Podcast appearances and mentions of Bill Clinton

Tiger Woods loses his license for 5 years, Lionel Ritchie is out of the hospital, Lindsay Clancy jury still deadlocked, Bill Clinton recently held his star-studded 80th birthday party, Ron DeSantis endorses Byron Donalds, Trumps gold coin is being released, Lab grown food that has been approved by the FDA, and dumb adults fight at kid's sporting events...

This episode breaks down the immediate market reactions to Kevin Warsh's hawkish Jackson Hole speech regarding persistent inflation. With economic data remaining elevated and geopolitical tensions causing unexpected oil spikes, the likelihood of rate cuts continues to fluctuate, creating unique challenges for both commercial and residential lending environments.The discussion also explores the approaching "silver tsunami" in the US housing market, examining how the demographic shift of baby boomers selling their homes will impact supply and pricing over the next decade. Finally, the episode outlines three critical benchmarks to measure true financial health and shares a highly effective, unconventional relationship-building strategy previously utilized by Bill Clinton.KEY TOPICS DISCUSSEDKevin Warsh's hawkish inflation warning at the Jackson Hole summitS&P 500 earnings growth and ongoing corporate profitabilityGeopolitical conflicts and their direct impact on global oil pricesFederal Reserve interest rate policy and shifting rate cut probabilitiesThe demographic silver tsunami preparing to hit the US housing marketMedian household net worth benchmarks broken down by age groupThe significant financial advantage of maintaining zero credit card debtBill Clinton's "one at a time" networking and relationship-building secretKEY TAKEAWAYSDespite elevated interest rates, corporate earnings in the S&P 500 continue to rise, showing underlying resilience in the broader stock market.The cost of capital remains the primary headwind for real estate, making both commercial and residential lending exceptionally difficult for institutions to navigate profitably.As baby boomers age out of homeownership, the housing market will see an influx of supply that younger, smaller demographic generations may struggle to financially absorb.Actively investing in the stock market puts you ahead of 38% of Americans, emphasizing the long-term importance of consistent financial participation.Carrying zero credit card debt is one of the most accurate indicators of long-term financial stability and wealth-building potential.CONNECT & TAKE ACTIONVisit skylineocresidences.com to discover luxury homeownership and exceptional value at Skyline OC.Invest in the Imagos Income Fund for steady passive returns targeting 10%. Text INCOME to 844-447-1555.Get a free financial portfolio X-Ray to audit your current investments. Text XRAY to 844-447-1555.Partner with the team on commercial real estate equity deals. Text DEALS to 844-447-1555.

As seen on Gutfeld!, Bill Clinton posts an ad seeking an intern for “special projects”. Meanwhile, the X social media platform uncovered a massive Chinese bot farm, and Greg has all the details you won't want to miss. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

David Rothkopf joins Joanna Coles and Nell Scovell in their third installment of Inside Trump's Women for a revealing and often hilarious look at the women orbiting Donald Trump and the strange power dynamics inside his White House. From Natalie Harp's extraordinary devotion and Margo Martin's constant presence at Trump's side to Karoline Leavitt, Laura Loomer, and the formidable Susie Wiles, the trio traces the history of presidential “work wives” from JFK and Bill Clinton to the present day, asking what happens when professional loyalty, personal access, and raw power begin to blur. Rothkopf brings his own White House experience to the conversation, exposing the loneliness, paranoia, favoritism, and need for constant affirmation that can thrive inside the presidential bubble—and why the women closest to Trump may reveal more about his inner circle than anyone else. #ad Use code BEAST at the link below to get an exclusive 60% off an annual Incogni plan: https://incogni.com/beast Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

