, four cruisers, and seven destroyers under Rear-Admiral Bertram Rodgers launched a heavy bombardment on Iejima, while aircraft bombed and rocketed the island, dropping tanks of napalm on and behind the beaches. Approximately 2,000 Japanese troops, led by Major Igawa Masashi, had destroyed Iejima's airfields and strengthened the central eastern region of the island in an effort to entice the invaders to approach the vulnerable southeastern beaches. Their aim was to annihilate them with concentrated fire from numerous hidden positions in the Pinnacle and the town of Ie. However, the Americans saw through this strategy. Bruce's plan involved landing Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Coolidge's 305th Regiment on the Red Beaches along the southern coast of Iejima and Colonel Aubrey Smith's 306th Regiment on the Green Beach at the island's southwest tip. The 305th was tasked with advancing eastward to capture additional landing areas, while the 306th was to move north and take control of the airfield. Both regiments would then focus on neutralizing enemy strongholds at the island's eastern end. Following intense air and naval bombardments, amphibious tanks and subsequent waves of amphibious tractors surged toward the landing beaches that morning, supported by rocket fire from LCI gunboats. At 07:58, the forward elements of the 1st Battalion, 305th Regiment successfully landed on the southern coast of Iejima, just south of the airfield, while the 3rd Battalion landed on a different beach, 600 yards to the left, three minutes later. At 08:07, the first waves of the 306th Regiment made landfall on Green Beach. The 305th moved swiftly inland over high dunes and then turned east toward Ie, while the 306th advanced 2,000 yards inland to the airfield's western edge, with the reserve 3rd Battalion securing the island's western end. By the afternoon, the troops advanced rapidly, seizing the airfield with only light resistance, achieving a total gain of about 5,500 yards by nightfall. Conversely, the 305th faced stiffer opposition on its way to Ie, managing to advance only about 800 yards eastward while defending against strong nighttime counterattacks. During the night of 16 April the enemy launched a coordinated attack on the 3d Battalion of the 305th. The attack came with suicidal recklessness. The Japanese were supported by mortars and 70-mm. guns, and were armed with small arms, sharpened stakes, bags of hand grenades, and literally hundreds of satchel charges, some of which had been improvised from mortar shells. Japanese worked up to the perimeters in small groups and either threw their satchel charges at close range or blew themselves up in an effort to take Americans with them. Some of the human bombs were successful, but most of the Japanese were killed before they came within effective range. One American had his arm broken by the flying leg of a Japanese soldier who had blown himself up. After hours of wild fighting in the dark the enemy withdrew, leaving 152 of his dead in and around the 3d Battalion's position.  While back at sea, Admiral Mitscher's Task Force 58 had effectively launched attacks on Amami Oshima, Tokunoshima, Kikaijima, and southern Kyushu over the past four days, the Japanese responded with a series of scattered kamikaze assaults that caused damage to the battleship New York and four destroyers. On April 16, Ugaki initiated his third large-scale Kikisui attack, acutely aware that another failure in the air could spell the doom of Operation Ten-Go. Despite Mitscher's preemptive strikes against Kyushu, where Americans claimed to have destroyed 202 aircraft and damaged 79 at the cost of only nine planes, at least 289 Japanese attackers were still able to launch missions against Spruance's 5th Fleet. Although American interceptors and anti-aircraft fire recorded another 217 kills, the surviving kamikaze pilots managed to sink the destroyer Pringle and inflict damage on the carrier Intrepid, the battleship Missouri, three destroyers, two destroyer minesweepers, and two landing craft. Notably, the destroyer Laffey withstood six kamikaze impacts, four bomb hits, and numerous strafing runs, resulting in 32 fatalities and 71 injuries among its crew. The following day, a smaller attack on April 17 resulted in additional damage to the light carrier Bataan and one destroyer, yet Americans claimed another 49 kills. However, Ugaki had exhausted much of his strength since the invasion began and was left with approximately 598 operational planes. Meanwhile, fighting continued in northern Okinawa, where some surviving troops from Udo advanced toward Nakaoshi to escape the Motobu Peninsula. Supported by heavy artillery barrages and battleship gunfire, the 29th Marines slowly progressed over challenging terrain, encountering only light resistance, as they successfully secured the mountainous area ahead and connected with the 4th Marines. Shapley's 1st and 3rd Battalions continued their push northward toward the Itomi-Toguchi Road, swiftly advancing downhill and completely overwhelming all Japanese defenses in the region. By nightfall, the 4th and 29th Marines had positioned themselves along the elevated terrain overlooking the Itomi-Toguchi Road. The 305th resumed its assault, aiming to capture the high ground behind Red Beaches 3 and 4. The 1st Battalion encountered only minimal resistance along the coast, allowing them to make significant progress, while the 3rd Battalion quickly secured the high ground in its area before being halted by intense machine-gun fire from caves in the coral slopes to the north. A maneuvering strategy followed by an infantry-tank assault eventually neutralized this enemy position, enabling the advance to continue steadily until the 3rd Battalion reached the outskirts of Ie. Due to the strong resistance faced, Bruce opted to deploy Colonel Stephen Hamilton's 307th Regiment on the beaches southwest of Ie. The 2nd and 3rd Battalions were subsequently landed there and launched an attack northeast, quickly advancing approximately 400 yards despite increasingly fierce resistance, ultimately being halted by heavy enemy fire from Bloody Ridge and Government House Hill. Meanwhile, the 306th Regiment maintained its defensive position while probing the enemy's fortifications around Iegusugu. The next day, the 306th began to pivot its right flank and launched an attack toward the Pinnacle with two battalions, making notable progress throughout the day. Concurrently, the 307th continued its advance into Ie despite facing heavy resistance, quickly reaching a standstill in front of Government House Hill. As a result, with the 2nd Battalion effectively immobilized, the decision was made to deploy the 3rd Battalion around to the right flank to launch an assault toward the northeast in the eastern part of the town, while the 3rd Battalion of the 305th Regiment advanced eastward toward Iegusugu. After a heavy preparation by the artillery on Minna Shima, the 3d Battalion, 305th, attacked at 1130 on an 800-yard front. A house-to-house fight ensued amid the rubble of Ie. "Every street became a phase line," one observer reported. The necessity of forming a connecting link over the wide area between the 306th and the 307th made the fight harder. Artillery was ineffective against many enemy positions and could not be used freely because other friendly units were so close by. Self-propelled guns were held up by mines and debris in the narrow streets. After working about halfway through the northwestern section of the town, the troops withdrew to a more secure position on the outskirts, their right (south) flank then being 500 yards west of Government House Hill, and their left (north) flank 100 yards west of the base of Iegusugu. They had made a net gain of only about 350 yards for the day. Similarly, Hamilton's 3rd Battalion achieved moderate success, advancing to a position 300 yards north of the village of Agarii-mae. To protect its right flank, the 1st Battalion of the 305th Regiment positioned itself alongside the 3rd Battalion of the 307th Regiment and launched a northern attack, gaining approximately 1000 yards by day's end before withdrawing to a position about 600 yards east of Agarii-mae. Medium tanks and self-propelled guns covered the gap that developed between the two battalions of the 307th. These weapons put direct fire into caves, pillboxes, and enemy gun positions in the town of Ie and the Pinnacle. They could not be moved close to the enemy positions, however; deadly machine-gun and mortar fire held the infantry back and left the armor vulnerable to suicide attacks by Japanese armed with satchel charges, who hid in holes until the tanks and guns came within range. Meanwhile, after four days of intense fighting, activities in the Motobu area on April 18 were limited to reorganization, consolidating the gains from the previous day, patrolling the Itomi-Toguchi Road, and resupplying. Looking south, Griner called for a nighttime preliminary attack to secure the Machinato Inlet and the Urasoe-Mura Escarpment. As the area was shrouded in smoke during the afternoon, Company G of the 106th Regiment swiftly crossed the inlet and successfully secured Machinato by nightfall, while bridges were constructed at the inlet. The 106th then moved across the bridges, stealthily advancing toward the Urasoe-Mura Escarpment without encountering opposition. Near the summit, the troops launched a surprise ambush against the defenders, ultimately forcing the Japanese to retreat in chaos. With the escarpment secured by dawn, the 106th was prepared to participate in the general attack to the south. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The first Okinawa counteroffensive, as part of Operation Ten-Ichi-Go was not achieving results. Despite overwhelming sacrifices of men and supplies, it seemed hopeless for the Japanese on Okinawa. Those like Colonel Yahara could see the paint on the wall, much to their growing depression.