From there Hawk lays out the political reality. Even with 52 or 53 Senate seats, Democrats would be far short of the Republican votes needed for conviction, and a Republican-controlled Senate might decline to hold a trial at all. He notes how Mitch McConnell pointed to the courts after January 6th, and how impeachments historically boost a president's poll numbers, as they did for Bill Clinton and for Trump twice before. Weighing it out, Hawk points to an open 2028 White House, a Senate GOP already tired of Trump after the primary losses of John Cornyn, Bill Cassidy, and Thom Tillis, and his own mixed feelings. He explains why he leans toward moving on rather than grinding Congress to a halt, while acknowledging the constitutional argument for using the remedy the founders provided. SUPPORT & CONNECT WITH HAWK- Support on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/mdg650hawk - Hawk's Merch Store: https://hawkmerchstore.com - Connect on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@mdg650hawk7thacct - Connect on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@hawkeyewhackamole - Connect on BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/mdg650hawk.bsky.social - Connect on Substack: https://mdg650hawk.substack.com - Connect on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/hawkpodcasts - Connect on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/mdg650hawk - Connect on Twitch: https://www.twitch.tv/mdg650hawk ALL HAWK PODCASTS INFO- Additional Content Available Here: https://www.hawkpodcasts.comhttps://www.youtube.com/@hawkpodcasts- Listen to Hawk Podcasts On Your Favorite Platform:Spotify: https://spoti.fi/3RWeJfyApple Podcasts: https://apple.co/422GDuLYouTube: https://youtube.com/@hawkpodcastsiHeartRadio: https://ihr.fm/47vVBdPPandora: https://bit.ly/48COaTB

Alex is joined by history correspondent Cole Costello, a PhD student at the University of Montana studying labor history around the turn of the 20th century. The two dig into Donald Trump's unusual ranking of U.S. presidents, using it as a jumping-off point to discuss presidential history, political leadership, expansionism, and what the rankings may reveal about Trump's worldview. They also examine some of the list's stranger omissions—including Republican icon Ronald Reagan—and try to make sense of why certain presidents made the cut while others disappeared entirely. Along the way, they debate figures including Ulysses S. Grant, Andrew Johnson, FDR, and Bill Clinton, while touching on the increasingly surreal state of contemporary American politics.

It's Quack Month and Mrs. Pearlmania is taking a look at the hypnotist behind TrimSpa. "It's TrimSpa Baby!" Made famous by the infomercial staring Anna Nicole Smith. It's a very strange journey that takes us from Grokepedia to Syndey Swenney, Cheers, Pokemon and much more. JOIN OUR PATREON COMMUNITY -

Robert Reich, the former Secretary of Labor under Bill Clinton, is one of today's leading voices addressing issues of income inequality.  Reich served in three presidential administrations, and recently retired from teaching at UC Berkeley's School of Public Policy after nearly 20 years.  His classes were among the most popular on campus, and the end of his teaching career inspired the documentary “The Last Class”.  Reich publishes extensively on social media and is the author of more than 20 books including his 2025 memoir, “Coming Up Short”. On July 23, 2025, Reich spoke with Monika Bauerlein, the CEO of the Center for Investigative Reporting, a nonprofit multimedia news organization that houses Mother Jones magazine and the radio show and podcast Reveal. 

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

You're listening to American Ground Radio with Louis R. Avallone and Stephen Parr. This is the full show for August 26, 2026. We start by digging into the tangled state of the 2028 Democratic presidential field: Kamala Harris leads the national polling average, but red-state Democrats running in Iowa and Alaska are keeping her at arm's length, and her New Hampshire numbers tell a very different story than the national headline does. From there we hit the Top 3: President Trump's mail-in ballot executive order gets the green light after the Supreme Court forces a Boston judge to lift her injunction, Senator Darline Graham wins her primary to keep her late brother Lindsey Graham's Senate seat in South Carolina, and three Secret Service officers lose their clearances amid leak allegations. We're joined by American Mamas Teri Netterville and Kimberly Burleson to weigh in on whether a private text-message conversation caught on video in public is fair game, sparking a broader conversation about selective outrage and privacy double standards. We also try to put to rest the viral rumor about a government "kill switch" in 2027 vehicles, walking through what the 2021 infrastructure law actually requires versus what's circulating on social media. In Digging Deep, we look at a new HHS-backed study out of Rutgers and the Manhattan Institute examining a possible link between gender ideology and support for political violence, tying it back to Charlie Kirk's final on-air remarks. Our Bright Spot honors Dolly Parton, spotlighting King Charles and Camilla's tribute alongside tributes from Bill Clinton and President Trump, and celebrating her rise from an East Tennessee cabin to global icon. We close with a Moment of Whoa over Colin Kaepernick receiving the Muhammad Ali Humanitarian Award, plus a remembrance of actor Tim Curry, who passed away this week at 80. Listen now wherever you get your podcasts, visit AmericanGroundRadio.com, and join the conversation at 866-AGR-1776. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

⚠️ TRUMP MOVES TO SECURE THE 2026 ELECTIONThe Left is in full meltdown mode. The Guardian is literally freaking out as President Trump lays the groundwork to secure the 2026 election — and as he himself put it, "stranger things have happened."Here's what we're covering today:

Hillary Clinton accused Donald Trump of running "socialism for the rich" and enriching himself in office — so Larry O'Connor asks the question nobody in media ever puts to her. Bill Clinton was making $35,000 a year as governor of Arkansas and the couple left the White House in debt. So where did Hillary Clinton's fortune actually come from? Plus her claim that the Founders would be "appalled" and George Washington "heartsick" — from the party that tore their statues down. Raise your hand as a Social Security voter: https://AARP.org/SocialSecurityVoterBecome a Townhall VIP member with promo code "LARRY": https://townhall.com/subscribeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Gaius and Germanicus: Germanicus attributes these failures to a psychological myth of omnipotence that has "suckled" every post-Cold War president: George H.W. Bush dipping a toe into Somalia, Bill Clinton's cruise missile war on Serbia, Barack Obama's targeted killings, Donald Trump mesmerized by unlimited power despite "mature" advisers, and Joe Biden's "feckless adventure" in Ukraine, sputtering that the US was the "greatest nation with the biggest military of all time." The failed campaign to defeat Russia should have been the alarm bell; instead the establishment stayed blind, and the current president—driven by instant gratification and poll rises, as in the first-term Miami meeting with Xi Jinping where he launched cruise missiles at a Syrian airport while serving chocolate cake—has proven American power "evanescent," "brittle," and "superficial." The hosts then catalog the petty feuds with "subkings" that Rome would have discouraged: the aggressive feud with Canada and Mark Carney despite a century of shared history; threats to invade Greenland, prompting the Danes to enlarge their army; disparaging loyal South Korea while courting Kim Jong-un, a "fratricidal cretin" whose flattery Germanicus calls "creepy"; threatening to throw steadfast Oman "into the ocean"; and destroying the bridge built by Giorgia Meloni, the EU's effective "Trump whisperer." Rather than championing an end to Europe's migration crisis, the president has backed the Sultan of Morocco over Ceuta and Melilla, inciting one of the continent's worst flashpoints—conduct Germanicus reads not as dementia but as narcissism grown into "incipient and growing megalomania," in sharp contrast with the implicit rules of the "divine Augustus," whose disregarding heirs Caligula and Nero did not last long. (2)

Watch all our RYAN D videos here    • Ryan D  Ryan D on X   / ryliberty    Ryan's store https://anti-neocon.myshopify.com/Ryan on Substack: https://www.ryandawson.org/Who Is Ghislaine Maxwell? From Prince Andrew to Epstein's Baby Farms - John Sweeney    • Who Is Ghislaine Maxwell? From Prince Andr...  Epstein's Niece Exposes ALL    • Epstein's Niece Exposes ALL From Bill Clin...  Watch full EPSTEIN Was INTELLIGENCE! Ari Ben Menashe podcast:    • EPSTEIN Was ISRAELI INTELLIGENCE! Ari Ben ...  UNTOUCHABLE - Jimmy S documentary    • UNTOUCHABLE - Jimmy Savile documentary by ...  ADOPTED KID'S CA HORROR STORY & BOYS TOWN! PASTOR Eddie https://youtube.com/live/vD3SGWpnfyMWatch Used By ELITES From Age 6 - Survivor Kelly Patterson https://youtube.com/live/nkKkIfLkRx0KELLY'S 2 HOUR VIDEO ON VIRGINIA    • Video  BOOK LINKS: Who Killed Epstein? Prince Andrew or Bill Clinton by Shaun Attwood UK: https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B093QK1GS1 USA: https://www.amazon.com/dp/B093QK1GS1 Worldwide: https://books2read.com/u/bQjGQD All of Shaun's books on Amazon UK: https://www.amazon.co.uk/stores/Shaun...All of Shaun's books on Amazon USA: https://www.amazon.com/stores/Shaun-A...#jamesBlunt #HaydenPanettiere#podcast #truecrime #news  #usa #youtube  #people #uk #princeandrew #royal #royalfamily #TRUMP #musk