In an interview on Ted Roosevelt V's Good Citizen Podcast, Mark talks about how his career went from tenant organizing to food, why taking junk food away—a la MAHA—is not a fix for the bigger issues at hand, the lifespan of all the grains we grow in the US, and why no one understands the Farm Bill.Subscribe to Food with Mark Bittman on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you like to listen, and please help us grow by leaving us a 5 star review on Apple Podcasts.Follow Mark on Twitter at @bittman, and on Facebook and Instagram at @markbittman. Want more food content? Subscribe to The Bittman Project at www.bittmanproject.com. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Following a crushing political defeat in 1913 former president Theodore Roosevelt turned to what soothed him the most - the wild and pushing his limits within it. Roosevelt is a complicated historical figure - one who is remembered in teddy bears, for his legacy of public land protection, as the country's youngest and most influential politician as well as a man who held racist ideals - but not many remember him as a man who lived for adventure and pioneering exploration. When the opportunity presented itself to participate in an expedition into untouched Amazonian jungle to map an unexplored river - he was willing to die for it. Listen to Watch Her Cook on Apple and Spotify! For the latest NPAD updates, group travel details, merch and more, follow us on npadpodcast.com and our socials at: Instagram: @nationalparkafterdark TikTok: @nationalparkafterdark Support the show by becoming an Outsider and receive ad free listening, bonus content and more on Patreon or Apple Podcasts. Want to see our faces? Catch full episodes on our YouTube Page! Thank you to the week's partners! IQBAR: Text PARK to 64000 to get 20% off all IQBAR products and free shipping. AG1: AG1 is offering new subscribers a FREE $76 gift when you sign up. You'll get a Welcome Kit, a bottle of D3K2 AND 5 free travel packs in your first box. So make sure to check out DrinkAG1.com/npad. Quince: Use our link to get free shipping and 365-day returns. Ollie: Use NPAD to get 60% off your first box of meals when you subscribe today. For a full list of our sources, visit npadpodcast.com/episodes

The Hamburg bombing forced the German government to rethink its defense policies. In Québec, Churchill and Roosevelt cut a deal on atom bomb research.

How instrumental was Roosevelt in the Allied victory? He'd guided America through the Great Depression, he changed American society and his post-war vision shaped the world we see today. He knew WWII would be won through alliances, not bloodshed and America's entry into the war changed the game completely.To examine how and why, Dan is joined by Dr Graham Cross from Manchester Metropolitan University and Professor of Strategic Studies at the University of St Andrews, Phillips O'Brien as they look at Roosevelt's political career and his biggest wartime decisions.Produced and edited by Dougal PatmorePhillip's book 'The Strategists' is available now.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe.We'd love to hear your feedback - you can take part in our podcast survey here: https://insights.historyhit.com/history-hit-podcast-always-on.You can also email the podcast directly at ds.hh@historyhit.com.