Ultra National SecurityCensorship under the guise of National Security has plagued my life fromearliest childhood to date.When my pedophile father was caught sending child pornography of methrough the US mail in 1960, he was granted immunity from prosecution foragreeing to sell me into CIA MK Ultra mind control. National Security wasinvoked on the case and my father went free while I was sold into slavery.CIA targets sexually abused children for MK Ultra servitude due to theirheightened suggestibility from trauma. The pedophile agenda is a mindcontrol agenda. My father's immunity from prosecution in 1960 shows howlong our Justice system has been corrupted to allow for the proliferation ofpedophilia for so called “Reasons of National Security”!Research for yourself Project Paperclip when we imported Nazi scientistsand their formula for MK Ultra mind control into the US. Knowledge is ourdefense against mind control so the National Security Act was enacted in1947 to ensure secrecy while the CIA formed the same year to impose itworldwide.National Security is threatening the security of human evolution by allowingfor the proliferation of pedophilia and child sex trafficking/harvesting.When Mark Phillips rescued Kelly and me out of the Washington DC MKUltra swamp in 1988, over $3 million was confiscated from his bankaccounts with no due process for so-called “Reasons of National Security”.My named abusers then Attorney General Dick Thornburgh and USSenator Byrd said they “took Mark's life savings for saving a life”. Mark'sfriends in Intelligence, including then US Customs Director WilliamVonRaab fought for return of his savings until they reportedly disappearedunder US Attorney General Janet Reno.Mark was working the highest levels of Intelligence mind sciences topreserve the sanctity of free thought when he found birthright informationon mind brain function-our defense against mind control and healing fromtrauma-buried under National Security. Mark knew this knowledge is ourdefense against mind control, yet was bound by laws of sedition fromreleasing it. Mark reminded Kelly and me of our birthright to heal fromwithin, which we used to deprogram our traumatic past through journalingby hand. Since it was my experience to heal with these methods and I amnot bound by laws of sedition, I released them in PTSD: Time to Heal.The FBI/CPS child trafficking catch-net operation I witnessed beingstructured by US Senator Byrd, who was my “owner” in MK Ultra since Iwas 13 yrs old and subsequently Kelly's “owner”, was the very system mydaughter was thrust into. Love for Kelly and outrage for her direincarceration compelled me to speak out on MK Ultra mind control andhealing from it. I spoke before the Tennessee Legislature April 13, 1992resulting in a Bill being passed in Kelly's name that was ultimatelyoverridden by National Security.March 17, 1993 National Security was invoked in open court in mydaughter Kelly's case by Judge Andrew Shookhoff in Nashville, Tennessee.Kelly's medical kidnapping by CPS in 1990 resulted in her being heldpolitical prisoner by Tn. Department of Human Services aka ChildProtective Services 1990-1998. My ‘legal' battle for Kelly's freedom in acorrupted court system resulted in Judge Shookhoff stating in open court“laws do not apply in this case for Reasons of National Security.”My 1995 testimony for US Congress was censored under National Securityby then President Bill Clinton due to overwhelming evidence against him,Hillary, and numerous other perpeTraitors of their globalist slave societyagenda Bush Sr. termed New World Order aka Agenda 2030. Concernedmembers of Congress, both Democrats and Republicans, who wereoutraged at the National Security censorship, had my testimony printed inbook form TRANCE Formation of America, and hand distributed it to allmembers of Congress, key agencies, and the Presidency. Despite thiseffort, National Security remains on my testimony to date.1947 National Security Act is threatening the security of our nation bycovering up crimes against humanity including MK Ultra and by allowingperpeTraitors to remain free.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Lesley Groff told the House Oversight Committee that she worked for Jeffrey Epstein from February 2001 until July 2019 as his secretary/administrative assistant, handling scheduling, calls, travel coordination, calendars, and staff logistics. Her central position was that Epstein kept her separated from his criminal life, that she never witnessed abuse, never had a victim disclose abuse to her, and did not knowingly help Epstein or Maxwell commit crimes. She described Epstein as a “master manipulator” who lied to her and kept his “legitimate” world apart from his abuse, while acknowledging that she scheduled massage appointments when Epstein provided names and numbers, sometimes circulated calendars that included those appointments early on, and understood the massages as routine at the time. She said she did not personally meet the massage providers, did not know they were minors or young women, and assumed they were masseuses, even though members pressed her on why an extremely wealthy man would use rotating names and phone numbers instead of a professional massage service.The questioning also focused heavily on Epstein's network and whether Groff had knowledge of powerful men being provided access to girls or young women through Epstein or Maxwell. Groff repeatedly answered no when asked whether she had arranged massages for prominent figures, knew of sexual activity involving minors or young women, or knew of anyone who knowingly facilitated Epstein's crimes. She acknowledged scheduling or connecting Epstein with high-profile contacts, including Prince Andrew, Ehud Barak, Larry Summers, George Mitchell, John Kerry, Wesley Clark, Bill Clinton-related circles, and Donald Trump phone calls, but denied arranging Trump travel during her employment and denied knowledge of Trump-related law enforcement communications. She also said she never suspected Epstein or Maxwell of working with any intelligence service. Overall, Groff's testimony was defensive and narrow: she admitted to being part of the machinery that kept Epstein's calendar and contacts moving, but insisted she never saw the criminal operation underneath it and never knowingly enabled it.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:  Lesley-Groff-Transcript.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Lesley Groff told the House Oversight Committee that she worked for Jeffrey Epstein from February 2001 until July 2019 as his secretary/administrative assistant, handling scheduling, calls, travel coordination, calendars, and staff logistics. Her central position was that Epstein kept her separated from his criminal life, that she never witnessed abuse, never had a victim disclose abuse to her, and did not knowingly help Epstein or Maxwell commit crimes. She described Epstein as a “master manipulator” who lied to her and kept his “legitimate” world apart from his abuse, while acknowledging that she scheduled massage appointments when Epstein provided names and numbers, sometimes circulated calendars that included those appointments early on, and understood the massages as routine at the time. She said she did not personally meet the massage providers, did not know they were minors or young women, and assumed they were masseuses, even though members pressed her on why an extremely wealthy man would use rotating names and phone numbers instead of a professional massage service.The questioning also focused heavily on Epstein's network and whether Groff had knowledge of powerful men being provided access to girls or young women through Epstein or Maxwell. Groff repeatedly answered no when asked whether she had arranged massages for prominent figures, knew of sexual activity involving minors or young women, or knew of anyone who knowingly facilitated Epstein's crimes. She acknowledged scheduling or connecting Epstein with high-profile contacts, including Prince Andrew, Ehud Barak, Larry Summers, George Mitchell, John Kerry, Wesley Clark, Bill Clinton-related circles, and Donald Trump phone calls, but denied arranging Trump travel during her employment and denied knowledge of Trump-related law enforcement communications. She also said she never suspected Epstein or Maxwell of working with any intelligence service. Overall, Groff's testimony was defensive and narrow: she admitted to being part of the machinery that kept Epstein's calendar and contacts moving, but insisted she never saw the criminal operation underneath it and never knowingly enabled it.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:  Lesley-Groff-Transcript.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

 Laurence Kotlikoff, PhD. is considered one of the 25 leading economists in the world according to the respected magazine, ‘The Economist.’  And he’s been the clearest and most consistent voice as to the fiscal gap that America has accrued by way of its public debt, roughly $40 trillion, and its ‘off the books’ obligations to Americans by way of social insurance programs, particularly in an aging society with a below replacement birth rate.  He will try to engage your thinking around what he deems the fiscal gap accounting which he developed so you get a picture of how bad our fiscal circumstance is.  It is difficult to overstate the woeful picture we have built by increasing the debt year after year for more than fifty years, absent a few years when Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich worked to rein it in in the 90’s.  The answers are by no means simple or without pain.  It will require a new approach to both health care and Social Security.  Unfortunately, no one is talking about it and no politicians have the courage to be associated with the fiscal medicine we will have to take.  Let’s start with the reality which Professor Kotlikoff, of Boston University, lays out today on this podcast.

Lesley Groff told the House Oversight Committee that she worked for Jeffrey Epstein from February 2001 until July 2019 as his secretary/administrative assistant, handling scheduling, calls, travel coordination, calendars, and staff logistics. Her central position was that Epstein kept her separated from his criminal life, that she never witnessed abuse, never had a victim disclose abuse to her, and did not knowingly help Epstein or Maxwell commit crimes. She described Epstein as a “master manipulator” who lied to her and kept his “legitimate” world apart from his abuse, while acknowledging that she scheduled massage appointments when Epstein provided names and numbers, sometimes circulated calendars that included those appointments early on, and understood the massages as routine at the time. She said she did not personally meet the massage providers, did not know they were minors or young women, and assumed they were masseuses, even though members pressed her on why an extremely wealthy man would use rotating names and phone numbers instead of a professional massage service.The questioning also focused heavily on Epstein's network and whether Groff had knowledge of powerful men being provided access to girls or young women through Epstein or Maxwell. Groff repeatedly answered no when asked whether she had arranged massages for prominent figures, knew of sexual activity involving minors or young women, or knew of anyone who knowingly facilitated Epstein's crimes. She acknowledged scheduling or connecting Epstein with high-profile contacts, including Prince Andrew, Ehud Barak, Larry Summers, George Mitchell, John Kerry, Wesley Clark, Bill Clinton-related circles, and Donald Trump phone calls, but denied arranging Trump travel during her employment and denied knowledge of Trump-related law enforcement communications. She also said she never suspected Epstein or Maxwell of working with any intelligence service. Overall, Groff's testimony was defensive and narrow: she admitted to being part of the machinery that kept Epstein's calendar and contacts moving, but insisted she never saw the criminal operation underneath it and never knowingly enabled it.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:  Lesley-Groff-Transcript.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Lesley Groff told the House Oversight Committee that she worked for Jeffrey Epstein from February 2001 until July 2019 as his secretary/administrative assistant, handling scheduling, calls, travel coordination, calendars, and staff logistics. Her central position was that Epstein kept her separated from his criminal life, that she never witnessed abuse, never had a victim disclose abuse to her, and did not knowingly help Epstein or Maxwell commit crimes. She described Epstein as a “master manipulator” who lied to her and kept his “legitimate” world apart from his abuse, while acknowledging that she scheduled massage appointments when Epstein provided names and numbers, sometimes circulated calendars that included those appointments early on, and understood the massages as routine at the time. She said she did not personally meet the massage providers, did not know they were minors or young women, and assumed they were masseuses, even though members pressed her on why an extremely wealthy man would use rotating names and phone numbers instead of a professional massage service.The questioning also focused heavily on Epstein's network and whether Groff had knowledge of powerful men being provided access to girls or young women through Epstein or Maxwell. Groff repeatedly answered no when asked whether she had arranged massages for prominent figures, knew of sexual activity involving minors or young women, or knew of anyone who knowingly facilitated Epstein's crimes. She acknowledged scheduling or connecting Epstein with high-profile contacts, including Prince Andrew, Ehud Barak, Larry Summers, George Mitchell, John Kerry, Wesley Clark, Bill Clinton-related circles, and Donald Trump phone calls, but denied arranging Trump travel during her employment and denied knowledge of Trump-related law enforcement communications. She also said she never suspected Epstein or Maxwell of working with any intelligence service. Overall, Groff's testimony was defensive and narrow: she admitted to being part of the machinery that kept Epstein's calendar and contacts moving, but insisted she never saw the criminal operation underneath it and never knowingly enabled it.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:  Lesley-Groff-Transcript.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Lesley Groff told the House Oversight Committee that she worked for Jeffrey Epstein from February 2001 until July 2019 as his secretary/administrative assistant, handling scheduling, calls, travel coordination, calendars, and staff logistics. Her central position was that Epstein kept her separated from his criminal life, that she never witnessed abuse, never had a victim disclose abuse to her, and did not knowingly help Epstein or Maxwell commit crimes. She described Epstein as a “master manipulator” who lied to her and kept his “legitimate” world apart from his abuse, while acknowledging that she scheduled massage appointments when Epstein provided names and numbers, sometimes circulated calendars that included those appointments early on, and understood the massages as routine at the time. She said she did not personally meet the massage providers, did not know they were minors or young women, and assumed they were masseuses, even though members pressed her on why an extremely wealthy man would use rotating names and phone numbers instead of a professional massage service.The questioning also focused heavily on Epstein's network and whether Groff had knowledge of powerful men being provided access to girls or young women through Epstein or Maxwell. Groff repeatedly answered no when asked whether she had arranged massages for prominent figures, knew of sexual activity involving minors or young women, or knew of anyone who knowingly facilitated Epstein's crimes. She acknowledged scheduling or connecting Epstein with high-profile contacts, including Prince Andrew, Ehud Barak, Larry Summers, George Mitchell, John Kerry, Wesley Clark, Bill Clinton-related circles, and Donald Trump phone calls, but denied arranging Trump travel during her employment and denied knowledge of Trump-related law enforcement communications. She also said she never suspected Epstein or Maxwell of working with any intelligence service. Overall, Groff's testimony was defensive and narrow: she admitted to being part of the machinery that kept Epstein's calendar and contacts moving, but insisted she never saw the criminal operation underneath it and never knowingly enabled it.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:  Lesley-Groff-Transcript.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

The national debt hit 40 trillion dollars as of yesterday in the United States, and what can we do to fix that? Stay away from Apple and Google News due to how biased they can be. Senator Jon Ossoff may have gone way too far, attacking Donald Trump's aide, Natalie Harp. Mark dives into deeper details about the character of Prince Harry and Meghan Markle. ICE has detained the captain of the boat that capsized in NYC harbor, killing a mother and infant, and it turns out that the captain was an illegal alien.  Mark takes your calls!  Mark interviews economist Steve Moore. Steve breaks down the latest news on what the 40 trillion debt number for the USA means. The guys try to understand why Dr. Anthony Fauci keeps getting praised after his whole controversy over how he handled COVID-19 in 2020. Steve and Mark dove into how Bill Clinton allegedly balanced the budget. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Steve breaks down the latest news on what the 40 trillion debt number for the USA means. The guys try to understand why Dr. Anthony Fauci keeps getting praised after his whole controversy over how he handled COVID-19 in 2020. Steve and Mark dove into how Bill Clinton allegedly balanced the budget. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Steve breaks down the latest news on what the 40 trillion debt number for the USA means. The guys try to understand why Dr. Anthony Fauci keeps getting praised after his whole controversy over how he handled COVID-19 in 2020. Steve and Mark dove into how Bill Clinton allegedly balanced the budget. 

The national debt hit 40 trillion dollars as of yesterday in the United States, and what can we do to fix that? Stay away from Apple and Google News due to how biased they can be. Senator Jon Ossoff may have gone way too far, attacking Donald Trump's aide, Natalie Harp. Mark dives into deeper details about the character of Prince Harry and Meghan Markle. ICE has detained the captain of the boat that capsized in NYC harbor, killing a mother and infant, and it turns out that the captain was an illegal alien.  Mark takes your calls!  Mark interviews economist Steve Moore. Steve breaks down the latest news on what the 40 trillion debt number for the USA means. The guys try to understand why Dr. Anthony Fauci keeps getting praised after his whole controversy over how he handled COVID-19 in 2020. Steve and Mark dove into how Bill Clinton allegedly balanced the budget. 

Actor and author Susan Huckle was raised in a highly religious home filled with conspiracy theories. She has written a book about her childhood and her journey into rationalism.VIDEO of this conversationBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/thethinkingatheist--3270347/support.